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 CDe l^igtoncal ^etteg for 'Bible ^tnttentg. 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., 0/ Yale University, 
 
 AND 
 
 Prof. FRANK K. SANDERS, Vn.T).,foi'merlyo/Yalt University. 
 
 Sfolume III. 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 
 
 The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Periods.
 
 Clje !^i0totical ^etfe$ for iBitlt ^tuDents 
 
 Edited by Projessor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., of Vale University, and 
 Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., jormerly of Yale University 
 
 IN response to a widespread demand for non-technical yet scholarly and reliable guides 
 to the study of the history, literature, and teaching of the Old and New Testaments, 
 and of the contemporary history and literature, this series aims to present in concise and 
 attractive form the results of investigation and exploration in these broad fields. Based 
 upon thoroughly critical scholarship, it will emphasize assured and positive rather than 
 transitional positions. The series as a whole is intended to present a complete and con- 
 nected picture of the social, political, and religious life of the men and peoples who figure 
 most prominently in the biblical records. 
 
 Each volume is complete in itself, treating comprehensively a given subject or period. 
 It also refers freely to the biblical and monumental sources, and to the standard authori- 
 ties. Convenience of size, clearness of presentation, and helpfulness to the student make 
 thr series particularly well adapted for (i) practical text-books for college, seminary, and 
 university classes; (2) handbooks for the use of Bible classes, clubs, and guilds; (3) guides 
 for individual study; and (4) books for general reference. 
 
 Vols. I. HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE. 
 
 I. The United Kingdom. Sixth edi- Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of 
 tion. Biblical Literature, Yale University. 
 
 3. The Divided Kingdom. Sixth edi- 
 tion. 
 
 II. HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 
 
 3. The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of 
 
 Periods. Biblical Literature, Yale University. 
 
 4. The Maccabean and Roman Period James S. Riggs, D.D., Professor of Bib- 
 (including New Testament Times). lical Criticism, Auburn Theological 
 
 Seminary. 
 
 III. CONTEMPORARY OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 
 
 5. History of the Ancient Egyptians. James H. Breasted, Ph.D., Professor of 
 
 Egyptology and Oriental History, The 
 University of Chicago. 
 
 6. History of the Babylonians and George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., Professor 
 
 Assyrians. of Ancient History, The University of 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 IV. NEW TESTAMENT HISTORIES. 
 
 7. The Life of Jesus. Rush Rhees, President of the University 
 
 of Rochester. 
 
 8. The Apostolic Age. George T. Purves, Ph.D., D.D., late 
 
 Professor of New Testament Literatitre 
 and Exegesis, Princeton Theological 
 Seminary. 
 
 V. OUTLINES FOR THE STUDY OF BIBLICAL 
 HISTORY AND LITERATURE. 
 
 9. From Earliest Times to 200 A. D. Frank K. Sanders, Ph.D., Professor of 
 
 Biblical Literature, Yale University, 
 anil Henry T. Fowler, Ph.D.. Pro- 
 fessor of Biblical Literature and Hi(- 
 tory, Brown University.
 
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 JCWISQ AjnO COirTESirOBART CURONOLOOT7ROH 80TTO 168 B.O.
 
 M-j 
 
 A HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE JEWISH PEOPLE 
 
 DURING THE BABYLnXIAX, PERSIAN. 
 AND GREEK PERIODS 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES FOSTER KENT, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF BIBI.irVL LITERATURE, YALE UNIVERSITY 
 
 WITH MAPS AND CHART 
 
 NINTH EDITION 
 
 LONDON 
 
 SMITH, ELDER c\: CO. 
 
 1913
 
 Cc.pjTi';lit. i!i99, liy Cliarle"! Scrilmer's Sens, f.ir thr 
 Inileil Status of Ameiua 
 
 I'rijited by the ScrUjtier Press 
 New Y.irk, L'. S. A.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The destruction of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. by the 
 army of Nebuchadrezzar marks a radical turning-point 
 in the life of the people of Jehovah, for then the his- 
 tory of the Hebrew state and monarchy ends, and Jew- 
 ish history, the record of the experiences, not of a 
 nation but of the scattered, oppressed remnants of the 
 Jewish race, begins. Henceforth, not Judeans and 
 Israelites, but Jews and Samaritans are the chief actors 
 in the great drama which the biblical writings record. 
 This sharp distinction between Hebrew and Jewish 
 history is also based upon the fundamental difference 
 in the life, thought, and religion of the chosen people 
 before and after the great catastrophe of 586 b. c. The 
 transformation was as complete as it was sudden. 
 There was really little in common between the care- 
 less, self-confident Hebrews to whom Amos and Isaiah 
 /)reached, and the despondent, sin-oppressed Jews to 
 whom Ezekiel and Haggai addressed their stirring- 
 appeals. 
 
 Until within comparatively recent times the four 
 centuries which followed the destruction of Jerusalem 
 have ordinarily been regarded as the least important 
 and the most uninteresting of those which constitute 
 the background of the Bible. Tlie results of modern 
 critical study, however, have revealed their supreme 
 
 2092fiOS
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 importance. To the student of the Old Testament they 
 are of the deepest interest, for they witnessed for the 
 first time the popular acceptance of the principles 
 enunciated by the pre-exilic prophets, and the remark- 
 able expansion and application of the ceremonial law. 
 It is now generally accepted that more than half of 
 the literature of the Old Testament comes from this 
 period, when the leaders of the Jewish race meditated 
 and wrote rather than acted ; while probably every 
 book of that ancient library was either written then, 
 or else edited and revised. The most perplexing prob- 
 lems of Bible study — the date of the Psalms, of the 
 Book of Job, and of Isaiah xl. to Ixvi., and the com- 
 position of the Hexateuch — all belong to this age, so 
 that a familiarity with it is absolutely essential to an 
 understanding of the literature of the Old Testament. 
 
 It was also the age which selected certain writings 
 from the common literary heritage of the race and 
 declared that they were sacred and authoritative, so 
 that before 165 b. c. the canon of the law and of the 
 prophets was practically closed. 
 
 For the New Testament scholar these centuries 
 possess equally great attractions, since in them the 
 life gradually developed, and the parties arose and 
 the ideas gained acceptance, which furnish the setting 
 and the atmosphere of the New Testament history and 
 teaching. To the student of Christianity they are of 
 the greatest interest, for then many of the religious 
 rites and usages developed, which, adopted with but 
 slight modifications, have become the institutions of 
 the Christian Church.
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 The age also possesses an unequalled importance for 
 the study of comparative religions, since then Jehovah- 
 ism came into intimate contact with and was more or 
 less influenced by the four great representative religions 
 of the past, — the Assyro-Babylonian, the Egyptian, the 
 Persian, and the Greek. It will also never cease to 
 fascinate and hold the attention of the general student 
 of ancient and modern history, because then was born 
 and developed that marvel of all succeeding ages — 
 Judaism. 
 
 Modern biblical research has placed a wealth of new 
 and varied materials at the disposal of the historian. 
 The task of reconstruction is peculiarly difficult, but for 
 that, as well as for the other reasons which have been 
 suggested, exceedingly fascinating. The testimony of 
 the new sources and a more careful study of the old 
 have made necessary the revision of many conclusions 
 long regarded as established. Fortunately most of 
 the changes only involve questions of historical fact, 
 so that they are assured of a dispassionate and fair 
 consideration. That the reader may be in possession 
 of the data, so as to form an independent judgment, 
 full references to the sources have been inserted in 
 the text. References to sections, preceded by the 
 Roman numerals I. and IT., refer respectively to the 
 first and second volumes of this history, which treat 
 the period before the exile. 
 
 It is well that in these latter days we are learning to 
 be content at times with a mere probability, or even 
 with leaving a doubtful question open, since our histori- 
 cal sources often do not furnish us with the basis for
 
 VIU PREFACE. 
 
 an absolute certainty. If " probably " seems a man- 
 nerism in the present volume, the reason is obvious. 
 
 While many of the conclusions suggested will doubt- 
 less be modified by later study, it has been a constant 
 source of encouragement to find that other investi- 
 gators in this and foreign countries, working independ- 
 ently, have arrived at the same results. The debt 
 which I owe to them is partially indicated in the list of 
 books of reference given in Appendix III. 
 
 It has also been my privilege to profit by the valu- 
 able critical suggestions of Professors Frank K. San- 
 ders, Ph.D., and George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., and by 
 the constant collaboration of my wife and sister. 
 
 C. F. K 
 
 Brown UxViversity, 
 
 March 21, 1899.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PART I 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE 
 PERIOD 
 
 Sections 1-13. Pages 3-16 
 
 Section 1. The general character of the sources. 2. Exilic 
 chapters of the Book of Jeremiah. 3. Ezekiel's prophecies. 
 4. Exilic additions to the Book of Isaiah. 5. Date of Isaiah 
 xiii. 2 to xiv. 23. 6. Date of Isaiah xl. to Iv. 7. Unity of 
 Isaiah xl. to Iv. 8. Historical background of these chap- 
 ters. 9. Date of the Book of Obadiah. 10. Authorship of 
 the Book of Lamentations. 11. Later apocryphal writings. 
 12. Josephus and the Greek historians. 13. Babylonian 
 inscriptions. 
 
 II 
 
 THE DISPERSION OF THE JEWS 
 
 Sections 14-19. Pages 17-22 
 
 Sectiox 14. The number of Jews deported in 597 b. c. 15. 
 At the later deportations. 16. The numbers left behind in 
 Judah. 17. Jewish refugees in Egypt. IS. The uumber of 
 Jews in Egypt. 19. Wide dispersion of the Jews.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 III 
 
 THE CHARACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN 
 PALESTINE AND EGYPT 
 
 Sections 20-28. Pages 23-33 
 
 Section 20. The peasant population left in Judah. 21. Their 
 pitiable condition. 22. Intrusions of their neighbors. 23. 
 Their religious life. 24, Attitude of the Egyptians toward 
 the Jewish refugees. 25. Foreign colonists at Tahpanhes. 
 26. Evidence that Jews for a time resided there. 27. 
 Heathen tendencies of the refugees. 28. Return of the 
 refugees to Judah. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON 
 
 Sections 29-37. Pages 34-44 
 
 Section 29. The superior character of the Jewish exiles in 
 Babylon. 30. Their home near Babylon. 31. Building en- 
 terprises and policy of Nebuchadrezzar. 32. Occupations of 
 the exiles. 33. Fortunes of the Jews during the latter part 
 of the exile. 34. Organization of the Jewish colony. 3.5. 
 Religious dangers and doubts. 36. Religious life of the 
 exiles. 37. Sabbath, synagogue, and prayer service. 
 
 PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST-PROPHET 
 EZEKIEL 
 
 Sections 38-49. Pages 45-58 
 
 Section 38. The education of Ezekiel. 39. His character and 
 style. 40. His message at different periods of his work. 41. 
 The pastor and his flock. 42. Ezekiel's dramatic methods. 
 43. The preacher of practical righteousness. 44. Dealing 
 with popular errors. 45. Interpretation of the significance 
 of the exile. 46. Predictions respecting the future of his 
 race. 47. His program for the restored community. 48. 
 Organization of the new hierarchy. 49. Historical impoi> 
 tance of his proposed system.
 
 CONTENTS XI 
 
 VI 
 
 THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE 
 
 Sections 50-55. Pages 59-65 
 
 Section 50. The influences which instigated the Jewish exiles 
 to write. 51. Final editing of the Books of Judges, Samuel, 
 and Kings. 52. Book of Joshua. 53. Preservation of the 
 ancient traditions of the race. 54. Development of different 
 codes of law. 55. Revision of older prophecies and laws. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN RULE 
 Sections 56-67. Pages 66-78 
 
 Sfxtiox 56. The character of Evil-Merodach and the libera- 
 tion of Jehoiakin. 57. Rule of Neriglissar. 58. Elevation 
 of Nabonidus to the Babylonian throne. 59, His antiquarian 
 interests. 60. His devotion to the ancient gods. 61. His 
 unpopularity and inditference to the threatening danger. 62. 
 The empire of the Umman-Manda. 63. Establishment of 
 the Persian empire by Cyrus. 64. Policy of Cyrus. 65. 
 His conquests in Asia Minor and the East. 66. Hopes of 
 the Jewish exiles in Babylon. 67. Predictions of Babylon's 
 overthrow. 
 
 VIII 
 
 THE MESSAGE OF THE GREAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE 
 
 Sections 68-82. Pages 79-92 
 
 Section 68. The character and aim of the great prophet. 69. 
 Proclamation that speedy deliverance is cei'tain. 70. Jeho- 
 vah's character the guarantee. 71. Cyrus his agent of de- 
 liverance. 72. Israel chosen to serve Jehovah. 73. Israel 
 unequal to the task. 74. The divine ideal and the sad reality. 
 75. Significance of the term "servant of Jehovah." 76. Its 
 identity with " Messiah." 77. Mission of the perfect servant 
 of Jehovah to Israel. 78. His universal mission. 79. His 
 training for his work. 80. His ultimate victory through
 
 XU CONTENTS 
 
 service and suffering. 81. The prophet's purpose in pre- 
 senting the portrait of the ideal servant. 82. The historical 
 realization of the ideal. 
 
 IX 
 
 THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF THE 
 BABYLONIAN EXILE 
 
 Sections 83-87. Pages 93-98 
 
 Section 83. The transition from the monarchy to the hierarchy. 
 84. Victory of the principles enunciated by the prophets. 85. 
 Truer conception of Jehovah's character and demands. 80. 
 Recognition of Israel's mission to the world. 87. Apprecia. 
 tion of the importance and responsibility of the individual. 
 
 PART II 
 
 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THB 
 PERIOD 
 
 Sections 88-107. Pages 101-119 
 
 Sectiox 88. The point of view of the author of Ezra-Nehe- 
 miah. 89. Date of the chronicler. 90. Aramaic documents 
 quoted by him in Ezra iv. to vi. 91. His own editorial 
 work. 92. His conception of early post-exilic history. 93. 
 Genealogical list in Ezra ii. 94. Analysis of Ezra vii. 95. 
 Citations from the Ezra memoir. 96. Original form of the 
 record of the priestly reformation. 97. Quotations from 
 Nehemiah's memoirs. 98. Analysis of Nehemiah xiii. 99. 
 Prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah. 100. Date of the 
 Book of Malachi. 101. Date and authorship of Isaiah Ivi. 
 to Ixii. 102. Historical background of Isaiah Ixiii to Ixiv. 
 103. Date of Isaiah Ixv. to Ixvi. and xxiv. to xxvii. 104. 
 Prophecy of Joel. 105. Books of Ruth and Jonah. 106 
 Psalms of the period. 107. Extra-biblical sources.
 
 CONTENTS xiii 
 
 II 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY OF 
 CYRUS 
 
 Sectioxs 108-113. Pages 120-125 
 
 Section 108. The capture of Babylon by Cyrus. 109. His 
 attitude toward his new subjects. 110. General permission 
 granted to all captives to return to their homes. 111. Decree 
 authorizing the rebuilding of the Jerusalem temple. 112. 
 Reasons why Cyrus patronized the Jewish sanctuary. 113. 
 Effect of the policy of Cyrus upon the Jews. 
 
 Ill 
 
 THE REVIVAL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN 
 PALESTINE 
 
 Sections 114-123. Pages 126-136 
 
 Section 114. The origin of the tradition of a general retui-n of 
 exiles from Babylon. 115. Reasons why the exiles reniained 
 in Babylon. 116. Condition of tlie Jewish colonies in the 
 East. 117. Testimony of the census in P^zra ii. 118. Evi- 
 dence of its late date. 119. Indications that there was no 
 general return from Babylon about 537 b. c. 120. Return 
 of a few. 121. Personnel of the Judean community. 122. 
 Its gradual growth. 123. The first seventeen years of in- 
 activity and discouragement. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE REBUILDING OF THE TEMPLE AND THE SERMONS 
 OF IIAGGAI 
 
 Sections 124-131. Pages 137-143 
 
 Section 124. The conquest of Egy^t by Cambyses. 125. Revo- 
 lutions in the Persian empire. 126. Beginning of the activity 
 of Haggai and Zechariah. 127. Effect of the great world- 
 movements upon them. 128. Upon the Judean community. 
 129. Ilaggai's first appeal. 130. Commencement of work 
 upon the temple. 131. Haggai's address at the laying of 
 its foundation.
 
 xW CONTENTS 
 
 V 
 
 THE HOPES AND DISCOURAGEMENTS OF THE TEMPLE- 
 BUILDERS 
 
 Sections 132-140. Pages 144-152 
 
 Section 132. The contrasts in character and style between 
 Haggai and Zechariah. 133. Zechariah's messages of en- 
 coui'agement. 134. Reconsecratioa of the temple priests, 
 135. Symbolic crowning of Zerubbabel as king. 136. Fail- 
 ure of the hopes of national independence. 137. Inter- 
 ference of the Persian officials. 138. Late sermons of 
 Zechariah. 139. Completion of the temple. 140. Its his- 
 torical importance. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE SEVENTY YEARS OF SILENCE FOLLOWING THE 
 BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE 
 
 Sections 141-154. Pages 153-166 
 
 Section 141. The reaction resulting from disappointed hopes. 
 142. Organization of the Persian empire. 143. Political 
 events outside Judah. 144. Character and rule of Arta^ 
 xerxes I. 145. Conditions within the Judean community. 
 146. Relations between the Jews and Samaritans. 147. 
 Edomite and Arabian encroachments. 148. Extent of the 
 province of Judah. 149. Reasons why no attempt had been 
 made to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. 150. Foes within 
 and without Judah. 151. Neglect of the temple service. 
 152. Sceptical tendencies within the community. 153. Affili- 
 ations with the surrounding nations. 154. Fidelity of the 
 party of the righteous in the face of discouragement and 
 persecution. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE REBUILDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEMIAH 
 Sections 155-170. Pages 167-181 
 
 Section 155. The character and position of Nehemiah. 156. 
 Date of his activity. 157. Ilis commission to rebuild tlie
 
 CONTENTS XV 
 
 walls of Jerusalem. 158. Obstacles confronting him in 
 Judah. 159. His appeal to the community. 160. His plan 
 of operations. 161. Attitude of the hostile neighbors of the 
 Jews. 162. Their threatened attack. 163. Precautionary 
 measures adopted by Nehemiah. 164. Personal threats 
 against him. 165. Conspiracies against him within the com- 
 munity. 166. Treasonable charges against the Jews. 167. 
 Persian decree stopping all building operations. 168. Dura- 
 tion of Xehemiah's stay in Judah. 169. Repopulatioii of 
 Jerusalem. 170. Rededication of the walls. 
 
 VIII 
 
 PRELIMINARY REFORM MEASURES 
 
 Sections 171-183. Pages 182-194 
 
 Section 171. The need of social and religious reform within 
 the community. 172. Nehemiah's correction of the evils of 
 exaction. 173. His relation to the earlier and later Jewish 
 law. 174. Danger of intermarriages with the heathen. 175. 
 Conservative attitude of the Jews of the East. 170. Nehe- 
 miah's earlier and later position on the subject. 177. His 
 measures to suppress foreign marriages. 178. Importance 
 of his reforms. 179, Enforcing the observation of the Sub- 
 bath. 180. Reforms in the administration of the finances 
 of the temple. 181. Historical significance of Nehemiah's 
 reforms, 182. His pioneer work. 183. Its true relation to 
 that of the great assembly. 
 
 IX 
 
 THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 
 Sectioxs 184-191. Pages 195-204 
 
 Section 184. Nehemiah and the Priestly Code. 185. Evidence 
 that Ezra's expedition was not before 432 b. c. 186. Evi- 
 dence that it was after that date. 187. Possible dates. 188, 
 Evidence that it was in 398 b, c. 189. The movement which 
 Ezra represented. 190. Numbers and equipment of his ex- 
 pedition. 191. Its arrival in Jerusalem.
 
 Xvi CONTENTS 
 
 X 
 
 THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRIESTLY LAW 
 
 Sections 192-203. Pages 205-214 
 
 Section 192. The preliminaries of reform. 193. Public pre- 
 sentation of the new law. 194. Effect of its interpretation. 
 
 195. Ezra's attitude on the question of foreign marriages. 
 
 196. Expulsion of foreign wives from the community. 197. 
 Calling the Great Assembly. 198. Action of the Great Assem- 
 bly. 199. Articles which were adopted. 200. Aim and 
 effect of the new regulations. 201. The Priestly Code. 202. 
 Evidence of later additions to it. 203. Reasons why it was 
 so readily adopted. 
 
 XI 
 
 THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE ON MOUNT GERIZIM 
 
 Sections 204-211. Pages 215-223 
 
 Section 204. The widening of the gulf between the Jews and 
 the Samaritans. 205. Missionary work of the Jews in Sama- 
 ria and Galilee. 206. Earlier relations between the Jews 
 and Samaritans. 207. Effect of Nehemiah's influence, 208. 
 Establishment of the temple on Mount Gerizim. 209. Mis- 
 leading testimony of Josephus respecting its date. 210. The 
 more probable date of its establishment. 211. Priesthood 
 and ritual of the Samaritans. 
 
 XII 
 
 THE LAST CENTURY OF PERSIAN RULE 
 
 Sections 212-226. Pages 224-238 
 
 Section 212. The joy and hopes of the Jews after the Great 
 Assembly. 213. Evidence of a general return to Judah. 214. 
 Testimony of the census in Ezra ii. 215. Extension of Jew- 
 ish territory to the northwest. 216. Influence of "the re- 
 turned." 217. Character and rule of Ochus. 218. Rebellion 
 of the Syrians. 219. Misfortunes which Josephus states 
 then overtook the Jews. 220. Testimony of other historians.
 
 CONTENTS XVU 
 
 221. Motives -which influenced the Jews to join the rebellion 
 against Ochus. 222. Consequences of their folly. 223. 
 Their despondency and doubt. 224. Pollution of the temple 
 and desolation of Jerusalem. 225. Problem and message of 
 the Book of Job. 226. Close of the Persian period. 
 
 XIII 
 
 THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE-HELLENISTIC 
 JUDAISM 
 
 Sections 227-238. Pages 239-251 
 
 Sectiox 227. The contrast between ancient Hebrew and later 
 Jewish life. 228. Influences which formed Judaism. 229. 
 Growth of the authority of the high priest. 230. His civil 
 and religious functions. 231. Origin of the priesthood. 
 232. Duties and requirements of the priests. 233. Origin 
 and duties of the Levites. 234. Duties of the singers. 235. 
 Temple slaves. 236. Work of the scribes. 237. Synagogues. 
 238. Life under the Law. 
 
 XIV 
 
 THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM 
 
 Sections 239-253. Pages 252-267 
 
 Section 239. The religious privileges and responsibilities of the 
 private individual. 240. Influence upon Judaism of the 
 Egyptian and Babylonian religions. 241. Elements common 
 to both the Jewish and Persian religions. 242. Persian in- 
 fluence in the development of the belief in the resurrection. 
 243. In angels. 244. In a personal prince of evil. 245. De- 
 fects in Judaism. 246. Reactions against extreme ceremo- 
 nialism. 247. Earlier missionary ideas. 248. Admission 
 of foreigners. 249. Growth of a hostile attitude toward the 
 heathen world. 2.50. Message of the Book of Jonah. 251. 
 Jonah a type of narrow Judaism. 252. Teachings of the 
 book. 253. Liconsisteucies of Judaism.
 
 XTili CONTENTS 
 
 PART III 
 
 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE 
 PERIOD 
 
 Sections 254-264. Pages 271-283 
 
 Section 254. The extent of the Greek period. 255. Work of 
 the chronicler. 256. Date and authorship of Zechariah ix. 
 to xiv. 257. Book of Esther. 258. Book of Ecclesiastes. 
 259. Book of Ecclesiasticus. 260. Apocalyptic type of writ- 
 ing. 261. Date and authorship of the Book of Daniel. 262. 
 Book of Enoch. 263. Historical value of I. and II. Macca- 
 bees. 264. Writings of Josephus and the Greek historians. 
 
 II 
 
 THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OF 
 THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS 
 
 Sections 265-280. Pages 284-298 
 
 Section 265. Alexander's conquest of Asia Minor and Syria. 
 266. Attitude of the Jews toward the conqueror. 267. His 
 special concessions to them. 268. Palestine under the rule 
 of Alexander. 269. Founding of Alexandria. 270. Per- 
 manence of Greek rule and culture in Asia. 271. Conquest 
 of Palestine by Ptolemy. 272. Inducements offered by him 
 to attract the Jews to Egj^at. 273. Contest between the 
 Ptolemies and Seleucids for Palestine. 274. Rule of the 
 Ptolemies. 275. Story of Joseph the tax-collector. 276. 
 Decline of the Ptolemies. 277. Conquest of Palestine by 
 Antiochus III. 278. Special privileges granted by him to 
 the Jews. 279. Rule of the Seleucids. 280. Unsuccessful 
 attempt of Seleucus TV. to rob the temple.
 
 CONTENTS Xix 
 
 III 
 
 JEWISH LIFE IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE 
 
 Skctions 281-291. Pages 299-310 
 
 Skctiox 281. The second dispersion of the Jewish race. 282. 
 Hellenistic Greek the language of the Jews in Egypt. 283. 
 Translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek. 284. At- 
 tacks upon the Jews in Egypt. 285. Jewish apologetic liter- 
 ature. 286. The Jewish high priests, 287. Character and 
 work of Simon the Just. 288. Social organization of the 
 Jewish community. 289. Different professions. 290. Evils 
 withm the community. 291. Jewish home life. 
 
 IV 
 
 DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF JEWISH THOUGHT 
 Sections 292-300. Pages 311-322 
 
 Skction 292. The narrow nationalistic party. 293. Ritualistic 
 ]iarty. 294. Orthodox wisdom school represented by the 
 son of Sirach. 295. Fusion of the wise man and scribe. 
 296. Standards and ideals of the son of Sirach. 297. Scep- 
 tical wisdom school. 298. Beliefs and doubts of the author 
 of Ecclesiastes. 299. Influx of Greek customs and ideas into 
 Palestine. 300. Hellenizing Jewish party. 
 
 V 
 
 THE SUPREME CRISIS OF JUDAISM 
 
 Sections 301-307. Pages 323-330 
 
 Section 301. The character and ambitions of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes. 302. Results of the Hellenizing tendencies within 
 Judaism. 303. Unprincipled acts of the high priest, Mene- 
 laus. 304. Plunder of the temple by Antiochus. 305. His 
 attempt to Hellenize the Jews. 306. Measures intended to 
 stamp out Judaism. 307. Jewish traitors and martyrs.
 
 XX CONTENTS 
 
 VI 
 
 THE GREAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM 
 
 Sections 308-317. Pages 331-340 
 
 Section 308. The messages of encouragement in the Book of 
 Daniel. 309. Visions of coming deliverance for the faithful. 
 310. Potent influence of these prophecies. 311. Message of 
 Enoch Ixxxiii. to xc. 312. Revolt of Mattathias and his 
 sons. 313. Origin and aims of the party of the pious. 314. 
 Jews under the leadership of Judas. 315. Their organiza- 
 tion and early victories. 316. Battles of Emmaus and Beth- 
 zur. 317. Ilededication of the temple. 
 
 Appendix I. The Overthrow of Assyria 343-344 
 
 Appendix II. The Jerusalem of Nehemiah .... 345-353 
 
 Appendix III. The Literature upon Jewish History . 354-359 
 
 Books of Reference 360-361 
 
 References 362-368 
 
 Index of Names and Subjects 371-376 
 
 Index of References to Biblical and Extra- 
 Biblical Sources 377-380 
 
 LIST OF MAPS 
 
 Chronological Chart Frontispiece 
 
 The Empires of Babylonia, Persia, and 
 
 Alexander to face page 76 
 
 The Province of Judah to face page 158 
 
 The Jerusalem of Nehemiah .... to face page 172
 
 PART 1 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH 
 HISTORY
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AISfB LITERATURE OP 
 THE PERIOD 
 
 1. During the dark half century, which followed the 
 destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B. c, and which is 
 known as the period of the Babylonian exile, Jewish 
 historians found but one political event which they 
 deemed worthy of recording. The second Book of 
 Kings closes pathetically with a short note telling of 
 the release of the Jewish king Jehoiakin from his long 
 confinement in Babylonian prisons. Their silence is 
 all the more significant because the period was by no 
 means one of literary inactivity. It emphasizes the 
 fact that the real history of this important epoch is 
 not the record of external events, but of the mighty 
 struggles and transformations going on within the 
 souls of the Jewish exiles, who were scattered through- 
 out the great Babylonian empire. That record is 
 found in no connected narrative, but must be recon- 
 structed from the sermons of prophets and the songs 
 of poets. These, however, represent the testimony 
 of earnest, inspired men who themselves saw and felt 
 that of which they spoke, so that during the Baby* 
 Ionian exile the inner life of the Jewish people is 
 revealed as at no other epoch in their history. 
 
 2. During the fateful years which intervene between 
 the first and second deportation, Jeremiah describes,
 
 4 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 in the twenty-fourth chapter of his prophecy, the 
 character of the first group of exiles who were carried 
 away with Jehoiakin, while chapter xxix. contains a 
 pastoral letter which he wrote to them in their new 
 home. Chapter xliv. introduces us, through the stern 
 preaching of the aged prophet, to the exiles in Egypt, 
 among whom he spent his last days. The section, 
 1. 2 to li. 58, which treats of the destruction of Baby- 
 lon, clearly reflects an age subsequent to that in which 
 Jeremiah lived and labored and is therefore an impor- 
 tant source for the period under consideration. The 
 exiles in Babylon to whom it is addressed are not 
 urged to " build houses and dwell in them," as they 
 were by the great prophet in his pastoral letter (xxix.) ; 
 but instead they are earnestly exhorted to flee with all 
 possible haste from the doomed city (1. 8 ; li. 6, 45). 
 The long years of exile predicted by Jeremiah are 
 nearing a close. Babylon's destroyers are already 
 upon the northern horizon (1. 3, 9, 41) ; in fact, the 
 author of the section calls them by name ; they are the 
 Medes (li. 11), and at their head is Jehovah's agent 
 of destruction. This leader can be no other than 
 Cyrus, who in 549 b, c, after becoming master of the 
 Median empire (sect. 63), entered upon that career 
 of conquest which ended a decade later, as the prophet 
 predicts, in the capture of Babylon. The evident ex- 
 ultation with which the impending overthrow of the 
 mighty city is proclaimed, also reflects the experiences 
 of one who had himself felt the pains of the Babylonian 
 exile, rather than the experiences of Jeremiah, who at 
 the final destruction of Jerusalem was liberated by the 
 conquerors (xxxix.), and who in his latest breath con- 
 tinued to declare that the Babylonian king was carry
 
 THE PROPHECIES OF EZEKIEL 5 
 
 ing out Jehovah's will among the nations (xliv. 30). 
 The many passages which reveal familiarity with 
 exilic prophets, and the style, which is more diffuse 
 than that of Jeremiah, furnish additional evidence 
 which indicates that the author was some unknown 
 prophet, perhaps a disciple of Jeremiah, writing during 
 the period following 549 and preceding 539 b. c. The 
 notice in li. 59-64 of a prophecy written by Jeremiah 
 concerning the evil that would come upon Babylon, 
 probably gave the suggestion to the later editor which 
 led him to place these chapters in their present 
 setting. 
 
 3. Ezekiel, naturally a man of method, and writing 
 in the calm of the exile, carefully dated most of his 
 prophecies. His work began in the year 592 and his 
 latest prophecy is dated 570 b. c. (i. 2; xxix. 17). 
 During the six years which immediately preceded the 
 final destruction of Jerusalem, his energies were 
 chiefly devoted to the consideration of the grave moral 
 and political dangers which imperilled the existence 
 of the Judean kingdom. Chapters i. to xxiv. record 
 this activity and contain only chance suggestions con- 
 cerning the thought and conditions of the exiles who 
 shared the captivity with him. Chapters xxv. to xxxii. 
 consist of foreign prophecies, written for the most part 
 contemporaneously with the fall of Jerusalem. As 
 soon as the Jewish sanctuary lay in ruins, Ezekiel 
 turned his entire attention to the exiles in Babylon, 
 in whom he recognized the preservers of the best 
 religious life of his race. The remainder of his book 
 (xxxiii. to xlviii.), written between the years 585 and 
 572 B. c, is the monument of his devotion to them. 
 Chapters xxxiii. to xxxix. constitute the best extant
 
 6 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 historical source for the earlier half of the exile; 
 while xl. to xlviii. contain Ezekiel's program for the 
 restored Jewish state, which he predicted would 
 ultimately be reestablished in the land of Canaan with 
 Jerusalem as its centre. 
 
 4. Certain chapters of the Book of Isaiah reflect, not 
 the problems and storms of Assyrian invasion which 
 agitated the people of Judah, to whom Isaiah, the 
 son of Amoz, addressed his stirring sermons, but in- 
 stead the totally changed conditions amidst which, two 
 centuries later, the Jewish exiles in Babylon moved. 
 When one recalls the tendency, so strong in later 
 circles, to assign all anonymous pieces of literature 
 to some earlier writer, who figured as the chief repre- 
 sentative of the department of thought to which he 
 belonged, the inference that the Book of Isaiah con- 
 tains prophecies from other and later hands, causes 
 no surprise. The same habits of editorship, which, 
 in an age when the modern historical and literary 
 methods of determining date and authorship were 
 unknown, assigned all ancient Hebrew proverbs and 
 many very late books, like Ecclesiastes and the 
 Wisdom of Solomon, to Solomon, the majority of the 
 Psalms to David, many apocalyptic writings to Enoch, 
 and all the laws to Moses, most naturally influenced 
 later editors to attribute certain anonymous prophecies 
 to the prince of prophets. The author of the Gospel 
 of Mark, in the opening of his narrative (i. 2), illus- 
 trates the same tendency when he introduces a quota- 
 tion, the first part of which comes from the Book of 
 Malachi (iii.), with the words " even as it is written 
 in Isaiah, the prophet." No thoughtful student can 
 fail to recognize a providential influence in this harm-
 
 EXILIC SECTIONS IN THE BOOK OF ISAIAH 7 
 
 less custom, which preserved many a priceless literarj 
 treasure from the oblivion which otherwise threatened 
 to engulf it ; for the succeeding ages were prone to 
 give more attention to the name associated with a 
 given writing than to the eternal message which it 
 contained. 
 
 5. Even a cursory reading of the section, Isaiah 
 xiii. 2 to xiv. 23, furnishes conclusive evidence that 
 its historical background is the Babylonian exile. 
 Already Babylon, which in the days of Isaiah was, 
 like Judah, a vassal state subject to Nineveh, has 
 passed the zenith of its power and is declining. The 
 author bids his fellow exiles unite in a song of exulta- 
 tion over the impending destruction of this harsh 
 taskmaster, who has so long oppressed them (xiv. 3- 
 23) ; for his fall means for them restoration to their 
 native land and the rebuilding of their destroyed 
 temple. The agents of Babylon's overthrow, as in 
 Jeremiah li. 11, are mentioned : the Medes, who in 
 the days of Isaiah, the son of Amoz, were known only 
 as a mountain people whose territory furnished a 
 favorite field for Assyrian conquest. The language 
 and religious ideas of the passage also present far 
 more affinities with the writings of exilic prophets 
 than with those of Isaiah. Thus the evidence be- 
 comes cumulative that the author was some unknown 
 prophet living not long before the capture of Babylon. 
 The absence of a distinct reference to Cyrus suggests 
 that the section was written either a short time before 
 or not long after 549 b. c, when the Median empire 
 merged into the Persian, 
 
 6. The same age and general conditions constitute 
 the background of the sublime message of comfort
 
 8 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 and inspiration contained in cliapters xl. to Iv. of the 
 Book of Isaiah. To the stirring political movements 
 which characterized the closing years of Babylonian 
 rule, there are clear and repeated references. The 
 deliverer, who in Jehovah's providence is to restore 
 the Jewish exiles to their desolate land and city, is 
 not a distant people, but the advancing conqueror 
 Cyrus, Jehovah's anointed, toward whom the eyes of 
 the captives were eagerly turning (xli. 2 ; xliv. 28 ; xlv. 
 1). The energies of the prophet are not devoted, as 
 were those of Isaiah ben Amoz two centuries before, to 
 directing the policy of Judah in right channels, nor 
 to correcting moral or social wrongs ; but instead his 
 aim is to encourage and inspire the halting exiles to 
 return, and to offer themselves and their interests in 
 Babylon to the noble service of rebuilding their city 
 and temple, when once the opportunity comes, which 
 he sees fast approaching. The Messianic ideals are 
 also very different. The condensed, stately, and 
 abrupt diction of the earlier prophet, characterized by 
 its peculiar phrases, is exchanged for the flowing, 
 highly developed, closely connected, and often impas- 
 sioned style which is begotten by quiet meditation and 
 study rather than by public preaching. Many expres- 
 sions peculiar to chapters xl. to Iv., as for example 
 "seize his right hand," "call by name" (xlv. 1, 3, 4; 
 compare Cyrus Cyl. 12), are at once recognized by 
 the student of Assyrian and Babylonian literature as 
 characteristic of the court language of Babylon. These 
 water marks, as well as the vivid historical allusions, 
 confirm the conclusion that the prophet was personally 
 acquainted with the political life of the doomed city. 
 His new conception of Jehovah and of the divine will
 
 DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF ISAIAH XL. TO LV. 9 
 
 reveals the development of thought during the two 
 revolutionizing centuries which intervene between 
 Isaiah and the great prophet, who proclaims to the 
 exiles in Babylon the new and glorious message which 
 Jehovah has revealed to his waiting heart. 
 
 7. Since the remaining chapters of the Book of 
 Isaiah present striking variations in style, thought, and 
 especially in the historical background which they 
 reflect, they are reserved for later consideration ; but, 
 notwithstanding the occasional evidence of the work 
 of later editors, which sometimes obscures the original 
 thought, no one can seriously question the unity of the 
 sections xl. to Iv. These chapters as a whole are 
 illuminated by the same fervid spirit, the same power- 
 ful figures, the same dramatic power, and the same 
 breadth of vision, elements which were united to such 
 a remarkable degree in the productions of no other 
 Old Testament writer. The one theme also is restora- 
 tion ; and running through all is the new and marvellous 
 conception of service, which makes the section unique. 
 The same themes are repeatedly treated, and certain 
 passages, as for example those which describe the ser- 
 vant of Jehovah, constitute distinct units, independent 
 of each other, and only loosely connected with the 
 general context. These facts suggest that the whole, 
 like the Book of Jeremiah, is made np of smaller 
 tracts written at different times and finally combined 
 by the prophet himself, or possibly by one of his 
 disciples. 
 
 8. In the collection contained in chapters xl. to 
 xlviii., Cyrus is the central figure, and the fall of 
 Babylon is predicted as something still anticipated in 
 the future. The critical period between 549 and 539
 
 10 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 B. c. is, therefore, established as the background of the 
 section. In chapters xlix. to Iv. attention is focused 
 more and more on Jerusalem, suggesting that the 
 hour was near at hand, if it had not already arrived, 
 when the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus made it pos- 
 sible for the Jews to turn their faces toward the 
 sacred city. Certain references might be regarded as 
 evidence that when the author wrote he already stood 
 on the soil of Canaan ; but the language as a whole is 
 best satisfied by the hypothesis that he was still in 
 Babylon, urging his reluctant countrymen to improve 
 the opportunity which opened to them and, by devot- 
 ing themselves loyally and unreservedly to the arduous 
 task of rebuilding their capital city, to reap the bless- 
 ings which Jehovah was ready to bestow. This clarion 
 call to duty may, it is true, have been issued at any 
 time during the following century, while the struggling 
 community in Canaan longed and prayed for a general 
 return of their race ; but the superlative exaltation of 
 its language and thought proclaims it to be from the 
 same inspired spirit who speaks to the exiles in the 
 preceding chapters, and the stirring days which wit- 
 nessed the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus furnish the 
 only entirely satisfactory background. 
 
 9. The pitiful group of Jews who were permitted 
 by the Babylonians to remain in Judah were not left 
 without spokesmen to voice their grief. The shortest 
 and saddest of the prophetic books — Obadiah — fixes 
 our attention upon conditions in Palestine. Its theme 
 is the denunciation of the conduct of Judah's heredi- 
 tary foes, the Edomites, in the hour of Jerusalem's 
 humiliation. Tlie hostility between these rival Semitic 
 peoples extended through many centuries, and its de-
 
 AUTHOKSHIP OF THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS 11 
 
 tails are frequently veiled in such obscurity that it is 
 impossible to determine with certainty what are the 
 exact events to which the prophet alludes. The close 
 parallel in language as well as thought, between Jere- 
 miah xlix. 7-22, and Obadiah 1-7, indicates that one 
 is quoted from the other, or both from a common 
 source. The prophecy may have been finally edited 
 during the Persian period, but on the whole the testi- 
 mony of the varied evidence is that the author of the 
 Book of Obadiah incorporated the words of an earlier 
 prophet, and wrote during the opening years of the 
 exile, referring to wrongs which perhaps he himself 
 witnessed. 
 
 10. Another remarkably vivid picture of the scenes 
 attendant upon the destruction of Jerusalem, and of the 
 feelings with which the scattered exiles regarded those 
 events, is preserved in the Book of Lamentations. 
 From the third or fourth century b. c. comes a tradi- 
 tion, adopted by the translators of the Septuagint, that 
 Jeremiah wrote these elegies. The element of prophecy 
 which runs through the book, the elegiac tone and 
 certain expressions which characterize it, recall many 
 passages in the sermons of that prophet. That he sur- 
 vived the destruction of Jerusalem is well known, and, 
 therefore, no one can assert absolutely that there is not 
 a basis for the tradition that Jeremiah was the author. 
 On the other hand, the alphabetical arrangement of the 
 verses in chapters i. to iv., according to which in the 
 Hebrew each succeeding verse (or, as in the case of 
 chapter iii., each group of three verses) begins with a 
 succeeding letter of the alphabet, reveals an artificiality 
 which is the antithesis of Jeremiah's ordinary style. 
 Many surprising expressions, foreign to his prophecies,
 
 12 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 also occur. Frequently the point of view is not that of 
 the Jeremiah whom we know, but of the people whose 
 errors he combated (i. 21, 22 ; ii. 9 ; iv. 17, 20). 
 In the light of Jeremiah xxxi. 29, 30, the statement 
 (v. 7) that " our fathers have sinned and are not ; and 
 we have borne their iniquities " would be a direct con- 
 tradiction to one of the prophet's most positive doctrines. 
 Certain striking analogies with Ezekiel's sermons sug- 
 gest familiarity with his utterances (compare ii. 14% 
 with Ezek. xiii. and xxii. 28 ; ii. 4 with Ezek. xxiv. 16, 
 21, 25). In chapter v. the different point of view, as 
 well as the absence of the alphabetical arrangement, 
 raises the additional question whether one or several 
 authors are represented in the book. Certainly in the 
 closing chapter the strong hope of speedy restoration, 
 repeatedly expressed in the preceding chapter, is 
 supplanted by the wail, " Wherefore dost thou forsake 
 us forever?" (v. 20=*). On the whole the conclusion 
 most in accord with all the facts is that the book con- 
 sists of two or more originally independent sections, 
 and comes from certain disciples of Jeremiah or 
 Ezekiel, familiar with conditions in Palestine during the 
 period of their nation's humiliation. The testimony of 
 the book, therefore, like that of most of the sources 
 for the period, is of the highest value, because it is 
 practically contemporaneous with the events and con- 
 ditions which it records. Several psalms, as, for 
 example, the forty-second and forty-third, also voice 
 the lamentations of faithful souls deprived of the 
 enjoyment of their land and sanctuary. It is not 
 impossible that they come from the period of the 
 exile ; but the absence of any clear historical allu- 
 sions and the difficulty in establishing their date
 
 APOCRYPHAL WRITINGS 13 
 
 with certainty preclude their use as definite historical 
 sources. 
 
 11. Certain other biblical and apocryphal writings, 
 although not possessing the value of contemporary 
 documents, preserve the impressions and dim memories 
 of succeeding generations respecting the period under 
 consideration. Of this character is Psalm cxxxvii., 
 which recalls the feelings of the Jewish exiles beside 
 the canals of Babylon, While the Book of Daniel is 
 commonly recognized as a literary product of the post- 
 exilic period (see sect. 261), the stories preserved in 
 chapters i.-vi. are suggestive of the opportunities and 
 experiences which came to gifted Jews in the lands of 
 the exile. In the Greek version of the Book of Daniel 
 are also incorporated two late Jewish tales which shed 
 some reflected light upon the conditions of the Jews in 
 the dispersion. At the beginning of the book is intro- 
 duced the " History of Susanna," which relates how a 
 beautiful Jewess of Babylon, betrayed by two elders of 
 her people, was rescued from an unjust death by the in- 
 spired wisdom of the youthful Daniel. At the close is 
 found in the Septuagint the fantastic story of Bel and 
 the Dragon, which tells how Daniel exposed the decep- 
 tions of the priests of Bel and slew a great dragon 
 which had become an object of popular worship. With 
 the name of Baruch, Jeremiah's faithful scribe, was also 
 associated in later time a group of prayers, confessions 
 of national sin, and messages of consolation for the 
 exiles, which are preserved in the apocryphal Book of 
 Baruch. The work is clearly of composite authorship, 
 but the section preserved in chapters i. 15 to iii. 8 
 may well come from the latter part of the Persian or 
 the beginning of the Greek period, and reflects the atti-
 
 14 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 tude of the Jews of Palestine and of the dispersion 
 toward the long series of national woes which was in- 
 augurated by the disaster of 586 b. c. 
 
 12. At several points the writings of Josephus, the 
 Jewish historian, supplement the biblical sources. 
 Born in Jerusalem about 37 A. D., possessed of a good 
 education, identified with his nation's history, and 
 subsequently patronized by the Roman emperors 
 Vespasian and Titus, he received a rare preparation for 
 the literary work which he undertook. Unfortunately 
 he wrote as a partisan Jew and not as an impartial 
 historian, and, therefore, it is necessary to make con- 
 stant allowance for his personal point of view and for 
 his tendency to exaggerate or to omit facts uncompli- 
 mentary to his race. In his three great works, " The 
 Antiquities of the Jews," " The Jewish War," and 
 " Against Apion," he has preserved, however, a mass of 
 valuable facts, no longer accessible elsewhere. For the 
 earlier Hebrew history his one source was the biblical 
 narratives, which are obscured rather than elucidated 
 by his treatment. Respecting the period of the exile, 
 he cites, in his treatise " Against Apion," from earlier 
 extra-biblical historians. Chief among these authori- 
 ties was the Babylonian priest Berosus, who lived in 
 the time of Alexander the Great, and who translated a 
 history of Babylonia into Greek. As a rule the state- 
 ments of Berosus have been substantiated by later dis- 
 coveries. The same cannot be said of the Halicarnassan 
 historian, Herodotus, at least when he treats of Oriental 
 history, nor of his rival, the Persian historian Ctesias. 
 Their petty jealousy of rival historians, their credulity 
 and its kindred fault, lack of accuracy, make it neces- 
 sary constantly to test their statements. Notwith-
 
 BABYLONIAN HISTORICAL INSCRIPTIONS 15 
 
 standing these grave faults, tliey furnish a wealth of 
 valuable facts for the reconstruction of Babj^lonian and 
 Persian history. 
 
 13. Fortunately we are no longer wholly dependent 
 for our information respecting the contemporary his- 
 tory upon the traditions retailed by later writers. The 
 kings who were the chief actors in the events of the 
 period, now speak to us directly through their inscrip- 
 tions. A large collection has been discovered, dating 
 from the long reign of Nebuchadrezzar. With almost 
 no exception, they all tell of his great building enter- 
 prises; while he describes these in great detail, he 
 makes only general reference to his conquests. The 
 most important literary monument of his reign is the 
 so-called " East India Inscription," consisting of ten 
 columns, which introduces us to the inner religious life 
 and motives of the great ruler, as Avell as to his more 
 important achievements. Several short building in- 
 scriptions have also been found, dating from the reign 
 of Neriglissar, which in spirit and character closely 
 resemble those of Nebuchadrezzar. The reign of 
 Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, is illumined by 
 five or six important inscriptions, which revolutionize 
 our conception of the period. In connection with the 
 descriptions of his archaeological excavations and tem- 
 ple repairs, are found not a few incidental historical 
 references of the greatest value. His coronation in- 
 scription, discovered and published only recently, 
 throws much light upon the events preceding and con- 
 nected with his accession. The so-called " Nabonidus- 
 Cyrus Annals" also give a condensed account of the 
 conquests of Cyrus and the final capture of Babylon. 
 The great conqueror himself now speaks to us, through
 
 16 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 a historical inscription which bears his name, and tells 
 of the different steps which led to his gaining posses- 
 sion of the powerful city, and of the principles which 
 guided him in his treatment of the conquered. With 
 the aid of these varied sources of information, it is 
 possible to reconstruct a definite picture of the con- 
 ditions which constituted the background of the life 
 and thought of the Jews during the half century 
 when their intellectual and religious life centred in 
 Babylon.
 
 n 
 
 THE DISPERSION OF THE JEWS 
 
 14. Viewed as an event in the world's history, the 
 exile was a mere incident in the execution of the policy 
 which the Assyrians and their successors, the Baby- 
 lonians, adopted in their treatment of all nations who 
 refused to submit to their rule. While the vassal 
 states paid regular tribute, they were allowed to retain 
 their own integrity and political organization. If, 
 however, they repeatedly revolted, their permanent 
 submission was insured by extinguishing all traces of 
 independent national life. Deportation of the inhabi- 
 tants, and recolonization of the territory by subjects 
 transported from other parts of their empire, was the 
 drastic method which the conquerors universally em- 
 ployed. Judah's annihilation was the more complete, 
 because not once, but three times, it incurred their 
 dire displeasure. By the first deportation, which 
 occurred in 597 b. c, the young King Jehoiakin, his 
 immediate family, the nobles, warriors, and skilled 
 artisans of the kingdom were transported to Babylon. 
 According to the account in II. Kings xxiv. 14-lG, 
 the total was ten thousand, of which seven thousand 
 were warriors, one thousand artisans, and presumably 
 the remaining two thousand nobles and officials (com- 
 pare Jer. xxix. 2). The estimate, of course, is general,
 
 ]8 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 and makes no mention of the women and children who 
 were allowed to accompany their husbands and fathers, 
 and who may well have increased the numbers to thirty 
 or forty thousand. 
 
 15. Eleven years later, in 586 b. c, another unsuc- 
 cessful revolt of the Judeans led the Babylonians to 
 institute still more extreme measures. Not even the 
 common mob in Jerusalem, or those who early in the 
 siege had fled to the camp of the conqueror, escaped 
 deportation. The record in II. Kings xxv. 8-11, 
 gives no detailed statistics, but suggests that a large 
 proportion of those captured were deported. The 
 author of Jeremiah lii. 28, 29, estimates the numbers 
 carried away at this time (reading the seventeenth for 
 the seventh year, which is probably a scribal error) 
 from the villages of Judah, at three thousand and 
 twenty-three ; while those deported from Jerusalem, 
 which was captured during the following year, number 
 eight hundred and thirty-two, giving a total of three 
 thousand eight hundred and fifty-five. As is always 
 the case, unless distinctly stated, these numbers, which 
 appear to be derived from an exact census, refer only 
 to the men, suggesting that the total number carried 
 away to Babylon in the second deportation was between 
 twelve and fifteen thousand. From the narrative m 
 II. Kings and from Jeremiah xl. to xliii., we learn that 
 the Babylonians left behind a few of the ruling class 
 who had remained loyal, and the poorer inhabitants that 
 they might till the soil and prevent the land from 
 becoming a complete desolation. At their head was 
 placed a trusty governor, Gedaliah. For a period all 
 went well. Then through the treachery of a neighbor- 
 ing prince he, with his immediate tollowers, was slain.
 
 THE NUMBER OF JEWS DEPORTED 19 
 
 The rest of the Jewish community fled to Egypt. It 
 was probably to avenge this deed that the Babykmians 
 again, in 581 b. c, took occasion (as recorded in Jeremiah 
 lii. 30), to deport seven hundred and forty-five more 
 men, or in all about two thousand five hundred souls. 
 Accepting these figures as a basis, the total number 
 carried into Babylon in connection with the three de- 
 portations was about fifty thousand. Compared with 
 the twenty-seven thousand two hundred and ninety 
 deported according to tlie Assyrian inscriptions from 
 the city of Samaria at the time of its final fall in 722 
 B. c.,this estimate seems reasonable. Furthermore, the 
 sources from which the data are derived were probably 
 written within a generation or two after the different 
 deportations took place, and, therefore, may with good 
 reason be regarded as reliable. The natural tendency 
 on the part of a patriotic historian would be to minimize 
 rather than to exaggerate numbers in a narrative so 
 distasteful to him. The large number of Jews, found 
 in Babylon and the East during the succeeding cen- 
 turies, also confirms this estimate. 
 
 16. The Jews deported to Babylon represented, how- 
 ever, only a fraction of the former population of Judah, 
 and certainly only a part of those who were driven 
 into exile by the repeated disasters which overtook 
 their nation. The numbers who quickly rallied about 
 the standard of Gedaliah after the deportation in 586 
 B. c, indicate that a large proportion, if not a majority 
 of the Jewish people remained in and about Judah. 
 " We are many " was the testimony of " those who 
 inhabited the waste places in the land of Israel " at 
 this time (Ezek. xxxiii. 24). The caves to the south 
 and east of Judah, which had proved secure hiding
 
 20 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 places during lesser crises in the history of the Hebrew 
 race, doubtless shielded not a few fugitives until the 
 Babylonian soldiers withdrew. From Jeremiah xl. 11, 
 it appears that some found a temporary asylum in 
 Moab, Ammon, Edom, and the other lands encircling 
 Canaan, from whence they returned as soon as a 
 favorable opportunity offered. The fact that the 
 Babylonians did not deem it necessary to introduce 
 colonists from other parts of their empire is in itself 
 evidence that great numbers of the Judeans continued 
 to develop the resources of their native land. 
 
 17. In view of the close political and commercial 
 relations which had long existed between Egypt and 
 Judah, it was most natural that the majority of those 
 who fled from before the Babylonians, should take 
 refuge in the land of the Nile. Hosea's references to 
 Egypt as one of the lands of the exile (ix. 6 ; xi. 11) 
 indicate that the Israelites, a century and a half before, 
 when their nation was destroyed by Assyria, set th^ 
 example which their southern kinsmen followed in verj 
 similar circumstances. Even after the first Jewish 
 deportation, Jeremiah addressed his prophecy to them 
 " that remain in this land (Judah) and to them that 
 dwell in the land of Egypt" (xxiv. 8). If, as this 
 reference plainly indicates, in 597 b. c, an important 
 part of the Jewish race, as well as many descendants 
 of the Northern Israelites, were already found in Egypt, 
 their numbers must have been later greatly increased. 
 When it became evident that Judah was doomed, 
 patriots who believed the words of the true prophets 
 recognized that they could serve their country better 
 by going for a time into voluntary exile in Egypt than 
 by remaining to fall into the hands of tlie Babylonians.
 
 THE JEWISH REFUGEES IN EGYPT 21 
 
 The strength of this tendency to seek refuge in Egypt 
 was clearly illustrated at a subsequent date, when, 
 after the murder of Gedaliah, his followers emigrated 
 en masse to the land of the Nile. At Tahpanhes, on 
 the eastern border of Egypt, they established them- 
 selves. Other centres of Jewish colonization were 
 Migdol, also a border town (as its name " watch 
 tower" indicates), about twelve miles from Pelusium, 
 Noph, which is identified with the ancient city of 
 Memphis (compare Ezek. xxx. 13), and the country 
 of Pathros, which is probably a designation of the 
 territory of southern Egypt (Jer. xliv. 1 ; Ezek. xxx. 
 13-18). Thus while many Jews remained on the 
 borders of Judah, others found homes in the southern- 
 most province of the new land of their adoption. The 
 reference in Ezekiel xxx. 6 implies that they were 
 found as far south as Syene, on the island Elephantine, 
 in the Nile. 
 
 18. Unfortunately there are no definite data from 
 which to determine how many Jews were to be found 
 in Egypt at the beginning of the exile. Jeremiah xliv. 
 15 speaks of them as constituting a " great assembly." 
 When one recalls how accessible from Jerusalem was 
 the land of the Nile, and that it alone offered to the 
 refugees a friendly asylum beyond the pale of Baby- 
 lonian influence, the conviction deepens that about the 
 year 680 b. c. a very large proportion, if not a majority, 
 of the former inhabitants of Judah were found in 
 Egypt. For more than a decade the current of Jewish 
 population had been setting in that direction, power- 
 fully accelerated as it was by the disintegrating blows 
 dealt to Judah by Babylon. If Jeremiah had not 
 deemed it more important to cast his fortunes with
 
 22 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 his countrymen who remained behind, than with the 
 stronger type who were deported to Babylon, a most 
 important chapter in the history of the Jewish race 
 would have been unrecorded. As it was, after he 
 died the Jews in Egypt had no Ezekiel or prophet 
 like the Babylonian Isaiah, so that we are dependent 
 partially upon iuference in reconstructing the proba- 
 ble course of events ; but it is obvious that the exiles 
 in Egypt were a factor which can no longer be ignored 
 in the study of the history of the Jewish race during 
 the Babylonian exile, and especially during the suc- 
 ceeding period of reconstruction. 
 
 19. Ancient Semitic history presents many ex- 
 amples of the deportation of nations, but no instance 
 of such a complete and widespread dispersion as that 
 which was the sad lot of the race of shepherds and 
 agriculturists who inhabited the uplands of Canaan. 
 Ezekiel and all the other writers of the period declare 
 that " they were scattered upon all the face of the 
 earth" (Ezek. xxxiv. 6; xxxvi. 19). Througliout at 
 least the world dominated by Nebuchadrezzar, from 
 the desert of Sahara to the uplands at the east of the 
 Tigris, were to be found colonies of Jews. Three 
 centres of Jewish population, however, may be dis- 
 tinguished : the first was Palestine itself, the second 
 was Egypt, and the third Babylon. The character of 
 the colonists in the three centres and the conditions 
 under which they lived were so radically different that 
 each must be studied independently.
 
 Ill 
 
 THE CHAEACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN 
 PALESTINE AND EGYPT 
 
 20. The destructive wrath of Babylon, like that 
 of Rome six and a half centuries later, was visited 
 chiefly upon Jerusalem, the political and religious 
 centre of the Jewish race. As a result it became a 
 complete desolation, " the haunt of jackals " (Lam. v. 
 18). There is no evidence that the smaller towns of 
 Judah were subjected to the same drastic treatment. 
 The Jews deported to Babylon in the first and largest 
 deportation were all taken from Jerusalem. Not only 
 did the comparative insignificance of the towns protect 
 them, but they also saved themselves by surrendering 
 to the conquerors at a much earlier stage of the war. 
 According to the largest possible estimate, less than 
 five thousand men were deported from the villages 
 outside Jerusalem. The references in Jeremiah xl. 
 indicate that many of them, like ]\Iizpah and Netophah, 
 survived, although, of course, their population was 
 decimated by the ravages of war and of deportation. 
 To leave behind a part of the native population was in 
 perfect harmony with the wise constructive rule and 
 humane spirit of Nebuchadrezzar. His ambitions, 
 which already contemplated the conquest of Egypt, 
 prompted him to develop, at any cost, the resources of
 
 24 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Palestine, that his army might have the necessary base 
 of supplies in case of a western campaign. This fact 
 explains his attempt to revive the Jewish state under 
 Gedaliah, even after Jerusalem had been laid in ruins. 
 Contemporary writers, as well as the facts of subse- 
 quent history, testify that only the poorer and more 
 ignorant were left behind in Palestine. In the East 
 the peasants are always the ones who survive repeated 
 waves of conquest. They also would be the last to 
 revolt, and could best conserve the interests of Babylon. 
 After the murder of Gedaliah, the conquerors took care 
 that there should be no leaders among the remnant in 
 the land. Gradually, however, as the years went by, 
 prominent exiles undoubtedly found their way back to 
 Judah from the immediately adjacent countries, like 
 Edom, Moab, Ammon, and Egypt, where they had found 
 a temporary place of refuge, just as earlier they rallied 
 about Gedaliah (Jer. xl. 7-12). 
 
 21. The condition of those who clung to their be- 
 loved hills was anything but desirable. The loose rule 
 of the Babylonians in Palestine was in itself galling. 
 The poet of the remnant laments that : 
 
 Servants rule over us : 
 
 There is none to deliver us out of their hand.* 
 
 The usual wrongs of an Oriental provincial govern- 
 ment, injustice and extortion, were not lacking (Lam. 
 V. 4). Since all independent political organization was 
 denied the Jews in Palestine, they were the easy prey 
 of the robber tribes who encircled them. The pent-up 
 hatred of generations was visited upon their heads. 
 Such wails as : 
 
 1 Lam. V. 8.
 
 HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN 25 
 
 We get our bread at the peril of our lives, 
 Because of the sword of the wilderness. 
 Our skin is hot like an oven, 
 Because of the burning heat of famine ; ^ 
 
 or: 
 
 They, who are mine enemies without cause, 
 Have chased me sore like a bird,^ 
 
 tell the story of wrong and helpless suffering. Others : 
 
 They have cut off my life in the dungeon, 
 And have cast a stone upon me ; ® 
 
 The young men bare the mill, 
 
 And the children stumble under the wood * 
 
 suggest the slavery which was the fate of many at the 
 hands of their pitiless foes. 
 
 22. These conditions, which continued with little 
 interruption for many generations, alone explain the 
 bitter imprecations which appear on almost every page 
 of the prophecies and poems of the period. Ezekiel 
 devoted not a little time and energy to denouncing and 
 to pronouncing woes upon the hostile nations, who at 
 this time took base advantage of Judah's humiliation 
 and weakness. Inasmuch as the Ammonites said, 
 " Aha, against Jehovah's sanctuary, when it was pro- 
 faned ; and against the land of Israel, when it was 
 made desolate ; and against the house of Judah, when 
 they went into captivity," Jehovah will visit upon tliem 
 all the horrors of conquest (xxv. 3-7). Against Moab, 
 Philistia, and Tyre, he directs similar predictions of 
 coming vengeance. Tliere is no suggestion in the 
 
 ^ Lam. V. 9, 10. 3 j^^r^, iji. 53. 
 
 ' Lam, iii. 52. * Lam. t. 13.
 
 26 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 exilic prophecies of any hostility between the Judeans 
 and Samaritans ; in fact, as in the passage just quoted, 
 the interests of the descendants of the ancient Israelites 
 and of the Judeans are regarded as the same, and the 
 hope of a union of the two branches of the Hebrew 
 race, who were then united in a common suffering, finds 
 frequent expression. Of all their foes the Edomites 
 are reckoned as the most grievous offenders (Ezek. 
 XXV. 13). They were the people who called forth the 
 bitter diatribe associated with the name of Obadiah. 
 Their treachery at the time of Judah's downfall, their 
 deeds of robbery, and their " delivery into slavery of 
 those of his Avho remain in the day of distress," are 
 the crimes for which they shall be judged (Ob. 11-14). 
 Ezekiel's words in xxxv. 10 indicate that immediately 
 after the destruction of the Jewish state, that north- 
 ward movement of the Edomites began which is 
 referred to in the closing verses of the prophecy of 
 Obadiah, and which ended in their being expelled from 
 their original home by the Arabs, and in their seizing 
 the territory of southern Judah (Mai. i. 5). By the 
 end of the Babylonian exile, they appear to have gained 
 possession of the south country, including Hebron and 
 the lowlands to the west (Zech. vii. 7). During the 
 succeeding centuries, they continued to hold the 
 Jewish territory thus acquired, until they themselves 
 were conquered by John Hyrcanus about 130 b. c. It 
 is not strange, therefore, that these hated intruders 
 always figure in the Jewish mind as a type of the foes 
 of Jehovah, and as the enemies of all truth. This 
 northern movement of the Edomites in turn crowded 
 out the clans of the Calebites and Jerahmeelites, who 
 had from the very earliest times intermarried and
 
 RELIGIOUS LITE OF THE PALESTINIAN JEWS 27 
 
 united with the tribe of Judah (T. sect. 40). Driven 
 from Hebron and the south couutiy, they in time found 
 homes in and about Bethlehem and Kirjath-jearim 
 (compare I. Chrs. ii. 42-49 with ii. 50-55). As before 
 the exile, they continued to affiliate with the Jews, and 
 during the Persian period constituted an important part 
 of the revived community (Neh. iii. 9). In time they 
 were classified as regular clans of the tribe of Judah 
 (I. Chrs. ii. ; iv. ; Ex. xxxi. 2 ; xxxv. 30). 
 
 23. In the light of their character and conditions, 
 it is obvious that the religious life of the Jews who 
 remained in Palestine was neither vigorous nor of an 
 exalted type. In a prophecy, dated the twelfth year 
 of the captivity (585 B. c), and directed to those 
 " who inhabit tlie waste places in the land of Israel," 
 Ezekiel accuses them of deeds of lust and bloodshed, 
 and of returning to that idolatry which always possessed 
 such an attraction for the weak and ignorant inhabi- 
 tants of Judah (xxxiii. 25-27). A chance reference 
 in Jeremiah (xli. 5) indicates that certain of the ex- 
 ternals of the worship of Jehovah were still kept up 
 in connection with the site of the ruined sanctuary 
 at Jerusalem. Not only from Judah, but also from 
 the old Israelitish cities of Shechem, Shiloh, and Sama- 
 ria, came bands of faithful pilgrims to lament over 
 the fallen temple and to present meat offerings and 
 incense on the rude altar which they raised there at 
 least as early as the fifth year after the destruction 
 of Jerusalem. If this was permitted so soon after 
 the overthrow of the temple, we may believe that 
 the sacred site became, in succeeding yeai's, more and 
 more the centre of the religious life of the Palestinian 
 J'^^vs. Tho niof'it prominent priests of the temple
 
 28 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 were carried into exile, but some were doubtless left 
 behind ; and of the descendants of those who ministered 
 at the old shrines abolished by Josiah, there must 
 have been still more. For the most part, ignorant, 
 disorganized, bereft of leaders, some of them robbers 
 and outlaws within the land of their fathers, constantly 
 attacked by merciless foes, it is not probable that the 
 Jews in Palestine made much progress in the knowl- 
 edge of Jehovah and of his will ; instead, the doubts 
 and despair voiced by one of their poets, constantly 
 oppressed them (Lam. v. 19-22). The real develop- 
 ment of this period must be sought among their 
 kinsmen in the distant exile. Prom them came the 
 religious impulses which were destined to determine 
 the character of their history. The Jews in Judah, 
 however, were an important element in the problem 
 of the future of the Jewish race ; for they were to 
 furnish, to a large extent, the members of that com- 
 munity which was again to become the objective centre 
 of Judaism. 
 
 24. Intellectually, those who fled to Egypt were 
 superior to those who remained in Judah. In many 
 ways also their environment was more agreeable. Al- 
 though the motives guiding the Egyptian kings in their 
 relations with the Judeans had been thoroughly selfish, 
 they were the allies and patrons of the fallen people, 
 and, therefore, under obligations to give them a 
 friendly reception and to concede to them certain privi- 
 leges. Egyptians, as well as Judeans, were trembling 
 in the presence of the dread foe, Nebuchadrezzar. In 
 the circumstances, the reigning Pharaohs, who de- 
 pended for the protection of their state more upon 
 foreign mercenaries than native warriors, must have
 
 THE JEWISH COLONY AT 'I'AHPANHES 29 
 
 gladly welcomed, as valuable allies, the Jewish refu- 
 gees who sought a home on their exposed eastern 
 frontier. The majority of the exiles preferred these 
 positions of danger because here they were nearest to 
 their native land, and because they regarded their 
 sojourn in Egypt as transient (Jer. xliv. 28). For 
 these reasons they took up their residence in the fron- 
 tier towns of Migdol, Tahpanhes, and in the city of 
 Memphis, which was not far distant from the borders 
 of Judah. Since these places were on the direct line 
 of the caravan route to Palestine and the East, they 
 would be in constant communication with their kins- 
 men, and would be in a position to return whenever 
 conditions were favorable. 
 
 25. The excavations of the Egypt Exploration Fund 
 at Defenneh, the site of the Daphnas of Herodotus and 
 of the Tahpanhes, where the refugees with Jeremiah 
 settled, have thrown much light upon the environment 
 of the Jews in Egypt (see Memoirs, 1886; Tanis, 
 Part II., pages 47-96). The town was located on a 
 sandy desert at the south of a marshy lake, a few 
 miles from the cultivated Delta on the west, and the 
 Suez Canal on the east. Past it ran the main high- 
 way to Syria, which it was intended to guard. The 
 ruins of a fort built by Psamtik I., the founder of the 
 town, still remain. Herodotus states that this mon- 
 arch stationed guards here (ii. 30), and that, until late 
 in the Persian period, it was manned by garrisons 
 whose duty it was to repel Arabian invasions. The 
 character of the remains confirms the testimony of 
 Herodotus that from the first the majority of the popu- 
 lation were Greeks. In this frontier territory Psamtik 
 I., about 664 b. c, assigned homes to the Ionian and
 
 so THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Carian mercenaries who had helped him to the throne. 
 Jeremiah ii. 16 indicates that, in the days of Necho, 
 Tahpanhes and Noph were important military centres 
 of the Egyptians, and also suggests that Josiah met 
 and was defeated on the plain of Megiddo by Greek 
 mercenaries in the employ of Necho. Herodotus de- 
 clares that Daphnae became at an early date a base 
 of communication between Egypt and the Greek world 
 (ii. 154). By virtue of its location, it was also a 
 meeting place for eastern and western civilizations. 
 Here Phoenicians, Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians met 
 on common ground. Like Port Said of to-day, its life 
 was in the highest degree cosmopolitan. Its atmos- 
 phere was, therefore, most congenial to the Jewish 
 colonists. There they lived together in a community 
 by themselves. 
 
 26. No archseological remains have been found to 
 recall the residence of the Jews at Tahpanhes, but the 
 marked absence of art treasures coming from the 
 reigns of Psaratik H. and Hophra (594-564 b. c.) is 
 in itself indirect evidence that the Greek population 
 was largely supplanted by Jewish ; for the Jewish civ- 
 ilization of this period was not of a character to leave 
 behind permanent monuments. Strangely enough, 
 however, eastern tradition has preserved a distant 
 memory of Jewish occupancy in the name which is 
 still given to the ruins of the fort, Kasr el Bint el 
 Yehudi, " The Palace of the Jew's Daughter." The 
 excavations, as well as the testimony of Herodotus, 
 explain the significance of the unusual designation 
 " palace," for the fort was also used on rare occasions 
 as a royal residence. Many wine jars with the seal- 
 ings of Psaratik II., Hophra, and Amasis (Aahmes")
 
 THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE JEWS IN EGYPT 31 
 
 have been found. Conspicuous among the ruins, at the 
 'aorthwest of this military residence of the Pharaohs, 
 was the great open-air platform of brickwork referred 
 to in Jeremiah xliii. 8-10. It corresponded to the 
 " mastaba " found in connection with every Egyptian 
 house, and was the common place for social meeting 
 and recreation. Hophra's successor, Amasis, repre- 
 sented the Egyptian party which was antagonistic to 
 foreign civilization. The Greek colonists and trade 
 were limited to Naukratis, and the Greek garrison 
 was deported from Daphnae. Indeed, this city suf- 
 fered most from these reactionary measures. It was 
 left desolate and the fort garrisoned by Egyptians 
 (Herod, ii. 154, 179). Thus, at least, by 560 B. c, if 
 they had not already returned to Judah, the Jewish 
 colonists must have been forced to seek homes else- 
 where. To the Jewish colonists located, not only at 
 Tahpanhes, but also in other cities, tlie changed atti- 
 tude of the Egyptian court toward foreigners must 
 have proved an added incentive to venture a return. 
 
 27. While Jeremiah recognized the intense loyalty 
 of the Jews in Egypt to their native land, he found in 
 their religious life little to commend and much to at- 
 tack. There is no evidence that they paid homage to 
 the gods of Egypt, or that they completely abandoned 
 the worship of Jehovah ; but under the influence of the 
 polytheistic atmosphere in which they found them- 
 selves, many of them reverted to the earlier idolatry 
 of their ancestors. xVs in the days of Manasseh, in- 
 cense rose from many Jewish altars to other gods than 
 Jehovah. The worship of an old Semitic goddess, the 
 Queen of heaveu, whom the Jerusalemites venerated 
 even before the fall of their city (Jer. vii. 18), was es-
 
 32 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEW^ISH HISTORY 
 
 pecially popular with the women. Herodotus states 
 (i. 131) that the Persians derived the worship of the 
 Queen of heaven from the Assyrians and Arabs. He 
 identifies her with the Greek goddess of love, Aphro- 
 dite. This identification is confirmed by the fact 
 that the Assyro-Babylonian goddess of love, Ishtar, 
 is called in the Babylonian prayers, " the Ruler of 
 heaven." The reaction of the Jews against the refor- 
 mation of Josiah and the law of Jehovah, in favor of 
 an ancient Semitic goddess, was because they naively 
 interpreted the misfortunes which had overtaken them 
 as evidence of Jehovah's inferiority to the old gods of 
 Canaan. In reply to Jeremiah's impassioned remon- 
 strances, they stubbornly asserted that prosperity had 
 come to their fathers in Judah, when they had served 
 the goddess of heaven, and misfortune when they had 
 ceased. Jeremiah could only meet this seemingly 
 plausible but false philosophy of history by a counter- 
 assertion : " Your apostasy to Jehovah made this 
 national judgment, which has overtaken you, an abso- 
 lute necessity. If you persist in neglecting him, only a 
 few of you will realize the fond hope of your life and 
 survive to return to Judah. Time will prove the truth 
 of my words. When you see the reigning Pharaoh, 
 Hophra, fall into the power of his rival, Nebuchad- 
 rezzar, recall my warnings " (Jer. xliv. 15-30). 
 
 28, Whether in his closing years the untiring minis- 
 trations of Jeremiah extended the ranks of the faith- 
 ful few who listened to him, is not stated, Ezekiel, in 
 his latest prophecy, which is dated in April, 570 b. c, 
 fixes his eyes, not on the Jews about him, but upon 
 those in Egypt, Like Jeremiah, he asserts that 
 Hophra is soon to fall before Nebuchadrezzar ; but
 
 THE LOYAL JEWS IN EGYPT 33 
 
 his view concerning the future of his countrymen in 
 Egypt is much more hopeful : " Egypt's downfall shall 
 be the prelude to the exaltation of the Jews. Then 
 will Jehovah vindicate his promises of restoration, and 
 all shall recognize him as the supreme ruler of the 
 universe" (Ezek. xxix. 17-21). It is a noticeable 
 fact that the more intimately the old Hebrew prophets 
 knew their audiences, the more they found to denounce. 
 The majority of the exiles, whether in Babylon or 
 Egypt, were far from realizing the ideals of their in- 
 spired teachers. The weak, the ignorant, and the 
 indifferent were sadly in the majority. Not in large 
 numbers, nor all at once, as the prophets seem some- 
 times to have hoped and taught, were the Jews destined 
 to realize the divine plan, but gradually, as the few 
 were found who were ready, by fidelity and sacrifice, 
 to co-operate with the Eternal. Jeremiah, in his most 
 despondent moments, never doubted that from the 
 Jews in Egypt a few such immortals would come forth 
 and participate in the revival of their national life 
 (Jer. xliv. 14, 28).
 
 rv 
 
 THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON 
 
 29. All the Jewish writers of the period emphasize 
 the fact that the best elements in their race were to be 
 found in Babylon. Jeremiah, in contrasting those who 
 were deported in 597 b. c. with those who were left 
 behind, likens the former to good figs, while the latter 
 are only vile and worthless, Ezekiel found many imper- 
 fections among his countrymen in Babylon, but he 
 never denied their superiority to the remnant in the 
 West. This superiority was a result of the policy of 
 the Babylonians, who carefully removed all tlie more 
 energetic and gifted leaders of the nation, that none 
 might be left behind to head an insurrection. The ten 
 thousand men deported in 597 b. c. represented in 
 number two-thirds of all the Jewish exiles in Babylon, 
 and certainly more than that proportion of the total 
 intelligence and moral culture. They included the 
 leading princes, officials, prophets, priests, warriors, 
 and artisans of the kingdom (II. Kings xxiv. 14-16 ; 
 Jer. xxix. 1). With them went their families and 
 servants. As Ezekiel states, the kernel of the nation 
 was thus transferred from Judali to Babylon (xvii. 3-6, 
 12-14). The prophet's words (see especially verse 5) 
 imply that this kernel was not divided and planted in 
 three or four widely separated spots, as in the case of
 
 THE HOME OF THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON 35 
 
 the deportation of the people of Samaria in 722 b. c. 
 (11. 104) ; but that all were permitted to settle in the 
 same locality. 
 
 30. Babylon is always indicated as the goal of the 
 deportation ; but unfortunately it is not clear whether 
 the city or the province, lying between the two great 
 rivers, is intended, since both bore the same name. A 
 variety of evidence, however, throws light upon this im- 
 portant question. Ezekiel describes the site as " a land 
 of traffic, a city of merchants, a fruitful soil, and beside 
 many waters," where the colony like a willow was 
 transplanted (xvii. 5). Psalm cxxxvii. 1, refers to 
 the days when the exiles sat by the rivers or canals of 
 Babylon. Ezekiel states that he lived among the exiles 
 by the river or canal Chebar (i. 3). All these refer- 
 ences point to the rich fruitful land, intersected by canals 
 and plentifully watered, which lies to the south and 
 east of the city of Babylon, between the Euphrates and 
 the Tigris. We are not surprised, therefore, that the 
 excavations of tlie University of Pennsylvania Expedi- 
 tion at Nippur (Series A : Cuneiform Texts, vol. ix. 28, 
 33) have recently uncovered two tablets, dated in the 
 reign of Artaxerxes I. (464-424 b. c), which refer to 
 the large navigable canal Chebar (Kabaru) not far from 
 Nippur. To the east of the great city of Babylon, in a 
 territory closely connected with it by canals, Nebuchad- 
 rezzar established the community which he had 
 transferred from the barren uplands of Judah. 
 
 31. The purpose, which actuated that great monarch 
 in all his public acts, was not to destroy, but to con- 
 struct. His inscriptions reflect nothing of the barbar- 
 ous love of war which is so prominent in those of the 
 Assyrian kings. Repeatedly he declares, in all genuine-
 
 36 THE BABYLONIAN PEEIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 ness, that his aim in his conquests was to glorify the 
 name of his gods, and to secure the means wherewith he 
 might rebuild and adorn their temples (East India In- 
 scription ii. 11-29). Building was his master passion. 
 In all his enterprises he succeeded. Out of the crum- 
 bling remnants of the Assyrian Empire he created a 
 powerful well-organized state. The city of Babylon, 
 which for generations under the rule of its rivals, the 
 Assyrians, had been allowed to fall into political decay, 
 he rebuilt on a scale far surpassing any other city of 
 antiquity. The old town on the west bank of the 
 Euphrates was enlarged and adorned with new palaces 
 and temples ; on the east side of the river a new 
 quarter was added, connected with the old by strong 
 bridges. The whole city, which, like Damascus of 
 to-day, included parks and fields as well as the suburbs 
 of the former town, was encircled by a huge wall many 
 miles in circumference and of incredible height and 
 strength. To facilitate the vast commerce, which was 
 the chief industry of the Babylonians, Nebuchadrezzar 
 built commodious quays on both sides of the Euphrates, 
 and restored and extended the great system of canals 
 which intersected the low, flat territory of southern 
 Babylonia. As in Holland to-day, these waterways 
 were also utilized for irrigation, so that the productive- 
 ness of the naturally fertile land about Babylon was 
 marvellously increased. Large reservoirs were con- 
 structed, in which the waters of the Euphrates were 
 stored for use in time of need. Into the territory thus 
 developed, colonists from all parts of the empire were 
 introduced ; for the vast building enterprises of 
 Nebuchadrezzar called for armies of workmen, and by 
 these forcible means alone was he able in a generation
 
 THE CONDITION OF THE JEWISH EXILES 37 
 
 to make the dismantled city the metropolis of the 
 world. The recently discovered coronation inscription 
 of Nabonidus, in a passage which clearly refers to 
 Nebuchadrezzar, declares that " the god called him to 
 repopulate his ruined city," Babylon (iii. 1). Such a 
 huge population as centred about Babylon, demanded 
 a correspondingly large food supply, and the Babylo- 
 nians themselves had become a nation of traders rather 
 than agriculturists ; hence it is easy to appreciate the 
 motives which prompted the great organizer, when a 
 good opportunity offered, to deport large bodies of 
 agriculturists to the newly developed lands near his 
 capital. 
 
 32. Economic as well as political reasons undoubt- 
 edly operated in determining the fall of the Jewish 
 people. The fact that their deportation was not merely 
 a judgment explains why their material conditions 
 were on the whole so favorable. The term "captiv- 
 ity " does not describe their lot. Two of their kings, 
 and, perhaps, some of the leaders in their rebellions 
 against Babylon, were kept in confinement, but the 
 great majority of those who were first deported were 
 almost as free as in Canaan. During the first ten 
 years of the exile, at least, they continued in close 
 communication with their kinsmen in Judali. In a 
 pastoral letter written from Jerusalem, Jeremiah ad- 
 vised them to build houses and dwell in them, to plant 
 gardens, and eat the fruit of them, to take wives and 
 rear up families, that their numbers might increase 
 rather than decrease in the land of their forced adop- 
 tion (xxix. 5, 6). He further urged them to avoid all 
 movements toward insurrection, and instead to iden- 
 tify themselves with the city whither they had been
 
 38 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 carried, for its prosperity and their own were insepa- 
 rable. By one so well informed respecting the life of 
 the exiles as was Jeremiah, such advice would not 
 have been offered unless it was possible for his readers 
 to have followed it. A homesickness, which frequently 
 found expression (read, for example, Pss. xlii.-xliii. ; 
 cxxxvii.), filled the hearts of the Jews living on the 
 level plains of Babylonia, as they thought of their roll- 
 ing hills, their picturesque valleys, their rock-built 
 capital, and above all their sacred temple; but those 
 alluvial plains afforded them opportunities for the 
 enjoyment of wealth and material prosperity un- 
 dreamed of in Judah. During the earlier part of the 
 Babylonian exile, most of the Jews followed the advice 
 of Jeremiah and " planted gardens, and ate the fruit 
 of them." Nebuchadrezzar's object in carrying away 
 the artisans to Babylon, was doubtless not merely to 
 deprive the Judeans of resources for revolt, but also 
 that they might be added to his great army of work- 
 men. Certainly in their new homes they found ample 
 opportunity to practise their various crafts. The old 
 Hebrew aversion to traffic, which finds expression in 
 the writings of certain prophets of this period, prob- 
 ably for a time deterred some of the exiles from 
 becoming merchants ; but the opportunities and advan- 
 tages offered in their new home to those who engaged 
 in commerce were too great to be spurned for a long 
 time. The peculiar genius for trade, which the Jews 
 have manifested ever since, was probably first devel- 
 oped amidst the favoring conditions which surrounded 
 them in the land of the two rivers. In contract tab- 
 lets recently found at Nippur, and dating from the 
 earlier part of the Persian period, many familiar Old
 
 THE OCCUPATIONS OF THE JEWISH EXILES 39 
 
 Testament names occur, showing that by that time the 
 Jews had been drawn into the streams of trade which 
 flowed so strongly to and from Babylon. Since they 
 were settled, not in a remote province of the empire, 
 but under the very shadow of the Babylonian throne, 
 it is reasonable to conclude that some of the abler 
 men among the exiles found employment in the great 
 army of officials required to attend to public affairs. 
 Nehemiah later attained to a position of influence in 
 the Persian court, and it is probable that other Jews did 
 the same among the Babylonians with whom they were 
 related by blood, language, and ideas. The references 
 to the liberation and exaltation of Jehoiakin seem to 
 indicate that they were placed on an equality with 
 other conquered peoples which had been transported 
 to Babylon. Although the familiar stories associated 
 with the name of Daniel, in their present form, are 
 much later, they at least favor the conclusion that 
 certain public positions were then open to the Jews. 
 
 33. Respecting the fate of the later groups of exiles, 
 there is no direct evidence. Their offences were so 
 much more heinous in the eyes of the conquerors than 
 those of the Jews deported in 597 b. c, that their 
 leaders were put to death (II. Kings xxv. 19-21). 
 From this fact it may be inferred that slavery was the 
 price with which many of the survivors redeemed their 
 lives. Ezekiel, commenting in 585 b. c. upon the fate 
 of the scattered people, declares that the day is coming 
 when Jehovah will break the bars of their yoke and 
 deliver them out of the hand of those who have made 
 bondsmen of them (xxxiv. 27). It is significant that 
 while the references to forced labor and persecution are 
 rare in the literature of the first part, they become very
 
 40 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 common in that of the latter part of the Babylonian 
 exile. The author of Isaiah xiv. assures his race that 
 " It shall come to pass in the day that the Lord shall 
 give rest from your labor, and from your trouble, and 
 from the hard service which men laid upon you, that 
 you shall take up this taunt-song against the king of 
 Babylon, and say : ' How is the oppressor stilled — the 
 raging stilled ! ' " (verses 3 and 4). The great prophet 
 of the exile condemns the Babylonians because they 
 " showed no compassion ; upon the aged they made their 
 yoke very heavy " (Isa. xlvii. 6). Although the language 
 is highly poetical, there must have been a painful basis 
 of fact in his pictures of the woes experienced by his 
 race under the degenerate rule of Nebuchadrezzar's 
 successors : " It is a people robbed and plundered ; 
 snared are all of them in holes and hid in prison 
 houses ; they are become a prey, and there is none to 
 rescue ; a spoil, and none who says, Restore " (Isa. 
 xlii. 22). 
 
 34. While some of their number became the object 
 of Babylonian oppression, the lot of most of the Jews 
 in the East was far better than that of the ordinary 
 exile forced to live alone among strangers, for they 
 were citizens of the little Jewish state which Nebuchad- 
 rezzar established within the shadow of his great 
 capital. What was the extent of this kingdom within 
 a kingdom, and whether all the Jews in Babylon at 
 first were permitted or chose to dwell together, can 
 only be coniectured. Ezekiel speaks of preaching to 
 the colony wno lived at Tel-Abib (" Storm-hill"), one 
 of the many artificial mounds upon which the towns 
 of the Euphrates basin were located in ancient times, 
 precisely as they are to-day. In the list of those who
 
 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE JEWISH EXILES 41 
 
 returned to Judah, certain groups came from Tel- 
 Melah (" Salt-hill ") and Tel-Harsha ("Forest-hill "). 
 Whether the territory belonging to these little towns 
 was contiguous or not, the different Jewish colonies 
 constituted an independent social unit, the different 
 members of which were in closest touch with each 
 other. As in Judah, the elders were their civil repre- 
 sentatives (Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ezek. xiv. 1). The earlier 
 family organization was maintained. The more wealthy 
 possessed servants. The authority of the princes was 
 still acknowledged, and at their head was a descendant 
 of the house of David, Jehoiakin, who, after 561 b. c, 
 was officially recognized by the court at Babylon (II. 
 Kings XXV. 27-30). As long as they paid the imperial 
 tax and remained loyal to Babylon, they were probably 
 allowed to rule themselves in accordance with their own 
 laws. Capital punishment — at least if the offence 
 was of the nature of rebellion — was executed in the 
 name of the Babylonian king, and in a manner calcu- 
 lated to inspire terror in the minds of all evil-doers 
 (Jer. xxix. 22). 
 
 35. Within this little Judah, unfortunately, the 
 same evils flourished as in the parent state. False 
 prophets, whose personal characters were not above 
 reproach, misled the people with deceptive messages, 
 purporting to be from Jehovah (Jer. xxix. 21-23 ; 
 Ezek. xiii. 1-7 ; xiv. 8-10). The exiles in the East, as 
 well as those in Egypt, carried with them many idola- 
 trous practices, which they were slow to abandon 
 (Ezek. XX. 30-32). The faithful prophets were still 
 compelled to combat this old error, strongly fortified as 
 it was by the practices of their conquerors (Ezek. xiv. 
 3-7 ; Isa. xlii. 17). Everywhere an even more insidious
 
 42 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 danger, which threatened to undermine the very 
 foundations of their faith, assailed the scattered rem- 
 nants of the Jewish race. It was the doubt as to 
 whether Jehovah was able or willing to deliver them. 
 " My strength is perished and my expectation from the 
 Lord " (Lam. iii. 18), was the cry of many earnest, 
 perplexed souls. The mass of the Judeans, before the 
 great catastrophe, had regarded the temple at Jerusa- 
 lem as inviolable (Jer. xxvi. 9). While it stood, they 
 could endure all personal afflictions, because they were 
 assured that Jehovah was dwelling in their midst ; 
 but when they witnessed its complete destruction, they 
 felt that Jehovah had indeed abandoned them as a 
 nation. " Wherefore dost thou forget us forever, and 
 forsake us so long time?" (Lam. v. 20), was the 
 wail of one who perhaps at the moment gazed upon the 
 ruins of the sacred city. Even the prophets accepted 
 the popular belief that "the Lord had forsaken the 
 land" (Ezek. viii. 12), and had for a time retired to 
 his " mount in the uttermost parts of the north " (Isa. 
 xiv. 13, 14 ; Ezek. i. 4). It was this sense of separa- 
 tion from Jehov'ah, combined with the feeling that they 
 were ceremonially unclean, that constituted the horror 
 of the exile. With the temple in ruins, it was no longer 
 possible to worship Jehovah as a nation. No more 
 could they sacrifice to him their firstlings ; consequently 
 they felt that everything which they ate was unclean. 
 Daily they were polluted by contact with the heathen 
 about them. The very soil itself was unclean. Shame 
 saddened every moment, for they regarded their lot as 
 the sign of Jehovah's displeasure. It is not strange 
 that at first a despair which developed into a spirit of 
 rebellion, and became at last a source of apostasy, 
 seized many.
 
 THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE JEWISH EXILES 43 
 
 36. Gradually, however, under the wise guidance of 
 their inspired prophets, a hope was implanted in their 
 hearts, and they learned to adapt themselves to their 
 changed surroundings. It is to be noted that no one 
 ever suggested the building of a temple to Jehovah in 
 the land of their adoption. Much later, in Egypt, the 
 experiment was tried ; but at this earlier stage in the 
 development of the Jehovah religion, such a thing was 
 inconceivable. Until they were free again to rebuild on 
 the sacred site, all that religious life which had cen- 
 tred about the temple, was impossible. For the 
 present " the Lord had cast off his altar, he had 
 abhorred his sanctuary" (Lam. ii. 7). As a result, 
 sacrifice took the form of fasting. By denying them- 
 selves their ordinary food, they gave expression to the 
 intensity of their feelings, and at the same time laid 
 before Jehovah a gift which could be presented at any 
 time and at any place. From the beginning of the 
 Babylonian exile, fasting became a common religious 
 institution among the Jews (Ezra viii. 21 ; Neh. i. 4 ; 
 Joel i. 14 ; Zech. vii. 3-5). Naturally, as the observ- 
 ance of the great feast days fell temporarily into 
 abeyance, more and more stress was laid upon the in- 
 stitution of the Sabbath, which could be observed 
 equally well beyond the limits of Canaan (Ezek. xx. 12- 
 21 ; xxii. 26 ; xxiii. 38). Ezekiel was the first of the 
 prophets to assign to it a position of transcendent 
 importance. The example of the Babylonians, who 
 also observed the seventh as " a day of rest for the 
 soul," may have strengthened this tendency, which 
 ultimately became so strong as to prove one of the 
 most powerful motives in Judaism. 
 
 37. Unfortunately there is no direct evidence as to
 
 44 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEAVISH HISTORY 
 
 how the Sabbath was observed. Probably, at first, if 
 they followed the example of the Babylonians, much 
 attention was given to the propitiatory services. In 
 the light of later developments among the Jews of the 
 dispersion, it is extremely probable that families and 
 communities gathered together, not only to offer 
 atoning sacrifices, but also to read and study the Book 
 of Deuteronomy and the writings of their prophets, 
 which they then learned to value as never before. 
 Certainly there must have been some such popular 
 study of their scriptures to inspire the great literary 
 activity of their leaders. If so, the origin of the 
 synagogue service is to be found in this period. It is 
 certain that the practice of publicly reading the scrip- 
 tures in connection with great propitiatory feasts was 
 already familiar to the Jews (Jer. xxxvi. 6-8), and 
 that the synagogue came into existence as a result of 
 just such peculiar conditions and needs as existed 
 among the exiles. The other element in the syna- 
 gogue service, prayer, public and private, now became 
 a far more important feature of the religious life of 
 the Jews than hitherto (Dan. vi. 10). Each indi- 
 vidual became in a sense a priest, presenting in per- 
 son his offering of praise and his petitions to Jehovah. 
 The need of such communion was certainly never in 
 the history of the Hebrew race felt more keenly. 
 Thus, while the Babylonian exile was a period of 
 sorrow and doubt, it was also one of rapid change 
 and progress; as the dangers which confronted the 
 Jews multiplied, so did their opportunities ; the 
 nation of peasants had been projected into the great 
 stream of the world, and thereby an entirely new 
 epoch in their development was inaugurated.
 
 THE PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST- 
 PROPHET EZEKIBL 
 
 38. The man who appreciated most profoundly the 
 dangers and the possibilities of the Babylonian exile, 
 was the prophet E;<ekiel. Born in Jerusalem of a 
 well-known priestly family, he saw the first temple 
 with his own eyes, and, judging from the vividness 
 with which he remembered details, probably assisted 
 in its services. Perhaps, also, as a youth he listened 
 to the earnest sermons of Jeremiah, and at the feet of 
 the great prophet drank in those proplietic truths 
 which are the foundations of his later teachings. In 
 his character and work these two currents of influence 
 — the priestly and prophetical — constantly appear, 
 and their harmonious blending is one of the great 
 sources of his power. It was an age when the faithful 
 priest joined with the true prophet in a common strug- 
 gle against the waves of heathenism which threatened 
 to engulf the higher religion of Jehovah. One effec- 
 tive product of that union was the Book of Deuter- 
 onomy and the reformation of Josiah, which followed 
 its promulgation (11. sects. 168, 182-186); the other 
 was Ezekiel, who represents a later development of 
 the same so-called Deuteronomic school of thought. 
 By virtue of the combination, the lofty ideals of the
 
 46 THE BABYLONLIN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 prophet were presented in the concrete, popular 
 imagery of the ritual, so that the uneducated masses 
 could appreciate and act in conformity with them. 
 Ezekiel is the type of teacher who appeals directly 
 to the greatest number of hearers. 
 
 39. In his character also he combined those quali- 
 ties which fitted him to be a leader of his own and 
 immediately succeeding generations, but which do not 
 commend him so strongly to the present. That in- 
 tensity, bordering almost upon insanity, which led 
 him to sit seven days in blank amazement among the 
 Jewish colonists at Tel-Abib, before delivering his 
 message of denunciation (iii. 15), seems incongruous, 
 except in the tense atmosphere of the exile. His 
 language frequently seems mere hyperbole until the 
 situation, which called it forth, is appreciated (com- 
 pare, for example, xvi.). His repetitions and minute 
 details are only tiresome to one who does not realize 
 how obtuse were his readers. Ezekiel was not an 
 orator nor a rhetorician, but an organizer and a prac- 
 tical man of affairs. His words appealed to his con- 
 temporaries because they recognized their truth and 
 helpfulness. He stood so close to them that he clearly 
 appreciated and was able to supply their spiritual 
 needs. His reverence for the written law, and his full 
 acceptance of the current theory of its origin (xx. 10, 
 U; xxxiii. 15; contrast Jer. vii. 22; viii. 8), put him 
 into touch with his readers. The fanciful apocalyptic 
 imagery, which he first introduced into Jewish litera- 
 ture, and which we now find only thought-obscuring, 
 was also very popular in his day. The deeper sources 
 of Ezekiel's influence, however, are qualities which 
 are effective in all ages. His intensity was the out-
 
 THE CALL AND MISSION OF EZEKIEL 47 
 
 ward expression of a moral earnestness, inspired by a 
 stern sense of justice. Opposition never daunted him, 
 but only revealed his unflinching devotion to right 
 (iii. 9). A certain fiery impetuosity characterized all 
 that he did. At the same time, his high sense of 
 Jehovah's exaltation and holiness begat in his heart a 
 deep humility, which finds expression in the term, 
 "son of man," with which he always speaks of 
 himself. 
 
 40. Carried to Babylon in 597 B. c, among the 
 first group of exiles, Ezekiel appears to have remained 
 silent until 592 b. c, when, like Isaiah, he received his 
 distinct call to the work of a prophet. His account of 
 this important event reveals the powerful motives 
 which then influenced him. On the one hand, he was 
 oppressed by the defiant folly and mistakes of his 
 countrymen in the exile, and especially of those left 
 behind in Judah ; on the other, the character and will 
 of Jehovah was impressed upon his receptive mind so 
 vividly that he realized, as never before, the startling 
 contrast between the divine ideal and the human real- 
 ity. Henceforth his life-work was to " go to the house 
 of Israel and to speak Jehovah's words unto them " 
 (iii. 4), that they might realize that divine ideal. 
 Until 586 b. c, when Jerusalem was destroyed, he 
 devoted himself to combating the false hopes of deliv- 
 erance from Babylonian rule which were entertained 
 by the remnant of his nation in Canaan, and by many 
 of the Jews in the East. His message, like that of 
 Jeremiah, was, in the circumstances, one of denunci- 
 ation and proclamation of impending ruin. At first 
 his fidelity was rewarded only with rejection and per- 
 sonal violence (iii. 25) at the hands of his fellow*
 
 48 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 exiles, whose minds were filled with vain hopes of im- 
 mediate deliverance from Babylonian rule; but when 
 his predictions came true, there was a great revulsion 
 of popular feeling, so that henceforth he enjoyed the 
 veneration and respectful attention of all the Jews 
 in Babylon, and his influence extended to his race 
 throughout the world. Thus an opportunity was given 
 him which was vouchsafed to no other propliet except, 
 perhaps, to Isaiah. He improved it nobly. The 
 Hebrew state, which his predecessors had addressed, 
 was no more. Out of the wreck only detached 
 communities remained. To these Ezekiel turned. 
 Not the nation, but individuals, commanded his 
 attention. 
 
 41. One of the many revolutionary changes intro- 
 duced by the destruction of the Jewish commonwealth 
 was the elevation of the individual into a position of 
 importance, which he had never enjoyed before. 
 Jeremiah, in his closing messages of consolation, 
 proclaimed this truth when he declared that in the 
 coming day Jehovah would implant in each heart a 
 knowledge of his law. Ezekiel adapted himself to the 
 changed conditions, and became a pastor, devoting 
 himself primarily to the culture of the souls of those 
 under his immediate charge. There is clear evidence 
 that he fully appreciated the new nature of his mission. 
 It was he who first developed the figure of the " Good 
 Shepherd" who gathers and tenderly cares for his 
 scattered flock (xxxiv. 10-17). Ezekiel frequently 
 designated himself as a watchman, appointed by God, 
 whose duty it is to "hear the word from the mouth 
 of Jehovah and to give the divine warning to the 
 people " (iii. 17). Elsewhere he speaks of the exiles
 
 EZEKIELS METHODS OF TEACHING 49 
 
 as children (ii. 4). They also recognized the pastoral 
 relation, for they came freely in person, or through 
 their elders (xiv. 1), to consult him in regard to 
 matters of individual faith, and to "hear what is the 
 word that cometli forth from the Lord " through the 
 mouth of their trusty pastor (xxxiii. 30). He also 
 clearly defined his pastoral responsibilities : if he faith- 
 fully warned those under his charge, he felt that he 
 was innocent in the sight of God even though disaster 
 overtook them ; but if it came because of any remiss- 
 ness on his part, then "their blood would Jehovah 
 require at the hand of his watchman " (xxxiii. 1-9). 
 In his complete surrender to his work, he set an 
 example for all times. So entirely did he identify 
 himself with his message, that he speaks of eating 
 and digesting the roll on which it was written 
 (iii. 1-3). 
 
 42. In the variety of the methods which he em- 
 ployed to impress his words upon those under his 
 charge, he surpassed all other prophets. Like Jere- 
 miah, he frequently sought out groups of his country- 
 men, and by public address endeavored to reach them. 
 We can see him in his earnestness "stamping with 
 his foot " and gesticulating with his arms, to add force 
 to his words (vi. 11). More frequently, perhaps, 
 deputations of Jews visited him in his home with 
 questions which they freely discussed together (xiv.). 
 In the literary atmosphere of Babylon, he trusted 
 chiefly, however, to pastoral letters or tracts, copies 
 of which were probably also distributed among the 
 Jews of Canaan and Egypt ; for Ezekiel felt that they, 
 too, belonged to his flock. In all his writing that 
 strongly dramatic element, which characterize every-
 
 50 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 thing that he did, found expression in the variety of 
 rugged figures which he employed. The false prophets 
 are "foxes which undermine rather than build up 
 their nation" (xiii. 1-7); the sense of security in- 
 spired by their lying messages of peace is " like a wall 
 of defence laid in untempered mortar, which will 
 crumble at the first attack " (xiii. 10-12). Not con- 
 tent with words, he often acted his prophecies. To 
 convince his people that the downfall of Jerusalem 
 was inevitable, he represented on a tile the city in a 
 state of siege, and pictured all the details of its cap- 
 ture (iv. 1-3). At another time he was commanded 
 to shave off all his hair and to burn one-third in the 
 fire, one-third he was to smite with a sword, and the 
 remaining third he was to scatter to the winds. Of 
 these he was to preserve only a handful, thus sym- 
 bolizing the fate in store for his race. Again he tells 
 us that, in the sight of a gaping multitude, he carried 
 all of his household furniture to a place beside the 
 city wall, and then in hot haste dug a hole in the soft 
 clay, through which, under the cover of night, he 
 bore away his possessions. Having in this manner 
 aroused the curiosity of his fellow-citizens to the 
 highest pitch, he explained that even thus their 
 rebellious brethren in Jerusalem would soon be 
 only too glad to escape from their doomed city 
 (xii. 1-16). 
 
 43. Although born a priest, and an ardent advo- 
 cate of ritualism and the written law, Ezekiel, as a 
 faithful pastor, was a preacher of practical personal 
 righteousness. He ever placed deeds first and form 
 second, regarding the ritual and law as aids in the 
 development of upright character (xxxiii. 15). He
 
 MORAL AXD RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS OF EZEKIEL 51 
 
 predicted the fall of Jerusalem, not because the temple 
 service was neglected, but because of the crimes and 
 apostasy of its inhabitants (v. 5-11 ; vii. 1-27). To 
 the exiles who came to inquire of him the divine 
 will, he preached fundamental and complete conver- 
 sion, declaring: "Return, turn yourselves from your 
 idols ; and turn away your faces from all your abom- 
 inations " (xiv. 6). Repeatedly he impressed upon 
 them the truth that an external change was not suffi- 
 cient, but that the heart, the mainspring of action, 
 must be transformed (xxxvi. 26). One recognizes in 
 his denunciations of the corrupt rulers of his nation, 
 and in his unsparing attacks upon those who had been 
 unfaithful to the marriage bonds, or forgotten their 
 obligations to their neighbors (xxii. 6-12), the same 
 bold, uncompromising spirit that inspired John the 
 Baptist and Savonarola. In the presence of sin his 
 "forehead was as an adamant, harder than flint" (iii. 
 9), but the seeming harshness of the prophet was 
 prompted by the desire that "the wicked might turn 
 from his way and live " (xxxiii. 11). 
 
 44. Like every true pastor, he wails that "the 
 people hear his words, but do them not ; for with their 
 mouth they show much love, but their heart goes after 
 their gain " (xxxiii. 31). False prophets and prophet- 
 esses were found among the exiles, who undermined 
 the influence of Ezekiel and destroyed the peoples' 
 faith in the prophetic message (xiii. ; Jer. xxix. 21- 
 28). Certain popular errors gained wide acceptance. 
 The proverb: "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, 
 and the children's teeth are set on edge," which 
 Jeremiah branded as a lie, was still current in the 
 exile. Ezekiel resolutely met these dangers with
 
 52 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 assertions of the divine truth as it had been revealed 
 to him. " No man shall suffer for his father's sins, 
 but shall be rewarded according to his own deeds " 
 (xviii. 20). If he overlooked certain individual ex- 
 ceptions to this general principle, which are empha- 
 sized by the author of the Book of Job, his teaching 
 was far truer and more practical than the error which 
 it combated. No one in his flock was allowed to 
 shirk personal responsibility. Bach one was led 
 directly before the bar of divine justice. The false 
 theory that righteous deeds would save from the con- 
 sequences of wrong-doing was also mercilessly attacked 
 (xviii. 24). At the same time he taught the efficacy 
 of repentance and reformation, no matter how deeply 
 the penitent had sinned (xviii. 21). "Divine justice 
 and judgment are but an expression of God's love, for 
 their aim is to turn the sinner from his evil way that 
 he may live " (xviii. 23). 
 
 45. Although he was influenced by the experience 
 of the exile, which led men to conceive of the Lord as 
 far removed from them and to meditate more upon his 
 judgments than upon his favor, Ezekicl never failed 
 to appreciate that Jehovah was a God of love and 
 mercy. Together with all the true prophets, he re- 
 garded the exile as merely a temporary stage in the 
 moral and religious evolution of his race. As he 
 demonstrates at length, it was the natural and inevi- 
 table consequence of the political, social, moral, and 
 religious crimes of the Hebrew people during their 
 national life (xiv. to xvi. ; xxiii.). It was also in- 
 tended in divine providence to efface the effects of 
 those crimes, and to prepare the Jews for the realiza- 
 tion of their mission. Until they were thus prepared,
 
 THE GLORIOUS FUTURE FOR THE JEWISH RACE 53 
 
 that mission could not be accomplished. In the light 
 of this truth, the intense earnestness with which 
 Ezekiel devoted himself to the moral education of his 
 scattered flock, receives its full explanation. In them 
 he saw the germ upon whose proper development 
 depended mankind's future. 
 
 46. One of the many elements, inexplicable from a 
 human point of view, is the unanimity and absolute 
 certainty with which the prophets of the period de- 
 clared that their race would be again restored to 
 Canaan. In the details, their portrayals of the nature 
 of the restoration varied, but respecting the essential 
 facts, they were in perfect agreement. Before the 
 final fall of Jerusalem, Ezekiel announced that Jeho- 
 vah would surely gather his scattered people. Later, 
 when the sacred city was in ruins, and the Jews were 
 in exile or in the grave, he reiterated the same pre- 
 diction in the striking parable of the valley filled with 
 dry bones. By this he declared that the nation, then 
 morally and physically dead, would yet be raised and 
 revivified by Jehovah, and endued with a new and 
 more glorious life (xxxvii. 1-14) ; while all heathen 
 foes which opposed it, would be completely destroyed. 
 For the sake of his honor, which was sadly tarnished 
 by the infidelity of those who represented him before 
 the world, Jehovah would give them a new heart of 
 flesh, instead of their hard heart of stone (xxxvi. 21- 
 26). The old and broken covenant he would renew, 
 and he himself would return again to dwell in Jerusa- 
 lem among his people (xvi. 62), It is also interest- 
 ing to note that in Ezekiel's picture of the restored 
 Hebrew kingdom the descendants of the northern 
 Israelites, as well as the Judeans, are to have a share
 
 54 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 (xxxvii. 16-22). Each of the ancient tribes is to be 
 assigned a definite portion of the land of Canaan 
 (xlvii. 13). Over the united people is to rule Jeho- 
 vah's faithful servant, a scion of the royal Judean 
 line, who shall be dominated by the same noble pur- 
 poses as guided Israel's great conqueror-king of 
 blessed memory (xxxiv. 23, 24; xxxvii. 24-28). 
 Ezekiel portrays the unbroken peace and unbounded 
 prosperity Avhich will ultimately come to the restored 
 people, in colors even more glowing than do the ear- 
 lier prophets (xxxiv. 25-29 ; xxxvi. 8-15) ; but being 
 a discerning pastor, who did not shut his eyes to the 
 imperfections of his flock, he recognized that a long 
 process of purification was necessary before they 
 would be prepared to become worthy citizens of the 
 kingdom which Jehovah purposed to establish, with 
 Jerusalem as its centre. 
 
 47. Profiting by the experience of the past, and 
 following the tendency toward greater ceremonialism, 
 which found expression in Deuteronomy and the ref- 
 ormation of Josiah, Ezekiel outlined for the restored 
 state a plan calculated to correct the imperfections of 
 the earlier system, and to impress by form and cere- 
 mony the great truths which he deemed essential. 
 Naturally it was in general modelled after the pre- 
 exilic Hebrew kingdom and temple, with which he 
 was so familiar; but his fertile mind suggested much 
 that was entirely new, and not a little that proved 
 imj)ractical in the presence of actual facts. His pur- 
 pose, however, is evident. By detailed regulations 
 he aimed to close all the gaps in the law of Deuter- 
 onomy, whereby the old heathenism had found admis- 
 sion, and to surround the members of the restored
 
 EZEKIEL'S PROGRAM FOR THE HIERARCHY 55 
 
 community with influences which would insure their 
 perfect development. According to his vision, the 
 life of the community centred, not about the palace, 
 but about the temple, where dwelt Jehovah, the ac- 
 knowledged King of his people. To guard his holy 
 abode from too close contact with the life of the city, 
 and to impress the idea of his holiness, it was to be 
 enclosed by two series of broad courts, shut in by 
 encircling walls, and guarded by imposing gates. 
 Within this space, contrary to earlier usage, no for- 
 eigner w^as to be allowed to set foot; even the non- 
 Hebrew servants who performed the menial duties at 
 the pre-exilic sanctuary were to be excluded. Their 
 place was to be filled by the Levites, who, in accord- 
 ance with the regulations of Deuteronomy, were con- 
 tinued in charge of the temple (Deut. x. 8, 9; xviii. 
 1-8). Now, however, since they had formerly been 
 connected with the high places, they were to be de^ 
 graded (Ezek. xliv. 10-14). The higher functions 
 henceforth were to be performed only by the descend- 
 ants of Zadok ; that is, by the original priests of the 
 sanctuary at Jerusalem. The number of sacrifices in 
 the name of the nation was to be greatly increased, 
 and the ritual made more elaborate ; while the private 
 offerings of earlier times almost disappeared. A 
 prominence which they never possessed before was 
 also given to the atoning sacrifices. At the begin- 
 ning of the first and seventh months special atoning 
 services were appointed. In fact, almost all the 
 sacrifices offered in the name of the nation were 
 now to be of this nature. From this time forth, 
 the prophetic teachings respecting the hideousness 
 of sin were to be forcibly driven home to the
 
 56 THE BABYLONIAN PEIilOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 hearts of the people through the services of the 
 ritual. 
 
 48. In Ezekiel's system the priesthood completely 
 overshadows the monarchy. The chief role of the 
 prince, who represents the king of earlier days, was 
 to provide for the stated sacrifices in behalf of the 
 nation. For this purpose alone, he was to receive 
 fixed dues from the people. His old right of appoint- 
 ing and regulating the priests of the sanctuary van- 
 ished, the situation was completely reversed, and he 
 became merely a servant of the sanctuary. In the 
 new division of the territory of Judah, Ezekiel assigns 
 to the priests and Levites the most desirable land im- 
 mediately surrounding the temple. Thus it was that 
 this energetic priest-prophet of the exile formulated 
 the first constitution of a purely ecclesiastical state. 
 The subsequent temper and political fortunes of his 
 people favored its institution. It was, of course, laid 
 aside until the second temple was built, but, from that 
 time on, many of its suggestions were adopted entirely 
 or in modified form. 
 
 49. Ezekiel, it may truly be said, presented the 
 rough draft, which, when elaborated, became the pro- 
 gram of later generations. With him began the codi- 
 fication and gradual — possibly almost unconscious — 
 expansion of the older ritualistic laws, which culmi- 
 nated in the minute regulations of the scribes. Most 
 of the ideas which they emphasized — the exaltation 
 of the priesthood, the sanctity of the temple, the care- 
 ful distinction between clean and unclean, and the 
 atoning sacrifices — are also prominent in Ezekiel's 
 system. He, therefore, occupies an important medi- 
 ating position between, the earlier and simpler code
 
 HISTORICAL VALUE OF EZEKIEL'S PROGRAM 57 
 
 contained in Deuteronomy and the Book of the Cove- 
 nant (Ex. XX. to xxiv.), and the more detailed regu- 
 lations which are known as the Priestly or Levitical 
 Law (see sect. 201). Later circumstances and re- 
 visors modified Ezekiel's program in many particu- 
 lars. The day had not yet arrived when any system 
 was considered final. His regulations were revised 
 as freely as he had modified those of Deuteronomy. 
 " The Law " was still in the process of formation. For 
 example, the power and duties which he assigned to 
 the Davidic prince were absorbed by the high priest, 
 who, in the program of the priest-prophet of the exile, 
 had not yet appeared. Later generations also assigned 
 quite another historical reason why the Levites, the 
 priests of the old high places, were made subservient 
 to the Zadokites, the original Jerusalem priests (sect. 
 231). Many other regulations calculated to increase 
 the revenues of the temple and of its ministers were 
 added, as new needs arose and as the ritual became 
 more complex. On the other hand, many of the more 
 impracticable elements in Ezekiel's plan, as, for ex- 
 ample, the arbitrary assignment of the territory of 
 Canaan and the design of the temple, were simply 
 ignored in the face of later conditions. It was but 
 natural in the first century of the Christian era, when 
 the traditional origin of the law was generally ac- 
 cepted by the Jews, that they should recognize the 
 many differences between Ezekiel's and the still more 
 elaborate Priestly Code, and should question the 
 authority of the prophet. In the light of history, 
 liowever, he figures as the most prominent of the 
 many who, dui-ing the critical period of the exile, 
 were thinking of the future as well as of the present,
 
 58 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 and devising those systems of law, which, when fin- 
 ally revised and combined, became the guiding norm 
 of Judaism. Ezekiel was indeed the potter who took 
 up the tools of preceding priests and prophets, and 
 on the wheel of his age moulded the external reli- 
 gious life of his race.
 
 VI 
 
 THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE 
 
 50. While their state existed, the attention of the 
 Jewish people was ahuost wholly engrossed by the 
 stirring political events which followed each other in 
 rapid succession. They had scarcely time to listen to 
 the voice of their prophets, much less to that of their 
 past. During the exile, however, for half a century 
 their life was barren of events. They lived, not in 
 the present, but in the memory of bygone experiences, 
 and in the hopes which they projected into the future. 
 The more intensely they thought of that future, which 
 they firmly believed held for them the possibilities of a 
 renewed national life, the more earnestly they studied 
 the past, to learn how they might avoid its mistakes. 
 The work of Ezekiel, who is the most perfect represen- 
 tative of the better class of Jews in the exile, forcibly 
 illustrates this dominant tendency. The sixteenth and 
 twentieth chapters of his prophecy, as well as many 
 other passages, are devoted to a review of Hebrew his- 
 tory, with the aim of drawing from it lessons, helpful 
 for the present and future. The same motives that 
 led them to study their previous history, impelled 
 them to collect and preserve the literary productions 
 of preceding generations. Chief among these motives 
 was the horror which the faithful felt, lest Babylon's 
 policy of disintegration should prove successful, and
 
 60 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the Jews be absorbed and lose their identity among the 
 peoples within whose territory they found themselves. 
 The danger was at that time far greater than it is 
 usually considered to have been. The high wall of 
 separation which has kept the Jew during the succeed- 
 ing ages from the Gentile was not yet built. The 
 inhabitants of Samaria, deported by Assyria in 722 
 B. c, were quickly absorbed by the kindred Semitic 
 races among whom they settled. The moment the 
 Jews began to engage in trade, their temptations mul- 
 tiplied, for the Babylonians introduced their gods and 
 religion into every department of business. Babylonian 
 priests were the scribes who wrote their legal con- 
 tracts, and Babylonian gods were invoked to witness 
 the oaths which sealed their agreements. As long as 
 the Jews refused to acknowledge the deities of Babylon, 
 they were naturally subject to many restrictions. Thus 
 self-interest, as well as the potent, persistent example 
 of the rich and powerful, with whom they came into 
 daily contact, prompted them to forget the austere 
 God whom they or their fathers had worshipped on 
 the hills of Palestine. The Babylonian worship itself 
 offered many strong allurements. In the magnificence 
 of its services it completely overshadowed anything 
 hitherto known to the Jews. The inspired prophets of 
 Jehovah could declare, especially when Babylon's end 
 was near: "Bel has bowed down, Ncbo has crouched, 
 their idols are given up to the beasts and the cattle " 
 Cisa. xlvi. 1) ; but to the ignorant during the years of 
 Babylon's glory the testimony of facts seemed only 
 to confirm the claims of their boastful conquerors. 
 The religious faith of such kings as Nebuchadrezzar 
 also contained many ideas which are admirable. Tb-e
 
 INCENTIVES TO LITERARY ACTIVITY 61 
 
 Bame was true to a certain extent of the religion of 
 Egypt, which must have proved even a greater temp- 
 tation to the ordinary Jew, because it was that of a 
 friendly people. The earnest sermons unveiling the 
 nothingness of the gods of the Babylonians, which 
 appear in the literature of the exile, are conclusive 
 evidence that the temptation to apostasy was a real 
 one, and the terror which the faithful felt in the face 
 of it, well grounded. Nothing was so calculated to 
 arouse the loyalty of the race as the memory of com- 
 mon national experiences. If the knowledge of those 
 experiences were to be preserved, it must be through 
 the medium of written records. The scattered con- 
 dition of the Jewish people made writing the only 
 means whereby it was possible to communicate witli 
 all of them. This fact undoubtedly gave a great im- 
 petus to the literary art. The atmosphere of both 
 Egypt and Babylon fostered the same tendency. No- 
 where in the ancient world was writing more com- 
 monly employed in the everyday affairs of life. In 
 Babylon, at least, every important commercial trans- 
 action was sealed by a written contract. Rulers com- 
 municated with their subjects by means of public 
 inscriptions. A large class of scribes devoted their 
 entire time to literary composition and to copying 
 public and private documents. Already the royal 
 libraries possessed a literature representing a period 
 of over three thousand years, and consisting of royal 
 decrees, national annals, hymns, mythological tales, 
 epics, magic formulas, and laws. Thus it was that 
 their condition, their needs, their patriotism, and their 
 environment all conspired to make the Jews in the 
 exile a literary people
 
 62 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 51. The best energies of the Jewish people now 
 found expression in writing, as the Books of Ezekiel, 
 Lamentations, and the exilic chapters preserved in the 
 Book of Isaiah, conclusively demonstrate. For the 
 first time also they learned fully to prize the literary 
 treasures inherited from the past. An important part 
 of their work, therefore, was the collecting and editing 
 of that which had already been written. On a larger 
 scale than had Ezekiel, some unknown editor or edi- 
 tors essayed the task of preserving, in the form of a 
 connected and detailed history of their nation from 
 earliest time to the present, those records which proba- 
 bly already existed in written documents. The aim 
 was to kindle a national spirit, and above all to enforce 
 the great prophetic truths which that history so clearly 
 illustrated. The result was the narrative contained 
 in the Books of Samuel and Kings. Introductory to 
 this, and edited from the same point of view, is the 
 Book of Judges. While this great history traces the 
 life of the Hebrew people down to the year 560 b. c, 
 and, therefore, in its final form comes from the latter 
 part of the exile, it is composed of extracts from much 
 earlier writings. Fortunately the exile was not unex- 
 pected, at least by those who heeded the words of the 
 prophets. The blow did not fall all at once, so that 
 ample opportunity was given to the refugees in Egypt, 
 and to the first group of exiles in Babylon, to preserve 
 copies of their sacred writings. In Samuel-Kings the 
 work of the final editor is chiefly that of a compiler. 
 His own contributions, aside from the arrangement 
 of the material in a chronological frame-work, appear 
 in the didactic sections, which are intended to enforce 
 the prophetic truths current in this later age, and
 
 EDITING OF EARLIER HISTORICAL RECORDS 63 
 
 which are easily recognized because of their peculiar- 
 ities of style and thought (see I. sect. 34 ; II. sects. 
 
 2, 3.) 
 
 52. The Book of Joshua, although in part parallel 
 with the Book of Judges, presents an entirely differ- 
 ent picture of the history and contains fewer cita- 
 tions from primitive records. The style and point of 
 view also arc much more uniform than those of Judges. 
 It represents in general the conception of the period 
 which was current during the exile (compare Ezek. 
 XX.). It is extremely probable that the older pro- 
 phetic sections, preserved in the book, were edited at 
 this time, although its final composition dates from a 
 still later period. 
 
 53. The return to Babylon, the traditional home of 
 the ancestors of the Hebrews, undoubtedly kindled a 
 new interest in the narratives of the patriarchs; just 
 as the Jews in Egypt recalled the stories of the so- 
 journ of their forefathers in the land of the Nile, and 
 of their return to Canaan. How far we are indebted 
 to this new interest and literary activity for the pres- 
 ervation of the inspiring prophetic narratives con- 
 tained in the opening books of the Old Testament, 
 can never be definitely determined. That some debt 
 exists can hardly be questioned. The same is true of 
 the accounts of creation, the garden of Eden, and the 
 flood, which reveal so many striking points of like- 
 ness and unlikeness with the corresponding traditions 
 current among the Babylonians. To the same influ- 
 ences we undoubtedly owe the development of the par- 
 allel priestly narratives, which were later united with 
 the older prophetic to form our present Pentateuch. 
 
 54. Ezekiel was only one of many priests deported
 
 64 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 to Babylon. There is evidence that others, like him- 
 self, during the period when the temple lay in ruins, 
 were preparing for the promised restoration. The 
 process of codifying, expanding, and adapting the law 
 was greatly accelerated by the exile. While the 
 temple remained and its services were continuous, 
 its regulations and customs were preserved chiefly in 
 oral form, but after its destruction they were in im- 
 minent danger of being forgotten through disuse. 
 The danger impelled those who were familiar with 
 the ancient usages to take the pen. In so doing they 
 also recognized their opportunity for improving upon 
 the old. While they felt the influence of the grow- 
 ing reverence for the past, in the exile they were free 
 from the tyrannical rule of existing custom. This 
 freedom may have given rise to systems differing from 
 Ezekiel's, as his in turn differs both from the earlier 
 Deuteronomic and the later Priestly Code. At first 
 there may have been much confusion. It was neces- 
 sary that many regulations be modified before they 
 could be practically applied to later conditions. The 
 outlines, however, of that which ultimately became 
 the accepted code, were probably developed at this 
 time, and the task of uniting existing codes with the 
 new systems begun. 
 
 55. In estimating the literary, and especially the 
 editorial work of the exile, it is necessary to remem- 
 ber that the extreme reverence for the letter, as well 
 as for the spirit of earlier writings, was a growth of 
 later times. The Jews still had prophets in their 
 midst whose words they recognized as authoritative 
 as those of olden days. The consecrated priests and 
 prophets who edited and expanded the writings of
 
 RE-EDITING OF EARLIER PROPHECIES 65 
 
 their predecessors, considered themselves equally in- 
 spired by the spirit of the same God. The message 
 of Jehovah to mankind through the Jewish race was 
 not yet complete. New conditions constantly called 
 for a new interpretation of the old. At first the close 
 student of the Bible is dismayed to find the older 
 writings interspersed with changes and additions 
 from later hands. Dismay is soon exchanged for 
 thankfulness, when it is recognized as an index of the 
 great truth that divine revelation never ceased, but 
 that each age received a new message from the Eter- 
 nal. Fortunately the canon of the Old Testament 
 was not forever closed until centuries after the 
 exile. More than half of its books, however, bear 
 the imprint of the work of the faithful editors who, 
 during the period of their nation's deepest humilia- 
 tion, labored to preserve the inestimable treasure 
 intrusted to their race, and, in so doing, preserved 
 the race itself.
 
 VII 
 
 THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN KULB 
 
 56. After a strong reign of forty-three years, in 
 561 B. c. the great Nebuchadrezzar died, leaving a 
 powerful and well-organized empire to his son Evil- 
 Merodach (Babylonian, Amil-Marduk, "man or ser- 
 vant of Marduk "). The new ruler seems to have 
 been one of the many weak products of the Oriental 
 harem. Berosus states that he was dissolute in char- 
 acter and unjust in his rule. This statement is con- 
 firmed by the brevity of his reign. None of his 
 inscriptions have been found ; but, according to the 
 biblical narrative (II. Kings xxv. 27-30), it was he 
 who liberated the Jewish king, Jehoiakin, after he 
 had been confined for thirty-seven years in Babylo- 
 nian prisons, and gave him a place at the royal table. 
 This act of clemency may have signalized the acces- 
 sion of the new ruler to the throne, although the 
 author of Kings dates the event in the latter part of 
 the year 560 b. c, when he had already been reigning 
 more than a year. The liberation of Jehoiakin does 
 not appear to have possessed much, if any, permanent 
 political significance, for daring the years immedi- 
 ately preceding the dissolution of the great empire, 
 the hatred of the Jewish exiles toward their masters 
 was intensified rather than mollified. 
 
 1
 
 NEBUCHADREZZAR'S SUCCESSORS 67 
 
 57. The first blow against Babylon was struck when 
 Nergalsharuzur, the Neriglissar of the Greeks, slew 
 Evil-Merodach, after he had reigned but two years; 
 for, although the assassin, who mounted the throne, 
 was a stronger ruler than the murdered king, it intro- 
 duced a regime of anarchy which destroyed the vital 
 strength of the empire. The new ruler was probably 
 the Nergalsharezer of Jeremiah xxxix. 3, who, as 
 one of the chief officers of Nebuchadrezzar, directed 
 the final capture and destruction of Jerusalem in 586 
 B. c. Two Greek historians state independently that 
 he was the brother-in-law of Evil-Merodach, and 
 therefore the son-in-law of Nebuchadrezzar. Their 
 testimony is probably authentic, for, from the inscrip- 
 tions of Nergalsharuzur, it is evident that he followed 
 closely the policy of the great king. For a brief in- 
 terval he maintained the integrity of the empire. 
 His entire attention, however, was devoted to build- 
 ing enterprises. Nabonidus attributes to him the re- 
 building of certain temples (Nab., Cor. Cyl. iv. 3-6). 
 The old palace of his predecessors, which had fallen 
 into decay, he thoroughly restored (Cambridge Cyl. 
 ii. 15-39), and further developed the canal system of 
 Babylon. He alludes to the rebellions and conspir- 
 acies which disturbed his short reign, and, in a prayer 
 at the close of one of his inscriptions, suggests the 
 well-grounded fears which oppressed him: "0, Mar- 
 duk, mighty lord, strong prince, omnipotent and in- 
 vincible, light of the gods, to thee I pray. Be kindly 
 disposed to the gracious work of my hands, and grant 
 as a gift forever a long life, many offspring, a stable 
 throne, and a lasting rule, in accordance with thy 
 eternal and unchanging will, to me, Nergalsharuzur,
 
 68 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the king, the builder, the one who cares for thy sanc- 
 tuaries " (Ripley Cyl. ii. 28-38). 
 
 58. Four years only he reigned, leaving his throne 
 to his young son, Labashi-Marduk, who, according to 
 the Nabonidus inscription, "as a little child was 
 taken from the harem, and not in accord with the 
 desire of the gods was seated on the throne of sover- 
 eignty " (Cor. Inscript. iv. 8). Within nine months 
 the conspiracies which his father had feared, ripened, 
 and the young king was murdered by his nobles. 
 They then conferred the royal power upon one of their 
 number, Nabuna'id, better known as Nabonidus, a 
 prince of Babylon. It is difficult to ascertain what 
 determined the choice of the conspirators. Perhaps 
 it was because, as he claims, he was a descendant of 
 the family of Nebuchadrezzar and Nergalsharuzur 
 (Cor. Inscript. v. 6), or, possibly, because, recognizing 
 that he had few of the qualities of a statesman or 
 ruler, they hoped to retain more power and indepen- 
 dence for themselves. In his coronation inscription, 
 Nabonidus states that " into the midst of the temple 
 of the sceptre they brought me, and their offerings 
 they poured out at my feet, my feet they kissed, and 
 they worshipped my majesty. By the decree of the 
 lord Marduk, I am raised up to the dominion of the 
 land. Now they cry, 0, father of this land, thou hast 
 no equal " (v. 1-5). 
 
 59. From his inscriptions, as well as from the 
 statements of the Greek historians, it is evident that 
 his interests were all religious and antiquarian. In 
 the face of the imminent danger from invasion, he 
 strengthened the huge wall along the Euphrates ; but 
 otherwise all of the recorded activity of his reign of
 
 THE ANTIQUARIAN ZEAL OF NABONIDUS 69 
 
 seventeen years consisted in the restoration of temples. 
 In hira this tendency was so extreme that it became 
 grotesque. Like Nebuchadrezzar, he repaired and 
 adorned the sanctuaries of Babylon. He recognized 
 Marduk, Bel, and Nebo, the favorite gods of his peo- 
 ple, but his chief interest centred in the revival of the 
 worship of the ancient deities. Not contented, as his 
 predecessors had been, with rebuilding ancient temples 
 on their traditional sites, he made careful excavations 
 to find their original foundations. In the great cylin- 
 der from Abu-ilabba, he tells us : " I summoned my 
 distant subjects from Gaza, on the borders of Egypt, 
 by the upper sea on the other side of the Euphrates, 
 even to the lower sea (Persian), kings, princes, 
 governors and many men, which Sin, Shamash, and 
 Ishtar, my lords, had intrusted to me, to build the 
 temple of Sin, my lord and savior, which is situated in 
 Harran. " Cedars were brought from Mount Amanus, 
 and bronze, silver, and gold were freely used in beau- 
 tifying this ancient shrine. Similarly the temple 
 of Shamash at Sippar, originally founded thirty-two 
 hundred years before by the son of Sargon L, was 
 lavishly rebuilt. Here an entire year was devoted to 
 excavating for the original site, while each day the 
 king uttered fervent prayers for the success of the 
 undertaking. When not only the original foundation 
 of the temple was unearthed, but also the cylinder of 
 its first builder, the joy of the royal antiquarian knew 
 no bounds. 
 
 60. The same interest in the past seems to have led 
 him to collect many of the images of the gods, and to 
 transfer them to places where they would receive bet- 
 ter care. His aim may also have been to concentrate
 
 70 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 their protective power iu Babylon. In one of his 
 inscriptions he prays to Shamash, his favorite god : 
 "Be gracious to me, receive my sighs, grant my 
 petition; the legitimate crown and sceptre, which 
 you have allowed me to grasp, may I hold in my 
 hand forever and ever" (Nab. Abu-Habba, Col. iii. 
 19-21). Although there is no evidence that he was 
 deliberately attempting to set aside the popular wor- 
 ship, the old Babylonian gods, which were also those 
 of the Assyrians, receive far more attention in his 
 inscriptions than do Marduk and Nebo. His sub- 
 jects, naturally, could not understand his zeal for the 
 old, and, therefore, viewed his acts askance; while 
 the priests and worshippers at the shrines which he 
 despoiled swelled the army of those who were bit- 
 terly opposed to him. Perhaps it was because he 
 recognized his growing unpopularity, that he retired 
 from Babylon altogether, making his home at a town 
 whose location is no longer known. Thus absenting 
 himself from his capital, the great religious feasts, 
 which were regarded as a most important element 
 in the worship of the national gods, and for which 
 the presence of the king was essential, were not 
 observed. Nothing was more calculated to alienate 
 a religious people like the Babylonians, than these 
 wide departures from the current tradition. Cyrus 
 states in one of his inscriptions (I. Raw. 68, 4; 33, 
 4): "The gods of Shumir and Akkad, whom Nabu- 
 na'id, arousing the anger of the chief of the gods 
 (Marduk), had carried away to Shuannaki, I, at the 
 command of Marduk, the great god, caused to be 
 restored to their places in accordance with their 
 desire." 
 
 I
 
 THE FALSE CONFIDENCE OF NABONIDUS 71 
 
 61. There is something exceedingly tragic in the 
 picture of this last king of proud Babylon giving his 
 whole attention to the gods of the dead past, thereby 
 neglecting his duties as a king and arousing the sus- 
 picions and hatred of his subjects ; while from the north, 
 apparently little heeded by him, the dark war clouds 
 were approaching ever nearer. The prominent men- 
 tion of his oldest son, Belsharuzur, in his inscriptions, 
 as well as the policy of the king, indicate that he as- 
 signed to him an important place in the empire, and 
 possibly in his latter days shared with him the royal 
 authority. His apparent indifference in the face of 
 an overwhelming danger may be explained by his 
 absolute confidence in the impregnability of the walls 
 of Babylon on the one hand, and, on the other, by his 
 blind confidence that the gods would never desert one 
 who had served them so faithfully and untiringly. A 
 sudden and sad awakening awaited the royal dreamer, 
 
 62. The Assyrian kings, in conducting campaign 
 after campaign against the freedom-loving tribes living 
 among the mountains to the east of their broad empire, 
 felt that they were conferring a great service upon 
 their race in exterminating or carrying away into 
 slavery those peoples who most seriously menaced their 
 peace and independence. Their policy resulted far 
 differently from what they had imagined. Its very 
 thoroughness defeated its end, for the inviting territory 
 bereft of inhabitants by their arms, like a loadstone at- 
 tracted the Aryan peoples, who during the eighth century 
 came streaming down from southern Europe and the 
 highlands of central Asia. At first they were intent 
 only upon gaining homes, and were united by no com- 
 mon bond. In most cases they affiliated readily with
 
 72 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the surviving peoples whom they found already in 
 possession, and who represented earUer waves of in- 
 vasion. In time the different tribes began to coalesce. 
 Before the fall of the Assyrian empire, large bodies of 
 these northern invaders had established themselves 
 among the mountains to the north. According to the 
 recently discovered inscription of Nabonidus, which 
 chronicles the destruction of Nineveh (see Appendix I.), 
 rude Aryan hordes, the Umman-Manda, at the sum- 
 mons of Nabopolassar, who had raised in Babylon the 
 standard of revolt against Assyria, completed in 605 b. c. 
 the destruction of that great world power. The con- 
 querors divided the territory thus acquired with the 
 Babylonians. Whenever this new northern power is 
 referred to in the contemporary cuneiform inscrip- 
 tions it is called the empire of the Umman-Manda. 
 The term Umman-Manda means " nomadic hordes," 
 and is the regular Babylonian designation of those 
 fierce northern invaders known to the Greeks as the 
 Scythians and the Cimmerians. The state which they 
 founded on the ruins of Assyria must, however, be 
 identical with the Median kingdom of the late Greek 
 writers. The Madai, during the flourishing days of 
 the Assyrian empire, occupied the territory to the 
 south of the Caspian Sea. Before or soon after their 
 conquest of Assyria, the northern hordes must have 
 overrun Media, conquering and partially uniting with 
 the older population. The amal-gamation was the 
 easier because they were of kindred blood. The desig- 
 nation " Median " may therefore have an historical 
 basis or may simply be due to the confusion in later 
 times of the somewhat similar but fundamentally 
 different terms, Manda and Mada. About 585 b, c, 
 
 1
 
 THE RISE OF CYRUS 73 
 
 according to the Greek historians, a treaty was con- 
 chided between Nebuchadrezzar, the son of Nabopo- 
 lassar, Alyattes of Ljdia, and the Median king Cjaxares, 
 the conqueror of Nineveh, which brought nearly thirty 
 years of comparative peace and prosperity to western 
 Asia. It was, however, an armed peace. Nebuchad- 
 rezzar improved the years of quiet to fortify his 
 capital and land strongly against his northern ally. 
 The overthrow of the house of Nebuchadrezzar and the 
 accession of Nabonidus marked the severance of 
 friendly relations between Babylon and the kingdom 
 of the Umman-Manda. A kingdom like the latter, 
 which had come into existence so suddenly, and which 
 included many heterogeneous elements, was destined 
 as quickly to collapse, whenever the power which held 
 it together devolved upon a weak or mediocre ruler. 
 Astyages, the successor of Cyaxares, obviously pos- 
 sessed little of the ability of his predecessor. There 
 can also be little doubt that the old Median population 
 was only awaiting a strong champion about whom it 
 might rally in an effort to throw off the hated yoke of 
 the conqueror. 
 
 63. The deliverer came, not from the Median, but 
 from the kindred Persian stock. Cyrus is designated in 
 the inscriptions as " the king of Anshan " or " Anzan." 
 Anshan is mentioned in a very ancient inscription of 
 Gudea (Sarzec, D^couvertes en Chald^e, pi. 19, Col. 3), 
 and frequently in later Assyrian inscriptions, and ap- 
 pears from these references to have been a little state 
 located in northwestern Elam and to the south of 
 Media, among the mountains northeast of Babylonia. 
 Cyrus gives a long list of his ancestors, who, like him- 
 self, had ruled in Anshan, and tells us that he became
 
 74 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 king in 559 b. c. It is exceedingly probable that be- 
 fore he suddenly emerged into world-wide prominence, 
 his sway was acknowledged by the Elamite tribes who 
 had survived the calamities which had overtaken their 
 nation (Ezek. xxxii. 24). In the great cylinder of 
 Nabonidus it is stated that " Cyrus, the king of Anzan, 
 his (Astyages) insignificant vassal, scattered with his 
 few troops the numerous Scythians (Umman-Manda). 
 Astyages, their king, he captured and carried away in 
 bonds to his land " (i. 28-33). The inscription evi- 
 dently dates from soon after this event, for the victory 
 of Cyrus over the Scythians is viewed by the Babylo- 
 nians, not with alarm, but as in perfect accord with 
 the will of their god Marduk, and, therefore, as an 
 occasion for rejoicing. The Nabonidus-Cyrus Chroni- 
 cle gives a fuller account of the great victory whereby 
 " the insignificant vassal " of Astyages became master 
 of the old Median empire. " Astyages assembled his 
 army and advanced against Cyrus, king of Anshan. 
 . . . The people of Astyages rebelled against him ; he 
 was taken captive and handed over to Cyrus. Cyrus 
 advanced toward Ecbatana, the capital ; the silver, 
 gold, and possessions of the territory of Ecbatana he 
 carried forth and brought to Anshan " (i. 1-4). The 
 date of this event was 549 b. c. The cause of the 
 revolt of the Median subjects of Astyages was evi- 
 dently their dislike for the barbarous rule of the 
 Umman-Manda. The facts also explain why the 
 Medes were regarded as co-partners with the Persians 
 in the empire which resulted from this victory. The 
 statement of the Persian historian, Ctesias, that most 
 of the successes of Cyrus were purchased by intrigue 
 and deceit, may not be entirely without foundation.
 
 THE EARLIER CONQUESTS OF CYRUS 75 
 
 The most probable basis for the tradition of Herodotus, 
 that the Scythian princes were treacherously murdered, 
 is found in the events of 549 b. c. Henceforth Cyrus 
 figured as the regular successor to the Median throne, 
 and devoted the years immediately following to estab- 
 lishing his claim. It is not strange that the biblical 
 writers continued to speak of the new empire as the 
 Median. In 546 b. c. Cyrus appears for the first time 
 with the title " King of Persia." 
 
 64. The new conqueror combined with the ability 
 of a great commander the skill of a diplomat and the 
 prudence of a wise statesman. He knew how to wait 
 as well as how to lead a sudden attack. In the year 
 547 B. c. he crossed the Tigris and conquered and sub- 
 jugated the broad plains of Mesopotamia, lying to the 
 north of Babylon, which had been held by Astyages, 
 but temporarily seized by Nabonidus (Nab. -Cyrus Chr. 
 i. 15-17). Thus he established early in his career a 
 base for an attack upon his still powerful rival ; but 
 there is no positive evidence that he ventured it at 
 that time. Apparently recognizing the impregnable 
 nature of the huge walls which encircled Babylon, he 
 wisely hesitated to press at once his conquests in that 
 quarter. Instead he seems to have instituted intrigues 
 calculated to alienate still further the lukewarm loyalty 
 which the Babylonians felt for their strange king. 
 
 65. Cyrus meantime, in 546 b. c, turned his atten- 
 tion to the old feud between the Medes and the Lydians, 
 who, under their wealthy king, Croesus, were masters 
 of central Asia Minor. The Lydian king assumed the 
 offensive, and in Cappadocia an indecisive battle was 
 fought (Herod, i. 76). When Croesus retired, deem- 
 ing the campaign of the year at an end, Cyrus fol-
 
 76 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 lowed him, met and defeated his army, and was soon 
 in possession of his capital, Sardis. The Greek col- 
 onies in Asia Minor were next attacked. Some of 
 them submitted readily, while others made a valiant 
 resistance; but the lack of united organization among 
 the Greeks gave Cyrus the advantage, so that in time 
 he was able to extend his rule to the JEgean Sea. 
 Returning to his capital, he next successfully directed 
 his armies against the half-civilized hordes to the 
 east of his empire. Not until 538 b. c. were condi- 
 tions ripe for the conquest of the proud mistress of 
 the lower Euphrates. The ultimate result of the 
 impending struggle had long been evident to all who 
 recognized the marked superiority of Persian arms 
 over those of any other people in southwestern Asia. 
 To those who were cognizant of the internal weakness 
 and corruption of the Babylonian empire, it was 
 obvious that the fruit for which Cyrus had waited so 
 long was ripe for the plucking. 
 
 66. The hopes and expectations of the Jewish exiles 
 in Babylon, while Cyrus was engaged in his career of 
 conquest, can be imagined; but, fortunately, we are 
 not left to conjecture. Through all the dark period 
 which had preceded this promise of a dawn, the more 
 faithful ones, like Ezekiel, had cherished the firm 
 belief that an opportunity would yet be given to them 
 to return. Jeremiah's bold assurance that Jehovah 
 would not forget his loving purpose toward his scat- 
 tered people, and that he would again plant them in 
 Canaan, never again to be torn up, had kept alive 
 their much-tried faith. Babylon's rule was recog- 
 nized by all as the first hairier which must be removed 
 before the way would be opened for a return, for " they
 
 ^
 
 JOY AT THE PROSPECT OF BABYLON'S FALL 77 
 
 who took them captives held them fast; they refused 
 to let them go" (Jer. I. 33). When the mighty city 
 began to totter, it is not strange that joy filled every 
 Jewish heart. Sighs of relief and cries of thanksgiv- 
 ing burst from many lips. If these found too open 
 expression, and brought upon the exiles the persecu- 
 tions of their masters, it only made them the more 
 eager for the consummation. 
 
 67. A chorus of minor prophets, disciples of 
 Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, made Babylon's ap- 
 proaching downfall the theme of their message. They 
 present vividly the hopes and fears of the exiles in 
 the East. At Jehovah's command, they saw his con- 
 secrated ones, the multitudes of the nations, headed 
 by the Medes, whom no bribes would turn back, ad- 
 vancing to execute judgment upon guilty Babylon 
 (Isa. xiv. ; xxi. 1-10). Graphically they pictured the 
 details of the siege: "The land trembles. The 
 mighty men of Babylon cease to fight. They remain 
 in their strongholds. Their might has failed. They 
 are become as women. Her dwelling-places are on 
 fire. Her defences are broken. One post shall run 
 to meet another, and one messenger to meet another, 
 to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken on 
 every quarter" (Jer. li. 29-31). Complacently they 
 described the complete ruin and desolation soon to 
 overtake the city, which they regarded as the person- 
 ification of greed, corruption, oppression, and idola- 
 try. From their high towers they perceived that 
 Babylon had ceased to be a useful instrument in the 
 hand of Jehovah, and hence it must be destroyed. 
 From their point of view, it was not strange that they 
 regarded this act as a punishment for the wrongs done
 
 78 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 to their city and temple (Jer. li. 11, 24). In a sense 
 they were right, for Babylon's downfall was the direct 
 consequence of the cruel, rapacious policy which 
 brought to the great city its wealth, and with that, 
 the resulting luxury and corruption which, in turn, 
 proved its undoing. Its conquest by Cyrus introduced 
 a new and nobler chapter of human history. Above 
 all, it made possible the re-building of Jerusalem and 
 the temple, which were destined again to give to the 
 Jewish race a centre about which their national and 
 religious life might crystallize.
 
 VIII 
 
 THE ^MESSAGE OF THE GKEAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE 
 
 68. Of all the exiles who eagerly watched the vic- 
 torious progress of Cyrus, none understood so fully 
 its true significance as the great unknown prophet 
 from whom came the messages preserved in chapters 
 xl. to Iv. of the Book of Isaiah. Rising above the 
 confusion and humiliation of the present, he caught 
 glimpses of the eternal purpose which was being 
 worked out in human history, and of the principles 
 in accordance with which it must be realized. For- 
 cibly and beautifully he interpreted to his own and 
 succeeding ages the results of his inspired vision. In 
 him Hebrew prophecy reached its highest expression. 
 Accepting the principles enunciated by his great 
 predecessors, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, he her- 
 alded the universal kingdom of God, in which, not 
 might, but self-sacrifice was to be the ruling force. 
 While he was an idealist, living in a future which 
 proved far more distant than he anticipated, he rec- 
 ognized and dealt most practically with the needs of 
 the moment. His first aim was to arouse the enthu- 
 siasm and patriotism of his apathetic fellow-exiles, 
 that they might turn their backs upon the comforts 
 of Babylon, and, in the face of seemingly superhuman 
 obstacles, devote themselves and their all to the noble
 
 80 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 task of reviving their dismembered state. He fully 
 realized that the future of their race and of the re- 
 ligion of Jehovah depended largely upon their action 
 when the opportunity came. It was a crisis even 
 greater than that which arose when Jerusalem was 
 destroyed, for if the Jews neglected their supreme 
 opportunity, their end would be far more shameful 
 than that of the northern Israelites. The prophet's 
 words were primarily addressed to his fellow-coun- 
 trymen in Babylon, but the appeal was to all who 
 would respond to the needs of the hour, wherever the 
 upheaval of 586 b. c. had cast them. 
 
 69. The prophet's message opens with the joyful 
 proclamation that Israel's period of hardship is over 
 (xl. 1, 2). With the combined power of logic and 
 rhetoric, the awful doubts which paralyzed the exiles 
 were met, and glorious hopes substituted. We can 
 hear him, like Ezekiel, reasoning with his flock: "Do 
 you fear that Jehovah has forgotten and will not vin- 
 dicate you (xl. 27) ? Already he is preparing to 
 accomplish for you a mighty work of deliverance (xl. 
 3-5). Like a tender shepherd he will gather his peo- 
 ple (xl. 11). Do you fear that your masters will not 
 let you go ? At Jehovah's command the peoples who 
 now hold you in slavery shall themselves bring you 
 back. Kings and queens, bowing humbly before the 
 Lord, shall supply your every want. Then you shall 
 know that Jehovah is a God who never fails those 
 who wait for him (xlix. 22, 23). Do the perils of 
 the long journey back to your native land appall you ? 
 Jehovah declares that he will make the desert a para- 
 dise before you, so that you will be able to return 
 without danger or discomfort (xli. 18-20). Does the
 
 THE CERTAINTY OF DELIVERANCE FROJI BAUYLON SI 
 
 present desolation of Judah discourage joii ? Barren 
 Jerusalem shall again be inhabited and the land, as 
 of old, studded with prosperous cities (xliv. 26), As 
 suppliants, shall proud and rich nations come bring- 
 ing to you their wealth. Best of all, that peace and 
 prosperity shall continue, not for a passing moment, 
 but forever; and your present woe shall be but a 
 horrible dream of the past (xlv. 14-17). Upon your 
 descendants also shall rest Jehovah's blessing and the 
 benign, reviving, transforming influence of his spirit 
 (xliv. 3). 
 
 70. " But some of you question, ' What proof is there 
 that these glorious predictions will be fulfilled ? ' The 
 sole and sufficient assurance is found in the character 
 of the God who thus promises. He, who proclaims 
 himself to be your Redeemer, is also your Creator. 
 Jehovah is he who rules the universe and guides with 
 omnipotent hand all human events (xliv. 24, 25). 
 Consider the utter folly of fearing the Babylonians, 
 your present masters, whose gods are the creations of 
 their own hands and fancies, and who possess no 
 power to deliver either themselves or their devotees. 
 The proud nations of the earth are but infinitesimal 
 particles in the great universe which Jehovah directs 
 with such wisdom and precision (xl. 12-26). If you 
 question his ability and readiness to save, remember 
 how he has revealed himself in your past history 
 (xliii. 2). Above all, he is a God of absolute right- 
 eousness (xlv. 19). Recall also how, from the earli- 
 est history of your race, he has tenderly cared for you. 
 His love has far surpassed that of a mother toward 
 her helpless child (xlvi. 3, 4; xlix. 15, 16). Surely 
 you cannot, for a moment, doubt the promise of such 
 
 6
 
 82 THE Bx\RYLOXIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 a God, infinite in power, all wise, all just, and all 
 loving. 
 
 71. " If you but open your eyes you will see the in 
 strument wherewith he is to accomplish your deliver- 
 ance. For your sakes he is giving victory after victory 
 to that obscure eastern prince, who already has be- 
 come master of the powerful Median empire (xli. 1-4, 
 25). It may not be in accord with your expectations, 
 but I tell you that this Cyrus is, indeed, Jehovah's 
 Messiah, anointed to prepare the way for your resto- 
 ration (xlv. 1-13; xlviii. 14-16). In view of Jeho- 
 vah's purpose to deliver — a purpose which already 
 is on the verge of being accomplished — the fall of 
 proud Babylon is imminent. No longer, arrogant 
 Babylonians, will you compel the nations to pander to 
 your love of luxury. For your cruelty toward his 
 people, whom he for a time intrusted to your care, 
 destruction shall fall upon you. Vainglorious, cor- 
 rupt, superstitious city ! All your boasted wisdom, 
 your far-famed magical formulas, and the skill of 
 your astrologers, shall not deliver you from the ven- 
 geance which Jehovah will speedily visit upon you 
 (xlvii.). 
 
 72. "Do you wish to know, exiles, why Jehovah 
 has chosen you as a race from ail the peoples of the 
 earth, and why, therefore, he will surely redeem you ? 
 It is because it is his immutable and righteous pur- 
 pose to lead all mankind to know and worship him 
 (xlv. 23). You, he has called to serve him, in realiz- 
 ing that purpose. You, indeed, are his witnesses be- 
 fore the world. He has created and trained you, that 
 you may set forth his praise (xliii. 10, 12, 21). For 
 the uplifting of mankind he requires a servant who,
 
 JEHOVAH'S PEOPLE CHOSEN FOR SERVICE 83 
 
 amidst persecution and humiliation, ever responsive 
 to the divine teaching and direction, will devote him- 
 self wholly and completely to the exalted task of pro- 
 claiming his divine will (xlii. 1-4, 6, 7; xlix. 3, 5- 
 13). That you might be prepared for that sublime 
 service, Israelites, Jehovah has spared no effort. 
 With that end in view, he chose you, the seed of 
 Abraham, and brought you from the ends of the 
 earth, cared for and designated you as his servant. 
 Indeed, he is still upholding you, protecting you from 
 your foes, and encouraging you in face of danger (xl. 
 8-13). Freely he has forgiven your sins, and now 
 he is eager to have you return to him (xliv. 21, 22). 
 Throughout your history he has bestowed upon you all 
 the tender care and solicitude which a loving heart 
 can give (xlvi. 3, 4). When blessings failed to lead 
 you into the path of loving obedience, his tender care 
 for you found expression in discipline, that it might 
 awaken you to your duties and opportunities (xlii. 
 23, 25). " 
 
 73. "Justly does Jehovah expect you, his chosen 
 people, to be a faithful servant, prepared for any ser- 
 vice ; but alas ! what docs he find ? Like your fore- 
 fathers, to whom the great Isaiah spoke, you are 
 blind, so that you do not see the truth, and deaf, so 
 that you do not hear the call to service. Even the 
 refining fire of discipline has failed to arouse you 
 from the deep lethargy which has taken possession of 
 you (xlii. 18-25). Instead you only say, despond- 
 ently : ' Jehovah has abandoned me ' (xlix. 14). Your 
 God has not demanded costly sacrifices; but you 
 have not even presented what was easily in your power 
 to give. The only offerings which you have brought
 
 84 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORT 
 
 to him have been your sins (xliii. 23, 24). Submis* 
 sion and purity of life are the first requisites for 
 service; but alas! you are obdurate and far from 
 righteousness (xlvi. 12). With your lips you profess 
 allegiance to Jehovah, but your acts belie your words. 
 Obstinately you have refused to give heed to his com- 
 mands. Treacherously have you dealt with him " 
 (xlviii. 1-4, 8). 
 
 74. Thus when the prophet, with his enlightened 
 eye, reviewed the past history of his people and 
 studied the character and attitude of those to whom 
 he wrote, he was forced to admit that they were by no 
 means prepared to perform the great service necessary 
 for the salvation of their race and of mankind. Hence, 
 while still speaking to his contemporaries, he was 
 led repeatedly to turn from the imperfect and dis- 
 couraging reality to describe the perfect type of ser- 
 vant who must appear before Jehovah's loving purpose 
 could be accomplished. Many analogies might be 
 cited from the history of Hebrew prophecy. Hosea 
 frequently paused in the midst of his bitterest denun- 
 ciations to portray the glories of the day when the 
 Israelites would again be reconciled to Jehovah. 
 Jeremiah, as he sat among the ruins of Jerusalem, 
 painted in most glowing colors the picture of the 
 restored city and people (Jer. xxx. ; xxxi.). Indeed, 
 the form of most Messianic prophecies, which are but 
 the foreshadowing of the one great divine purpose 
 being realized in human history, is determined by the 
 conditions and, especially, the needs of the age in 
 which the prophet lived. Naturally he placed the 
 ideal and the sad reality side by side, and thus, by 
 contrast, brought out each in stronger colors.
 
 MEANING or THE TITLE "SERVANT OF JEHOVAH" 85 
 
 75. It is significant that in Isaiah xl. to Iv. there is 
 no reference to a Jewish Messiah. The term had 
 come to be associated with the royal house of David, 
 which had already begun to sink into merited oblivion. 
 The one Messiah mentioned is Cyrus, and his mission 
 is clearly defined. The prophetic conception of the 
 divine purpose had so far expanded that it could no 
 longer be represented by the imagery of a temporal 
 kingdom. A new and more comprehensive termi- 
 nology was demanded to describe the fuller revelation. 
 Thus it was that the familiar title, "servant of Jeho- 
 vah," became the keynote of the prophecy. Already 
 it had been applied to the patriarchs, to Moses, 
 Joshua, David, Solomon, and most of the pre-exilic 
 prophets. In Deuteronomy xxxii. 36, 43, the people 
 of Israel are addressed as the " servants of Jehovah ; " 
 while to the prophets as a class the designation was 
 often given. In its origin the Hebrew word translated 
 "servant" also means "slave." Its essential idea is 
 that of the complete dependence and submission of 
 the one thus designated to his master. Vassal princes 
 spoke of themselves as the slaves or servants of their 
 conqueror. A high official or commander-in-chief of 
 an army was addressed as the "servant of the king." 
 In something of the same sense Moses is spoken of as 
 the "servant of Jehovah." So, also, the prophets 
 were Jehovah's ambassadors, intrusted with an im- 
 portant mission, which they were under obligations 
 to perform at any cost to themselves. The term 
 "servant of Jehovah," therefore, suggests the rela- 
 tionship, on the one hand, of the divine master com- 
 manding and supporting, and, on the other, the attitude 
 of careful attendance and ready, faithful obedience.
 
 80 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTOEY 
 
 76. The original of the familiar term "Messiah, 
 anointed," as used by the prophets, was practically 
 the same, for whoever in the Old Testament was 
 called a Messiah — whether he was a king, like Saul, 
 or whether he was one of the patriarchs, or the whole 
 people Israel — was so designated, to indicate by the 
 use of the familiar figure of anointing, that he was 
 especially chosen and consecrated to do a certain work. 
 The best illustration of the practical identity of the 
 two terms is the fact that of the two most prominent 
 men of the age, the one, Nebuchadrezzar, is called 
 "the servant of Jehovah," and the other, Cyrus, 
 "Jehovah's Messiah." In Psalm Ixxxix. 50, 51, also, 
 the terms " servants " and " Messiah " are used as inter- 
 changeable synonyms, both being applied to the faith- 
 ful in the Jewish community. 
 
 77. The four passages in which the prophet portrays 
 his ideal of the perfect servant of Jehovah, who alone 
 can accomplish the divine will, constitute in themselves 
 a unit, each adding to the completeness of the picture. 
 Placing ourselves among the exiles, we can hear in 
 imagination the inspiring message of the prophet : 
 " Behold, mankind, the type of servant who will receive 
 Jehovah's complete approval and support, and upon 
 whom he will bestow the light and power of his own 
 spirit, that the one thus equipped may make known his 
 divine law to all nations. Quietly and unostentatiously, 
 with none of the destructive methods of the old 
 prophets, but carefully considering the needs of the 
 weak, in perfect accord with the standards of truth, 
 shall the faithful servant of Jehovah go about his 
 spiritual mission of proclaiming God's law to men. 
 He shall not waver nor be discouraged until he has
 
 THE .MISSION OF THE SERVANT OF JEHOVAH 87 
 
 established on the earth this divine law, of which the 
 nations are in such need. Jehovah, the creator of the 
 universe and the source of all human life, declares 
 that, in accordance with his righteous purpose, he will 
 uphold his servant and make him the medium for tlie 
 establishment of a covenant between himself and his 
 people, and a source of spiritual light to all nations. 
 His servant, surpassing his yoke-fellows, the former 
 prophets, shall also be instrumental in opening to 
 truth, eyes now blind, in bringing freedom to those 
 now imprisoned, and in delivering from bondage the 
 victims of suffering and sin (xlii. 1-7). 
 
 78. " Give heed, peoples far and near, to the 
 declaration of the servant respecting his relation to 
 Jehovah and concerning the character of his mission : 
 ' From my birth Jehovah called me, prepared me for 
 effective service, and protected me from all harm. To 
 me he has said : " You are my servant, the true Israel, by 
 whom I shall be honored." I replied : " Alas ! it seems 
 as tliough my strenuous efforts (to regenerate Israel) 
 had been in vain ; but I can rest calmly in the assurance 
 that they will be vindicated and rewarded by Jehovah." 
 Then he, who created, strengthened, and intrusted me 
 with the mission of bringing back his people, Israel, into 
 loving accord with him, responded : " You are capable 
 of a greater service than the mere restoration of the 
 remnant of your kinsmen, the Israelites. I accordingly 
 appoint you to bring spiritual enlightenment to all 
 peoples, and a knowledge of my salvation to the ends of 
 the earth." ' Jehovah further declared to his servant, 
 now so heartily despised by mankind and the slave of 
 rulers : ' The time is yet coming when you shall 
 accomplish the work in which you now seem to have
 
 88 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 failed. Then kings shall be eager to do you homage, 
 because I, who appointed you to your mission, am 
 faithful. Verily, I will not fail you, but will cause you 
 to establish a new covenant between me and my people, 
 and to bring about a glorious restoration of the exiles 
 now so widely scattered' (xlix. 1-13). 
 
 79. " Listen again to the testimony of the servant : 
 'Jehovah has given me the facility, which alone comes 
 from attentively heeding his teaching, so that I am 
 able to impart a message of help to those who need. 
 Daily, constantly he instructs me, and I have ever 
 eagerly listened and been ready to respond to the call 
 to service. Patiently have I submitted to persecution, 
 humiliation, and derision. Serenely confident that 
 Jehovah would help me, I faltered not; for I knew that 
 I should never be put to shame. He, who will vindicate 
 me, is at hand, so that no one can condemn me. In- 
 deed, complete destruction shall come upon those who 
 attempt it.* Such is the experience and testimony of 
 the true servant of Jehovah. Well do you who fear 
 the Lord, and are seeking amidst darkness for light, 
 heed and profit thereby (1. 4-10). 
 
 80. " Know also Jehovah's final testimony respecting 
 the character and work of his servant : ' Behold, 
 supreme success shall crown the wise efforts of my 
 servant, so that he shall be greatly exalted. Just as in 
 the past many were astounded because of the over- 
 whelming afflictions which were visited upon him, so 
 shall nations and the rulers of the earth stand rever- 
 entially before him, realizing in the light of his exalta- 
 tion what no one had suspected before ' (lii. 13-15). 
 Succeeding generations also shall look back upon his 
 work and exclaim : ' Who believed the prophetic
 
 SERVICE PERFECTED THROUGH SUFFERING 89 
 
 revelation respecting the servant, and understood the 
 divine purpose which was being accomplished through 
 him ? Unattractive, despised, afflicted by disease, 
 avoided by his fellows as an outcast, we turned away 
 from him in horror. Deluded by the old theory of suf- 
 fering, we despised him. And yet, there is no doubt 
 that he was sick that we might be well ; this one, whom 
 we deemed cursed by God, was bearing our pains ; he 
 was wounded because "we had transgressed. The peace 
 which we enjoyed was secured through his punish- 
 ment. We had wandered far from Jehovah, doing our 
 own will, while upon him the Lord caused to fall the 
 consequences of our sins' (liii. 1-6). When perse- 
 cuted, this martyr servant of Jehovah voluntarily, sub- 
 missively, in silence endured, while tyranny, under the 
 guise of law, unjustly condemned him. Thus for the 
 sins of humanity he was prematurely and violently cut 
 off. Although absolutely innocent, even after death he 
 was entombed with criminals. And yet, this was no 
 mere accident, but in perfect accordance with the 
 divine will, for by being thus afflicted and by giving his 
 life as an offering for others' guilt, the servant was des' 
 tined to live immortally in the lives of his spiritual off- 
 spring and to realize the eternal purpose of Jehovah. 
 After his pain and trial is over, he shall enjoy the 
 consciousness of having made many righteous. His 
 shall be the glory of a mighty victor, because by humilia- 
 tion and a supreme self-sacrifice, he bore the sin and 
 successfully interceded for the guilty " (liii. 7-12). 
 
 81. No one will deny that the character of the 
 servant of Jehovah, as portrayed in these sections, 
 presents many perplexing questions. The first one 
 usually asked is: "Who was this unique servant of
 
 90 THE BABYLONIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Jehovah ? " Surely the prophet could not have meant 
 to identify himself with that servant; nor did any 
 prophet who had preceded him, even the great Jere- 
 miah, do more than suggest, by character and experi- 
 ence, certain outlines of the portrait. Much less can 
 it be the Jewish people as a whole of which he is 
 speaking; indeed, it is repeatedly stated that one of 
 the chief aims in the mission of the servant is to re- 
 store the remnant of Israel to their true relations with 
 Jehovah (xlii. 6 ; xlix. 5, 6). Even the faithful few 
 within the nation, who heard and heeded the words of 
 their prophets, cannot be the original of the picture 
 before us. But we may further ask, "Was the prophet 
 necessarily describing a definite person or groups of 
 individuals ? In practical human experience, the 
 presentation of an ideal usually long precedes its 
 realization. The Hebrew prophets were constantly 
 drawing new sketches of a perfect ruler and political 
 state, although the best the world had yet seen were 
 imperfect in comparison. They continued to present 
 new ideals, because, being wise teachers, they recog- 
 nized that the only way to lead humanity to rise 
 above its low standards, was by holding up before it 
 the higher which had been revealed to them. The 
 great prophet of the exile was in this respect no ex- 
 ception. By the most effective means at his command, 
 he was endeavoring to influence his fellow-exiles, and 
 especially the more faithful, to strive themselves to be 
 true servants of Jehovah. In one suggestive passage, 
 after presenting most graphically the experience of the 
 servant, he turns to those of his readers " who fear the 
 Lord " and urges them to learn from the experience of 
 the servant the lesson of submission and fidelity (1. 10).
 
 THE REALIZATION OF THE IDEAL OF SERVICE 01 
 
 82. Like all the prophets who caught glimpses of 
 the perfection, ultimately destined in accordance with 
 the divine plan to succeed existing imperfection, he 
 was obliged to look to the future for the fulfilment of 
 his supernatural ideal. It is obvious that he did not 
 foresee that fulfilment as do we who stand in the 
 full light of history. Like the architect of a great 
 mediaeval cathedral, he saw only in imagination the 
 marvellous creation which he outlined. It was his 
 privilege to indicate the processes by which it was to 
 be reared, but not to know personally the men and 
 forces who, in succeeding ages, were to make the divine 
 plan a material reality. As we follow the history 
 of Judaism, we find a partial realization, in the ex- 
 periences and work of the faithful few, who resisted 
 the temptations offered to the Jews to forget their 
 nationality and to enjoy the opportunities offered by 
 the land of their adoption, and who went back to join 
 their poverty-stricken kinsmen in rebuilding, amidst 
 persecutions and distress, the city of sacred memories. 
 It is interesting to note that the builders of the second 
 temple publicly styled themselves " the servants of the 
 God of heaven and earth" (Ezra v. 11), for the term 
 suggests a familiarity with the message of the great 
 prophet. By their voluntary self-sacrifice they did 
 the work which their less devoted countrymen spurned, 
 and revived that community which became the reposi- 
 tory of God's supreme revelation to the human race. 
 In time, too, Judaism began, as a body, to recognize 
 its prophetic mission to humanity, and to seek to 
 lead the heathen to a knowledge of the one true God. 
 Their attainment of the ideal, it must be confessed, 
 was incomplete and partial compared with its fulfil-
 
 92 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 ment in the character and work of the great teacher 
 of Nazareth, who, both as prophet and martyr, com- 
 pletely realized and eclipsed the sublime portrait of 
 the suffering servant of Jehovah. Alone sinless, he 
 stood before humanity as its sin-bearer, transforming 
 the hard heart of mankind by the irresistible influ- 
 ence of a love expressed in voluntary and complete 
 self-sacrifice. In the light of history, Christianity 
 has rightly recognized in him the supreme agent for 
 the realization of the divine plan so marvellously pre- 
 sented by the unknown prophet of the exile ; but until 
 that divine plan takes final form in the kingdom of 
 God on earth, the ideal of the servant of Jehovah will 
 continue (as Paul clearly realized ; see Acts xiii. 47) 
 to call men to offer themselves willingly, completely, 
 for the uplifting of the human race.
 
 IX 
 
 THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF 
 THE BABYLONIAN EXILE 
 
 83. While the Babylonian exile was the briefest, 
 it was also in many ways the most important period 
 in the life of the Jewish people. It was more than a 
 crisis; it represented a fundamental transformation 
 in the political, social, and religious character of the 
 race. The struggling community which ultimately 
 centred about Jerusalem, had in reality little in com- 
 mon with the nation to which Jeremiah prophesied 
 a few decades before. The ancient Hebrew state had 
 proved in many ways a failure. Its leaders had been 
 as blind to the higher religious truths presented by 
 the prophets, as they were to their sagacious political 
 counsels. From the vantage ground of the exile, the 
 more enlightened recognized with shame that the fate 
 which had overtaken their nation was well merited. 
 It had sinned; for, according to the meaning of the 
 expressive Hebrew word for sin, it "had missed the 
 mark " which had been set before it by its inspired 
 teachers. The wreck of the ancient state cleared the 
 way for the construction of the new. Naturally in 
 the reconstruction, the architects sought to eliminate 
 all that had proved worthless. The exile demon- 
 strated that the Jewish people could maintain their
 
 94 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 racial integrity without political organization, and 
 that the religion of Jehovah was not dependent upon 
 the monarchy. In the eyes of those who labored for 
 and participated in the revival, the ancient kings and 
 their advisers had with few exceptions traduced their 
 nation, and were, therefore, set aside as useless. 
 Ezekiel and his fellow-workers anticipated the change, 
 which subsequent circumstances enforced, and devoted 
 themselves to formulating the constitution of a purely 
 ecclesiastical state. In the place of the monarchy 
 rose the hierarchy. The old military and royal aris- 
 tocracy also vanished, and instead appeared a priestly 
 nobility, with the high priest at its head. Israel be- 
 came literally "a kingdom of priests and a holy na- 
 tion " (Ex. xix. 6). The radical change in the 
 external organization of the Jewish race was but an 
 index of the deeper fact that its energies had been 
 turned into entirely different channels. Ritual and 
 religion, not politics, commanded the attention of its 
 leaders. 
 
 84. In the calm and leisure of the exile, even the 
 masses found time to meditate and to listen to the 
 messages of their prophetic teachers. Torn from 
 their old associations, they no longer felt the spell 
 of the high places and heathen customs, consecrated 
 by the usage of centuries. The advantages of the 
 new situation were on the side of the progressive 
 prophetic party. The reformation of Josiah had 
 practically failed in Judah ; but during the exile the 
 principles proclaimed by the pre-exilic prophets won 
 the day. A few remnants of the old idolatry sur- 
 vived in Canaan, but otherwise the ancient heathen 
 gods ceased to attra<;;i:. them The victory of the
 
 THE RELIGIOUS INFLUENCES OF THE EXILE 95 
 
 prophets was the more complete because they had 
 consistently foretold the approach of the exile, so 
 that when it came, it furnished a testimonial to the 
 truth of their words which even the masses, who must 
 see and toucli before believing, appreciated. Later, 
 the liberation by Cyrus, which they had long pre- 
 dicted, still farther established the prophets' author- 
 ity. The exiles, crushed by the calamity which had 
 overtaken them, were also in a condition to receive 
 the stern, uncompromising messages of their spiritual 
 guides. Since they regarded the misfortunes which 
 overwhelmed them as the punishment of their nation's 
 guilt, they loathed more and more the sins of the 
 past, and welcomed with eagerness anything which 
 promised to bring absolution and reconciliation with 
 Jehovah. Unconsciously they must have been in- 
 fluenced also by the examjjle of their Babylonian 
 masters, who were constantly offering propitiatory 
 sacrifices to their deities. The result was that, from 
 the period of the exile on, atoning ofierings and 
 prayers for forgiveness assume a far more important 
 place among the Jews. Henceforth the ruling 
 passion with the faithful was the desire to regain 
 their lost national and individual purit}'. 
 
 85. Finally, in Babylon the Jews freed themselves 
 not only from idolatry, but also from the half-heathen 
 conception of Jehovah, vv'hich placed liim nearly on 
 an equality with the gods of the other nations, and 
 restricted his influence to Canaan. Such a belief had 
 sul'liced for the Hebrews while they lived undisturbed 
 among the secluded hills of Palestine, but when 
 Jehovah's people bowed low in the dust before the 
 Babylonians, who attributed their victories to the
 
 96 THE BABYLONIAN PEKIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 intercession of other gods, the popular conception of 
 Jehovah was likewise cast to earth. The inspired 
 prophets, however, had anticipated this crisis and 
 were prepared to turn the eyes of the people from the 
 fallen Jehovah of their imagining to the God who 
 rules supreme in the universe. At this time the 
 religion of the Jewish people became pure monothe- 
 ism. Absorbed among races more powerful and more 
 highly civilized than they, the Jews were forced to 
 admit that they were only one of the weak families 
 of the earth. The experience was painful, but valu- 
 able. It not only broadened their conception of Jeho- 
 vah's character, but also led them to recognize their 
 complete dependence upon him. They saw for the 
 first time that they were unique among the nations 
 simply because of their unique relation to the God of 
 the universe. That relation, in turn, was the result 
 of no worthy action on their part, but simply of Jeho- 
 vah's choice. Thus was begotten in the minds of the 
 thoughtful that attitude of genuine humility which 
 comes from appreciating facts as they are, and which 
 is the necessary pre-requisite of true development and 
 service. 
 
 86. As these simple but important truths gradually 
 impressed themselves upon their consciousness, the 
 attitude of the exiles to the great heathen world about 
 them changed. No longer could they ignore their 
 neighbors, or merely consider them when they dis- 
 turbed the peace of Israel. Beginning with the period 
 of the exile, the nations figure prominently in the 
 utterances of the prophets. From the same epoch 
 dates the rise of a broad religious philosophy of his- 
 tory. The nations, drawn together by force, began
 
 THE NEW CONCEPTION OF THE RACES MISSION 97 
 
 dimly to recognize that they belonged to one family; 
 while certain inspired Jews grasped the greater truth 
 that one Father stood at the head of that family, and 
 that Cyrus was Jehovah's anointed as truly as was 
 Jehoiakin. Hence it became impossible for them to 
 regard the heathen merely as objects of divine ven- 
 geance. Instead of constantly brooding upon their 
 own wrongs, they began to think of Jehovah's rela- 
 tion to the peoples about them, and then of the role 
 which they, as his chosen people, were called to enact 
 in the realizing of the divine purpose in human his- 
 tory. Thus in the mind of the great unknown 
 prophet of the exile, the heathen world figured as a 
 vast missionary field and the Jews as Jehovah's chosen 
 messengers, to proclaim abroad his name. It was 
 difficult for him to abandon the old hope of a tem- 
 poral world kingdom with the Jewish people at its 
 head, but in his best moments he realized and taught 
 that, not by the sword nor by force, was the rule of 
 Jehovah to be made universal, but by the self-deny- 
 ing service of his despised yet faithful countrymen. 
 Himself afflicted and the apostle to the oppressed, he 
 learned to appreciate the value of suffering, volunta- 
 rily endured, as a transforming influence in the life 
 of the sufferer, and as the most powerful conceivable 
 force in the redemption of sinful mankind. In his 
 ideal of the suffering servant of Jehovah, he taught 
 his kinsmen that, in the hour of their greatest humil- 
 iation, it was possible for them to conquer the world 
 by loving sacrifice. 
 
 87. His ideal was too exalted for his contempora- 
 ries fully to understand, much less to appreciate. In 
 the slow-moving Orient, a nation is not re-born in a 
 
 s
 
 98 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 day. To most of his readers a teaching which made 
 service through suffering the weapon whereby the 
 world was to be conquered, seemed only folly. His 
 message, however, was true, and it was a significant 
 moment in human history when it found lodgment in 
 a human heart and expression from the lips of a man. 
 Henceforth, it was destined to attract mankind more 
 and more until the truth became an objective reality 
 in the character and work of the great teacher of 
 Nazareth. Thus during that half century when the 
 Jewish race was pinioned hand and foot, mighty 
 changes were going on within its throbbing heart. 
 Then those ideas found full expression which were 
 destined to shape and control its future. The tor- 
 tures of the prison house also tested and brought each 
 individual into a prominence, unknown before. The 
 exile proved, as Amos predicted (Am. ix. 9), a sifting 
 process, for it effectually separated the faint-hearted 
 and sceptical from the brave and true. Many — per- 
 haps the majority — were found wanting ; but those 
 who endured the ordeal and remained faithful were 
 devoted to the worship of the Jehovah of the prophets 
 with a passionate zeal, which was in striking con- 
 trast to the popular indifference that daunted pre- 
 exilic prophets like Isaiah and Jeremiah. Bound 
 together, not by political bonds, but by common suf- 
 fering and common faith, the loyal few proved the 
 nucleus out of which, during the succeeding centuries, 
 grew the Jewish church.
 
 PART II 
 
 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH 
 HISTORY
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF 
 THE PERIOD 
 
 88. The record of the life of the Jewish people 
 during the two centuries following the conquest of 
 Babylon by Cyrus in 539 b. c. is found in a great 
 variety of writings, chief among which are the Books 
 of Ezra and Nehemiah. Originally, in the Jewish 
 canon, they together constituted one book, and their 
 striking points of similarity leave no doubt that they 
 are from the hand of the same author. Furthermore, 
 a comparison of their marked peculiarities with those 
 of the Books of Chronicles demonstrates that these 
 four books constitute one connected narrative, written 
 in the same style and from the same unique point of 
 view. The close connection between the two main 
 divisions of this history is also indicated by the fact 
 that the opening verses of Ezra-Nehemiah (i. 1-3*) 
 are the same as the closing section of Chronicles 
 (xxxvi. 22-23). The characteristics of the author, 
 who is commonly designated as the chronicler, are 
 well known (sect. 255; see also II. sects. 7-11). 
 He was an ecclesiastic rather than an historian. His 
 primary aim in writing was to emphasize the institu- 
 tional side of Israel's history. He lived in an age 
 which idealized the past. Like his contemporaries, 
 he unconsciously read the institutions and conditions
 
 102 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 of his own clay into the earlier and more primitive 
 periods, since he did not fully realize that Israel had 
 enjoyed a progressive religious development, extend- 
 ing through many centuries. The result is that the 
 original contributions of the chronicler arc of value 
 to the discriminating historian, chiefly as they reveal 
 the conditions of the later time. 
 
 89. In determining the date at which he lived, we 
 note that he refers to the "days of Nehemiah and 
 Ezra " (Neh. xii. 26, 47) as if they belonged to the 
 distant past. Unlike the older writers, whom he 
 quotes, he describes Cyrus and his successors as 
 "kings of Persia," Avhich he would not have done if 
 the Persian empire was still the one dominant power 
 in southwestern Asia (Ezra i. 1, 2, 8; iii. 7; com- 
 pare the usage in an older passage which he quotes, 
 V. 13-vi, 3). In Nehemiah xii. 11, 22, he mentions 
 Jaddua, who was high priest until 331 b. c, and in 
 the twenty-second verse of the same chapter he speaks 
 of Darius the Persian, who must be Darius Codoman- 
 nus, the last king of the great empire founded by 
 Cyrus. His ignorance of the exact order of the ear- 
 lier Persian kings (compare Ezra iv.) likewise points 
 to a late date. Certainly he did not live before the 
 Greek period. The first half of the third century, 
 B. c, furnishes the most probable background for his 
 work. 
 
 90. Living as he did, centuries after most of the 
 events which he records transpired, the question as to 
 what was the nature of the sources from which he 
 gained his data becomes exceedingly important. 
 Hitherto this subject has been somewhat overlooked 
 by scholars; but within the last few years it has
 
 EAKLIKU SOURCES USED BY THK CHUONICLER 103 
 
 received the attention which it deserves (see Appen 
 dix III.). Fortunately, like most ancient historians, 
 he frequently cites, with little or no change, from the 
 earlier records at his command. In Ezra iv. 8 to vi. 
 18 arc found two such quotations. Instead of translat- 
 ing them into Hebrew, in which the rest of his book 
 is written, he retains the original Ai-amaic in which 
 he found them. From the time of the exile, Aiamaic 
 became the language of official communication be- 
 tween the Semitic subjects in the Persian empire; 
 during the last century of the Persian period it gradu- 
 ally became the common language of Palestine, so 
 that the Aramaic document, from which the chron- 
 icler quotes, may well have been written only a few 
 generations after the events which it records occurred. 
 That it was written some time during the Persian 
 period is established by the fact that, unlike the sec- 
 tions originating with the chronicler, it refers to 
 Persian monarchs, such as Darius, as the king, with- 
 out the addition "of Persia." The chronicler evi- 
 dently introduced the first section, iv. 8-23, into its 
 present context to explain why the Imilding of the 
 temple was not begun immediately after permission 
 was granted by Cyrus, for the twenty-fourth verse of 
 chapter iv., as well as v. 1, 2, which connect the two 
 citations, and which arc from his hand, refer only to 
 the temple; while the first passage thus introduced 
 is dated from the reign of Artaxerxes, and relates to 
 the building, not of the temple, but of the walls. In 
 verse 12 it is definitely stated that the walls had 
 been finished and the foundations repaired. The 
 statements of the officials in Samaria may have been 
 somewhat exaggerated, but the incident finds its most
 
 104 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 complete historical setting in the reign of Artaxerxes 
 L, when the great work of Nehemiah in rebuilding 
 the walls was nearly accomplished. Restored to this 
 setting, so clearly indicated by the passage itself, it 
 furnishes valuable facts supplementing the Nehemiah 
 history. 
 
 91. The other quotation, v. 3 to vi. 14, may have 
 been taken from the first part of the same collection 
 of Aramaic documents, recording the official relations 
 between the Jewish colony and the Persian govern- 
 ment. It tells of an incident in connection with the 
 building of the temple during the reign of Darius. 
 While the Jewish rather than the Persian point of 
 view is apparent in the form in which the imperial 
 decrees are reported (compare vi. 9, 12), there is no 
 reason to doubt that the Judean paraphrase has faith- 
 fully preserved the chief historical facts. The statis- 
 tical and ecclesiastical notices contained in vi. 15- 
 22 are expressed in the language of the chronicler. 
 Whether his source was an earlier document or a 
 tradition current in his day cannot be determined. 
 The fact that the king of Assyria is regarded as still 
 the overlord of Palestine points to a very late date, 
 when the memory of conditions obtaining in the Per- 
 sian period had become indistinct. The account of 
 the observation of the passover suggests the chroni- 
 cler's well-known tendency to describe such ceremo- 
 nials as they were conducted in his own time. 
 
 92. Chapters i. and iii. are recognized by all as 
 the work of the chronicler. The fundamental facts 
 presented in them — the permission from Cyrus to 
 rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, the appointment of 
 Sheshbazzar as governor of Judah, and the return of 
 
 iV
 
 CHRONICLER'S CONCEPTION OF THE HISTORY 105 
 
 some of the vessels of the sanctuary — are closely 
 parallel with those suggested by the quotation from 
 the Aramaic document (v. 3 to vi. 14). The varia- 
 tions — as, for example, the role of a devout worship- 
 per of Jehovah, which is assigned to Cyrus, the size 
 and details of the list of sacred vessels returned to 
 the Jews, the account of the immediate institution of 
 elaborate services at Jerusalem (compare especially 
 iii. 3-5), and the prominence given to the priests and 
 Levites-— are all distinctly characteristic of the 
 chronicler and of his time. Furthermore, the picture 
 which they present of conditions in Jerusalem differs 
 widely from that contained in the oldest sources, 
 the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah (see sect. 
 119); the differences again are those which distin- 
 guish the age of the chronicler from that of Zerub- 
 babel. The same is true of iv. 1-6. The prophets, 
 who inspired the temple building, make no reference 
 to the opposition of the people of the land, but plainly 
 declare that the long delay in the work was due to 
 the selfish neglect of the Jews themselves (Hag. i. 2- 
 11). The language of the section is certainly that of 
 the chronicler. In his da}'^, when Samaritan opposi- 
 tion was so bitter, it was but natural that he should 
 regard this as the cause of a delay which seemed to 
 him otherwise inexplicable. Hence Ezra i., iii., and 
 iv. 1-6 represent only the chronicler's conception of 
 the first two decades of the Persian period. This 
 conception was based upon the testimony of the 
 Aramaic document and the Books of Haggai and 
 Zechariah, and was naturally modified by his peculiar 
 point of view and by traditions then current. 
 
 93. An examination of the genealogical list pre
 
 106 THE PEllSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 served in Ezra ii., and its parallel in Nehemiah vii., 
 reveals conclusive evidence that in its present form it 
 is also from the chronicler. His love for minute 
 genealogical tables, which became a characteristic of 
 later Judaism, is shared by almost no other Old Tes- 
 tament writer. In the list, the priests, the singers, 
 the porters, and the Nethinim, in which he was espe- 
 cially interested, are introduced in his usual order, 
 and receive a major part of the attention (Ezra ii. 
 36-58). The clan designated as "the children of Sol- 
 omon's servants " is mentioned only by him. Although 
 their order and historical setting are entirely difierent, 
 there are too many repetitions in this list of the names 
 in I. Chronicles ix. 10-34 and Nehemiah xi. 3-36 to 
 be explained as a mere coincidence. The Hebrew 
 student also recognizes in the unusual order in which 
 the compound numbers are written another peculiarity 
 of the chronicler. In the first part of his list (Ezra 
 ii. 3-35) it is probable that he cites from an earlier 
 census. The question of the date of this census can 
 best be treated in connection with the history, and is, 
 therefore, reserved for later consideration (sects. 117- 
 119, 214, 215). The aim of the chronicler in pre- 
 senting this genealogical list twice in his narrative 
 was evidently to emphasize his thesis that the Judean 
 state was revived, not by the ignorant, idolatrous Jews 
 who were left behind, but wholly by those who re- 
 turned from the East. To this end he introduces it 
 just before the building of the temple, and then again 
 in connection with the restoration of the walls of 
 Jerusalem (Neh. vii.). 
 
 94. The latter part of the Book of Ezra is devoted 
 to an account of the mission of Ezra. Chapter vii.
 
 THE SOURCES OF THE EZRA NARRATIVES 107 
 
 1-10 is an introduction from the hand of the chroni- 
 cler. As usual, he begins with a genealogical list. 
 He makes Ezra the son of Seraiah, the chief priest 
 put to death at Riblah by the Babylonians at least one 
 hundred and thirty years before (II. Kings xxv. 18, 
 21). If the term " son " is used in the sense common 
 in late Jewish genealogies, of "descendant of," it at 
 least suggests that tradition had not preserved the 
 names of Ezra's immediate ancestors. The chronicler 
 describes him in the language of the later age as " a 
 ready scribe in the law of Moses." The decree in vii. 
 11-2G can hardly, in its present form, be from the 
 hand of Ezra. Like the Cyrus decree in chapter i., 
 it has at least been freely retouched by some one 
 deeply imbued with the Jewish, legalistic spirit. The 
 fact that it is in Aramaic, however, suggests that it 
 was based upon an Aramaic original. 
 
 95. In the sections vii. 27 to viii. 34 and ix. 1-15 
 the first person is suddenly introduced. This has 
 usually been regarded as conclusive evidence that 
 these passages represent direct citations from a 
 memoir of Ezra. An American scholar (Torrey — The 
 Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah) 
 has recently shown, by a detailed study of the section, 
 that it abounds from beginning to end in the peculiar 
 words, idioms, and ideas of the chronicler. This 
 fact alone, however, hardly justifies his inference that 
 the story of Ezra is simply the creation of the same 
 hand. Certainly, if anywhere a close similarity of 
 style and thought arc to be expected, it is in the 
 writings of Ezra and of his followers who lived in the 
 legal atmosphere generated by the movement which 
 he represented. It is much nearer the truth to say
 
 105 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTOUY 
 
 that the chronicler is a later disciple of Ezra. Hence 
 the similarity between the literary products of the 
 two men confirm rather than disprove the authenticity 
 of the sections. It is also a well-known fact that the 
 chronicler, in transcribing, constantly introduces his 
 own peculiarities of style. In the light of these con- 
 siderations there is still good ground for believing 
 that the passages before us are free citations from a 
 memoir coming from Ezra himself. 
 
 96. The remaining sections of the book are in the 
 third person, and bear on their face indisputable 
 evidence that in their present form they come from 
 the same school of thought as the Ezra memoir and 
 the writings of the chronicler. Since the time of the 
 editor of I. Esdras, who placed Nehemiah viii. imme- 
 diately after Ezra x., it has been generally recognized 
 that the sections contained in Nehemiah viii. to x. 
 are another part of the narrative preserved in Ezra vii. 
 to X. Many rearrangements have been suggested, but 
 the one which alone removes the insuperable difficulties 
 involved in the present order, and gives a connected 
 and consistent history, is that presented by Professor 
 Torrey. He makes the reconstructed order Ezra vii., 
 viii., Nehemiah vii. 70 to viii. 18, Ezra ix., x., Nehe- 
 miah ix., X. (Composition and Historical Value of 
 Ezra-Nehemiah, pp. 29-34). A satisfactory explana- 
 tion of the present disordered arrangement is found in 
 the characteristic desire of the chronicler to assign to 
 the work of Ezra, the great priestly reformer, a posi- 
 tion of priority with reference to that of the layman 
 Nehemiah. To this end he transferred the account of 
 Ezra's expedition and of the preliminary reform tu 
 a position before the citation from the memoirs of
 
 ORIGINAL ORDER OF THE EZRA NARRATIVES 109 
 
 Nehemiah, just as he placed the census of the returned 
 (Ezra ii.) before the account of the building of the 
 temple, and introduced the narrative regarding the in- 
 terruption of the building of the walls during the 
 reign of Artaxerxes (Ezra iv. 8-23), to explain why 
 the temple was not built during the reign of Cyrus. 
 He may possibly have been guided in the present re- 
 arrangement by the tradition that Ezra's expedition 
 was in the seventh year of a certain Artaxerxes (Ezra 
 vii. 8), whom he naturally concluded was the same as 
 the one under whom Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of 
 Jerusalem, or in the absence of distinct testimony he 
 may have introduced the present date to establish 
 Ezra's priority to Nehemiah (compare sects. 187, 
 188). The record of the great reformation, however, 
 stands in its true chronological order after the account 
 of the work of Nehemiah. The present extremely dis- 
 connected arrangement of these sections, which are in 
 style and theme a unit, suggests that he was dealing 
 with documents which he found already written. If 
 he himself be regarded as their author, it is necessary 
 to resort to the less probable hypothesis that the pres- 
 ent remarkable disarrangement is due to some later 
 copyist. The exact nature of the source which the 
 chronicler reconstructed so freely can only be con- 
 jectured. It may well have been the Levitical Book 
 of Chronicles (literally, "The Words of the Days") 
 to which he elsewhere refers (Neh. xii. 23). In the 
 archives of the temple some records were certainly 
 kept of the great reform movement which revolution- 
 ized the character of its services. The style and point 
 of view of such records would be closely analogous, if 
 they did not, indeed, impart their peculiarities to the
 
 110 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 writings of the chronicler. There is good reason, 
 therefore, for concluding that the source from which 
 he gleaned the important data respecting Ezra and 
 the action of the Great Assembly, is substantially 
 reliable. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact 
 that the data are in harmony with the testimony of 
 the independent sources. 
 
 97. Nehemiah i. to vi. contains literal quotations 
 from the personal memoirs of Nehemiah. The vocab- 
 ulary, style, and point of view are entirely different 
 from those which characterize other parts of the book. 
 The list in chapter iii. alone suggests the work of the 
 chronicler, and even here the Nehemiah memoir prob- 
 ably furnished the chief data; or else they are from 
 authentic and detailed traditions. The same source 
 may be traced in vii. 1-4, and its logical continuation 
 xi. 1, 2. The remainder of chapter xi. and the first 
 part of chapter xii. (verses 1-26) consist of long gene- 
 alogical lists edited by the chronicler (compare in 
 detail I. Chr. ix. ; Josh. xv. ), but probably, in part, 
 founded upon earlier records, preserved in the temple 
 archives, to one of which he refers (" The Book of the 
 Days;" xii. 23). The Nehemiah memoir reappears 
 in xii. 31, 32, prefaced by an introduction (xii. 27-30) 
 and followed by an insertion (verses 33-36) in which 
 the chronicler attributes to the priests, the Levites, 
 and the singers the prominent place which he consid- 
 ered to be their due in the dedication of the walls. 
 The citation from the Nehemiah memoir in verses 31 
 and 32 find their original continuation in verses 37- 
 40, and possibly in verse 43, which, unlike the inser- 
 tions of the chronicler, are in the first person, and in 
 thought and style closely resemble Nehemiah's other
 
 THE CITATIONS FROM NEHEMIAH'S MEMOIRS 111 
 
 writings. The remainder of the chapter is clearly 
 from the hand of the editor, 
 
 98. The short passage xiii. 1-3 evidently does not 
 belong in its present context. Its affinities are all 
 with the Ezra narrative. The remainder of chapter 
 xiii. concludes the citations from the Nehemiah 
 memoirs. Its vocabulary and style indicate that it 
 is not a direct quotation, for its language is, in part, 
 that of the chronicler. At the same time, it contains 
 many of Nehemiah's marked literary peculiarities. 
 The deeds which it records, and the manner and spirit 
 in which they are performed, are characteristic of no 
 other man of the period than the builder of the walls 
 of Jerusalem. The section, therefore, is apparently 
 a summary of the latter part of the Nehemiah memoir 
 which the chronicler doubtless deemed too long to be 
 reproduced in full. Its historical value is practically 
 equal to that of section i.-vi., which is one of the 
 most important and reliable historical sources in the 
 Old Testament. 
 
 99. The fragmentary and often uncertain record 
 of Ezra-Nehemiah is supplemented and rectified by 
 the testimony of certain contemporary witnesses. 
 Chief among these are the prophets, Haggai and Zech- 
 ariah, who prophesied in connection with the building 
 of the temple. The brief epitomes of their sermons, 
 p-rcserved in the books bearing their names, arc care- 
 fully dated so that they present most exact information. 
 
 100. A vivid picture of conditions within the Jew- 
 ish community is also furnished by the little book 
 which bears the title " Malachi " (my messenger), 
 This title was probably taken from the first verse of 
 the third chapter (where the word occurs), and can
 
 112 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 hardly be the name of the prophet. Since he bitterly 
 attacks the religious authorities and prevailing con- 
 ditions, it is highly probable that the prophecy was 
 originally issued anonymously. Its brief superscrip- 
 tion contains no suggestion as to its date. Certainly 
 it is much later than Zechariah's prophecy, for the 
 temple has long been built, and both people and 
 priests have begun to grow careless and corrupt in 
 performing its services (i.). A bold scepticism has 
 begun to find expression, The same evils are present 
 that aroused the indignation of Nehemiah (with ii. 10 
 compare Neh. v. 1-5). The distinction between the 
 priests and Levites, as established by the Priestly 
 Code, is unknown. The law of Deuteronomy is still 
 in force (ii. 1-9). Evidently the great priestly refor- 
 mation recorded in Nehemiah x. had not yet taken 
 place. The impulse toward reform, however, is 
 strongly marked. Earnestly the prophet exhorts the 
 people to ally themselves with the party of the right- 
 eous (iii. 16-18). The wall of separation is already 
 being built about the true Israel. The unknown 
 prophet was, therefore, one of the many messengers 
 who arose not long before the rebuilding of the walls 
 of Jerusalem under Nehemiah in 445 b. c, and who by 
 their faithful labors prepared the way for the later 
 reformation. 
 
 101. In the closing chapters of the Book of Isaiah 
 is also found a collection of prophecies coming from 
 the anonymous co-workers of the author of Malachi. 
 They were appropriately appended to the writings of 
 the great prophet of the exile, because, although none 
 of them attain to the same purity and exaltation of 
 style, they abound in the siimc ideas, showing that
 
 DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF ISAIAH LVI. TO LXII. 113 
 
 their authors were close students of his prophecies. 
 Marked differences in teaching and in point of view, 
 as well as in style, suggest that several different 
 writers are here represented. For their use as an his- 
 torical source, their date is the chief question. From 
 the internal evidence this can be answered with com- 
 parative certainty. In chapters Ivi, to Ixii. the temple 
 has already been rebuilt, and the altar service is in 
 full progress (Ivi. 5-7). The designation "holy 
 mountain," which is applied in late psalms to Jerusa- 
 lem, as the site of the sanctuary, appears frequently 
 (Ivi. 7; Ivii. 13). The problems considered are those 
 of the restored Jewish community. Many Jews have 
 returned; but Ivi. 8 answers the common expectation: 
 "The Lord God who has gathered the outcasts of Israel 
 saith, yet will I gather others to him [Israel] beside 
 his own that are gathered." The same evils within 
 the community which were attacked by the author of 
 Malachi (iii. 1-5) call forth the denunciation of the 
 prophets (Ivi. 9-12; Ivii. 1-2; Iviii. 6, 7; lix. 2-8). 
 Chapter Ivii. 3-13'' is a vivid portrayal of the abom- 
 inable practices of the hostile foes of the Jewish col- 
 ony. Many of the waste places are not yet rebuilt 
 (Iviii, 12; Ixi. 4). A deep-seated discouragement in 
 the presence of obstacles and persecution has weak- 
 ened popular faith in the inherited hopes of the nation 
 (lix. 1, 9; compare Mai. ii. 17). At the same time a 
 faithful few were looking for the God-sent messcngci- 
 who would re-establish a new covenant between Jeho- 
 vah and his people (lix. 20, 21; compare Mai. iii. 1). 
 The noble ideal of service presented by the great 
 prophet of the exile is again held up before the people 
 (Ixi. 1-3). The need of a fundamental reform is forci-
 
 114 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 b]y presented, and the delay of the promised redemp- 
 tion explained by it (lix. 3-15: Ixi. 8). The age is 
 kindred to that of Nehemiah; but in some of the pas- 
 sages the fervent hope is expressed that the walls 
 of Jerusalem will speedily be built, indicating that 
 Nehemiah has not yet appeared in Jerusalem (Iviii. 
 12; Ix. 10). These chapters, therefore, reveal condi- 
 tions within the Jewish community during the half 
 century preceding the advent of the great pioneer 
 reformer. 
 
 102. The background of the remaining four chapters 
 (Ixiii. to Ixvi.) is quite different. The short section 
 Ixiii. 1-6 is a prophecy of divine vengeance to be exe- 
 cuted upon the Edomites. Here, as before, those in- 
 veterate foes of the Jews figure as a type of the hostile 
 heathen world. It is therefore a message of deliver- 
 ance to the Jewish race. Since the thought is so 
 general, and one which was often expressed in late 
 Jewish literature, it is impossible to date the passage 
 with any degree of certainty. It may well voice the 
 hopes of the community after the great reform of 
 Ezra. The psalm of trust and supplication contained 
 in Ixiii. 7 to Ixiv. was written after a terrible calamity 
 had overtaken Jerusalem. " Our city is a desolation 
 and our holy and beautiful house, where our fathers 
 praised thee, is burned with fire ; and our pleasant 
 things are laid Avaste" (Ixiv. 10, 11). Only two 
 occasions in early Jewish history seem to furnish a 
 satisfactory background. The first is the destruction 
 of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. ; the other is the partial 
 destruction and pillaging of Jerusalem by the army 
 of Artaxerxes III. (Ochus) during the closing years of 
 the Persian period. The language, the ideas, and the
 
 DATE OF ISAIAH LXV. AND LXVI. 115 
 
 expectations of the passage, as well as its position in 
 the Book of Isaiah, all point conclusively to the later 
 date. 
 
 103. Chapters Ixv. and Ixvi. consist of a series of 
 loosely connected passages which introduce us to 
 the hopes and hostilities of the Jews during the' 
 last century of Persian rule. The first part of the 
 sixty-fifth chapter, as well as the related passages, 
 Ixvi. 3, 4, 17, suggest the nature of those half heathen 
 practices which led the stricter Jews to exclude the 
 Samaritans from the temple at Jerusalem, The latter 
 part of chapter Ixv. and Ixvi, voice the expectations 
 of a general return and exaltation of the Jewish race 
 which filled the hearts of the faithful after the refor- 
 mation of Nehemiah and Ezra had been instituted. 
 The same general hopes of a speedy downfall of 
 hostile world-powers, to be followed by the long de- 
 layed vindication of Jehovah's people (xxvi. 20-21 ; 
 xxvii. 1), characterize chapters xxiv. to xxvii. of the 
 Book of Isaiah, The ideas as well as the style of this 
 remarkable section are entirely foreign to those of 
 Isaiah, the son of Amoz. Representatives of the Jew- 
 ish race are scattered to the uttermost parts of the 
 earth (xxiv. 14-16 ; xxvii. 12, 13). The reign of the 
 written law has begun (xxiv. 5). The hope of a 
 general resurrection of the dead for the first time finds 
 clear expression in Jewish literature (xxvi. 19). The 
 present moment was for the Jews one of sadness ; 
 but already they seem to see the agents of their 
 deliverance approaching (xxvi. 20, 21 ; xxvii.). The 
 last two decades of Persian rule furnish the most 
 satisfactory historical background for these chapters ; 
 since then the Jewish community was visited with
 
 116 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 bitter persecutions at the hands of the Persians, while 
 the corrupt empire began to show evidence of its 
 approaching dissolution, before the victorious advance 
 of the Greek. 
 
 104. Were we better informed respecting the details 
 of the life of the Jews during the century following 
 the great priestly reformation, we should probably be 
 able to assign an exact date to the brief prophecy of 
 Joel, the son of Pethuel. Like all the prophets of the 
 later age, his outlook is broad and general. He still 
 expects a complete restoration of the scattered mem- 
 bers of his race (iii. 1). This is to be followed by an 
 overwhelming judgment upon all the foes of Jehovah's 
 people and by the glorification of Jerusalem (iii.)« Un- 
 like the prophets of the days of Nehemiah, Joel finds 
 nothing to criticise in the life of the community. The 
 temple is the centre of its activity. The priestly refor- 
 mation has evidently been firmly established. The allu- 
 sion to strangers passing through the land may refer 
 to the hostile march of the armies of Ochus, but the 
 general picture which the prophecy presents is peace- 
 ful. The occasion of the prophecy is simply the ap- 
 pearance of a great swarm of locusts. Judah has no 
 more grievous complaint against the nations than that 
 they have traded unjustly in Jewish captives (iii. 2-8). 
 The Greeks figure, not as advancing conquerors, but 
 as slave-traders (iii. 6). Hence the prophecy may 
 with considerable confidence be assigned to the open- 
 ing decades of the fourth century B. c, when peace 
 and prosperity followed the institution of the Priestly 
 Law. 
 
 105. Two other Old Testament books, Ruth and 
 Jonah, afford new points of view for studying the
 
 DATE OF THE BOOKS OF JONAH AND RUTH 117 
 
 thought of the period. Although so different, they 
 both deal with the question, whether or not Judaism 
 should be exclusive and expel from its midst all 
 foreign elements and assume toward the encompassing 
 heathen world an attitude of uncompromising hostility. 
 The hot discussion of the question was first opened 
 at Jerusalem in the days of Nehemiah, and practically 
 answered in the affirmative by the reformation insti- 
 tuted under the direction of Ezra. The presence of 
 Aramaisms in the Book of Jonah, which otherwise is 
 characterized by its good Hebrew, points to the latter 
 part of the Persian or the earlier part of the Greek 
 period as the time of its composition. While the 
 Book of Ruth is famous for the classical beauty and 
 simplicity of its style, it contains certain Aramaic 
 idioms which also proclaim its post-exilic origin. Al- 
 though the story may rest upon authentic tradition, 
 it idealizes, after the fashion of post-exilic writers, the 
 semi-barbarous period of the Judges which forms its 
 historical background. The genealogical list at the 
 close of the book also strongly suggests the age 
 of Ezra, which was characterized by its antiquarian 
 tastes. 
 
 106. Unquestionably the most baffling of all the 
 vexed problems which confront the student of Old 
 Testament literature is the date of the Psalms. The 
 problem is doubly complicated, first because the histori- 
 cal allusions are so rare and indefinite, and secondly 
 because we are so ignorant respecting the details of 
 many of the periods from which they come. The 
 superscriptions also afford little assistance, for most 
 of them were obviously added by later scribes, who 
 were in the habit of giving an early date to all anony-
 
 118 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 luuus writings and of associating them with the names 
 of men famous in antiquity. A great majority of the 
 psalms, like the proverbs, were originally anonymous, 
 for they simply voiced common human experience and 
 were written for the immediate use of the temple or 
 of the community. Poetry certainly was one of the 
 earliest forms of literary composition among the 
 Hebrews, and frequent references are found to music 
 in connection with worship in early times ; but the 
 language, ideas, and historical allusions contained in 
 the psalms which have been preserved support the 
 conclusion that a large proportion of them come from 
 the centuries following the exile. The psalms, like the 
 Priestly Law, represent the fruitage of prophecy. Con- 
 ditions during and after the exile were particularly 
 favorable for the production of lyric poetry. The 
 Book of Lamentations and the half lyrical writings of 
 the authors of Isaiah xl. to Ixvi. are significant illus- 
 trations of this fact. In Babylon also the Jews prob- 
 ably became familiar with the penitential psalms of 
 their conquerors, many of which resemble very closely 
 those of the Hebrew Psalter. If the exile gave the 
 first strong impetus to psalm-writing, the Persian 
 period fostered it, and must be regarded as the back- 
 ground of a large number of the psalms in our present 
 collection. In this form the repressed feelings of the 
 faithful found expression. Their disappointments, 
 their longings, their hatreds, as well as their joys, 
 were all voiced in psalms. Song service also formed 
 an increasingly important element in the worship of 
 the second temple, and therefore created a great 
 demand for liturgical literature. The dedication of 
 the temple, the rebuilding of the walls, the institution
 
 WRITINGS OF THE GREEK HISTORIANS 119 
 
 of the Priestly Law, and the persecutions of Ochus, 
 each called forth psalms which reveal the inner life of 
 the race and which will be studied in connection with 
 the events themselves. 
 
 107. In addition to the histories of Josephus and 
 the ancient fragments preserved by the Church Fathers, 
 which throw some direct light upon the life of the 
 Jewish people, the period is brilliantly illuminated by 
 the writings of the Greeks. The relations between 
 Greece and Persia were so intimate that their mingled 
 life constitutes the real background of Jewish history 
 during this epoch. Since it was the golden age of 
 Greek thought, we are far better informed respecting 
 the background than we are regarding the details of 
 Judah's history. The absence in the writings of the 
 Greeks of any definite facts regarding the personal life 
 of the Jews is not in tlie least surprising when we 
 fully realize how little they came into contact with 
 each other during the Persian period. The Greeks 
 were known to the Jews at this time only as a distant 
 people or as pirates (Isa. Ixvi. 19 ; Joel iii. G). It is 
 not strange, therefore, that Herodotus was not ac- 
 quainted with the name of that peculiar people " who 
 practise circumcision" (ii. 104). The inscriptions of 
 Cyrus, and especially the great Behistun Inscription, 
 in which Darius tells of the mighty revolutions which 
 convulsed the empire at the beginning of his reign, 
 also supplement our knowledge of Persian history 
 at a most important crisis in the life of the Jewish 
 race.
 
 II 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY 
 OF CYEUS 
 
 108. In October of the year 538 b. c. Cyrus at last 
 turned his victorious armies towards the tottering 
 capital of southwestern Asia. His base of operation 
 was Mesopotamia, the fertile territory between the 
 upper waters of the Tigris and Euphrates, which he 
 had apparently conquered in 547 b. c. (Nab. -Cyrus 
 Chr. i. 16-18). Persian intrigue, favored by the 
 resentment and suspicion aroused among the Baby- 
 lonians by the strange conduct of their king Naboni- 
 dus (see sect. 60), had prepared the way for an easy 
 conquest. On the northern borders of Babylonia, 
 beside a certain river, a battle was fought between 
 the Persians and Babylonians. The army of the lat- 
 ter was defeated, and Nabonidus fied. A few days 
 later, the north Babylonian town of Sippar surren- 
 dered without resistance to Gobryas, the commander 
 of the forces of Cyrus. Within two days more (about 
 October 10th) the Persian general was in possession 
 of Babylon. As the chronicle distinctly states, the 
 gates of the city were opened to the Persians without 
 a battle (ii. 8-16). The only resistance, if any, was 
 offered by the garrison occupying the great temple 
 within the walls. In the clear light of the inscrip- 
 tions, it is evident that the elaborate tale of Herodo-
 
 THE CAPTUKE OE BABYLON 121 
 
 tus to the effect that Cyrus turned the waters of the 
 Euphrates into the great basin made by Nebuchad- 
 rezzar and entered the city while its inhabitants 
 were so engaged in a feast that they neglected to 
 close the water gates, has been given a wrong setting. 
 It must refer rather to the second capture of Babylon 
 by Darius about twenty years later. 
 
 1U9. The inscription of Cyrus states that Naboni- 
 dus was among the captives. According to the Greek 
 traditions he was banished to Carmania. About two 
 weeks after its capture by his army, Cyrus made his 
 triumphant entrance (about October 24th) into Baby- 
 lon. Then the hopes, which had led the inhabitants 
 to throw themselves upon his mercy, were not disap- 
 pointed. " Peace he gave to the town. Peace he pro- 
 claimed to all the Babylonians" (Nab. -Cyrus Chr. ii. 
 19, 20). Zealously espousing the cause of the religion 
 of the conquered, he carefully restored to their sacred 
 sites the images of the gods which had been trans- 
 ported to Babylon by Nabonidus. In the remarkable 
 cylinder, which comes from Cyrus himself, he expa- 
 tiates at length upon his clemency toward his new 
 subjects and upon his devotion to their gods. Great 
 precautions were taken that wrong should be done to 
 none, and that individual rights should be respected. 
 The fortifications of Babylon, which under Nabonidus 
 had been allowed to fall into partial decay, were 
 repaired. The temples of the gods of Babylon were 
 restored and embellished. Repeatedly and unre- 
 servedly Cyrus proclaimed himself and his son Cam- 
 byses, whom he associated with himself as king of 
 Babylon, to be devoted worshippers of Marduk, Bel, 
 and Nebo, the gods of his new subjects (Cyrus Cyl.
 
 122 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 33-36). Indeed he introduces into his inscription a 
 message, which he claims to have received from the 
 great Marduk, directed to " Cyrus, who reveres him " 
 (lines 27, 28). Any monotheistic tendencies which 
 the conqueror of Babylon may have had, evidently did 
 not exert a very potent influence in determining the 
 nature of his public acts. The inscriptions reveal, 
 not only the supreme skill of Cyrus as a diplomat, but 
 also the nature of the policy which governed his rela- 
 tions with subject peoples. It was the antithesis of 
 that of the Assyrians and Babylonians who had en- 
 deavored to establish their supremacy by crushing the 
 nations under them so completely that all opposition 
 was impossible; for Cyrus, by acts of clemency and 
 toleration, appealed to the gratitude and loyalty of 
 the conquered. It was in the practical development 
 of this policy that he and his immediate successors 
 ever figured as the nominal worshippers, as well as 
 the generous patrons, of the gods of the nations under 
 their rule. 
 
 110. It was, therefore, with real joy that the 
 princes of the western cities and provinces, formerly 
 tributary to Babylon, hastened to send their ambassa- 
 dors to kiss the feet of this new master in token of 
 submission. Equally significant, in the light which 
 it sheds upon Jewish history, is the statement of 
 Cyrus, which follows the account of the reception 
 given these ambassadors : " The gods, whose sanctu- 
 aries from of old had lain in ruins, I brought back 
 again to their dwelling places and caused them to re- 
 side there forever. All of the citizens of these lands 
 I assembled, and I restored them to their homes " 
 (Cyrus Cyl. 31-32). The most natural inference to
 
 PERMISSION TO REBUILD THE TEMPLE 123 
 
 be drawn from this passage is that general permission 
 was given to all exiles found in his newly conquered 
 province to return to their native lands, taking with 
 them the booty stripped from their temples by the 
 avaricious Babylonians. 
 
 111. To the Jews, as well as to their neighbors, 
 Cyrus proved a mighty deliverer, for to them all the 
 same general concessions were undoubtedly granted. 
 In carrying out the details of the policy, which the 
 great conqueror so plainly outlines, special enact- 
 ments were also required. It is therefore more than 
 probable that a decree, relating especially to the 
 Jewish people, was the original of the one which the 
 chronicler cites in Ezra vi. 3-5 from the older Ara- 
 maic document, and which purports to be a citation 
 from the state records found in Ecbatana during the 
 reign of Darius: "In the first year of Cyrus the king 
 [of Babylon], Cyrus the king made a decree: 'Con- 
 cerning the house of God at Jerusalem, let the house 
 be builded, the place where they offer sacrifices, and 
 let the foundations thereof be strongly laid ; the height 
 thereof sixty cubits and the breadth sixty cubits, with 
 three rows of stones and a row of new timber: and let 
 the expenses be given out of the king's house: and 
 also let the gold and silver vessels of the house of 
 God, which Nebuchadrezzar took forth out of the 
 temple which is at Jerusalem, and brought unto 
 Babylon, be restored and brought again into the 
 temple which is at Jerusalem, every one to its place, 
 and you shall put them in the house of God. ' " The 
 influence of the Jewish thought and form of expres- 
 sion is plainly evident, but in general it is in har- 
 mony with the knuwn decrees of Cyrus.
 
 124 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 112. The same Aramaic document which the chron- 
 icler has quoted, with little if any change, in v. 13-16, 
 states that Cyrus instituted measures for the restora- 
 tion of the Jewish temple. To a certain Sheshbazzar, 
 whom the great king appointed governor of Judah, 
 were intrusted the vessels of gold and silver found by 
 Cyrus in Babylon, where they had been carried by 
 Nebuchadrezzar from the former temple at Jerusalem. 
 Although the narrative is late, its testimony is sub- 
 stantiated by the fact that Cyrus in his inscriptions 
 distinctly states that he devoted his attention to re- 
 storing the idols found in Babylon to their original 
 temples. In the absence of idols, the sacred vessels 
 from Jehovah's temple would most naturally be re- 
 turned. Undoubtedly the acts of Cyrus were prompted 
 by politic motives. His general policy of conciliation 
 has already been noted. In the case of the Jews, 
 aside from the possibility that he recognized in their 
 religion a cult kindred to that of the Persians, there 
 was an added reason for their being special objects of 
 his royal favor. Egypt was the third and last of those 
 great empires which had sought by joining forces to 
 check him at the beginning of his career of conquest. 
 Already he was contemplating the conquest of Egypt, 
 which his son Cambyses carried into execution. To 
 accomplish this project successfully, the loyal adher- 
 ence of the states of Palestine was essential. Thus 
 the old rivalry between the East and the West again 
 became a determining factor in the history of the 
 Jews. As has already been noted (sect. 23), the reli- 
 gious faith of both the Samaritans and the Jews in 
 Canaan centred about the ruined site of the temple 
 at Jerusalem, as about no other shrine. If the long-
 
 THE CONSTRUCTIVE POLICY OE CYRUS 125 
 
 ing to see the temple rebuilt was as intense among 
 the exiles in Babylon, as is suggested by their writ- 
 ings, it must have beon still stronger among the 
 "remnant in the land." No action on the part of 
 Cyrus, therefore, was better calculated to command 
 the grateful loyalty of a strategically important body 
 of his subjects than to figure as a patron of their 
 revered sanctuary. 
 
 113. Incidentally such a policy would also power- 
 fully attract the large body of Jewish refugees in 
 Egypt. It is a noticeable fact that the oldest version 
 of the decree of Cyrus respecting the rebuilding of the 
 temple makes no reference to the return of the Jews 
 in Babylon, but considers only the Jews living in 
 the province of Judah (Ezra vi. 3). The Persian 
 monarch was seeking to solve a political not a racial 
 problem. The policy whereby he attempted to undo 
 the desolation wrought by Babylonian armies, and to 
 cement into a united whole even the extreme prov- 
 inces of his empire, was most commendable. The 
 restoration of the Jewish race, as the great unknown 
 prophet of the exile clearly proclaimed, depended only 
 upon whether or not its individual members were 
 ready to make personal interests secondary to those 
 of their race and religion. The political barriers 
 had been completely swept away ; the exiles were at 
 perfect liberty to return, indeed there is good reason 
 to believe that Cyrus would have welcomed a gen- 
 eral influx of people into the territory of central 
 Canaan. The real question of the age is, Did the 
 Jews, and especially those in Babylon, improve their 
 opportunity ?
 
 ni 
 
 THE KEVIVAL OP THE JEWISH COIVIMUNITY IN 
 PALESTESTE 
 
 114. The widely -accepted tradition of the imme- 
 diate return of a large body of Jews from Babylon 
 rests solely on the doubtful testimony of the chron- 
 icler. Living two or three centuries later, when the 
 popular memory of those distant events was very 
 shadowy, it was but natural that he should think that 
 the foundations of that temple which he revered so 
 highly, were laid by loyal exiles who returned for the 
 purpose, instead of by those who remained behind, 
 whom he, with his generation, intensely despised. 
 The hopes so frequently expressed in the prophecies 
 contained in Isaiah xl. to Iv., of another exodus into 
 Canaan, undoubtedly encouraged him to entertain a 
 theory so acceptable to him (compare the language of 
 Ezra i.). 
 
 115. A closer study, however, of Isaiah xl. to Iv. 
 indicates that the attitude of his fellow-exiles toward 
 a return chilled the prophetic enthusiasm of the author 
 and aroused grave doubts in his mind whether they 
 would respond when the opportunity came. Repeat- 
 edly he chided them for their obstinacy (xlvi. 12; 
 xlviii. 4). Above all, he lamented the lack of a 
 leader to rally them. "There is none to guide her
 
 REASONS WHY THE EXILES DID NOT RETURN 127 
 
 among all the sons whom she hath brought forth ; 
 neither is there any that taketh her by the hand " 
 (li. 18). If portions of chapters xl. to Iv. were writ- 
 ten a little after the capture of Babylon, then 1. 2 
 Yoices the disappointment which filled the soul of 
 Jehovah's messenger: "Wherefore when I came was 
 there no man ? When I called, was there none to 
 answer ? Is my hand shortened at all that I could not 
 redeem ? or had I no power to deliver ? " It requires 
 little imagination to appreciate the reasons which 
 deterred the exiles from returning. The long, dan- 
 gerous journey across the desert, which they or their 
 fathers had made as captives under the guidance of 
 their Babylonian captors, was in itself enough to 
 appall the bravest. Palestine, with its desolate ruins 
 and treacherous foes, offered far more terrors than 
 attractions. Their brethren who remained behind 
 were repeatedly declared by Jeremiah and Ezekiel to 
 be far inferior to those who were carried away, and 
 their role in post-exilic history furnishes no reasons 
 for changing this estimate. 
 
 116. On the other hand, their homes and friends, 
 all that was dear to them except their native land 
 itself — and that was still desolate — bound them to 
 the country of their adoption. Under the rule of 
 Cyrus, any restrictions which before may have limited 
 them were removed, and they were free to enjoy, on 
 an equality with the Babylonians, the opportunities 
 and pleasures offered by the rich valley of the 
 Euphrates. As a result of their own choice, the exile 
 for most of them never ended. True to their national 
 instincts, tney continued to live in colonies by them 
 selves, retaining their social organization, their cua
 
 128 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 toms, and their religion, constituting so many 
 individual units in the great Persian empire. The 
 recent excavations at Nippur have unearthed a wealth 
 of cuneiform tablets, from the reigns of Artaxerxes and 
 Darius, bearing many familiar Jewish names, such as 
 Samson (Samshami), Nathanael (Natan-ili), Shiraeon 
 (Shamakkunu), Gedaliah (Gadaliama), and Menahem 
 (Minakh-Khimmu). Traces of the presence of a large 
 Jewish colony living in Nippur long after the Chris- 
 tian era have also been found. Babylonia, as is well 
 known, immediately after the beginning of the present 
 era, continued to be recognized as one of the three 
 most important centres of Judaism. From this point 
 the Jews rapidly spread to Ecbatana, Susa, and other 
 great cities of the Persian empire. For the next cen- 
 tury, in wealth and intelligence, and probably also in 
 numbers, they certainly far surpassed their kinsmen 
 in Judah. Although for a variety of reasons they 
 refused to return in person, they were by no means all 
 apostates to the faith of their fathers. Their interest 
 still centred about Jerusalem, and they were ever 
 ready to assist by their gifts the work of national re- 
 vival. When in time conditions became more unfavor- 
 able in the East, or more favorable in Judah, many of 
 their descendants improved the opportunity to return. 
 117. Aside from the setting given to them by the 
 chronicler, there is nothing to support the conclusion 
 that the list in Ezra ii. and its parallel, Nehcmiah 
 vii., contain the census of those who returned together, 
 immediately after 538 b. c. According to its super- 
 scription, the census purports to include those found 
 in the province of Judah who had returned from Baby- 
 lon. It is not distinctly stated when they returned,
 
 DATE OF THE CENSUS OF EZRA II. 129 
 
 but this must be inferred from the list of the leaders 
 which immediately follows. The names of Zerub- 
 babel and Joshua, whom we know were in Jerusalem 
 at least by 520 b. c, stand first. Then follows that of 
 Nehemiah, who is, in all probability, the Nehemiah 
 who in 445 b. c. returned, bringing back a retinue of 
 servants and some loyal patriots like himself. Next 
 in the list, found in the Book of Nehemiah, follows 
 the name of Azariah, which in the Hebrew is practi- 
 cally identical with Ezra. This name originally was, 
 in all probability, that of the priest who was asso- 
 ciated so closely with Nehemiah. He, according to 
 Ezra viii. 1-20, led back exiles enlisted from differ- 
 ent clans, whose names correspond throughout very 
 closely with those in the lists before us. The name 
 "Seraiah," found in the corresponding passage, Ezra 
 ii. 2, may be due to the mistake of a copyist or of 
 the chronicler, who had in mind Ezra vii. 1, where 
 Seraiah is mentioned as the father of Ezra. Among 
 the names of other leaders, who, from their order in 
 the context, it is to be inferred, led back companies of 
 exiles, subsequently, to the age of Nehemiah and Ezra, 
 appears that of Mordecai, derived from the name of 
 the Babylonian god Marduk. It also reappears in the 
 Book of Esther as the name of a prominent Jew of the 
 Persian period. At least one of the names in the list, 
 Bigvai, is generally recognized as of Persian origin, 
 being derived from Baga, god. Obviously a Persian 
 name would not be given to a Hebrew chieftain until 
 Persian influence had been paramount in the land of 
 the exile for a generation at least. The fact that this 
 non-Hebrew name is also borne by a tribe numbering 
 over two thousand (Ezra ii. 14), as well as that the 
 
 9
 
 130 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 name of Joshua the priest has become the designa- 
 tion of a priestly tribe, numbering nine hundred and 
 seventy-three (Ezra ii. 36), all strongly suggest that 
 the census reported in these lists was taken late in 
 the Persian period. 
 
 118. This conclusion is confirmed by the character 
 of the lists themselves. A large proportion of the 
 citizens of the province of Judah are classified accord- 
 ing to the towns which they inhabit (see Ezra ii. 20- 
 29, 33-34; compare Nehemiah iii.), being designated 
 as the " sons " of Gibeon or of Bethlehem or of 
 Jericho, or else as the " men " of Michmash or of 
 Bethel. Since it is a well-established fact (sect. 
 215) that these nineteen towns were certainly not all 
 in possession of the Jews before the latter part of the 
 Persian period, the inference is obvious that the census 
 was taken nearer the time of Alexander the Great than 
 that of Cyrus. As has been shown, the long list of 
 the priests, singers, porters, Nethinim, and the chil- 
 dren of Solomon's servants is, in its present form, 
 from the chronicler and, if based upon an earlier list, 
 points to a period when the temple service and equip- 
 ment was much more highly developed than even in 
 the days of Nehemiah (compare Neh. i. to vi. ; also 
 chronicler's list, Neh. xii.). 
 
 119. Obviously, therefore, the present lists throw 
 little light upon the number and character of those 
 who returned immediately after 538 b. c. That they 
 were few and unimportant is also evident from the tes- 
 timony of our only contemporary records, the prophe- 
 cies of Haggai and Zechariah. Surely about forty 
 thousand could not have returned at this time with- 
 out receiving the slightest reference in either of these
 
 EVIDENCE AGAINST A RETURN FROM BABYLON 131 
 
 prophecies, which portray so vividly conditions within 
 the Jewish community about 520 b. c. Not only is 
 there no reference to anything suggesting a general 
 return, but the prophets constantly address their audi- 
 ences as "the people of the land" (Hag. ii. 4; Zech. 
 vii. 5), or as "the people who have been left" (Hag. 
 1. 12, 14; ii. 2; Zech. viii. 6, 11, 12). Thus they 
 refer to them in the same terms as Jeremiah did to 
 those who remained with him in Judah after the first 
 captivity (Jer. xlii. 2, 15, 19; xliii. 5; xliv. 7, 12, 
 14). A few generations later, when a deputation 
 visited Nehemiah at Susa, his inquiry was not: "How 
 are the returned ? " but, " What is the condition of the 
 Jews in Judah who escaped, who were left behind from 
 the captivity ? " The reply of the men, who had come 
 direct from Palestine, is also conclusive evidence that 
 there had been as yet no general return of the Jews from 
 Babylon (Neh. i. 3). The community to which we are 
 introduced through the Aramaic document in Ezra, as 
 well as through the prophecies of Haggai and Zecha- 
 riah, and the memoirs of Nehemiah, is small, poor, 
 and struggling. Zechariah, in 520 b. a, regarded the 
 years that had followed the great victory of Cyrus as 
 discouraging for Jerusalem and the cities of Judah 
 as the half century that had preceded. For seventy 
 years the shadow of Jehovah's displeasure had rested 
 upon them, and there had been no rift to lighten their 
 gloom (i. 12). If half of forty thousand loyal Jews 
 returned from Babylon in 537 b. c, such words as 
 these would have been impossible. Like the great 
 prophet of the exile, Zechariah still urges: "Ho, 
 Zion, escape thou that dwellest with the daughter of 
 Babylon" (ii. 7). The general return of the exiles
 
 132 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 is yet in the future. Incredulous as are the prophet's 
 hearers, " the people who have remained in the land, " 
 he declares : " Thus saith the Lord : Behold, I will 
 save my people from the east country, and from the 
 west country ; and I will bring them and they shall 
 dwell in the midst of Jerusalem " (viii. 7, 8). Then 
 he trusts that the barren city and the encircling towns 
 will again be inhabited and prosperous (vii. 7). 
 
 120. At the same time the evidence does not pre- 
 clude but rather supports the conclusion that some of 
 the Jewish exiles in tlie East before long availed them- 
 selves of the permission of Cyrus to return from Baby- 
 lon and so had a part in the building of the temple. 
 The first governor of Judah, Sheshbazzar, whom the 
 chronicler designates as the " prince of Judah " and 
 seems to identify as a son of the captive Jewish king 
 Jehoiakin, and therefore as an uncle of Zerubbabel 
 (I. Chrs. iii. 16-19), probably took some Jews with 
 him in his retinue. His successor, Zerubbabel the son 
 of Shealtiel, and the grandson of Jehoiakin, was un- 
 doubtedly born in Babylon. " Begotten in Babylon " 
 is the most probable meaning of his name. Joshua, 
 who belonged to the leading priestly family, must have 
 been a descendant of one of the large number of temple 
 priests who, together with the royal captives, were 
 carried to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar. Each of these 
 leaders, as the list in Ezra ii. (Neh. vii.) suggests, must 
 have brought some of their brethren to assist them as 
 they returned to enter upon their duties at Jerusalem. 
 Zechariah also refers to " those of the captivity ; " and 
 gives the names of three men, Heldai, Tobijah, and 
 Jedaiah, who had recently come from Babylon, bring- 
 ing silver and gold, presumably as a contribution from
 
 PERSONNEL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY 133 
 
 the Jews remaining there, toward the building of the 
 temple. Together these little bands of Jews, who 
 returned at d liferent times during the fifteen or twenty 
 years following the revolutionizing victory of Cyrus, 
 constituted such a small part of the colony in Judah 
 that the prophets in preaching to the people could 
 properly ignore them. At the same time the intellect- 
 ual and religious influence which they exerted, was 
 undoubtedly far greater than their numbers. 
 
 121. In the light of the conditions which existed in 
 Palestine during the earlier days of the exile, it is clear 
 that, as Haggai and Zechariah imply, the community 
 which they addressed consisted almost entirely of 
 those Jews, Calebites and Jerahmeelites (sect. 22), 
 who had been left behind in 586 b. c.^ and of those 
 who had fled to the lands immediately adjacent to 
 Palestine. When Sheshbazzar was made governor of 
 Judah, and the benign policy of Cyrus became known, 
 undoubtedly many more Jews who had taken refuge 
 among the surrounding nations, and who were eagerly 
 awaiting a favorable opportunity to return, rallied to 
 his standard. Egypt certainly contained thousands of 
 such exiles, who were in closest communication with 
 their brethren in Palestine, and who were only a few 
 days' journey from the land of their nativity (sects. 
 24, 25). Since they had not been carried into exile, 
 they would naturally be reckoned as " the people of 
 the land " or as " the people who had been left 
 behind." 
 
 122. The testimony of these cumulative facts fur 
 nishes the true starting point for the appreciation of 
 the history of the revived Jewish community during 
 the next two centuries. The possibilities presented
 
 134 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH lUSTORT 
 
 by the great unknown prophet of the exile were only 
 partially realized. Jehovah, through his " Messiah," 
 Cyrus, prepared the way ; a certain number improved 
 the opportunity ; but the majority of those in Babylon 
 were, as their enlightened prophet feared, unequal to 
 the sacrifice. The growth of the comraunity in Judah, 
 after it received its first accessions, was gradual, and 
 its life proved to be a long, painful struggle. The 
 term " Revival " describes the real facts better than 
 either " Restoration " or " Return ; " for no sudden 
 transformation signalized the fortunes of the little 
 Jewish colony in Judah immediately after 538 B. c. 
 Darius I., not Cyrus, reorganized the Persian empire. 
 Only in time did the Jews of Palestine realize fully 
 what a marvellous change had come over their political 
 horizon. Judging from later usage, as well as from 
 the testimony of the chronicler, from the first they 
 were allowed to have over them a governor of their 
 own race. The more just and kindly rule of Persia 
 gave them new opportunities for development. With 
 a recognized leader, they were in a position better 
 to defend themselves against their neighboring foes. 
 Their hearts were doubtless also gladdened by the 
 appearance of bands of refugees returning from Egypt. 
 At times also they were inspired with hopes of a com- 
 plete national restoration by the return of exiles from 
 distant Babylon, laden with gifts for their poor kins- 
 men in Judah (Zech. vi. 9-15). Above all, these 
 returning exiles brought the rich fruitage of the higher 
 religious life which they had experienced in the East. 
 Thus there are good grounds for believing that at this 
 early period the Jews of Babylon began to exercise 
 upon their kinsmen in Palestine that powerful religious
 
 CONDITIONS IN JUDAII BETWEEN 538 AND 520 B.C. 135 
 
 influence which was destined in time radically to 
 transform the character of the Judean community. 
 
 123. Already we have seen that, during the period 
 of the Babylonian exile, a rude altar had been built, 
 and solemn services were performed on the site of the 
 ruined temple. The Cyrus decree, which must have 
 been issued about 538 b. c, reads: "Concerning the 
 house of God at Jerusalem, let the house be buildcd, 
 the place where they offer sacrifices, and let its foun- 
 dations be strongly laid." The prophet Haggai also 
 refers to the system of sacrifices which was in force 
 long before active work was begun on the rebuilding 
 of the house of the Lord (ii. 14). Since its founda- 
 tion was formally laid in 520 b. c, as a result of the 
 preaching of Haggai, it is difficult to trace much defi- 
 nite religious progress during the first decade and a 
 half of the Persian period. Possibly the form of lay- 
 ing a foundation of the temple was gone through with 
 under the direction of Sheshbazzar, soon after 538 
 B. c, so as to satisfy the conditions of the decree of 
 Cyrus. It is also reasonable to conclude with the 
 chronicler that the zealous Jews who returned from 
 Babylon established henceforth a simple but more 
 regular service on the sacred site (Ezra iii. ; compare 
 Hag. ii. 10-16; Zech. vii.); and that they probably 
 made some preparations for the rebuilding of the 
 temple. In one section of the Aramaic document, it 
 is claimed by the contemporaries of Haggai that it 
 had been building since the conquest of Cyrus (Ezra 
 V. 16). In the light of the context, however, and of 
 Haggai 's plain assertion that before 520 b. c. not one 
 stone had been laid upon another (ii. 15), the statement 
 appears to have been made to avert the dangers of
 
 136 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the moment. The reasons why really nothing had 
 been accomplished were probably, not so much because 
 of the opposition of " the people of the land " (as the 
 chronicler suggests in Ezra iv. 1-6), for, until the time 
 of Nehemiah, the Samaritans at least were allowed to 
 worship with the Jews at Jerusalem (see sects. 146, 
 205), but, as is clearly stated by Haggai, they were be- 
 cause the little community was still desperately weak, 
 both in resources and influence. It was but natural 
 that, as soon as Cyrus granted them permission, they 
 should devote themselves first to building better houses 
 which would protect themselves and their families 
 from the inclement climate of Palestine. In barren 
 Judah this task required considerable time, for the 
 returned refugees at least were obliged to begin as 
 pioneers, and those who had remained were pitiably 
 destitute. They were dependent upon the soil for 
 subsistence, and in those opening years their labors 
 bore little fruit. About 527 b. c. the armies of Persia 
 began to march through Palestine to Egypt, and upon 
 the Jews undoubtedly fell in part the burden of their 
 support. Sadly discouraging seemed the contrast be- 
 tween the glowing promises of the great prophet of the 
 exile and the dark reality. Memories of the glories 
 of the past temple still lingered in their minds, and 
 they could not decide to rear such an insignificant 
 structure as the materials at their command alone 
 made possible. "The time has not come for the 
 Lord's house to be built " was the commonly accepted 
 conclusion. Not until 520 B. c. did the man arise to 
 proclaim to them that " now is the acceptable day of 
 the Lord."
 
 IV 
 
 THE EEBFILDING OF THE TEIVEPLE AKD THE 
 SEEMONS OF HAGGAI 
 
 124. In 529 b. c. Cyrus, the founder of the Persian 
 empire, died. The chief event in the reign of his 
 son, and successor, Cambyses, was the conquest of 
 Egypt, which was completed in 525 b. c. By his 
 almost insane acts of cruelty the new king alienated 
 his subjects and drove them to rebellion. When in 
 522 (or in 521) b. c. he set out to return from Egypt 
 to his capital, news came that a certain Gaumata, 
 known to the Greeks as Gomates, the Magian, had 
 announced himself to be the brother Bardes, whom 
 Cambyses had caused to be secretly slain, and that he 
 had attracted to his standard a majority of the people 
 in the empire. Although in command of a well- 
 trained army, Cambyses, when he had returned as 
 far as Hamath in Syria, preferred to take his own life 
 rather than contest the throne with the impostor. 
 
 125. Left without an open rival, Gaumata, by 
 granting popular concessions and by establishing a 
 system of terrorization, succeeded in maintaining his 
 authority for a few months (Behistun Inscript. i. 12). 
 In the autumn of 521 b. c. the Persian nobles formed 
 a conspiracy and slew the impostor. The leader of 
 the conspirators was Darius, who claimed to be a de- 
 scendant, through a parallel branch of the royal family
 
 138 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 of the Achseinenidae from which Cyrus had come. 
 He was at once elected by his colleagues to the vacant 
 throne. His first act was to strengthen his position 
 by marrying Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus. H he 
 was to rule supreme over the entire Persian empire, 
 ability even greater than that of its founder was de- 
 manded, for the slain Gaumata begot a brood of false 
 pretenders, and his death was the signal for revolt in 
 many parts of the empire. In Susiana a certain 
 Athrina led a rebellion which was quickly put down, 
 only to be followed a little later by another in the 
 same province. A more formidable revolt was that of 
 the Babylonians headed by Nidintubel, who assumed 
 the popular title of Nebuchadrezzar HI. While Darius 
 was personally engaged in subduing the Babylo- 
 nians, a Phraortes appeared among the Medes, who 
 took the historic name of Cyaxares, and among the 
 Persians arose another pseudo-Bardes, both of whom 
 commanded large followings. In the summer of 520 
 B. c. Babylon was captured by Darius, and he was then 
 able to give his personal attention to subduing the 
 Medes. The Babylonians soon revolted again under 
 the leadership of another pretender, who also assumed 
 the name of Nebuchadrezzar III. During this period 
 of chaos, many of the more distant provinces improved 
 the occasion to throw off the Persian yoke. Against 
 such odds the ultimate success of the youthful Darius 
 must have seemed very questionable. That the integ- 
 rity of the Persian empire, composed as it was of het- 
 erogeneous elements only imperfectly organized, could 
 be maintained, was exceedingly doubtful. Not until 
 the spring of 519 B. c. did it become evident that 
 Darius was master of the situation.
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF THE CRISES IN THE EAST 139 
 
 126. It was no mere coincidence that the prophets 
 Haggai and Zechariah came forward with their ex- 
 hortations and predictions in the autumn of 520 B. c, 
 when each message which came from the East told of 
 a new rebellion and greater political confusion, so that 
 the Persian empire seemed about to be torn to shreds. 
 Almost every earlier prophecy which has been pre- 
 served was called forth by some political or social 
 crisis. Those of Haggai and Zechariah are no excep- 
 tions. For more than two centuries the political life 
 of Judah had been determined by the influence which 
 proceeded from beyond the Euphrates. A large pro- 
 portion of the Jewish race was still found in the valley 
 of the great rivers. It would have been strange in- 
 deed, if the feelings of the struggling community in 
 Palestine had not been powerfully affected by the 
 mighty convulsions which were then shaking the 
 world. 
 
 127. Not a few reflections of these great world- 
 movements are found in the prophecies of Haggai and 
 Zechariah. Haggai, for example, declares that Jeho- 
 vah will soon shake the heavens and the earth and the 
 sea and the dry land and the nations (ii. 6-9). In a 
 second message he repeats the thought and adds that, 
 "Jehovah will overthrow the throne of kingdoms and 
 will destroy the strength of the kingdoms of the na- 
 tions ; and will overthrow the chariots and those that 
 ride them; and the horses and their riders shall come 
 down, every one by the sword of his brother." A 
 more vivid reflection of the impressions which the 
 waves of revolution sweeping over the Persian empire 
 made upon the receptive mind of the prophet, can not 
 be imagined. Haggai's colleague, Zechariah, also
 
 140 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEvflSH HISTORY 
 
 looks beyond the boundaries of Judah to read her 
 fate. The angel who delivers to them his message, 
 comes " from walking to and fro through the earth " 
 (i. 11). Already he beholds the four smiths who are 
 to destroy the horns of the nations which have scat- 
 tered Judah (i. 18-21). His exhortation to the Jews 
 in Babylon to escape, suggests that he regarded the 
 moment as peculiarly opportune (ii. 7). Invi. 1-8 the 
 prophet directs the eyes of his readers toward the great 
 political movements which were agitating the world. 
 
 128. Undoubtedly the startling events which were 
 transpiring near the centre of the Persian empire had 
 also aroused the prophets' hearers. The apathy which 
 had paralyzed the poor Jewish community was at last 
 shaken. Action begets action. A new era seemed 
 about to open. Poor crops and drought, which were 
 ever regarded by the Jews as clear evidence of Jeho- 
 vah's displeasure (see Amos iv. 4-11; I. Kings xviii.), 
 had already appealed to the consciences of the more 
 thoughtful (Hag. i. 6, 9-11; ii. 16, 17). Conditions 
 were at last ripe for the building of the temple. All 
 that was needed was for some one to take the ini- 
 tiative. The degenerate house of David, with the 
 exception of Josiah, had shown little energy during the 
 latter days of the Judean kingdom, and less religious 
 zeal. Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabcl give no evidence of 
 being exceptions to the rule. It was simply because he 
 was the legal heir to the throne of Judah that at this 
 critical epoch the eyes of the more ambitious Jews were 
 fixed upon Zerubbabcl. The great actions of the past 
 were performed at the instigation of the prophets, and 
 it was most fitting that an earnest prophet of Jehovah 
 should be the one to arouse both leaders and people.
 
 THE FIRST APPEAL OF HAGGAI 141 
 
 129. Haggai wisely selected for his appeal the first 
 day of the sixth month (September, 520 b. c), when 
 the people were assembled to celebrate the feast of the 
 new moon. One fails to find in the prophecies of 
 Haggai the literary beauty and originality of his 
 predecessors; but they are characterized by a cer- 
 tain directness and practicability befitting a situation 
 which called not for rhetoric, but for action. When 
 he first stood before the assembled people his message 
 was: "Zerubbabel the governor and Joshua the high 
 priest, leaders of the Jewish community, do not listen 
 to the words of this discouraged and apathetic people, 
 when they say, ' The time has not yet come to build the 
 temple.' Consider, men of Judah, whether it is right 
 for you to enjoy your own comfortable homes while 
 you allow the house of Jehovah to lie in ruins. Medi- 
 tate and you will clearly perceive that Jehovah has 
 sent you these poor crops and hard times to show his 
 displeasure at your conduct and to arouse you to ac- 
 tion. His command to you is: Go up to the hill 
 country and secure wood and build the temple accord- 
 ing to your means, and you can be assured that I will 
 be pleased therewith and will be glorified in the evi- 
 dence of my people's fidelity " (i. 2-8). 
 
 130. The response on the part of the people was 
 immediate and hearty. By the twenty-fourth of the 
 sixth month the work was instituted. Since after the 
 exile the Jews adopted the Babylonian system of reck- 
 oning time, and in 520 b. c. the Babylonian year 
 seems to have begun on the first of May, the building 
 of the second temple was commenced in October. 
 Haggai, who was the moving spirit in all the work, 
 promptly assured the people : " Since you have listened
 
 142 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 to Jehovah's command, he is with you in your under- 
 takings " (i. 13). A month later, when the people 
 showed signs of discouragement, he delivered to them 
 at the Feast of Tabernacles another cheering message : 
 " Do some of you, who saw the first temple in its glory, 
 disparage this humble structure which we are rearing ? 
 Be courageous, O leaders and people ! Jehovah, who 
 led your forefathers, a nation of serfs, from Egypt and 
 covenanted to care for and guide you, is still working 
 in your midst. Indeed, he will soon revolutionize 
 existing political conditions. The heathen nations, 
 which now oppress you, shall come bringing their 
 treasures to beautify this humble sanctuary, so that 
 its glory shall far exceed that of the former temple. 
 Then, instead of the present discord, Jehovah will 
 give to this city perfect peace " (ii. 3-9). 
 
 131. It was in the following month (December) 
 that Zechariah is first reported to have appeared before 
 the people, possibly at another moment of discourage- 
 ment, calling them to duty, assuring them of Jehovah's 
 co-operation, and fortifying his words with familiar 
 teachings and illustrations drawn from the writings of 
 earlier prophets and from the past experience of their 
 race (i. 1-6). Under the inspiration of these two 
 prophets the preparation for the building of the temple 
 slowly progressed, until late in December, 520 b. c, 
 the foundation was laid (Ezra v. 2; Hag. ii. 18). With 
 the Assyrians and Babylonians such a ceremony was 
 solemnly celebrated. Whether the Jews imitated their 
 former masters so far as to place within the corner- 
 stone inscriptions describing the work and immor- 
 talizing the names of Zerubbabel and Joshua, is an 
 interesting question. Haggai certainly improved the
 
 LAYING OF THE rOUNDATIOX OF THE TEMPLE 143 
 
 occasion to deliver two more sermons. The first was 
 addressed to the people. Turning to some priests, he 
 inquires: "If the skirt of one of you, who is bearing 
 consecrated flesh, touch ordinary food, will it become 
 holy?" Of course they answer, "No." "Or if one 
 profaned by contact with a dead body touch any of 
 these things, will they not become unclean ? " As the 
 priests answer, "Yes," he applies the illustration: "So 
 are this people, both in their deeds and in their offer- 
 ing, unclean, vitiated as they have been by their sel- 
 fishness, and consecrated by no true sacrifice. By 
 failure of crops, blasting, mildew, and destructive hail- 
 storms, Jehovah has endeavored to impress this truth 
 upon you. But now that the foundation of the temple 
 is laid, all is changed. Henceforth he will bless you 
 with prosperity. And concerning you, Zerubbabel, 
 Jehovah declares that in the coming overthrow of the 
 heathen powers, he has chosen you to perform a pecu- 
 liar service for him, and therefore, as a king treasures 
 his signet ring, so will he protect and cherish you " 
 (ii. 6-23).
 
 w 
 
 THE HOPES AND DISCOUEAGEMENTS OF THE TEMPLE- 
 BUILDEKS 
 
 132. No more addresses of Haggai are recorded, but 
 in February, 519 B. c, two months after the laying of 
 the foundation of the temple, Zechariah presented a 
 series of visions, or, more properly, allegories, intended 
 to inspire hope in the hearts of the people. Although 
 the two prophets were one in purpose, their methods 
 of teaching present striking contrasts. The difference 
 is partially explained by the fact that, while Haggai 
 was a simple layman (Hag. ii. 11), Zechariah was by 
 birth a priest. The chronicler suggests that he was, 
 during the high priesthood of Joshua, at the head of 
 the priestly tribe of Iddo (Neh. xii. 4, 16). In his 
 opening address he manifests the characteristic priestly 
 reverence for the past history and literature of his 
 race. Like Ezekiel, whom he resembles in so many 
 ways, he was a prophet in spirit and aim; but in the 
 form in which he announced his message, he reveals 
 his priestly training. Following the example of the 
 priest-prophet of the exile, he preferred the obscure 
 apocalyptic style to the plain statement. Possibly the 
 fear that his teaching might be regarded with suspi- 
 cion, if reported to the Persian satrap, also influenced 
 him so to express his ideas that they would be intel.
 
 ZECHARIAH'S MESSAGES OF ENCOURAGEMENT 145 
 
 ligible only to his countrymen. It is significant that 
 the date of his first vision corresponds with that at 
 which Darius first succeeded in repressing the more 
 formidable rebellions which had been convulsing the 
 empire. The angel who spoke to the prophet reports 
 that " all the earth sitteth still, and is at rest " (i. 11). 
 The hopes of the downfall of the world-powers and the 
 speedy inauguration of the Messianic kingdom, which 
 had found expression in Haggai's predictions, uttered 
 four months before, and which had stirred the Jewish 
 community into activity, seemed blighted. The people 
 felt that, although in beginning to build the temple 
 they had done their part, Jehovah had failed them, 
 for Jerusalem's exaltation seemed more distant than 
 ever before. Their faith and energies relaxed accord- 
 ingly. There was sore need of a new prophetic 
 message. 
 
 133. In his first vision Zechariah is informed by 
 the angelic messengers that, although the nations are 
 at rest, and there are no signs on the horizon of a 
 speedy deliverance for Jerusalem, Jehovah's interest 
 in his beloved city is not abated. Already he has 
 returned to take up his abode in his restored temple, 
 and he will yet comfort and bring prosperity to his 
 land (i. 8-17). In the second vision the prophet pict- 
 ures, in his allegory of the four smiths, those who will 
 destroy all the nations which have scattered Judali 
 (i. 18-21). In the succeeding vision he sees one going 
 forth to measure Jerusalem with a view to rebuilding 
 it on its old foundations. Soon an angel interrupts 
 him with the glad assurance that so great will be the 
 population of Jerusalem that no walls will encircle it, 
 but, instead, Jehovah himself will be a wall of fire 
 
 10
 
 146 THE PERSTAX PEP»IOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 about it and its glory within. It requires little imag- 
 ination to hear the bitter complaint of the people be- 
 cause their city is still without walls and apparently 
 neglected. True prophet that he was, he chided them 
 because their expectations of what Jehovah would do 
 for them were material and circumscribed; and pro- 
 ceeded to urge the Jews in Babylon to escape from 
 the rebellious city, now doomed by Jehovah to de- 
 struction, and to find refuge within Zion, blessed and 
 guarded by his protecting presence, and destined to 
 become the centre of his universal kingdom. 
 
 134. As Zechariah fixed his eyes upon conditions 
 within Jerusalem, there arose before him a vision of 
 Joshua the high priest, charged by the adversary with 
 the sins of the priesthood and of the community which 
 he represented. Then the prophet heard Jehovah 
 absolve Joshua of the sins with which he was polluted, 
 and appoint him to the care of his temple, on condi- 
 tion that he prove faithful to his trust. The solemn 
 consecration and instalment of the priestly family are 
 accompanied by a reiteration of the promise of free 
 forgiveness to the people, of Jehovah's continued care 
 for the service of his sanctuary, and of the advent of 
 his Messianic servant, whom Jeremiah had designated 
 as the " sprout " (Jer. xxiii. 5). The next vision also 
 stands in close connection with the institution of the 
 temple service ; for its chief symbol is that of the 
 candlestick, representing the restored temple and its 
 service, which are to be supported by the two anointed 
 ones (" sons of oil "), Zerubbabel and Joshua, the heads 
 of the civil and religious organization. Already 
 Ezekiel had advanced the same thought in his program 
 of the restored temple (sect. 48).
 
 THE CROWNING OF ZERUBBABEL AS KING 147 
 
 135. In his last vision the prophet returns to the 
 consideration of the political outlook. In imagination 
 he beholds Jehovah's messengers of vengeance going 
 forth to the north against Babylon and Persia, and 
 to the south against Edom and Egypt, to destroy the 
 world-powers which oppose the realization of his pur- 
 pose. The details of this world- judgment are indefi- 
 nite. The old martial spirit of the race has disap- 
 peared. The prophet is a man of peace. The central 
 truth which he proclaims is that Jehovah rules in 
 human affairs, and in his own good way he will put 
 down the wrong and vindicate the right. Haggai and 
 Zechariah evidently hoped to behold with their own 
 eyes the exaltation of their race. The atmosphere was 
 tense with expectation. Nations were rising and fall- 
 ing almost in a day. The fact that they had been per- 
 mitted to begin the rebuilding of their temple seemed 
 in itself a miracle. It was but natural that they should 
 regard it as an earnest of still greater glory. This 
 hope found expression in a command which came to 
 Zechariah, probably immediately after the last vision. 
 Unfortunately the text has been changed by later 
 editors. The main ideas, however, are clear. He 
 was ordered to make, from the gold and silver which 
 had been sent by the Jews in Babylon, a crown, 
 and place it on the head of Zerubbabcl. The mean- 
 ing of the act, in the light of ancient Hebrew usage, 
 was unmistakable, and the prophet's words removed 
 all doubt: "The builder of Jehovah's temple shall 
 bear the glory and sit and rule upon his throne; and 
 there shall be a priest (Joshua) on his right hand, 
 and there will be a counsel of peace between the two 
 of them." His message al&o throws much light upon
 
 148 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the hopes cherished by those to whom he spoke. It 
 was but natural that they should crave political liberty. 
 Other peoples had for a time succeeded in throwing off 
 the yoke of Persia, and in placing the crown upon 
 princes of their own blood. Jehovah was omnipotent. 
 His people had atoned for the sin which had dethroned 
 the house of David. Now, indeed, they were doing 
 his will. Surely from their point of view independ- 
 ence under Zerubbabel, the hereditary heir of the 
 throne of Judah, was not beyond expectation. 
 
 136. Fortunate were the people, if they were influ- 
 enced by the peaceful spirit of Zechariah to leave the 
 fulfilment of their aspirations to Jehovah, for the future 
 brought them no independence under their hereditary 
 prince. For the details of their disillusionment we are 
 left to conjecture ; the fact alone is preserved that at 
 the moment when the crown was held out over the 
 head of Zerubbabel, he, and with him the Davidic 
 family, disappear forever from public life. When the 
 fragmentary records next throw their flickering light 
 upon the Jewish community, the descendants of Joshua 
 the high priest have absorbed nearly all of the civil, 
 as well as the ecclesiastical, authority resident in the 
 community in Judah. 
 
 137. The Aramaic document quoted by the chronicler 
 supplements the facts presented by Zechariah. When 
 the work on the temple had progressed so far that the 
 timbers were being placed on the foundation (Ezra v. 
 8), and therefore several weeks, if not months, after 
 the formal laying of the foundation-stone, Tattenai 
 (in the Greek version, Sisinnes), the Persian satrap of 
 the trans-Euphrates province, with his officials visited 
 Jerusalem on their tour of inspection. Undoubtedly a
 
 FINAL DEPOSAL OF THE DAVIDIC FAMILY 14f) 
 
 report of the unwonted activity of the Jewish commu- 
 nity was the cause of their formal visit. The empire 
 had been torn by so many revolts that any unusual act 
 was viewed with great suspicion. In the course of the 
 investigation, the elders of the Jews claimed that they 
 were merely rebuilding the ancient sanctuary, and in so 
 doing were acting in accord with an earlier decree of 
 Cyrus, authorizing its construction. They further 
 suggested that the royal archives be searched, that the 
 truth of their words might be substantiated. Fortu- 
 nately, Darius I., as his inscriptions, discovered in Egypt 
 and Asia Minor, demonstrate, was, like Cyrus, disposed 
 to patronize the temples of the peoples under his rule. 
 A knowledge of this fact may have have influenced the 
 Persian satrap not to interfere with the work at Jerusa- 
 lem until he had received instructions from the great 
 king. The presence of the satrap, and the cloud of 
 suspicion which rested upon the Jewish community 
 until their claim was substantiated by the discovery at 
 Ecbatana of the Cyrus decree, was sufficient to dispel 
 all secret hopes of elevating Zerubbabel to the position 
 of independent kingship. If the purport of the preach- 
 ing of Haggai and Zechariah became known to the 
 Persian officials, doubtless steps were at once taken to 
 remove Zerubbabel from his position as governor. 
 Zechariah's early prediction, that Zerubbabel would be 
 allowed to participate in the completion of the temple 
 (iv. 9), suggests that his tenure of office was none too 
 secure. That his authority was but slight is apparent 
 from the prophet's words (iv. 6^, 7). If not at once, 
 probably in the general reorganization of the empire, 
 which was soon instituted by Darius, the family of 
 David was quietly set aside.
 
 150 THE PERSIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 138. Although in divine providence, the temporal 
 hopes of the Jews were unfulfilled, they were permitted, 
 unhindered, to complete their temple. It is noticeable 
 that in the latest sermons of Zechariah, dating from 
 the latter part of the year 518 B. c, both the apocalyp- 
 tic language and all references to Zerubbabel and to a 
 temporal kingship disappear. Plain, earnest exhorta- 
 tion and promises of a universal kingdom of God take 
 their place (vii, ; viii). Evidently the temple was so 
 far completed that certain of its services had been 
 instituted. This fact gave rise to the natural question 
 as to whether the fast appointed in the fifth month, in 
 commemoration of the destruction of Jerusalem and of 
 the temple, should continue to be observed. The sub- 
 ject was formally laid before the priests and prophets of 
 the city by a visiting deputation. Zechariah answered 
 the question in the true spirit of a prophet rather than 
 that of a priest, by asking what the motives were which 
 prompted the fasts observed in the exile. Was it to 
 serve Jehovah or to gratify their own desires ? If for 
 the latter cause, the sooner the selfish forms were dis- 
 continued the better. Now that the revived community 
 was entering upon a new life, the real question was, 
 Were they going to avoid the mistakes of the old 
 Hebrew state and offer God not empty forms but deeds 
 of justice, mercy, and kindness, which represent the 
 demands of the original prophetic torah. Their future 
 was intrusted to their own keeping, and depended upon 
 their own conduct. The foundations had already been 
 laid for a glorious state. Jehovah was ready to co-oper- 
 ate in every way. If they but proved true to their 
 opportunity, their noblest aspirations would be more 
 than realized. Peace at last would come to the afflicted
 
 THE COMPLETION OF THE TEMPLE 151 
 
 Jerusalem, so that men and women would live to a 
 ripe old age. The mournful fasts of the past would 
 become joyful feasts. Above all, the day was coming 
 when many people and powerful nations would make 
 pilgrimages to Jerusalem to worship Jehovah. Then 
 would the despised Jew be courted by foreigners eager 
 to learn of the true God, 
 
 139. According to the chronicler, the temple was 
 completed in March of the year 516 b. c. Undoubtedly 
 the act was celebrated by the offering of sacrifice and 
 by appropriate ceremonies. It must have called forth 
 songs of thanksgiving, some of which have probably 
 been preserved in our Psalter. Psalm xlvii. expresses 
 the exultation which the little community naturally 
 felt when their work was done. Their feeling, like 
 that of Zechariah at this time, is voiced in the couplet 
 (verse 8): 
 
 God reigneth over the nations : 
 God sitteth upon his holy throne. 
 
 140. The historical importance of the rebuilding of 
 the temple can not be overestimated. Judaism again 
 had a home. The thought, so often expressed in the 
 prophecy of Zechariah, that Jehovah had returned to 
 dwell in their midst, was a source of joy and hope, 
 not only to the Jews in Judah, but also to all mem- 
 bers of the race, wherever they were. Now that daily 
 sacrifices were offered for their nation, they felt with 
 relief that at last the burden of national guilt which 
 oppressed them, was removed. Again, they could 
 raise their heads in the presence of the nations. The 
 temple also proved a strong bond keeping alive in the 
 heart of every Jew the sense of racial unity, thus bind-
 
 152 THE PERSIAN 'Period of Jewish history 
 
 ing together all the scattered members of the nation. 
 It also gave a definite form to their religious develop- 
 ment. Exalted far above all other institutions, the 
 sanctuary and its service commanded the attention of 
 the most able spirits in the dispersion, where the ten- 
 dency toward ritualism, so strong during the Babylo- 
 nian period, now carried all before it. The result 
 was, that from the first, in their eyes, the humble 
 structure, reared by the struggling community, far 
 eclipsed in importance the more imposing temple of 
 Solomon. In time they also imparted their deep rev- 
 erence to the Jews of Palestine, so that its prestige 
 completely overshadowed all other religious institu- 
 tions in Judah.
 
 VI 
 
 THE SEVENTY YEARS OP SILENCE FOLLOWING THE 
 BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE 
 
 141. Concerning the life of the Jewish community 
 after the completion of the temple in 516, until the 
 appearance of Nehemiah in 445 b. c, the chronicler 
 says not a word. The silence is as significant as that 
 with which the Hebrew historians pass over the long 
 reactionary reign of Manasseh. The two epochs have 
 not a little in common. Each was preceded by a brief 
 period of intense popular and prophetic activity, dur- 
 ing which expectations of an immediate and glorious 
 exaltation of their nation stirred all hearts. Mankind 
 had not yet learned the lesson of patience, so that 
 when the coming years brought no fulfilment, hopes 
 were succeeded by the bitterness of disillusionment. 
 The Messianic predictions of the prophets seemed but 
 empty dreams to men bowed down under a foreign 
 yoke. They lost faith, not only in the predictions, but 
 also in the God of their prophets. That their feelings 
 found bitter expression is evident from the extracts of 
 contemporary sermons preserved in Isaiah Ivi. to Ixii., 
 as well as in the Book of Malachi. 
 
 142. The political status of the Judean community 
 was not perilous, but only hopelessly discouraging to 
 men who were longing for independence. After
 
 154 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Darius succeeded in quelling the many rebellions 
 which disturbed the opening years of his reign, he 
 devoted himself to organizing his vast empire. It was 
 divided into provinces, over each of which were ap- 
 pointed a satrap or governor, a commander-in-chief 
 of its forces, and a secretary, who were directly re- 
 sponsible to the king for the discharge of their respec- 
 tive duties. Royal judges and inspectors were also 
 sent out to right grievances and to anticipate possible 
 uprisings. Members of the royal family were usually 
 appointed to the more important satrapies. By these 
 regulations the king was able to exercise an absolute 
 control over the entire empire. The system was so 
 perfectly organized that the Persian state continued to 
 exist long after the reigning family had become weak 
 and degenerate. To the smaller nations the rule 
 established by Darius was a great blessing, compared 
 with that of the Babylonians which it supplanted. 
 
 143. In theory, at least, equal rights were accorded 
 by the Persians to all subject peoples. As long as 
 they paid their allotted taxes, they were assured peace 
 and the privilege of worshipping their gods without 
 molestation. Only under the powerful arm of Persia 
 would it have been possible for the weak Jewish col- 
 ony to have survived in the midst of strong and malig- 
 nant foes eager to destroy it. As a matter of fact, its 
 very insignificance protected it. Wars agitated dif- 
 ferent parts of the great empire, but made little im- 
 pression on the Jewish community. During the reign 
 of Darius I. the Hellespont was bridged and Persian 
 armies invaded Europe. If the news of the battle of 
 Marathon reached the Jews in Palestine, it only in- 
 tensified their helpless discontent. The rebellion of
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS IN THE PERSIAN EMPIRE 155 
 
 Egypt in 486 b. c. undoubtedly aroused their interest, 
 for, not only was it at their doors, but Egypt was 
 also one of the lands of the Jewish dispersion. Soon 
 they saw from their western headlands the armies of 
 Xerxes, who at this time succeeded his father Darius 
 on the Persian throne, marching to suppress the great 
 uprising. A few years later came the fatal insurrec- 
 tion in Babylon which led to the practical destruction 
 of the mighty metropolis. Whether or not any of the 
 Jews who had found a home there were influenced by 
 this calamity to return to Judah is an interesting but 
 unanswered question. In the vast array which Xerxes 
 summoned from all parts of his empire, for the purpose 
 of crushing the Greeks, the levy from the province of 
 Syria was included; but, if Jews were in its ranks, 
 they were too few and unimportant to be referred to 
 in the lists. Persian prestige in Europe fell at Ther- 
 mopylae and Salamis before Greek skill and courage, 
 but in southwestern Asia the Great King continued to 
 be the one recognized authority. 
 
 144. In 464 b. c. the weak, degenerate Xerxes was 
 assassinated and his third son, Artaxerxes I., who is 
 distinguished by the title Longimanus, succeeded him. 
 The new ruler came to the throne as the result of pal- 
 ace intrigues. In later tradition he has the reputa- 
 tion of having been good-natured but weak, and ruled 
 by the favorites of his court and harem. Caprice, not 
 justice, henceforth determined the policy of the great 
 empire. The weakness of the central authority occa- 
 sioned numerous revolts. Chief of these was the one 
 in Egypt about 460 b, c, led by a certain Inarus. It 
 was put down by Megabyzus, the satrap of Syria, who 
 then found himself strong enough for several years
 
 156 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 successfully to defy the Great King himself. Finally 
 Artaxerxes was forced to make terms with the rebel. 
 Whether or not the Jews were involved in this rebel- 
 lion is not stated. Probably their weakness saved 
 them from seriously compromising themselves. 
 
 145. While the mighty conflicts between the East 
 and the West, between the Persian and the Greek, 
 were going on, the attention of the Jews in Palestine 
 vras fixed upon their own petty contests and problems. 
 The most discouraging element was that their life was 
 barren and insignificant. The rule of Persia con- 
 demned them to a treadmill existence. Their political 
 responsibilities ended when they had paid to greedy 
 tax-collectors " the tribute, custom, and tolls " due the 
 Persian king (Ezra iv. 13, 20; vii. 24), and had sat- 
 isfied the exactions of their local governor, and of the 
 train of servants who accompanied him. Nehemiah's 
 statement (Neh. v. 15) indicates that these were sup- 
 ported at the expense of the community by direct 
 levies of provisions as well as of money. The arro- 
 ffance with which even the slaves connected with the 
 court of the governor lorded over the Jews was espe- 
 cially galling. They, in whose ears were still ringing 
 the glorious predictions of their prophets, were re- 
 pressed and constantly subjected to petty annoyances. 
 
 146. Of all the remnants of the nations of Palestine 
 the Jews were the weakest and most generally hated. 
 Brotherly love had been, from time immemorial, a 
 virtue almost unknown among the peoples of that 
 Canaanitish world. If their assailants had been re- 
 moved from them by long distances, instead of by a 
 few miles, the position of the Jews would not have 
 been so intolerable. As it was, they were closely
 
 RELATIONS BETWEEN THE JEWS AND SAMARITANS 157 
 
 encircled by a ring of treacherous, merciless foes. On 
 the west were the descendants of their hereditary 
 enemies, the Philistines. On the north were the half 
 heathenish Samaritans. The final rupture with them 
 did not come, however, until after the building of the 
 walls of Jerusalem and the institution of the strict 
 priestly law. There is evidence that those of the 
 Samaritans who desired, continued to worship at the 
 Jerusalem sanctuary, as they had since the days of 
 Josiah ; but the old hostility between the northerners 
 and the southerners had not been entirely extinguished 
 by the disasters which had overtaken the two peoples. 
 The foreign blood and heathen customs of the Samari- 
 tans also made a congenial union between them and 
 the stricter Jews impossible. Isaiah Ivii. 3-12 in all 
 probability expresses the conservative Jewish esti- 
 mate of the Samaritans during the period under con- 
 sideration. In taunting terms their half heathen 
 origin is flung at them by the prophet. They are con- 
 demned for their lewd heathen rites, practised, as of 
 old, under the green trees, for the sacrifice of their 
 children in the deep, rocky valleys, and for the wor- 
 ship of alien gods on "a high and lofty mountain," 
 which is probably to be identified with Mount Gerizim. 
 What especially arouses the prophet are the jeering 
 words and scornful tone with which they speak of the 
 struggling Jewish community. They are the same as 
 those which characterize the mocking address with 
 which Sanballat the Horonite, a representative Samari- 
 tan, greeted the efforts of the Jews to rebuild the walls 
 of Jerusalem under the direction of Nehemiah : " What 
 do these feeble Jews ? " (Neh. iv. 2). Isaiah Ivii. 9 
 apparently contains an allusion to a deputation sent
 
 158 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 by these lukewarm friends of the Jewish colony to 
 the Great King, whereby with the free use of gifts and 
 lies they sought to gain some advantage for themselves, 
 at the expense of their kinsmen in the south. The 
 reason why the open rupture between the Jews and 
 Samaritans did not come before the time of Nehemiah 
 was simply because the Jewish community was too 
 weak, and because the conservatives within it had no 
 energetic leader. 
 
 147. On the east were the Ammonites, represented 
 in the days of Nehemiah by a prince whose name was 
 Toljiah. There is evidence that they, like the Edomites, 
 had been partially driven from their old homes by 
 the Arabians, and had profited by the destruction of the 
 northern kingdom to move westward and occupy the 
 fertile Hebrew territory on the east of the Jordan (Jer. 
 xl. 14; xli. 10), so that now thoy were near neighbors 
 of the Jews. On the south, in possession of Hebron, 
 and occupying many ancient Judean cities, which they 
 had seized soon after the destruction of Jerusalem 
 (sect. 22), were the most hated foes of all, the Edom- 
 ites. The author of the Book of Malachi refers to 
 their expulsion from their own territory by the Ara- 
 bians (Nabataeans), who invaded Edom from the south, 
 and to their vain hopes of recovering their desolate land 
 (Mai. i. 2-4). Associated with the Edomites, and ever 
 pressing and harassing the "feeble Jews," were the 
 same Arabian tribes which from dim antiquity until 
 the present have never failed, when not resisted by a 
 strong local government, to gain a foothold in Pales- 
 tine. Some of them may also have been descendants 
 of the Arabian colony which Sargon in the eighth cen- 
 tury settled in Samaria (II. sect. 105). The Jews,
 
 EXTENT OF THE PROVINCE OF JUDAH 159 
 
 therefore, "were obliged, during these depressing years, 
 constantly and against great odds, to contend for their 
 native soil against the encroachments, the covert 
 attacks, and the intrigues of crafty, treacherous foes ; 
 for while the Persian rule insured the integrity of the 
 different peoples under it, it did not prevent frequent 
 wai^s among them, especially when the central govern- 
 ment became weak. 
 
 148. The territory held by the Jews, and known as 
 the Persian sub-province of Judah, represented only a 
 fraction of the old southern Hebrew kingdom. Its 
 extent is indicated by the references contained in the 
 third chapter of Nehemiah, which describes the build- 
 ing of the walls of Jerusalem. At the most, it ex- 
 tended only five miles to the north of the capital city. 
 If the most probable interpretation of verse 7 be 
 adopted, the town of Mizpah (about three and one half 
 miles northwest of Jerusalem), although inhabited 
 by some loyal Jews, belonged not to Judah but to the 
 province of Syria. Jericho was the most eastern and 
 Bethzur, about thirteen miles southwest of Jerusalem, 
 was the most southern town. On the west the prov- 
 ince included the mountain villages of Zanoah and 
 Keilah. In all it was less than twenty miles in length 
 from north to south, and about the same in width. 
 It comprised the least desirable territory of Palestine. 
 With the exception of the land in the vicinity of 
 Jericho, the eastern half was barren and uninhabitable. 
 Few springs, and almost no streams, were to be found 
 within the entire province, so that at the best it was 
 capable of supjjorting only a sparse and poverty- 
 stricken population. 
 
 149. The position of the Jews was still more pain
 
 160 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 ful and discouraging because Jerusalem, the site of 
 their sanctuary and their natural place of refuge and 
 defence, was almost depopulated (Neh. vii. 4), and 
 open to the sudden attacks of their foes. Their first 
 thought after laying the foundation of the temple was 
 to rebuild the walls about Jerusalem (Zech. ii. 4, 5) ; 
 but for a variety of reasons they were deterred from 
 undertaking the great task. Although the statement 
 has frequently been made by recent write'rs, who 
 would assign Ezra iv. 8-23 to the period, there is 
 no conclusive evidence that the Jews ventured to place 
 one stone upon another before 445 b. c. The prayer 
 which Nehemiah uttered after he learned from his 
 kinsmen that "the remnant that are left of the cap- 
 tivity there in the province are in great affliction and 
 reproach, " and that " the wall of Jerusalem was broken 
 down and its gates burned with fire," suggests that 
 it was no recent calamity to which they referred, but 
 the disastrous blow dealt their nation by Nebuchad- 
 rezzar (Neh. i. 5-11). His surprise and sorrow were 
 called forth by the revelation of how discouraging 
 conditions within and without the community reall}' 
 were. It also indicates how little connection there was 
 at this time between the Jews of the East and West. 
 The spirit of Nehemiah's address to the people on his 
 arrival at Jerusalem was : " Come, at last let us build 
 the fallen walls that we may no longer be an object of 
 reproach as we have been during these long years " (ii. 
 17). The details of the building of the temple reveal 
 the fact that within the community there was neither 
 the requisite resources nor energy for the much more 
 difficult work of building the walls. This is strik- 
 ingly confirmed by the sneering words of Sanballat
 
 THE FOES WITHIN AND WITHOUT JUDAH IHl 
 
 (Neh. iv. 2). Even Nehemiah, with the authority at 
 his command, would not have succeeded if he had not 
 been a man of transcendent ability. As has already 
 been remarked, the rebuilding of the temple was a 
 work which the Persian authorities would not only 
 permit, but favor, for it tended to foster the spirit of 
 contentment and loyalty. The fortifying of such a nat- 
 urally strong city as Jerusalem, however, would at 
 once have been regarded as an act of rebellion against 
 the Great King. This was precisely the interpreta- 
 tion which was placed upon the work of Nehemiah by 
 the princes of Palestine (Neh. ii. 19). The experi- 
 ences ot Nehemiah also demonstrate how bitter and 
 almost irresistible would have been the opposition of 
 the hostile i. Mghbors of the Jews, even though the 
 attempt had b 'n made with the full consent of the 
 Persian king. 
 
 150. These facts enable us to understand and to 
 sympathize with the -community in Judah during these 
 seventy years of disillusionment and discouragement. 
 When we also recall that the colony was largely made 
 up of the weaker remnants of the Jewish race, we can 
 at least regard their faults with charity. The con- 
 tentious, selfish, belittling atmosphere of Palestine 
 was not calculated to develop broad, noble characters. 
 No great national achievement and no great crisis 
 aroused their patriotism or inspired their faith. The 
 result was that the Jewish community was afflicted 
 by those social evils which have always been the curse 
 of the Orient. Its rulers, who should have guarded 
 it from the foes which like "beasts of the forest 
 came to devour, " are described as " blind and without 
 knowledge, dumb clogs that cannot bark, dreaming, 
 
 ii
 
 162 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 lying down, loving to slumber; yea, greedy dogs that 
 can never have enough ; who say, ' Come, I will bring 
 wine, and we will carouse with strong drink ; and to- 
 morrow shall be as this day, beyond all measure great ' " 
 (Isa. Ivi. 9-12). Nehemiah condemned them to their 
 face for " exacting usury from their brothers and for 
 selling them into slavery " (Neh. v. 1-12). The author 
 of Malachi charges certain of them with " oppressing 
 the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless, 
 and for defrauding foreigners, resident among them " 
 (iii. 5). Even the high priests were prominent offend- 
 ers. The civic life of the Jews was little better than 
 that of their enemies. Injustice, lawlessness, deceit, 
 treachery, and false swearing characterized their rela- 
 tions with each other as well as with their neighbors 
 (Mai. ii. 10; iii. 5; Isa. lix. 3-15). 
 
 151. As might be expected, their religious life was 
 equally degenerate. The services of the temple were 
 kept up, but the people did not hesitate to cheat Jeho- 
 vah by bringing to him as offerings those animals 
 " which had died a violent death, and the lame and the 
 sick " (Mai. i. 13). Worst of all, the priests encour- 
 aged the people in their impiety, and offered to their 
 divine King what they would never have thought of 
 tendering to their Persian governor (Mai. i. 8). As 
 the result of their laziness and indifference, they neg- 
 lected to instruct the people respecting their duty, so 
 that the entire ceremonial service was corrupt and 
 contemptible in the sight of God (Mai. ii. 8, 9). They 
 also failed to pay their tithes, so that the worship of 
 the temple was in danger of being abandoned for lack 
 of financial support (Mai. iii. 8). 
 
 152. Still more insidious and deadly dangers threat-
 
 SCEPTICAL TENDENCIES WITHIN THE COMMUNITY 163 
 
 ened to extinguish the life of the Jewish state, since 
 for the first time in the history of their race a defiant 
 scepticism found open expression. The priests of th& 
 temple complained : " What a weariness is all this 
 round of sacrifices?" (Mai. i. 13). The bitter cry: 
 " What evidence is there that Jehovah has loved us ? '* 
 could not be ignored by the prophets (Mai. i. 2-5). 
 Some, having lost all faith in Jehovah, were raising 
 the question which was treated so sublimely by the 
 author of the Book of Job : " What is the use of serv- 
 ing God ? what profit has come to us for all our fast- 
 ing, our prayers, our lamentations and humiliation ? 
 The man who defies God, and is self-sufficient, and 
 seeks only his own selfish ends by fair means or foul, 
 is the one who is happy and enjoys prosperity. One 
 may defy God with impunity. What is the advantage 
 of fearing him as the prophets and sages have taught ? " 
 (Mai. iii. 14, 15). The declaration was also made 
 openly that it was all the same whether a man did 
 right or wrong, at least God in no way showed his 
 approval or disapproval of good or evil conduct (Mai. 
 ii. 17). 
 
 153. In the psalms of this period, those who made 
 these sceptical assertions are styled "the scorners." 
 They seem to have been greatly in the majority, and 
 to have numbered among their ranks not only the 
 dissolute, oppressive, evil heads of the community, but 
 also many of the leading priests. One of the results 
 of this sceptical attitude was the disregard of the dis- 
 tinction between the worshippers of Jehovah and those 
 of heathen gods. The interests of peace, as well as of 
 trade, prompted the leaders of the weak, unpopular 
 Jewish community to make protective alliances with
 
 164 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the nations surrounding them. The prevailing method 
 of sealing such an alliance in the old Oriental world 
 was by marriage. The temptation was a strong one, 
 and the religious sentiment, which should have enabled 
 them to resist it, was weak. When Nehemiah arrived, 
 he found that many, including the priestly family, had 
 yielded to it. Eliashib, the chief priest of the temple, 
 was allied by marriage both with Tobiah the Ammon- 
 ite and with Sanballat the Horonite (Neh. xiii. 5, 28). 
 False prophets were also present, who supported the 
 leaders in their apostasy (Neh. vi. 10-14). The con- 
 dition of the Jewish colony was, indeed, pitiable and 
 well-nigh hopeless. It was weak and persecuted; it 
 had lost hope ; it had lost character ; it had lost cour- 
 age ; and finally it had lost almost all its faith in Jeho- 
 vah, and was threatened with absorption among the 
 heathen peoples which encircled it. 
 
 154. The one saving element, aside from the faith 
 of the Jews who had remained in the dispersion, was 
 the small but earnest party of faithful Puritans, who 
 still cherished all that the community as a whole had 
 lost. By the author of the Book of Malachi they are 
 called " the righteous " and " they who feared the 
 Lord " (iii. 16, 18). In the psalms they are variously 
 styled " the pious, " " the just, " " the meek, " or " the 
 poor and needy." As these terms suggest, they did 
 not belong to the rich and influential classes ; nor were 
 they popular with the community at large, for their 
 piety was a constant protest against its pet sins. Per- 
 secution at the hands of their worldly brethren was for 
 them a common experience. Many passages in the 
 psalms of the period voice their woes :
 
 PERSECUTION OF THE RIGHTEOUS 165 
 
 They that hate me without cause are more than the hairs 
 of my head. 
 
 They that would cut me oif, being mine enemies wrong- 
 fully, are mighty. 
 
 I am become a stranger unto my brethren, 
 
 And an alien unto my mother's children. 
 
 They that sit in the gate talk of me ; 
 
 And I am the song of the drunkards.^ 
 
 Evidently they were the victims of the oppression, 
 the injustice, and treachery of the rich and ruling 
 classes, whom the prophets of the period, as well as 
 Nehemiah, so harshly condemn. The psalms reveal 
 the intensity of the animosity between the two parties 
 (see especially Ixix. 22-28; xxxv.). The meek were 
 the reproach of their adversaries because their afflic- 
 tions were regarded, in accordance with the old dogma 
 of proportionate rewards, as indubitable evidence that 
 they had committed grievous crimes. The sense of 
 sin well-nigh crushed them (li.)- Passionately and 
 oft they prayed : 
 
 Let me not be ashamed, 
 
 For I put my trust in thee ; 
 
 Let integrity and uprightness preserve me. 
 
 For I wait on thee.* 
 
 The experiences of the hero of the Book of Job were 
 those of the party of the " righteous." Although they 
 seemed to be condemned by God as well as by their 
 fellow-men, their trust in Jehovah's fidelity and love 
 likewise rose triumphant and strong above their agony 
 of doubt and despair. Thus, while the Jewish com- 
 
 1 Ixix. 4, 8, 12 ; compare Ps. xxii.; xxv. ; xxxiL 
 
 2 xxv. 20, 21.
 
 166 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 munity as a whole had sadly degenerated, there was 
 within it a group of " those who feared the Lord " who 
 were drawn closely together by common hopes and 
 afflictions (Mai. iii. 16). They were the ones who 
 prayed most earnestly that the walls might, in God's 
 good pleasure, be rebuilt, and they were the ones who 
 deplored most deeply that the services of the temple 
 were being neglected (Ps. li. 18, 19). By their fidelity 
 and suffering they preserved the faith in Jehovah, 
 inherited by their race, during the critical years pre- 
 ceding the advent of Nehemiah, and stood ready to 
 unite in raising the standard of reform, when circum- 
 stances were favorable, and when the Lord " should 
 send his messenger, who would prepare his way before 
 him" (Mai. iii. 1).
 
 vn 
 
 THE KEBUTLDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEiHAH 
 
 155. At the most critical time in the history of the 
 Jewish community in Palestine, a messenger of the 
 Lord appeared, who, by his patriotic, nnselfish action, 
 turned the currents of its life into higher and nobler 
 channels. It was probably the result of no mere 
 chance, that a deputation of Jews from Palestine, with 
 a relative of the king's cup-bearer at their head, were 
 found in Susa, the distant capital of the Persian 
 empire. Fortunately the man to whom they appealed, 
 was lacking neither in energy nor in influence nor in 
 devotion to his race. Nehemiah, the youthful son of 
 Hacaliah, was one of the noblest representatives of 
 Judaism in the East. Although reared far from his 
 native land, and surrounded by the corrupting influences 
 of the Persian capital and court, his fidelity to the 
 God and laws of his fathers contrasted most favor- 
 ably with that of his kinsmen who lived under the 
 shadow of the temple. At the same time he was 
 gifted with a tact and executive ability which enabled 
 him to win a high place of honor and responsibility 
 in the presence of the Great King. 
 
 156. The Jewish chronology of the Persian period 
 must forever remain in some doubt because three 
 rulers bearing the name of Artaxerxes and three
 
 108 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 hearing the name of Darius sat at different times on 
 the throne of Persia ; and the biblical writers never 
 distinguish between them. The absence both in the 
 memoirs of Nehemiah and in the Aramaic document 
 (Ezra iv. 7-23), of any of those titles whereby Artax- 
 erxes II. and III. were designated, perhaps suggests 
 that the master of Nehemiah was Artaxerxes I. This 
 inference is further confirmed by his reputation for 
 being especially susceptible to the influence of the 
 favorites in his court. The queen who "was sitting 
 beside him" (significantly referred to in Neh. ii. 6) 
 was in all probability the queen-mother Amestris, 
 whose influence over her son was paramount. Accord- 
 ing to Nehemiah xii. 10, the Eliashib who continued to 
 occupy tlie position of high priest in Jerusalem in the 
 thirty-second year of the reign of Artaxerxes (Neh. 
 xiii. 4, 28), was a grandson of Joshua, under whose 
 administration the temple was rebuilt in 520 b. c. 
 A grandson of Joshua would naturally be living during 
 the reign of Artaxerxes I. ; but the thirty-second year 
 of the second king who bore this name was a century 
 and a half after the completion of the temple, so that 
 it is highly improbable, if not impossible, that Eliashib 
 was then alive. On the other hand there is nothing 
 except certain contradictory statements of Josephus to 
 suggest that the king referred to was any other than 
 Artaxerxes I. (464-424 b. c). 
 
 157. The manner in which permission to rebuild 
 the walls of Jerusalem was gained, is characteristic of 
 the Persian court of the period. To Nehemiah, a Jew 
 of the dispersion, who knew Jerusalem chiefly through 
 the idealizing memories of his ancestors, a faithful 
 portrayal of the actual conditions existing there natu-
 
 NEHEMIAH'S COMMISSION AS GOVERNOR 169 
 
 rally brought a severe shock. Oriental that he was, 
 he gave expression to his feelings in fasting and 
 lamentation. Ferveni;!)' he prayed to Jehovah, ac- 
 knowledging the burden of guilt which he, in common 
 with all the pious of his race, felt still rested upon 
 them because of the sins of their forefathers. Fortu- 
 nately his prayer did not end with merely a general 
 petition. Without hesitation he assumed the responsi- 
 bility to his race, entailed by his comparatively exalted 
 position as cup-bearer to the king, and besought divine 
 aid in the difficult task which he set before himself. 
 Three months he waited for a favorable occasion. It 
 came in the first month (March-April) of the year 
 445 B. c. As he was serving in the royal presence, 
 Artaxerxes detected a trace of sadness in the counte- 
 nance of his trusty servant. His inquiry as to the 
 reason gave Nehemiah his supreme opportunity to 
 appeal to the well-known kind-heartedness of the king. 
 In the language of a courtier, but in a simple, straight 
 forward manner, he told the king of the pitiable 
 condition of Jerusalem, " the city of his fathers' sep- 
 ulchres." Artaxerxes, who could not tolerate sorrow 
 in his presence, was moved to pity rather than anger, 
 and asked the young Jew to make known his request. 
 Strengthened by a prayer for help, Nehemiah petitioned 
 for royal authority to rebuild the ruined city. The 
 caprice of the moment inclined Artaxerxes to do a 
 favor which cost him nothing but the temporary 
 absence of one of his cup-bearers. A limited leave 
 of absence was granted to Nehemiali, and he was 
 appointed governor of Judah with full authority to 
 rebuild Jerusalem. At his request, Artaxerxes pro- 
 vided him with royal passports addressed to the
 
 170 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 officials of the trans-Euphrates province, and with 
 orders to the keeper of the royal forest, Asaph (whose 
 name indicates that he also was a Jew), to furnish the 
 timber necessary for the repair of the gates and walls 
 of the city. 
 
 158. Apparently without delay, Nehemiah set out, 
 attended by an escort of cavalry, detailed by the king, 
 and also with a considerable following of patriotic 
 Jews, who like himself were intent upon transforming 
 conditions in Jerusalem (Ezra ii. 2 ; iv. 12 ; Neh, ii.). 
 Over the great post-roads built by Darius, the journey 
 was probably accomplished within a month. Arriving 
 at Jerusalem, he devoted the first few days to studying 
 conditions there. For the difficult task which lay 
 before him, he fortunately possessed the qualifications 
 of an experienced courtier as well as the ability of a 
 man accustomed to command. The obstacles which 
 confronted him within the community were even 
 greater than those which were thrown in his way by 
 the avowed foes of the colony. His personal sympa- 
 thies were with the small and weak party of tlie " poor 
 and needy ; " while the resources with which the city 
 must be repaired, were at the command of the leaders 
 and the rich, who for most part belonged to the party 
 of " the scorners." Even though he was proving him- 
 self their savior, he soon found that he was the victim 
 of their treachery. Fortunately, with personal wealth 
 at his command, he was able to relieve the community 
 from the odious exactions to which it had hitherto 
 been subjected for the support of the governor and his 
 retinue (v. 14). From the first he also entertained at 
 his table in royal fashion one hundred and fifty of the 
 leading men of Jerusalem and of the outlying towns,
 
 NEHEMIAH'S PLAN OF OPERATION 171 
 
 in addition to the guests who came from time to time 
 from the heathen nations about (v. 17, 18). In the 
 poor, struggling Jewish state, nothing was better calcu- 
 lated to disarm hostile criticism and insure the popu- 
 larity of the new governor and his measures than the 
 policy which Nehemiah pursued. 
 
 159. He did not, however, trust the details of his 
 work to others. On the night of the third day after 
 his arrival, with a few of his followers, and without 
 the knowledge of the resident Jews, he personally 
 inspected the state of the walls. Going out by the 
 valley gate to the southwest of the city, he went along 
 the southern wall to the fountain gate and the king's 
 pool. Here he found the narrow valley of the Kidron 
 so choked with rubbish that he was obliged to leave 
 behind tiie animal upon which he was riding, and to 
 proceed along the east side of the city on foot. Hav- 
 ing satisfied himself concerning the magnitude of the 
 task before him, he called an assembly of the priests, 
 the nobles, the representatives of the different towns, 
 and the able-bodied workmen. In a stirring address, 
 he called their attention to the unprotected condition 
 of the city, and urged them to arise and build, that 
 their inactivity might no longer give their foes an 
 occasion for bitter taunts. He aroused their wavering 
 faith in Jehovah's help by calling attention to the 
 remarkable concessions which the Great King had 
 already granted to him. In the circumstances it is 
 not surprising that they voted unanimously to begin 
 at once the work of rebuilding. 
 
 160. His plan of operation illustrates the rare 
 tact and executive ability of Nehemiah. Realizing 
 that, if the work was to be effective, the entire wall
 
 172 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 must be built at once, and that to accomplish this all 
 the energies of the community must be enlisted, he 
 threw the responsibility upon the different groups in 
 the community, and appealed to the spirit of mutual 
 emulation and personal interest, as well as to the 
 patriotism of the political body as a whole. To this 
 end he divided the work into different sections. The 
 rebuilding of the sheep gate at the north of the temple 
 area, where the animals for sacrifice were led into 
 the city, he intrusted to the priests. The men from 
 Jericho were held responsible for the building of the 
 protecting towers on the north of the city. To promi- 
 nent nobles and their families were assigned sections 
 of the walls. Certain tribes also assumed the responsi- 
 bility of completing other divisions of the work. Even 
 the more important guilds, as, for example, that of 
 the goldsmiths, were represented in the distribution. 
 Many private individuals were allowed to repair the 
 wall opposite their own houses. In this way the lazy, 
 wrangling community was suddenly transformed into 
 an intensely active working body. It is reported that 
 of all the groups of workmen represented, the nobles 
 from Tekoa alone did not faithfully discharge the 
 task laid upon them by Nehemiah. 
 
 161 The constant danger of attack soon nerved all 
 to put forth the most strenuous efforts. At first their 
 foes, headed by Sanballat the Horonite, who probably 
 came from Beth-horon, located in the territory of 
 Samaria, Tobiah, who seems to have been the Persian 
 official head of the Ammonites, and Gashmu (or 
 Geshem), an Arabian, only jeered at the suggestion 
 that the Jews would succeed in fortifying the ancient 
 capital. Superlative contempt and probably a sneer
 
 THREATS OF THE NEIGHBORS OF THE JEWS 173 
 
 at the attitude of the party of the " meek " arc expressed 
 in the words of Sanballat : " Do these weak and lazy- 
 Jews think that all that is necessary is for them to 
 gather together and propitiate their God by sacrifice, 
 and that then, out of these charred ruins, walls will 
 rise in a day ? " " Yes, a fox leaping upon any wall 
 which they will rear, would be able to tumble it over," 
 was the equally scornful rejoinder of Tobiah. Their 
 words aroused the hot anger of Nehemiah, and called 
 forth from him a bitter prayer for vengeance. At the 
 same time the implied menace impelled the workmen 
 to redouble their exertions, so that in an incredibly 
 short time the breaches in the walls were nearly 
 closed. 
 
 162. Then the scorn of their neighbors, the Samari- 
 tans, the Arabians, the Ammonites, and the inhabitants 
 of the Philistine town of Ashdod, was changed to alarm, 
 for they recognized that a new spirit had been infused 
 into the Jewish community, which hitherto they had 
 found an easy prey. Accordingly they conspired to- 
 gether to make a sudden and overwhelming attack 
 upon the workmen and to destroy the results of their 
 labors. The formation of such a general league could 
 not, however, be kept secret. Through those residing 
 in the outlying towns, news came of the threatening 
 attack. A panic seized the Jews, who for more than 
 a century and a half had learned only the lesson of 
 helpless submission. Messengers also came from the 
 towns of Mizpah, Jericho, Tekoa, and other villages, 
 demanding that the contingents which they had de- 
 puted to build the walls of Jerusalem be sent back at 
 once to defend their own possessions. The work would 
 forthwith have been abandoned, had not Nehemiah
 
 174 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 proved equal to the crisis. First, arming the people 
 and placing the men in front of their wives and chil- 
 dren, he appealed to their faith in Jehovah, and urged 
 them to fight for their homes and their families. The 
 report that the weak-kneed Jews were preparing to 
 make a desperate defence daunted the zeal of the 
 confederates. 
 
 163. Although the threatened attack never came, 
 the possibility of it was ever present. Nehemiah was 
 compelled to organize his forces on a military basis, 
 and in so doing showed himself as able a general as 
 he was a courtier. The work was resumed, but each 
 man had his weapons ready at hand. At night none 
 were allowed to leave the city. Nehemiah divided his 
 immediate following into two companies, the one to 
 relieve those who were exhausted in the work, and the 
 other to stand constantly in arms. Day and night, 
 neither they nor their devoted commander laid them 
 aside ; while the rest toiled from sunrise until dark- 
 ness. Orders were also issued that the people rally 
 to repulse the enemy at any point, wherever the alarm 
 was sounded by the trumpeter, who never left the side 
 of Nehemiah. Under the pressure of constant danger, 
 the work progressed with marvellous rapidity, until 
 before many weeks the line of the walls was com- 
 j)lete, although the doors had not yet been set in the 
 gates. 
 
 164. When the facts were reported to Sanballat and 
 Gashmu, they changed their tactics and sought to 
 effect a compromise. They first proposed a con- 
 ference at one of the villages of the plain of Ono, 
 northwest of Jerusalem, on the southwestern borders 
 of Samaria. The experienced Persian courtier at once
 
 CONSPIRACIES AGAINST NEHEMIAH 175 
 
 suspected a plot to gain possession of his person. 
 There certainly had been nothing in the previous atti- 
 tude of his foes to inspire confidence in the honesty of 
 their purpose. It was indeed an unpleasant experi- 
 ence for them to be flatly told that they " had no 
 longer any right in Jerusalem " (Neh. ii. 20) ; but 
 Nehemiah was carrying through a religious policy 
 which gave no opportunity for compromise, and there- 
 fore he sent back the curt reply that he was employed 
 on a far more important work, and had no time for 
 conference. When, after repeated attempts, their 
 efforts to shake his purpose and remove him by treach- 
 ery failed, they endeavored to implicate him in treason 
 against the Persian government. With this end in 
 view, they sent to him an open letter referring to the 
 current report that in building the walls of Jerusalem 
 he and the Jews contemplated making him king. 
 They also charged Nehemiah with having induced cer- 
 tain prophets to proclaim him king of Judah. Since the 
 report would ultimately reach the ears of the Great 
 King, they intimated that they would be glad to take 
 council with him that they might organize a success- 
 ful conspiracy. Some of the over-zealous Jcrnsaleni 
 prophets may have hailed Nehemiah as a Messianic 
 deliverer, and thus have furnished a certain foundation 
 for the charge, although there is little doubt that the 
 proposals of Sanballat and his associates were made in 
 sarcasm. Nehemiah contented himself with simply 
 denying their malevolent assertions. 
 
 165. The last plot against himself which Nehemiah 
 reports, was the most insidious of all. One of the rec- 
 ognized prophets of Jerusalem, Shemaiah ben Delaiah, 
 in the privacy of his own house declared to Nehemiah
 
 176 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 that a plot against his life had been divinely revealed 
 to him. Apparently in all honesty, he urged the gov- 
 ernor to take refuge at night within the temple from 
 his would-be assassins. To have done so would have 
 destroyed forever his influence in Jerusalem. For- 
 tunately Nehemiah's sense of honor, as well as his 
 reverence for the sanctity of the temple, saved him. 
 " Should a man of my character and position flee ? 
 Should I, a layman, enter the holy sanctuary to save 
 my life ? Most assuredly I will not," was his indig- 
 nant reply. Subsequent developments demonstrated 
 that Shemaiah, together with other prophets and a 
 certain prophetess by the name of Noadiah, had been 
 hired by Tobiah and Sanballat to betray the cour- 
 ageous governor. Although many of the most promi- 
 nent men in Jerusalem were related by marriage, and 
 so were in closest communication with these unprin- 
 cipled foes of Nehemiah, he stoutly refused to listen to 
 their suggestions of a compromise ; and so escaped 
 from all the meshes which they cast about him. In 
 the face of secret opposition, he pushed the work of 
 restoration so rapidly that about the first of Septem- 
 ber, 445 B. c, the walls were completed. The period 
 of fifty-two days, in which he states that the great 
 undertaking was accomplished, would seem incredibly 
 short, were it not for the fact that the walls had been 
 only partially destroyed, that the energies of the colony 
 were thoroughly enlisted, that the cause for haste was 
 most strenuous, and above all that the man who directed 
 the work was as gifted as he was devout. 
 
 166. The walls were finished none too soon. We 
 are not surprised to learn from the Aramaic document 
 (Ezra iv. 8-23) that, even before the work was entirely
 
 PERSIAN DECREE STOPPING THE WORK 177 
 
 completed, the Persian officials resident in Samaria, 
 probably at the instigation of Sanballat and Tobiah, 
 who thus carried out the threat which they made to 
 Nehemiah (Xeh. vi. 7), sent to Artaxerxes a report of 
 the work being done by the Jews. The servants of the 
 Great King may have felt, as they claim (Ezra iv. 14), 
 that they were only faithfully discharging their duties ; 
 but, if so, they were sadly misled by the malicious 
 slanders of Sanballat and Tobiah. Their report as- 
 serted that the aim of the Jews in building the walls 
 of Jerusalem was rebellion, and that if the work which 
 had already progressed so far should be allowed to 
 reach completion without royal interference, " they 
 would not pay tribute, custom, or toll, and that in the 
 end it would prove harmful to the interest of the 
 king." They also called attention to the bad reputa- 
 tion for rebellion borne in the past by the Jews, and 
 especially by the inhabitants of Jerusalem. In con- 
 clusion, they asserted as their united opinion, that 
 if the king did not quickly put a stop to the work 
 he would entirely lose his trans-Euphrates province. 
 Nothing was better calculated to arouse the fears and 
 anger of Artaxerxes than the points which they em- 
 phasized, for the memory of the successful revolt of 
 Megabyzus, at the head of the same province, was still 
 fresh in his mind. The mere suggestion of a danger 
 that a similar humiliating experience might be repeated, 
 called forth the most strenuous orders from the king 
 to stop at once the building of the walls. 
 
 167. The Persian officials, for obvious reasons, did not 
 mention the name of Nehemiah in their report. It is 
 possible that Artaxerxes did not associate the work of 
 the Jews with the concession which he had given to his
 
 ITS THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 cup-bearer, as the result of the generous impulse of a 
 moment. If he did, tlie fears and suspicions aroused 
 by the report of his officials only led him to regret his 
 kindness. When the royal decree came, the Persian 
 officers at Samaria lost no time in carrying it into 
 effect by force ; but at the end of the time required to 
 communicate with the king, Jerusalem was encircled 
 with walls, and the Jews were in a position to accept 
 the terms of the royal decree, which gave authority to 
 stop all buildings but none to destroy the work already 
 done. One cannot refrain from wondering whether 
 Nehemiah's extreme haste was not prompted in part 
 by the fear that there would be some such capricious 
 change of policy, as soon as he left the Persian court. 
 Apparently, a personal presentation of the facts 
 re-established his good relations with Artaxerxes, so 
 that he did not deem the incident worthy of recording 
 in his memoirs, or if he did mention it, the chronicler, 
 in his work of epitomizing and harmonizing, failed to 
 quote it, since, for reasons of his own, he gave the 
 incident a different setting (sect. 90). 
 
 168. In vii. 1-4 of his memoirs, Nehemiah states, 
 however, that when the gates as well as the walls were 
 completed, he placed the city in the charge of two men, 
 his kinsman Hanani, and Hananiah, the commander of 
 the castle, a faithful and God-fearing Jew. This act 
 and the detailed commands which he issued for the 
 regulation of tlie city, strongly suggest that he was 
 making preparations for his departure. His statement 
 in V. 14, that his appointment as governor continued 
 twelve years, does not necessarily imply that the 
 greater part of that time was spent in Jerusalem. 
 On the other hand, the condition upon which he was
 
 THE REPEOPLING OF JERUSALEM 179 
 
 allowed to leave the Persian court was that he would 
 return after a set time, presumably long enough to 
 complete the rebuilding of the city of his fathers. In 
 xiii. 6, he distinctly states that he had been away from 
 Jerusalem during the period when the innovations 
 which aroused his indignation were introduced. The 
 character of these changes indicates that his absence 
 extended through several years. 
 
 169. Nchemiah's regulations for the defence of Jeru- 
 salem indicate that he anticipated no abatement in the 
 hostility of its foes. The city gates were not to be 
 opened until the middle of the forenoon. Then they 
 were to be strongly guarded. At night they were to be 
 securely barred, while the different sections of the walls 
 were to be watched by those residing near them. Even 
 with these strenuous precautions, the city was still in 
 danger, for the restored walls had been built in the 
 days of its greatest prosperity, so that their length and 
 the space wliich they enclosed, were great. No 
 general return had yet brought back thousands of loyal 
 Jews, so that the inhabitants of the sacred city were 
 too few to defend it properly (vii. 4). Henceforth the 
 rulers of the community were induced to dwell in Jeru- 
 salem. To complete tlie fall quota, it also was neces- 
 sary to select by lot one tenth of all the Jewish 
 population resident outside Jerusalem and to bring 
 them into the city. Those who freely volunteered, 
 enjoyed the gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. Far 
 different from the hopes of the great exilic prophet 
 was the prosaic manner in which Zion again became 
 inhabited ; but Nehemiah, for the first time since its 
 destruction, laid the foundations for a stable develop- 
 ment.
 
 180 TliE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 170. Before Nehemiah returned to Susa, and proba 
 blj before the adverse decree came from Artaxerxes, 
 the walls were solemnly rededicated. The chronicler, 
 in connection with his extracts from Nehemiah's 
 account of the joyful occasion (Neh. xii. 31, 32, 
 37-40), has given his conception of the event, wherein 
 the classes most prominent in his day, — the priests, 
 the Levites, the singers (and even Ezra the scribe), — 
 are introduced as the chief actors ; while Nehemiah 
 and the civil rulers are relegated to the background. 
 Fortunately, in the fragment quoted from his memoir, 
 Nehemiah has given a vivid picture of the unique 
 celebration. He first assembled the people and the 
 princes at the valley gate at the southwest corner of the 
 city, the most distant point from the temple. Then 
 lie divided them into two companies, each of which pro- 
 ceeded in opposite directions, following the wall, and, 
 as they went, giving thanks to Jehovah for prosper- 
 ing the work. " One, under Hoshaiah and half of the 
 princes of Judah, went eastward upon the wall towards 
 the dung gate and by the fountain gate, and straight 
 before them they went up along the stairs of the city of 
 David even to the water gate on the east side of the 
 city " (compare map facing page 172) and on to the open 
 space by the gate of the guard before the temple. The 
 second company, followed by Nehemiah, proceeded 
 along the other half of the city walls, " past the tower 
 of the furnaces to the broad wall, and past the gate of 
 Ephraim, the gate of the old wall, the fish gate, the 
 towers of Hananel and Hammeah, and the sheep gate 
 to the gate of the guard." There before the temple the 
 two companies met and stood, uniting their voices in 
 loud songs of thanksgiving ; while probably from the
 
 THE REDEDICATION OF THE WALLS 181 
 
 porch and interior of the temple came the solemn chant 
 of the priests and ministers of the sanctuary. " Then 
 they offered great sacrifices that day and rejoiced ; for 
 God had made them rejoice with great joy ; and the 
 women also and the cliildren rejoiced, so that the joy 
 of Jerusalem was heard even afar off " (xii. 43). Well 
 might they rejoice, for, after more than two centuries 
 of shame and discouragement, the Jews again could 
 securely dwell under the shadow of their temple and 
 sing: 
 
 Our feet are standing within thy gates, Jerusalem, 
 Jerusalem, that art builded as a city that is 'lompact 
 together.^ 
 
 The subsequent development of Judaism rested Upon 
 the noble work of the great layman. Truly did ''^us 
 the son of Sirach declare : 
 
 The memorial of Nehemiah is great ; 
 
 Who raised up for us the walls that were fallen 
 
 And set up the gates and bars, 
 
 And raised up our homes again.* 
 
 1 Ps. cxxii. 2, 3, 8 Ecclus. xlix. IS.
 
 vm 
 
 PEELIAHNAEY EEFORM MEASURES 
 
 171. The importance of the rebuilding of the walla 
 and of the repopulation of Jerusalem cannot be over- 
 estimated, for without this preliminary work the polit- 
 ical and religious future of the Jewish colony was 
 almost hopeless. A fundamental reform in the char- 
 acter and practices of the community was still abso- 
 lutely demanded before it could worthily represent 
 either the Jewish race as a whole or the Jehovah 
 which it formally acknowledged (compare sects. 150 
 to 154). With the exception of the faithful few, the 
 sweeping charge of one of their prophets was true ; 
 the meml)ers of the little state were thoroughly de- 
 praved (Isa. lix. 1-8). Prophets were still found to 
 denounce existing evils and to urge reform ; but ap- 
 ])arently they were obliged to shield themselves from 
 malignant persecution behind anonymous writings. 
 Many of the righteous were cherishing in secret the 
 hope that Jehovah would speedily send his messenger 
 of the covenant, who would suddenly come to the 
 temple to purify, as with a refiner's fire and fuller's 
 soap, the sons of Levi and the services of the sanctu- 
 ary, and many were even hoping that Jehovah himself 
 would appear to condemn the prevalent heathen prac- 
 tices, the false swearing and the oppression of the help- 
 less by the strong (Mai. iii. 1-5).
 
 CHECKING UNJUST EXACTIONS 1S3 
 
 172. In Nehemiah, the party of the righteous and 
 the cause of social and religious purity found an effec- 
 tive champion. Fortuuately, with his authority and in 
 view of his services to the community, he was able to 
 command, as well as to exhort. Apparently, while the 
 walls of Jerusalem were still being built, the wrongs 
 of the masses found expression (Neh. v.). Under the 
 unjust rule of the leaders of the community, as a 
 result of the prevalent system of exacting usury, the 
 common people had been forced not only to mortgage 
 their fields and crops, but also to sell their sons and 
 daughters into shameful slavery to the nobles and to 
 tlie rich, in order to meet the Persian tax and to get 
 food with which to live. When Nehemiah learned the 
 real state of affairs, he called a general assembly of 
 the people, and turned upon the heartless oppressors 
 in hot indignation. He first called their attention to 
 the example set by himself and those who had re- 
 turned with him, in ransoming, as far as their means 
 permitted, their brethren who had for one reason or 
 another been sold to the heathen. He also appealed 
 to their sense of shame, by pointing out how, by their 
 despicable conduct, they were making their state an 
 object of reproach in the eyes of the heathen foes who 
 surrounded them. To these charges the culprits could 
 make no reply. Then he proposed that they all, he 
 and his followers, as well as the leaders in the com- 
 munity, cease to ask any interest from their needy 
 fellow-countrymen. At his command, the leaders of 
 the people consented to restore at once the fields, the 
 vineyards, and the houses which they had taken from 
 their poorer brethren, and to remit all exactions. To 
 insure the fulfilment of the promise, Nehemiah ad-
 
 184 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 ministered to them a solemn oath in the presence of 
 the priests, and called down a curse of expatriation 
 and divine judgment upon any one who sliould prove 
 faithless to his covenant. " And all the congregation 
 said, 'Amen,' and praised the Lord." 
 
 173. Thus the radical reform, which was destined 
 to transform the life of the community, began beside 
 the half builded walls and under the direction of the 
 patriot Nehemiah. Tlic precedents which he then 
 established, were later embodied in that collection of 
 laws known as the Priestly Code (sect. 201). The 
 earliest Israelitish law provided for the selling into 
 slavery of a Hebrew son or daughter by the parent 
 (Ex. xxi. 2-6). The Deuteronomic law reasserted the 
 earlier, only extending more favorable terms to the 
 male slave (xv. 12-18). The action of the leaders 
 of the Judean community was, therefore, strictly legal, 
 for Deuteronomy was still the code which governed 
 them. Nehemiah and those who had returned from 
 the dispersion were, however, beginning to recognize 
 a higher principle of brotherly love. That principle 
 and the precedent established by Nehemiah are ex- 
 pressed in the Priestly Code (Lev. xxv. 39-41), which 
 emphatically enacts that no Hebrew shall be made 
 a " bondservant." Similarly, in the older laws of 
 Exodus xxii. 25 and Deuteronomy xxiii. 19-20, which 
 were recognized by the community, it is forbidden to 
 take interest on a loan to a fellow Israelite. Accord- 
 ing to their standards, the conduct of the leaders in 
 demanding interest was indefensible ; but Nehemiah 
 and his followers, in accepting it on ordinary loans, 
 were following the custom which, for practical reasons, 
 was becoming common among the Jews of the disper-
 
 THE DANGER OF HEATHEN MARRIAGES 185 
 
 sion,and which was later adopted by those in Palestine 
 (Matt. XXV. 27). What Nehemiali attacked was the 
 exacting of interest from those in distress. This prin- 
 ciple again is precisely what is emphasized in the 
 Priestly Code (Lev. xxv. 35-37). The fact that it 
 alone prohibits the taking of interest from "the brother 
 who has become poor," implies that it was permitted in 
 ordinary business relations. 
 
 174. In other matters, Nehemiali, imbued Avith the 
 stricter ideals of the Jews of the East, proved the 
 pioneer of that priestly reformation which ultimately 
 revolutionized the character of Palestinian Judaism. 
 The question of the attitude of the community toward 
 the heathen and the half-heathen peoples, who pressed 
 it closely on every side, was so vital and insistent that 
 he could not ignore it. Already the little Judean state 
 was divided over it into two bitterly contending parties. 
 The ruling party, the rich, the nobles, and the priestly 
 aristocracy, as we have seen (sect. 153), advocated 
 alliances and intermarriage with their heathen neigh- 
 bors, and consequently extended to them the cour- 
 tesies of the temple (Neh. xiii. 4, 5), thereby virtually 
 acknowledging the equality of the heathen religions 
 with that of Jehovah. The danger of this position 
 is obvious. If the unique revelation vouchsafed to 
 the Jews was to be transmitted to mankind, it must 
 be by members of the Jewish race. The temple and 
 those who rallied about it were the keystone which 
 preserved the integrity of the scattered people. Under 
 the Persian rule, political distinctions meant little ; 
 the influences which kept intact the Judean commu- 
 nity were those of common blood-kinship and of re- 
 ligion. If the former was weakened by intermarriage
 
 186 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 with foreigners, and the latter by the further intro- 
 duction of heathen ideas and customs, the absorption 
 of the weak group of Jews by the stronger and more 
 aggressive communities about them was inevitable. 
 Certainly the religious life of the Palestinian commu- 
 nity was at too low an ebb to survive the assimilation 
 of many more heathen elements. 
 
 175. Only a few enlightened men in Judah, the 
 sturdy Puritans, appreciated the danger. As a matter 
 of fact, the Jews of Palestine, who were subject to 
 the temptation, did not realize its real significance 
 nearly as clearly as did those of the dispersion. The 
 constant horror of being absorbed into the great 
 heathen world, in the midst of which they found them- 
 selves, led the latter to guard most jealously the purity 
 of their blood and their religion. The peril was too 
 great to admit of a broad tolerance toward all mankind ; 
 therefore they devoted their energies to building about 
 themselves a wall which would not only keep the Gen- 
 tile out, but would also keep the Jew true to his race 
 and his religion. Unattractive as was that high wall 
 of separation, it undoubtedly saved Judaism from the 
 mighty assaults of heathenism which were directed 
 against it during the next four centuries. Like the 
 great structures of the past, it was the work of many 
 hands, and grew slowly through the ages, 
 
 176. Nehemiah's memoirs indicate the prominent 
 part which he took in building this, as well as the wall 
 of stone, which was required befo.re exclusive measures 
 could be instituted. It is suggestive that there is no 
 evidence that, during the first period of his governor- 
 ship, he directly opposed the practice of intermarrying, 
 and of making alliance with the heathen people, which
 
 ATTITUDE TOWAKD HEATHEN MARRIAGES 187 
 
 had beoome so common in Judah. They were dis- 
 tasteful to him simply because they weakened the 
 loyalty of the nobles and priests, who were the chief 
 culprits. If he had at first openly declared his opposi- 
 tion to the principle of foreign marriages, the friends 
 of Tobiah the Ammonite would not have dared per- 
 sistently to speak to him of the good deeds of this 
 heathen prince. Their aim was clearly not to over- 
 rule the principles of the wise governor, but to re- 
 move the personal antipathy which lie felt toward 
 a treacherous enemy (Neh. vi. 17-19), Twelve years 
 later, however, when Nehemiah again, in 432 b. c, 
 returned to Jerusalem, his attitude toward foreign 
 marriages was entirely different. He recognized more 
 clearly than before the dangers of the practice, and 
 the twelve years spent in contact with the stricter 
 Jews of the East had crystallized his principles. The 
 only events which he records in connection with his 
 second sojourn in Judah, are the measures which he 
 instituted with the aim of purifying the external re- 
 ligious life of the community. To his horror, he found 
 that a large room, connected with the temple, in which 
 consecrated offerings and sacred vessels had formerly 
 been stored, had been set aside by Eliashib the chief 
 priest for the use of Tobiah the Ammonite, his rela- 
 tive by marriage. Indignantly the zealous governor 
 threw out the })Ossessions of the heathen prince. 
 After the room had been cleansed, he caused the 
 vessels and offerings to be restored to their place 
 (Neh. xiii. 4-9). 
 
 177. He also discovered, during this visit or later, 
 that many of the Jews (especially those living in the 
 southwestern towns of Judah) had taken as wives
 
 188 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 women of Ashdod, Ammsn, and Moab. The children 
 who were born as the fruit of these mixed marriages 
 naturally spoke a mixed dialect. This fact impressed 
 upon Nehemiah's mind most forcibly the dangers of 
 the practice. His usual energy and righteous anger 
 found immediate expression. Personally he went to 
 work to remove the evil. By expressive word and 
 blow, after the manner of Orientals, he assailed the 
 offenders, and made them swear by Jehovah that they 
 would not allow their children to intermarry with 
 foreigners. To impress upon them the danger of their 
 course, he appealed to no law, but to the well-known 
 disastrous effects of such acts upon the character of the 
 great King Solomon. Nehemiah refused absolutely to 
 listen to the defence of those who favored foreign mar- 
 riages, and openly declared that it was a sin against God 
 (xiii. 23-27). Undoubtedly, many and specious argu- 
 ments were urged by the advocates of this lax practice. 
 The story of Ruth the Moabitess, the ancestress of 
 their illustrious King David, contained one of the 
 many prominent precedents to which they were able to 
 appeal. They also could point triumphantly to the 
 example of their present rulers and priests. 
 
 178. Having put his hands to the plough, it was not 
 Nehemiah's wont to turn back. The influence and 
 position of some of the offenders did not daunt him. 
 He did not hesitate to expel in time even the grandson 
 of the high priest Eliashib from Jerusalem, because 
 he had married the daughter of Sanballat (xiii. 28). 
 Such a sweeping revolution as this represented, could 
 not be permanently effected in a day, so that it is not 
 surprising that to other hands was left the completion 
 of the work ; but only one man of this period was
 
 REFORMS IN SABBATH OBSERVANCE 189 
 
 strong enough to institute it, and that was Nehemiah. 
 It is fortunate that the chronicler, whose natural ten- 
 dency was to exalt the priest Ezra at the expense of 
 the equally devout laymen, has preserved in his incom- 
 plete citations the record of this fact. The oath of the 
 people at the Great Assembly, recorded in Nehemiah 
 X., was an almost verbal reiteration of the one which 
 they had made to Nehemiah (compare x. 30 and 
 xiii. 25'^). 
 
 179. By other forcible acts this energetic pioneer of 
 reform enforced in Judah the higher ideals of the Jews 
 of the dispersion, and in so doing established precedents 
 which became the basis of the great reformation. In 
 Judah the institution of the Sabbath, which was so 
 ?iighly esteemed by the Jews of the exile (compare 
 eect. 36), was laxly observed. In certain parts of the 
 country the governor found the people doing their ordi- 
 nary agricultural work on that day ; the peasants also 
 brought wine, grapes, figs, and different kinds of mer- 
 chandise to Jerusalem. Traders from Tyre came with 
 fish and other provisions on the Sabbath, that they 
 might find a ready market for their goods, when the 
 people were at leisure to buy. Nehemiah first repri- 
 manded the rulers of Judah for allowing a state of 
 affairs to continue which had brought divine vengeance 
 upon their nation in the past, and which would again 
 incur the displeasure of Jehovah. Having preached to 
 them as a prophet, he gave command, as governor, that 
 the gates be closed, as the evening of the Sabbath 
 approached, and that they should not be opened until 
 the day was past. Not trusting the local authorities, 
 he sent some of his servants to see that no merchants 
 were admitted into the city on that day. When cer-
 
 190 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 tain hucksters came repeatedly and stayed during the 
 night of the Sabbath just outside the walls, the gov- 
 ernor himself warned them away so effectually that 
 they never came again. To insure the permanence of 
 his reform, he commanded certain Levites to prepare 
 themselves and go regularly to the gates, and prevent 
 anything from entering to destroy the sanctity of the 
 Sabbath (Neh. xiii. 15-22). By these enactments 
 Nehemiah encircled the sacred city with another high 
 wall, separating it from the heathen world without. 
 The second obligation assumed by the people at the 
 Great Assembly : " If the peoples of the land bring 
 merchandise, or any provisions on the Sabbath day to 
 sell, we will not buy of them on the Sabbath or on a 
 holy day" (Neh. x. 31), was a formal acceptance of the 
 principle enforced by him. 
 
 180. Nehemiah also gave his personal attention to 
 purifying the services of the temple, and to rectifying 
 those abuses which had brought the sanctuary into 
 such ill repute (see sect. 151). He found that the 
 Levites did not receive their appointed portions, so 
 that they and the singers had been obliged to leave 
 the temple in order to support themselves by tilling 
 the soil. After denouncing the representatives of the 
 people for allowing the service of the sanctuary to be 
 thus neglected, he summoned all the Levites. At his 
 command the people brought in the tithe of their corn 
 and wine and oil to the place where they were stored. 
 To secure their fair distribution, Nehemiah appointed 
 four treasurers to take charge of them. Shelemiah, 
 who was probably tlie father of the Hananiah who 
 assisted in building the walls (iii. 30), represented the 
 priests. The second member was Zadok the scribe,
 
 REFORMS IN THE TEMPLE ORGANIZATION 191 
 
 probably a priest (compare Neh. iii. 29; vii. 40), who 
 belonged to that body of literati destined soon to 
 become the most influential class in Jewish circles. 
 Pediah seems to have represented the Levites proper, 
 and Ilanun, who, according to the chronicler, was one 
 of the sons of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17 ; xii. 35), represented 
 the singers. Upon these reliable men, Nehemiah laid 
 the responsibility of distributing equably to their breth- 
 ren the tithes which were brought for them. 
 
 181. This new regulation marked an important de- 
 parture from the prevailing laws, the defects of which 
 it was intended to remedy. Deuteronomy enacted that 
 the people, taking the tithe of their corn and wine and 
 oil, should come up to the temple and use it to pro- 
 vide a great feast, of which they and their households 
 should partake. Generous charity to the poor Levite, 
 especially every third year, was enjoined, but the 
 amount of the gift depended entirely upon the liber- 
 ality of the donor, and no provisions were made for 
 the equal distribution of what was thus given (xiv. 
 22-28 ; xxvi. 12-15). Nehemiah's plan recognized 
 the need of better regulations, but did not anticipate 
 the enactments of the Priestly Code, wliich became the 
 basis of the law adopted by the Great Assembly. Ac- 
 cording to the later system, the tithes were collected 
 by the Levites and brought to the temple ; then a tithe 
 of the tithes was handed over by them to the priests, 
 " the sons of Aaron " (Neh. x. 37-39 ; Num. xviii. 24- 
 28). Nehemiah further adds, in the closing extract 
 from his memoir, that he laid down specific rules re- 
 specting the distribution of the Avork of the priests and 
 of the Levites. He also appointed certain times when 
 the wood-offerings for the altar and the first fruits
 
 192 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 should be brought into the temple. Unfortunately, he 
 gives no details, but there is little doubt that these 
 much-needed regulations were the basis of the two 
 corresponding articles in the covenant recorded in 
 Nehemiah x. (verses 34, 35). 
 
 182. Thus the true relation of Nehemiah's work to 
 the Great Assembly becomes clear. In the light of 
 the facts already studied, it is hardly necessary to cite 
 further evidence to show that the formation of the 
 true " Israel " (" Israel " being the term employed in 
 the later times to postulate the claim of the Jews to be 
 the chosen people of Jehovah), and the acceptance 
 of the solemn covenant by the congregation did not 
 precede, but followed the reforms of Nehemiah. On 
 the hypothesis that the Great Assembly preceded 432 
 B. c, Nehemiah's absolute silence respecting it is, to 
 say the least, inexplicable. He knows nothing of the 
 ^rue " Israel " in Palestine, which was created by the 
 fusion of the faithful who returned from the disper- 
 sion and those who separated themselves from the 
 people of the land and subscribed to the new Priestly 
 Law. If the Great Assembly preceded the events re- 
 corded in Nehemiah xiii., Nehemiah's regulations, and 
 especially those respecting the distribution of the tithes 
 to the Levites, were entirely unnecessary and even 
 reactionary ; or else the priestly reformation, usually 
 associated with the names of Ezra and Nehemiah, and 
 dated about 445 b. c, had proved a practical failure, 
 a conclusion which is absolutely disproved by the char- 
 acter of later Judaism. On the other hand, as lias 
 been noted repeatedly, Nehemiah's acts all give the 
 impression of being pioneer reform measures, consti- 
 tuting a most natural and necessary prelude to the
 
 HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF NEHEMIAH'S WORK lO') 
 
 action of the Great Assembl}'. It is a striking fact 
 that all but one of the articles subscribed to by that 
 body, according to the record (Neh. x.), are suggested 
 by Nehemiah's reforms. 
 
 183. Our study of the character of the Judean com- 
 munity has demonstrated conclusively that the chief 
 impetus to reform must come from without. That 
 it did actually come from the Jews of the East is con- 
 firmed by all the traditions relating to the subject. In 
 the light of conditions in Judah before the advent of 
 Nehemiah, however, it is impossible to believe that all 
 that was necessary to influence the Jews of Palestine 
 to give up customs and religious practices cherished 
 for centuries, to reform fundamentally their social and 
 religious practices, to expel from their homes many 
 beloved wives and children, and to subscribe almost 
 unanimously to a new code, was that a deputation of 
 Jews from the East visit them with the new law in 
 their hands, read it in their presence, and then forth- 
 with convene a Great Assembly for the purpose of 
 promulgating it. The herculean task was one which 
 required, not a week, but years to accomplish. It 
 called for the consecrated service, not of one man, but 
 of many. There is abundant evidence that there were 
 many faithful prophets and priests within and without 
 the community who joined in the work (compare Isa. 
 Ivi. to Ixii. and Mai. i.-ii.) ; but the one who alone 
 possessed at the same time the authority, the pres- 
 tige, the energy, the tact, and the devotion, was the 
 illustrious layman, Nehemiah. Without his important 
 services, it is difficult to conceive how the great trans- 
 formation could have been accomplished. The tradi- 
 tion, preserved in the second Book of Maccabees (i.
 
 194 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 18-36), that he, and not Ezra, restored the true ser- 
 vice of the temple, is not without foundation. It is 
 significant that, with the one exception of the tradi- 
 tion preserved by the chronicler, in the writings of the 
 next two or three centuries the name of Nehemiah is 
 immortalized, while that of Ezra is ignored. To the 
 pioneer who conquers the soil, more than to the one 
 who reaps the fruit, is rightly due the higher honor. 
 When Nehemiah had completed his many sided work, 
 the Judean community was for the first time in its 
 history ready to give heed to the law book which Ezra 
 and the consecrated Jews of the dispersion brought 
 in their hands.
 
 IX 
 
 THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA's EXPEDITION 
 
 184. Radical reform measures always call for the 
 formation of new laws, so as to insure the permanence 
 of the new order. Tlius the reformation of Josiah in 
 621 B. c. was sealed by the Book of the Covenant, pre- 
 served in our present Book of Deuteronomy. If the 
 principles which guided the actors in that important 
 movement had not been put into the form of written 
 laws, they certainly would not have continued to in- 
 fluence the Jewish race as powerfully as they did, long 
 after the exile had loosed all the moorings which 
 bound it to its past. Similarly, Nehemiah's revolu- 
 tionizing measures not only prepared the way for a new 
 and revised code, but also made it absolutely necessary. 
 While hitherto the Jews in Judah had contented them- 
 selves with the Deuteronomic law, now conditions, new 
 experiences, and new revelations had led the Jews 
 of the dispersion, like Ezekiel, freely to revise and 
 extend the old system, so that a new, in the sense of 
 an expanded, law was gradually taking form. How 
 far Nehemiah was influenced in his reform work by 
 a familiarity with the laws already formulated by the 
 Jews in the East, and how far in turn the precedents 
 wliich he established, became the basis of the laws 
 themselves, are questions which can never be answered
 
 196 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 with certainty. We do know that his attitude towards 
 the conditions in Judah changed most radically during 
 the decade spent in. the East after his first visit to 
 Jerusalem (compare sect. 176). On the other hand, 
 most of his reforms were such as would be suggested 
 to a fertile and devout mind by the conditions them- 
 selves. Evidently he was not attempting to introduce 
 an esoteric system devised by priests who were igno- 
 rant of the needs with which they were dealing. The 
 Priestly Code itself also reveals familiarity with con- 
 ditions in Judah, as well as with the Jews in the dis- 
 persion. The most natural conclusion to be drawn 
 from the facts is that Nehemiah took with him to 
 Judah at least a knowledge of the principles and 
 practices obtaining among his brethren in the East ; 
 and that, in turn, the reforms which he effected, guided 
 those who gave the final form to the system of laws 
 which was gradually being developed. 
 
 185. Unfortunately, the sources of information re- 
 garding tlie institution of the new, revised code are 
 not nearly as detailed or reliable as those which record 
 the building of the walls of Jerusalem. The tradition 
 preserved by the chronicler associates it with the names 
 of both Nehemiah and Ezra. As we have seen, the 
 extracts in Ezra vii. to x. originally formed part of tlie 
 same narrative which is contained in Nehemiah vii. 70 
 to X. 39, and their separation, and the assignment of 
 Ezra's expedition to the seventh year of Artaxerxes, 
 apparently represent an attempt on the part of the 
 chronicler to give Ezra, the priest and scribe, the pre- 
 cedence before Nehemiah, the layman (sect. 96), and 
 possibly also to convey the impression that the walls 
 of Jerusalem were built largely by the hands of re-
 
 EVIDENCE THAT EZRA FOLLOWED NEHEMIAH 197 
 
 turned exiles, or else they are due to a later disarrange- 
 ment of the text. In the light of the conditions in 
 Judah before the building of the walls of Jerusalem 
 by Nehemiah, and before his reforms begun in 432 b. c, 
 the expedition of Ezra recorded in Ezra vii. to x. was 
 not only highly improbable but practically impossible. 
 Even those who continue to assign it to the year 
 458 B. c. are obliged to adduce the hypothesis that it 
 was a complete failure, although the narrative itself 
 states that it was the opposite. The entire absence 
 of the slightest references in Nehemiah's memoirs, 
 where they would surely be expected, to the expedi- 
 tion, and to the strenuous reform measures of Ezra, 
 can be explained only on the hypothesis that they 
 were later than 432 b. c. Not one of the prominent 
 men who returned with Ezra (Ezra viii.) is mentioned 
 by Nehemiah, although, if they were already in Jeru- 
 salem, they would naturally have been his most ardent 
 supporters. After the institution of Ezra's exclusive 
 measures, which were accepted almost unanimously 
 by the community (Ezra ix. ; x.), the practice of inter- 
 marrying with foreigners, which continued unrestricted 
 until Nehemiah opposed it during his second visit to 
 Jerusalem, is also inexplicable. 
 
 186. On the other hand, the evidence that Ezra's ex- 
 pedition took place at a period subsequent to 432 b. c. is 
 cumulative and reasonably conclusive. In Ezra's prayer 
 (Ezra ix. 9), he gives thanks that the wall of Jerusalem 
 has been rebuilt and Judah's defences restored. He 
 found the sacred city not depopulated, as Nehemiah 
 found it in 445 b. c, but strong and blessed with many 
 inhabitants. His surprise and horror that the people 
 had not yet completely separated themselves from the
 
 198 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 foreign population presupposes Nehemiali's exclusive 
 measures (Ezra ix. 1-3). Tlie man who rebuilt their 
 fallen walls, for the first time since the beginning of 
 the exile, brought the Jews of Palestine into close 
 and sympathetic touch with those of the dispersion, 
 and paved the way for an expedition such as that led 
 by Ezra. Nehemiah's work in fortifying their ruined 
 capital, and again establishing their prestige, also for 
 the first time, aroused in the hearts of the poor Pales- 
 tinian Jews a feeling of deep gratitude toward their 
 brothers in the East. His reforms likewise prepared 
 them for still more sweeping ones emanating from the 
 same source. His work in turn aroused the interest 
 of the Jews of the dispersion in their kindred in 
 Judah. When Jerusalem was encircled by walls, it 
 again became, for the first time since 586 b. c, a 
 safe and attractive abode for its returning sons 
 and daughters. The reforms which he introduced into 
 the rude, shiftless, half-heathen community in Judah 
 promised, if enforced, to convert it into a body with 
 which the more cultured and devout Jews of the 
 East could live in harmony. Judah presented at last 
 an inviting missionary field, which appealed — when 
 in time the real conditions became generally known — 
 to the religious zeal, as well as to the patriotism, of the 
 more favored Jews beyond its limits. The desire to 
 re-establish the true Israel in the ancient territory, 
 and about the sacred temple, grew so strong that it 
 impelled many during the next half century to turn 
 their faces toward Jerusalem, that by their presence, 
 as well as their influence, they might support the cause 
 of pure religion. Also during the earlier part of the 
 reign of Artaxerxes I., the satrap Megabyzus was the
 
 DATE OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 199 
 
 real ruler of Syria, and the province was regarded with 
 great suspicion by the king (sect. 144) ; but, thanks to 
 the diplomacy of Neliemiah, the attitude of the court 
 at Susa toward the Jews had now changed. The mani- 
 fest weakness and corruption of the great Persian empire 
 also inspired many of them with the hope that in the 
 time of its approaching dissolution the little Judean 
 state might again attain to independence, if not to 
 world-power (see Isa. xxiv, to xxvii.). 
 
 187. One of the first, largest, and most zealous of 
 these bands of returning exiles was led by Ezra. The 
 exact date of his expedition, and of the Great Assembly 
 which followed in the next year, cannot be determined 
 with certainty from the material at our command. It 
 has been suggested that the statement of the chron- 
 icler in Ezra vii. 8, that Ezra made his expedition in 
 the seventh year of Artaxerxes, is due to his desire to 
 date Ezra before Nehemiah. Others maintain that it is 
 simply a mistake commonly made by copyists, and that 
 " thirty " has dropped out, so that it originally read 
 " the thirty-seventh year of the king," or 427 b. c. It 
 has also been strongly urged by a conservative Dutch 
 scholar (Yan Hoonacker, Nouvelles Etudes sur la 
 liestauration Juive, 270-277), that the reigning Ar- 
 taxerxes was the second Persian ruler bearing that 
 name, and that therefore " the seventh year of the 
 king " was 398 B. c. Since the chronicler and the 
 Jewish writers of the Greek period were ignorant even 
 of the order of the Persian monarchs (see Ezra iv. ; 
 Dan. V. 31 ; ix. 1 ; x. 1), it was most natural that they 
 should be unable to distinguish between different rulers 
 of the same name. 
 
 188. The internal evidence which must determine
 
 200 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the choice between these three possible lijpotheses, is 
 unfortunately not very definite. If the " Jehohanan 
 the son of Eliashib " to whose room in the temple Ezra 
 retired after addressing the people (Ezra x. 6) was the 
 grandson of Eliashib, who was high priest in 445 and 
 432 B. c. (compare Neh. xii. 22, 23), and if, as is less 
 certain, Jehohanan (or Johanan) was high priest when 
 Ezra visited Jerusalem, the latest date (398 b. c.) is 
 practically established. Furthermore, if the four treas- 
 urers (two priests and two Levites), to whom Ezra 
 and his followers delivered the contributions which 
 they bought for the temple, occupied the offices created 
 by Nehemiah in 432 b. c. (sect. 180), the reference would 
 also suggest the latest date for the expedition, for the 
 men originally appointed by the governor had all been 
 succeeded by others (Ezra viii. 33). At the head of the 
 commission, however, was Mereraoth,the son of Uriah, 
 who was especially prominent in building the walls in 
 445 B. c. (Neh. iii. 4, 21). It is possible, but not 
 probable, that he continued to occupy high positions 
 in public life for half a century (398 b. c), so that his 
 appearance here strongly favors an earlier date than 
 398 B. c. Similarly, Malchijah of the tribe of Harim 
 (as well as others whose identification is not so cer- 
 tain), who assisted in the work of 445 b. c, was among 
 those who covenanted after the arrival of Ezra to put 
 away his wife (Ezra x. 31 ; Neh. iii. 11). The lax 
 practices in regard to foreign marriages which aroused 
 Ezra's astonishment and indignation, indicate on the 
 other hand that several years at least had passed since 
 Nehemiah instituted his first vigorous crusade against 
 the more culpable offenders. The fact alone is estab- 
 lished that some time during the latter part of the fifth
 
 SIGNIFICANCE OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 201 
 
 or in the opening years of the fourth century b. c. 
 (between 430 and 397), probably in 397, the new code 
 was instituted in Judah which gave the community 
 the distinctive character which it bore in later times. 
 
 189. In the light of the preceding studies, it is pos- 
 sible to appreciate the real significance of the expedi- 
 tion led by Ezra. It was the culmination of centuries 
 of development. It represented the supreme contri- 
 bution of the Jews of the East to their kinsmen in 
 Palestine. Its aim was completely to bridge the gulf 
 which hitherto had yawned between them, and to real- 
 ize on the sacred soil of Judah the ideals of their 
 earlier prophets and of their later priests. Its program 
 was a law expressive of the ritualistic tendency of the 
 age, and adapted to the new circumstances in which 
 the Jewish race found itself. Its leader was repre- 
 sentative of the movement. The chronicler traces his 
 genealogy through the chief Judean priestly family 
 back to Aaron, and describes him as " a ready scribe 
 in the law of Moses which the Lord the God of Israel 
 had given." During the earlier days of the Hebrew 
 kingdom the " scribe " was the royal secretary or 
 chancellor of state (I. 123). Before the exile, how- 
 ever, the term began to be applied to those who devoted 
 themselves to studying and editing the earlier writings 
 and especially the law. Jeremiah complained bitterly 
 that his people were ignorant of the will of Jehovah, 
 because " the false pen of the scribes had made of it 
 falsehood" (viii. 7, 8). Amidst the peculiar condi- 
 tions and needs of the dispersion, the priests, having 
 no temple for which to care, became ministers of the 
 law, carefully studying, arranging, and interpreting it. 
 Their pent-up energies found expression in the zeal
 
 202 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 with which they guarded it, and insisted that all their 
 race should faithfully observe its injunctions. It was 
 to them the final and complete expression of the divine 
 will. To refuse to obey it was to defy Jehovah him- 
 self. So many of the roots of the law were found in 
 the dim past, and so imperceptibly had the great struc- 
 ture grown, that the traditions which assigned it as a 
 whole to the earliest days of their national history and 
 to Moses, the greatest personality of that period, were 
 accepted unquestioningly. Hence it enjoyed the sanc- 
 tion, not only of Jehovah, but of the hallowed past, 
 whose authority was recognized in this later age as 
 almost divine. To men like Ezra, the knowledge that 
 the services of the temple at Jerusalem were not con- 
 ducted in accordance with " the sacred law of Moses," 
 and that Jehovah's holy shrine was constantly polluted 
 by the presence of priests and laymen who were un- 
 clean according to the Priestly Code, was intolerable. 
 
 190. Since the aim of Ezra's expedition was not politi- 
 cal, but religious, it was not difficult to secure royal per- 
 mission to return to Jerusalem (Ezra vii. 27, 28). The 
 potent influence of the loyal and sympathetic Nchemiah 
 may hav^e secured certain special concessions, as is 
 suggested by the version of the royal decree preserved 
 in Ezra vii. 11-26. There is no evidence, however, that 
 in his reform work Ezra appealed to any other authority 
 than that of the law which he bore in his hand. The 
 leader himself came from the province of Babylon, the 
 original centre of Judaism in the East ; but the names 
 borne by the different groups of Jews which followed 
 him indicate that tliey were enlisted widely from the 
 different lands of tlie dispersion. In view of the sec- 
 ondary position which was assigned to the Levites ia
 
 HISTORY OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 203 
 
 the Priestly Code, it is not strange that none at first 
 rallied to his standard. Moreover, the priests of the 
 temple at Jerusalem, not those of the ancient high 
 places, were carried to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar, so 
 that there were probably few Levites in the East. 
 Only thirty-eight could finally be found to return. In 
 all, about fifteen hundred men, representing six or 
 seven thousand souls, joined Ezra at the assembling 
 place beside the river Ahava, probably one of the small 
 streams or canals flowing into the Euphrates about one 
 hundred and twenty-five miles northwest of Babylon. 
 The great majority of the Jews who could not them- 
 selves return shared in the restoration of " Israel " to 
 Palestine by contributing rich presents to the temple. 
 According to the Ezra narrative, the gifts of the 
 Persian king and his court, together with those of the 
 Jews, amounted to six hundred and fifty talents of 
 silver, a hundred of gold, and a thousand darics, besides 
 many large vessels of gold and silver. Since the value 
 of the contributions aggregates over four million dollars, 
 these numbers, like many handed down by the chroni- 
 cler (compare especially those in the Books of Chronicles 
 with the corresponding ones in the Books of Kings), may 
 have grown in transmission. 
 
 191. When the returning patriots had fasted, after 
 the custom of the faithful Jews of the dispersion, and 
 besought Jehovah's protecting care, they set out about 
 the first of April on their long wearisome march. 
 Since the journey was made during the heat of summer, 
 it was necessary to make an extensive detour to the 
 north to avoid the Arabian desert, and to travel verv 
 slowly, so that four months and a half were required to 
 traverse the eight or nine hundred miles. Jerusalem
 
 204 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 was reached in August, and, after a rest of three days, 
 the rich gifts, which during the journey had been 
 intrusted to a commission of prominent priests and 
 Levites, were formally turned over to the treasurers of 
 the temple. The returned exiles also presented appro- 
 priate offerings to Jehovah in behalf of " all Israel," 
 which they had come back to restore ; for their first 
 task was to establish the services of the temple on a 
 basis in keeping with its dignity as the central shrine 
 of the nation, and in harmony with the more elaborate 
 demands of the Priestly Law, which they recognized. 
 In addition to the valuable gifts which the returning 
 Jews brought with them, Nehemiah, as the representa- 
 tive of the Persian government (Neh. vii. 70; viii. 9), 
 contributed for this purpose a thousand golden darics, 
 fifty vessels, and five hundred and thirty priests' 
 garments. Some of the heads of the tribes in the 
 Judean community, emulating his example, gave 
 liberally money, gold, and silver. Even the common 
 people caught from the returned pilgrims the spirit of 
 generosity and self-sacrifice in behalf of their religion, 
 and swelled the endowment fund of the temple by their 
 gifts of gold and silver and priests' garments. Their 
 petty jealousies and meannesses were forgotten, as they 
 mingled their gifts before Jehovah's altar. The sense 
 of common blood, of common religion, and of common 
 service again bound together the Jews of Judah and of 
 the East, and prepared the way for the more revolution- 
 ary reform work.
 
 THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRIESTLY LAW 
 
 192. The first two months after the arrival of Ezra's 
 expedition at Jerusalem were devoted to regulating 
 the service, and to completing necessary repairs on the 
 temple. Quarters were also assigned to the priests, the 
 Levites, and the minor officials of the sanctuary who 
 had returned. Many of them found homes in the 
 towns outside Jerusalem (Neh. vii. 73). The laymen, 
 with their families, also sought suitable places in 
 which to settle. The external restoration of " all 
 Israel " had begun. In the eyes of the priestly 
 reformers, however, everything yet remained to be 
 done. The character of the native community must 
 be radically changed before a complete amalgamation 
 could be effected. Probably these first two months 
 were spent in studying conditions and in quiet mis- 
 sionary work among the people. The burning zeal of 
 the six or seven thousand who had left their homes, 
 and had come to Judah as the apostles of " the law of 
 Moses," could not fail to communicate its leavening in- 
 fluence to their more ignorant and apathetic brethren. 
 
 193. On the feast of the new moon, the first day of 
 the seventh month, celebrated ever after by the Jews 
 as the feast of trumpets or day of holy convocation 
 (Lev. xxiii. 23-25; Num. xxix. 1-6), the people were
 
 206 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 assembled from all parts of the land to the open space 
 near the water gate on the eastern side of Jerusalem. 
 At their request, Ezra brought " the book of the law of 
 Moses." Taking his place on a wooden pulpit con- 
 structed for the purpose, and having given thanks, he 
 publicly read the law to them, while attendant Levites 
 explained it. When the native Jews understood the 
 content of the new law, they were filled with dismay, 
 and gave expression to their feelings in cries of lamen- 
 tation ; for they appreciated in part what sweeping 
 changes it would introduce into their life, and how con- 
 trary to it were their present practices. Nehemiah 
 appears to liave actively co-operated in this movement 
 which represented the culmination of his earlier work. 
 If we had his complete memoirs, instead of an extract 
 from a priestly narrative, the sympathies of which are 
 all with Ezra, we would probably find that he took a 
 prominent part in the great reformation. At this 
 critical time, both he and Ezra wisely disarmed the 
 fears of the people, and urged them to observe the day 
 as they were wont, with feasting and by sending gifts 
 to the needy in their midst (Deut. xvi. 14). 
 
 194. On the second day the leaders of the com- 
 munity and their priests and Levites came to Ezra 
 for further instruction in regard to the details of the 
 new law. Among other commands, they found one 
 which enjoined that " the children of Israel should 
 dwell in booths in the feast of the seventh month, and 
 that they should publish and proclaim it in all their 
 cities and in Jerusalem " (Neh. viii. 14, 15). The pas- 
 sage in question was evidently the twenty -third chapter 
 of Leviticus. Following out its injunctions, the Feast 
 of Tabernacles was faithfully observed, beginning with
 
 INTERPRETATION AND APPLICATION OF THE LAW 207 
 
 the fifteenth day of the month, and closing with the 
 holy convocation on the twenty-second (Lev. xxiii. 
 38-39 ; Neh. viii. 18). Each day Ezra improved the 
 favorable opportunity to read and to impress upon the 
 people the commands of the new code ; while those 
 who had returned with him from the exile set an 
 example before the native Jews as to how the feast 
 should properly be observed (Neh. viii. 17). The en- 
 tire assembly was moved by a deep religious en- 
 thusiasm. During those eight days it experienced a 
 genuine revival. The self-sacrificing missionary zeal 
 of the reformers bore fruit. At last the self-centred 
 Jews of Palestine were also ready to make sacrifices. 
 
 195. When the preliminary work of instruction had 
 been completed, and the conscience of the community 
 had thus been aroused, certain of the leaders of the 
 people came to Ezra and confessed that many of the 
 people, and even some of their priests and Levites, had 
 failed to hold themselves aloof, as the new law en- 
 joined, from the contaminating influences of their 
 heathen neighbors, "the people of the land" (Ezra ix. 
 1). Many of the leading men in Judah had committed 
 the sin, against which Nehemiah had so earnestly 
 warned them (Neh. xiii. 27), and had married heathen 
 wives, and encouraged their sons to do the same. 
 Nothing was more calculated to arouse the horror of 
 a zealous Jew of the dispersion, like Ezra, than dis- 
 closures of this nature. He felt that the whole com- 
 munity and land were contaminated. Recognizing that 
 the evil was one which must be absolutely eliminated, 
 if "the true Israel was to be established," he opposed 
 it with all the strength of his intense nature. Unlike 
 Nehemiah, Ezra did not have the authority to com-
 
 208 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 mand, but endeavored to appeal to the conscience of 
 the people. His prayers and exhortations finally so 
 impressed them that one of their number proposed 
 that they all solemnly covenant to put away their 
 foreign wives and the children born of these mar- 
 riages. Assured of their support, Ezra first made the 
 priests and Levites take the oath of separation. Then 
 the nobles and elders proclaimed an assembly of the 
 entire nation. Forfeiture of property and excommuni- 
 cation from the congregation was the penalty imposed 
 for non-appearance. 
 
 196. By these radical methods, a general represen- 
 tation of the people was secured. On the twentieth 
 day of the ninth month (January), they all assembled 
 in the open space before the temple. To Ezra's de- 
 mand that they separate themselves, and thus remove 
 the burden of guilt which rested upon them, they 
 acceded ; but the magnitude of the sacrifice involved, 
 and the torrents of rain which deluged them, for it 
 was the middle of the rainy season, dampened their 
 enthusiasm. Since the measure was one which called 
 for careful investigations, and demanded time, they 
 proposed that all who had married foreign wives be 
 required to come up to Jerusalem at appointed times, 
 with the elders and judges of their respective towns, 
 that their cases might be carefully considered. The 
 proposal was accepted, and Ezra was appointed at the 
 head of a commission to examine and superintend 
 the matter. Beginning on the fii-st day of the tenth 
 month (late in January), they did not complete their 
 work until the first day of tlie following year (March). 
 Painful as must have been the details of the execution 
 of this measure, which ruthlessly severed family ties,
 
 CALLING THE GREAT ASSEMBLY 200 
 
 it is probable that under the watchful direction of the 
 stern Ezra it was faithfully enforced. One hundred 
 and thirteen men, who were found guilt}^, and who 
 submitted to the extreme penalty, are mentioned in 
 the list given in Ezra x. 
 
 197. When this preliminary work was completed, 
 and not before, was it possible publicly to institute 
 the new Priestly Law. On the twenty-fourth day of 
 the month in which the commission concluded its 
 labors, when '' tlie seed of Israel had separated them- 
 selves from all strangers" (Neh. ix. 1, 2.), Ezra and 
 his fellow-reformers were permitted to behold tlie 
 fruits of their year of unremitting toil. The way in 
 which the new law was introduced was characteristic 
 of the age. When Nehemiah wished to institute some 
 reform, he called an assembly of all the people, and 
 publicly presented the matter before them, and ex- 
 tracted a solemn oath of agreement (Neh. ii. 16-18 ; 
 V. 7, 12, 13; xiii. 25). Similarly, Ezra repeatedly 
 gathered all the people together (Neh. viii. 1 ; Ezra 
 X. 7-9, 12). At a later time, when Judah was threat- 
 ened by a locust plague, the first thought of the 
 prophet Joel was to call a solemn assembly (i. 14 ; ii. 
 15). The Jewish state was so small, and distances so 
 short, that it was not a difficult matter to assemble the 
 entire population. Three days were considered by the 
 leaders of the community amply sufficient to convene 
 all the men at Jerusalem (Ezra x. 9.) 
 
 198. The great reformation of Josiah, the influence 
 of which was still paramount in Judah, undoubtedly 
 established a precedent which guided the later 
 reformers (IT. Kings xxiii. 1-3). Since the power 
 formerly vested in the monarchy now resided in the
 
 210 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 congregation of the people, the priestly reformation 
 was necessarily much more democratic than that of 
 621 B. c, and probably for that reason was more per- 
 manent. The new law was not forced upon them by 
 royal decree, but accepted by popular vote. The Great 
 Assembly was opened by the reading of the more im- 
 portant sections of the law, and then followed by a 
 popular confession of the sins of the community. The 
 character of the service was closely analogous to that 
 of the ordinary Jewish synagogue. Tbis fact is em- 
 phasized by the tradition of the " Great Synagogue," 
 which originally was the later Jewish account of the 
 Great Assembly (compare Midrash to Ruth). Accord 
 ing to the Septuagint version, the long prayer, pre- 
 served in Nehemiah ix., in which Jehovah's care and 
 fidelity toward the people and their infidelity and sins 
 are reviewed, was delivered by Ezra. It fittingly in- 
 dicated the relation of the important act which they 
 were about to perform to the past history of their 
 race. As in the earlier prayer of Ezra (Ezra ix.), 
 the conceptions of that history, and the point of view 
 throughout, are those of the new priestly legislation. 
 After the preliminary services had been completed, 
 Nehemiah, the nobles and the representatives of the 
 lay, the priestly and the Levitical clans solemnly 
 covenanted to accept the new law, and, in token thereof, 
 subscribed their names. Then the assembly as a whole, 
 including those who had returned with Ezra, and all, 
 whether of Jewish descent or not, " who had separated 
 themselves from the peoples of the land unto the law 
 of God," together with their families, took an cath, 
 sealed by a curse upon the one who proved faithless 
 to it, that they would observe " the law of God which
 
 HEGULATIONS ADOPTED AT THE GREAT ASSEMBLY lill 
 
 was given by Moses the servant of God " (Neh. x. 28, 
 29). 
 
 199. The chief articles in that law, as reported in 
 Nehemiah x., are : (1) To abstain from all intermar- 
 riage with heathen peoples ; (2) to abstain from buy- 
 ing and selling on the Sabbath or on a holy day ; (3) 
 to observe the commands respecting the Sabbatical 
 year ; (4) to pay a poll tax of one third of a shekel 
 to support the services at the temple ; (5) to provide 
 wood for the sacrifices at the temple in accordance 
 with the decision of the lot ; (6) to bring the first- 
 fruits and the first-born, as commanded, to the temple 
 for the support of the priests ; (T) to deliver the tithes 
 of the ground to the Levites, who in turn were to dis- 
 tribute them according to the law ; and (8), in general, 
 not to neglect to provide for the needs of the temple 
 service. 
 
 200. The trustworthiness of this brief report is 
 strikingly confirmed by the fact that each regulation 
 was intended to correct evils in the Judean com- 
 munity with which we have already become familiar 
 through the memoirs of Nehemiah and the writings 
 of contemporary prophets. There is good ground for 
 believing that the reformation affected the inner 
 spiritual as well as the external life of the com- 
 munity ; but it was natural that a tradition, probably 
 preserved among the records of the temple, should 
 refer only to objective reforms. The articles sub- 
 scribed to at the Great Assembly became at once the 
 constitution, both of Judaism and of the new temple 
 service. The first regulation was intended to separate 
 the Jews from the rest of mankind ; the second, in 
 enforcing the strict observance of the Sabbath, em-
 
 212 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 phasized the same distinction ; the third aimed to 
 improve the social organization of the community ; 
 while the remaining five relate entirely to the sanc- 
 tuary, and their aim is to make its services more 
 elaborate and impressive, and, with this end in view, 
 to secure for the temple and its ministers an increased 
 and definite income. 
 
 201. The account of their work leaves no doubt that 
 Ezra and his fellow-reformers were guided by the body 
 of laws found chiefly in Exodus xxv. to xxxi. ; xxxiv. 
 29 to xl. 38, and the Books of Leviticus and Numbers, 
 which, is usually designated as the Priestly or Levitical 
 Code. In general, the prominence given to the services 
 of the temple, the accent placed upon the written law, 
 and the custom of reading the law at the Feast of 
 'tabernacles (see Lev. xxiii. 33-36) are all marked 
 characteristics of this system. Five out of the eight 
 regulations, while unknown to the earlier Deuteronomic, 
 are based upon the Priestly Code. The Pentateuch 
 contains no detailed enactments respecting the pro- 
 vision of wood for the sacrifices. The reference in 
 Nehemiah x. 34, *' As it is written in the law," is, 
 therefore, to a section in the Priestly Code which has 
 been lost, or to the traditional usage of the temple, 
 based perhaps upon Nehemiah's ruling (Neh. xiii. 31). 
 
 202. There is, on the other hand, evidence that at 
 the time of the Great Assembly the Priestly Code was 
 not quite complete. For example, the poll tax of one- 
 third of a shekel for the support of the temple service 
 was increased to one-half of a temple shekel (Ex. xxx. 
 11-16 ; xxxviii. 26 ; so in New Testament times). In 
 the covenant "^f the Great Assembly, reference is made 
 only to the tithe of the ground (Neh. x. 37 ; compare
 
 CHARACTER OF THE NEW CODE 213 
 
 also xiii. 5), which, as in Deuteronomy xiv. 22-29, in- 
 cluded only the produce of the field ; but, according 
 to the later priestly legislation of Leviticus xxvii, BO- 
 SS, the people were commanded to bring not only the 
 tithe of the field, but also the tithe of the herd and 
 of the flock. Similarly, in Ezra's time, the day of 
 atonement was evidently not celebrated on the tenth 
 day of the memorable seventh month described in 
 Nehemiah viii. ; but, according to the law in Leviticus 
 xvi., and the usage of later Judaism, this day (the 
 tenth of the seventh month) was set aside for national 
 confession and atoning sacrifice. It soon became one 
 of the most important days in the religious calendar. 
 Thus the account of the Great Assembly introduces 
 us to the Jewish law still in the course of formation. 
 The long process, however, was nearly complete, for 
 the position given to the written torah at that time 
 soon led to the closing of the canon of the law. 
 
 20S. The new expanded code, like the system devised 
 by Ezekiel, aimed to make objective the principles of 
 the prophets. The majority of the Jews of Palestine 
 were so ignorant that, if they were to be led into the 
 way of holiness, that way must be very plain and the 
 guide-posts many. The old Hebrew prophets were 
 obliged to be content if a mere handful of disciples 
 listened to their message, while the mass of their 
 nation went on unheeding. The apostles of the ex- 
 panded law of Moses aimed to reach all, and to trans- 
 form the community. They succeeded where the 
 prophets had failed, partially because conditions were 
 more favorable. The political ambitions which dis- 
 tracted those to whom the earlier prophets spoke, were, 
 under the rule of Persia, impossible; the community
 
 214 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 which the apostles of the law addressed, was a com- 
 pact social unit, not a large and heterogeneous nation ; 
 they were also powerfully supported hy the influence 
 and gifts of the great body of faithful Jews outside 
 of Judah ; and the tendency of the age, without as 
 well as within Judaism, was toward a ritualistic type 
 of religion. They succeeded also because the law 
 which they presented, was itself " a schoolmaster " to 
 whom the people had already learned to listen as 
 authoritative, and whose teachings were definite and 
 explicit. While the new code exalted the sanctuary, 
 and centred about it all the life of the community, it 
 also encircled the " true Israel," which included all 
 who subscribed to it, with impassable walls of separa- 
 tion, imparting to the little hierarchy that consistency 
 which made it an immovable rock where all about was 
 chaos. By the act of the Great Assembly, the union 
 of all faithful Jews, whether in Palestine or in the 
 distant lands of the dispersion, was effected. They 
 now acknowledged one system of laws, and felt that 
 they all had a part in the service of their common 
 sanctuary. At this time also the real centre of Jewish 
 religious thought was transferred from the East to 
 Judah. Henceforth the chief influences which moulded 
 Judaism came not from the Jews of the dispersion but 
 from those of Palestine. At last " the restoration " 
 was a reality.
 
 XI 
 
 THE sa:^iaeitan te:mple on mount geeizim 
 
 204. Two great monuments arose to commemorate 
 the success of the priestly reformation instituted under 
 the direction of Nehemiah and Ezra : The one was the 
 Jewish hierarchy ; and the other was the Samaritan 
 temple on Mount Gerizim, with the religious commu- 
 nity which grew up about it. The schism between the 
 two closely related communities was consummated 
 when the Priestly Law was adopted at Jerusalem, 
 but the action of the Great Assembly only precipi- 
 tated differences which were nearly as old as the 
 race. It was merely a reassertion on a religious basis 
 of the same ancient rivalry and mutual antago- 
 nism which led to the division of the united Hebrew 
 kingdom after the death of Solomon (11. sects. 18-21). 
 During the centuries of their independent national 
 existence, the Israelites and the Judeans had been sub- 
 jected to different influences and experiences which 
 had only widened the gulf that separated them. The 
 infusion of heathen blood which came through the 
 colonists introduced into the province of Samaria after 
 722 B. c. by the Assyrian kings (II. sect. 105), extended 
 it still farther : for, although the immigrants accepted 
 the religion of the land, they communicated to the 
 native Israelites many of their idolatrous customs.
 
 216 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 205. Josiah's conquests and reform crusade left a 
 lasting impression upon the Samaritan people (II. Kings 
 xxiii. 15-20) ; henceforth Deuteronomj was the law 
 book of the northerners as well as of the Judeans, and 
 Jerusalem the one accredited sanctuary (Jer. xli. 5 ; 
 Zech. vii. 2) ; but many heathen ideas and customs 
 survived in the north, despite the sword of the zealous 
 reformer. There is evidence that in the evangelistic 
 spirit of the Deuteronomic reformation, the Jews en- 
 deavored, in the age of Nehemiah, to complete the con- 
 version of their northern kinsmen. In the account 
 which the chronicler gives of the reformation of Josiah 
 (TI. Chrs. XXX. 10, 11), he probably has in mind the 
 history of this later proselyting movement : " The mes- 
 sengers passed from city to city through the country of 
 Ephraim and Manasseh, even unto Zebulun ; but they 
 laughed them to scorn, and mocked them. Neverthe- 
 less certain ones of Asher and of Manasseh and of 
 Zebulun humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem." 
 A psalmist of the period mentions the princes of Zebu- 
 lun and Naphtali, together with those of Judah and 
 Benjamin (Ixviii. 27). Gradually and quietly, during 
 the last century of the Persian, and during the opening 
 years of the Greek period, was consummated that reli- 
 gious union between Galilee and Judea which was des- 
 tined to prove such an important factor in determining 
 the faith of humanity. Isaiah Ixv. 1, 2, apparently 
 refers to the failure of the same proselyting movement 
 in Samaria. In the name of Jehovah, the prophet de- 
 clares : " I allowed myself to be consulted by those who 
 asked not after me ; I was ready to be inquired of by 
 those who sought me not ; I said, Here am I, here 
 am I, to a nation which called not upon my name. I
 
 CAUSES OF THE SAMARITAN SCHISM 217 
 
 spread out my hands to a rebellious people who walk 
 after their own purposes in the way which is not good " 
 (compare also Ixvi. 4). 
 
 206. The spirit of love, which conquers all things, 
 was not strong enough in the hearts of the Judeans, 
 and the religious customs of the Samaritans presented 
 too great variations to make a fusion of the two peoples 
 possible in an age when great stress was laid upon the 
 externals of religion. The Judean prophet accuses the 
 northerners of sacrificing as of old in groves, of burn- 
 ing incense upon bricks, of tarrying among the rock- 
 cut graves, probably that they might thereby have 
 inspired dreams, of eating swine's ficsh and other un- 
 clean meats, and of paying homage to the Syrian gods, 
 Fortune and Destiny (Ixv. 2-4, 11 ; Ixvi. 3 ; compare 
 sect. 146). The spirit of self-righteous Pharisaism 
 also was not confined to the Jews, for through the 
 words of the same prophet we can hear the Samar- 
 itans exclaiming : " Keep by yourself, do not come 
 near me, for I am holier than you " (Ixv. 5). Before 
 Nehemiah and Ezra inspired a deeper piety within the 
 Jews of Palestine, they were little better than their 
 northern brethren. It is not strange that the Samari- 
 tans refused to abandon their form of religion for that 
 of the despised Jews. According to the logic of num- 
 bers and strength, it was natural to expect that the 
 weaker would be absorbed by the stronger. Before 
 Nehemiah arrived, this solution of their political and 
 religious differences was by no means impossible. He 
 recognized, when he reached Jerusalem, that the Jews, 
 who were both morally and physically weak, were not 
 capable of assimilating the larger and more influential 
 community. He, accordingly, at once threw down the
 
 218 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 gauntlet, by declaring that hereafter Sanballat and his 
 followers '' should have no portion, nor right, nor 
 memorial in Jerusalem " (Neh. ii. 20), and aroused 
 thereby their bitter opposition to his enterprise. He 
 it was, who, on personal and religious grounds, hast- 
 ened the schism. 
 
 207. The history of the detailed steps which led to 
 the final rupture is only obscurely written. Nehemiah's 
 memoirs indicate that Sanballat, the leader of the 
 Samaritans, made repeated and strenuous efforts to 
 renew their former relations with the Jews, and that 
 there were many prominent men in Jerusalem, includ- 
 ing both priests and prophets, who favored such a 
 union. Nehemiah, however, would listen to no com- 
 promise, and the influence of the Jews of the disper- 
 sion supported him in his position. In their eyes, the 
 Samaritans were hopelessly unclean. As that influ- 
 ence became more potent in Palestine, the possibilities 
 of union diminished. The expulsion from Jerusalem 
 by Nehemiah of the grandson of Eliashib the high 
 priest, because he would not put away his wife, the 
 daughter of Sanballat, marks an advanced stage in the 
 controversy (Neh. xiii. 28). Henceforth, it was char- 
 acterized — as are most contentions which concern the 
 externals of religion — by the greatest bitterness on 
 both sides. In Isaiah Ixv., the unknown prophet 
 intersperses his promises of future blessedness for 
 "Jehovah's servants, they of Judah," with dire pre- 
 dictions of destruction and misfortune to fall upon 
 " them who forget Jehovah's holy mountain " (verses 
 8-15). 
 
 208. "When the Jewish community solemnly ac- 
 cepted the new Priestly Code as its law, the Samaritans
 
 FOUNDING OF THE SAMARITAN TEMrLE 219 
 
 recognized that they were forever exchided from the 
 Jerusalem temple, toward which the Book of Deute- 
 ronomy directed them as the one sacred site where 
 Jehovah could rightly be worshipped. Their condition 
 was in some respects analogous to that of their ances- 
 tors after their separation from the Judeans in 937 b. c. 
 The precedent then established guided them now. The 
 old sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel had been dese- 
 crated, and neither were easily accessible to the Samar- 
 itans. Therefore, they selected a site closely associated 
 in their traditions with the memory of their earliest 
 and most revered ancestors. Mount Gerizim, although 
 not the highest, is one of the two most prominent 
 peaks in the territory of Samaria. Its location, over- 
 hanging the ancient northern capital, Shechem, gave 
 it a position of great importance. Probably, since the 
 earliest period of Semitic settlement in Canaan, a 
 sacred shrine was to be found crowning the fertile 
 plateau on its eastern brow. There the Samaritan 
 people reared the temple which became the centre 
 of their religious life, and which soon rivalled the 
 older one at Jerusalem. Although the original struc- 
 ture was destroyed by John Hyrcanus about 130 
 B. c, the Samaritans have continued, even down to 
 the present day, to worship Jehovah on their holy 
 mountain. 
 
 209. According to Josephus (Ant. xi. 8, 2), the orig- 
 inal Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim was built by 
 Sanballat, that his son-in-law Manasseh, who had been 
 expelled from Jerusalem because of his marriage to 
 Nicaso, the daughter of the Samaritan prince, might 
 have a temple in which to minister. While the tradi- 
 tion, which preserves the names of the chief actors in
 
 220 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 this important event, is probably historical, Josephus, 
 as is often his wont, because of his intense antipathy 
 to the Samaritans, has given a wrong setting to his 
 data. The priestly noble, Manasseh, was without 
 doubt the son-in-law of Sanballat, and the grandson 
 of the high priest Eliashib whom Nehemiah drove 
 from Judah. He was the son of Joiada, and there- 
 fore the brother of Johanan the high priest, and not 
 of Jaddua who succeeded Johanan (Neh. xii. 22), as 
 Josephus asserts. This late Jewish historian also 
 makes Sanballat a contemporary of Darius Codoman- 
 nus (336-330 b. c.) and of Alexander the Great, thus 
 dating the building of the Samaritan temple during 
 the last two decades of the Persian period. His testi- 
 mony, of course, has little weight when it is so flatly 
 contradicted by that of the contemporary record pre- 
 served in Nehemiah's memoirs. That Josephus is 
 manipulating his material is clearly indicated, not 
 only by the inconsistencies apparent in his story, 
 but also by the fact that, in his brief summary of 
 Nehemiah's narrative, he always omits the name of 
 Sanballat (Ant. xi. 5, 6-8). Inasmuch as he placed 
 Nehemiah's activity in the reign of Xerxes, he was 
 keen enough to realize that, although he made 
 Sanballat die in a ripe old age, the Samaritan prince 
 could not have been living both in the earlier part 
 of the fifth and also in the latter part of the fourth 
 century b. c. 
 
 210. If the source for Josephus' statement, that 
 Sanballat was given permission to build the Samaritan 
 temple by Darius, is reliable, the Persian king in ques- 
 tion was not the last, but the second who bore that 
 name and who reigned from 424 to 404 b. c. Possibly
 
 DATE OF THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE 221 
 
 the error of Josephus arose because he made the 
 common mistake of confusing these two monarchs. 
 Johanan, the brother of Manasseh, was probably the 
 same into whose room in the temple Ezra retired 
 when the final exclusive measures were introduced 
 (Ezra X. 6). This reference confirms the conclu- 
 sion that the building of the Samaritan temple fol- 
 lowed very soon after the Great Assembly. Joiada, 
 the father of the exiled priest, was high priest 
 during the last quarter of the fifth century. Nehe- 
 miah, at the most, could not have lived long after 
 the close of that century, so that his expulsion of 
 Manasseh, and the building of the Samaritan tem- 
 ple, must be dated not far from 400 B. c, possibly 
 during the closing years of the reign of Darius 11. 
 (424-404 B. c.) or immediately after 397 b. c. 
 
 211. In connection with his reference to the driv- 
 ing away of Manasseh, Nehemiah calls down a curse 
 upon certain ones, " because they had defiled the 
 priesthood and the covenant of the priesthood and of 
 the Levites." From this reference it is evident that 
 Manasseh was by no means the only one from the 
 ranks of the Jerusalem priests and Levites who 
 offended against the strict Priestly Law, which for- 
 bade marriages with foreigners. Ezra also found many 
 such offenders (Ezra x. 18-23). That they all con- 
 sented to put away their foreign wives is, on a priori 
 grounds, improbable, and Josephus confirms this con- 
 clusion, for he stoics that " many of the priests and 
 Levites of Jerusalem were entangled in such marriages ; 
 for they all revolted to Manasseh ; and Sanballat gave 
 them money and divided among them land to cultivate, 
 and also provided them with habitations " (Ant. xl
 
 222 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 B, 2). This defection probably assumed larger pro- 
 portions than either Nehemiah or Josephus were 
 willing to admit. In a sense, both the Jewish and 
 Samaritan communities were benefited by it. De- 
 livered from the uncongenial and opposing elements 
 within its midst, the " true Israel " was free to devote 
 all its energies to living in accord with the new Priestly 
 Law. Emulation of their southern rivals, and the 
 building of the temple on Mount Gerizim, also aroused 
 a new religious zeal among the Samaritans. Although, 
 at certain points and on personal grounds, at variance 
 with the dominant party in Jerusalem, Manasseh and 
 his fellow-exiles had caught the spirit of reform and 
 appear to have been as ardent champions of the revised 
 Jewish code as were Nehemiah and Ezra. The re- 
 sult was that the Samaritans, instead of reverting to 
 heathenism, under the influence of their new priest- 
 hood, at once, or soon, adopted as their law the com- 
 pleted Jewish code, practically in the form in which 
 we have it to-day in the Pentateuch. This, together 
 with an abbreviated edition of the Book of Joshua, 
 has continued until the present to be their sacred 
 scriptures. It certainly is a source for regret that we 
 are acquainted with the work of these early Samaritan 
 reformers only through the chance references of hostile 
 Jewish historians. In the unprejudiced eyes of the 
 great Prophet of Nazareth, the type of religion which 
 they introduced, compared by no means unfavorably 
 with that which was found under the shadow of the 
 Jerusalem temple. In the bitter contest waged dur- 
 ing the succeeding centuries between the Jews and 
 Samaritans, it is certain that right was not entirely 
 with either side. Much of the intolerance and acer-
 
 RELIGION AND CHARACTER OF THE SAMARITANS 223 
 
 bity which disfigured the character of later Judaism 
 was the result of these fierce struggles. Henceforth, 
 the worshippers on Mount Gerizim possess for the 
 student of Jewish history a powerful but negative 
 interest.
 
 XII 
 
 THE LAST CENTUEY OF PERSIAN RULE 
 
 212. The years "which immediately followed the 
 Great Assembly were undoubtedly the happiest which 
 the Jews of Palestine had known since the destruc- 
 tion of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. While the institution 
 of strict, exclusive measures rendered their relations 
 with their neighbors more bitter than ever before, new 
 hopes filled their hearts. The consciousness that they 
 were faithfully observing the law of Jehovah, gave 
 them renewed confidence. They regarded the un- 
 wonted prosperity which they enjoyed as unquestion- 
 able evidence of his favor and an earnest of still 
 greater blessings. The same prophet who was so 
 bitter in his denunciations of the Samaritans, voiced, 
 in the name of Jehovah, the expectations which in- 
 spired his hearers : " I will rejoice in Jerusalem, 
 and joy in my people : and the voice of weeping shall 
 be no more heard in her, nor the voice of crying. 
 They shall not build, and another inhabit; they shall 
 not plant, and another eat : for as the days of a tree 
 shall be the days of my people, and mine elect shall 
 long enjoy the work of their hands. They shall not 
 labor in vain, nor bring forth for sudden trouble; for 
 they are a seed blessed of Jehovah, and tlieir offspring 
 shall remain with them " (Isa. Ixv, 18, 22, 23).
 
 EVIDENCE OF A GENERAL RETURN TO JUDAH 225 
 
 213. A subsequent passage, probably from the same 
 author, refers to the birth of the " true Israel " and to 
 the return of the scattered Jews : " Who has heard 
 such a thing ? Who has seen such a thing ? Shall 
 a country be born in a day, or a nation be brought 
 forth at once ? As soon as Zion travailed, she brought 
 forth her children " (Isa. Ixvi. 8). There is evidence 
 that Ezra's expedition represents but one of several 
 groups of exiles who returned at this time. If the 
 rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem and the pre- 
 liminary reform of Nehemiah sufficed to attract six 
 or seven thousand Jews of the dispersion, the added 
 knowledge that " Zion had travailed," that the Priestly 
 Law had been proclaimed, and solemnly accepted in 
 Judah, must have attracted thousands more. At last 
 the religious atmosphere of Palestine was congenial 
 to the stricter Jews of the East, and the uninhabited 
 spaces within and without the walls of Jerusalem 
 invited colonists. The exclusive spirit which drove 
 Manasseh and his fellow-exiles from Jerusalem, drew 
 many zealous priests and laymen in their stead. Long 
 years of preparation had preceded, but, when the final 
 moment came, a " nation indeed was born in a day." 
 
 214. In the census, preserved in Ezra ii. and 
 Nehemiah vii., of " the children of the province who 
 went up out of captivity," the names of the majority 
 follow those of Nehemiah and Ezra (in Ezra ii. 2, 
 Seraiali). Since the names of the first four stand in 
 their I'elative chronological order, it is at least reason- 
 able to conclude that the same is true of the rest; in 
 which case these lists also testify that a majority of 
 those who returned did so after the Great Assembly. 
 Since it seems probable that only a comparatively
 
 226 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 small number returned with Zerubbabel, Joshua, and 
 Nehemiah, and about six thousand with Ezra, at least 
 three-fourths of the varying totals given in tlie differ- 
 ent versions returned with the eight other leaders. 
 The names borne by some of the clans, as, for example, 
 "the children of Pahath-Moab " (children of the gov- 
 ernor of Moab), suggests that not all represented in 
 the census returned from Babylon. The lists may 
 even comprise all in Judah who accepted the new 
 Priestly Law, which had been brought by those " who 
 went up out of captivity," irrespective of whether or 
 not they or their ancestors had ever left Palestine. 
 This may be the significance of the general title, 
 " children of the province," which is used instead of 
 the " children of the captivity," by which the chronicler 
 always distinguishes the ^'eturned from resident Jews 
 (Ezra iv. 1 ; viii. 35). 
 
 215. An index of the date of this census is found 
 in the fact that many of " the children of the province " 
 were settled in towns which were not held by the Jews 
 when Nehemiah went to Judah in 444 b. c. (see map 
 opposite page 158). The extension of Jewish territory 
 thus indicated, is toward the north and northwest, and 
 includes such debatable towns as Geba, Michmash, 
 Bethel, Ai, Kiriath-jearim, Chephira, Lydda, Hadid, 
 and Ono, lying on the southern borders of Samaria. 
 This extension corresponds exactly with that which 
 Josephus and the first Book of Maccabees declare 
 took place during the years following the advent of 
 Nehemiah and Ezra. By the beginning of the Macca- 
 bean period. Bethel, Beth-horon,and Timnath Pharathon 
 are no longer Samaritan but Judean cities (I. Mac. ix. 
 50; Jos. Ant. xiii. 1, 8). The Jewish population on
 
 CONDITIONS FAVORABLE FOR A RETURN 227 
 
 the plain of Ono (compare Neh. vi. 2) liad also in- 
 creased to such an extent that in 145 b. c. the Jews 
 demanded that the toparchy of Lydda, as well as those 
 of Apharema (Ephraim) and Ramathaim, be trans- 
 ferred to them by the Syrian king (I. Mac. xi. 28, 34 ; 
 Jos. Ant. xiii. 4, 9). 
 
 216. During the closing years of the Persian period, 
 and under the rule of the Ptolemies, the Jews in Pales- 
 tine were oppressed, and large numbers of them were 
 deported, especially to Egypt ; but during the long 
 reign of Artaxerxes 11. (Mnemon, 404-358 B. c), the 
 central government was so pitiably weak and inert 
 that the different states under its nominal control 
 were free to do very much as they pleased without 
 fear of interference. Hence the period of Judah's 
 expansion must have been, as already inferred on 
 other grounds, during the first half of the fourth 
 century. Its cause was evidently the return of large 
 numbers of Jews from the dispersion ; for the strict 
 policy of separation which was adopted at the Great 
 Assembly tended to diminish rather than increase 
 the native Jewish population. From this half cen- 
 tury, therefore, in all probability, came the census 
 of the lay population introduced by the chronicler in 
 Ezra ii. and Nehemiah vii. Then the influence of " the 
 returned " became dominant in Judah ; while the mixed 
 population which had remained in the land began to 
 fall into ill-repute, as their previous record and laxer 
 practices were viewed from the stricter point of view of 
 the Priestly Law ; so that then, for the first time, there 
 was a strong motive for taking and preserving such 
 a census. The same tendency to disparage the resident 
 and to assign all that was q:ood to the returned Jews
 
 228 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 continued to develop until, as in the case of the chron- 
 icler, it distorted all the later conceptions of earlier 
 post-exilic history. The actual return of a few thou- 
 sand evidently inspired in the hearts of the Palestinian 
 Jews hopes of a complete restoration of their race. 
 Fervently and often they prayed: 
 
 Save us, Lord our God, 
 And gather us from among the nations, 
 To give thanks unto thy holy name, 
 And to find our pride in thy praise.^ 
 
 Another psalmist, looking back upon this bright epoch 
 from out of the shadows which darkened the succeed- 
 ing years, exclaimed : 
 
 When the Lord brought back those that returned to Zion, 
 
 We were like unto them that dream. 
 
 Then were our mouths filled with laughter. 
 
 And our tongues with singing : 
 
 Then said they among the nations, 
 
 The Lord hath done a great thing for them. 
 
 The Lord hath done a great thing for us j 
 
 We are glad.^ 
 
 217. During the long reign of Artaxerxes II., the 
 supine weakness of the Persian rule, which had given 
 the Jews their opportunity for expansion, brought upon 
 them a new danger. As so often in the liistory of the 
 Hebrew people, it came from the land of the Nile. 
 Tachos, the native king of Egypt, which had for nearly 
 half a century successfully defied the authority of the 
 Great King, about 361 B. c. advanced into Syria on his 
 
 1 Pa. cvi. 47. * Ps. cxxvi. 1-3.
 
 KEIGN OF ARTAXERXES III. (OCHUS) 229 
 
 waj to attack Artaxerxes. The Phcenicians had joined 
 his cause, and he had begun the siege of certain Syrian 
 towns, when he was suddenly obliged to return to 
 Egypt to put down threatening insurrections. Mean- 
 time, the aged Artaxerxes died in the year 358 b. c, 
 and the Persian throne was seized by his younger son 
 Ochus, who is known as Artaxerxes III. He proved 
 as shrewd and energetic as he was unscrupulous and 
 cruel. His reign was the bloodiest in Persian history. 
 His accession was marked by the wholesale murder of 
 all the members of the royal family who might in any 
 ■way endanger the continuance of his rule. At the 
 same time, he did more to revive the tottering empire 
 than any other monarch since Darius I. Instead of 
 trusting to his generals, he in person conducted the 
 more important campaigns. Egypt naturally demanded 
 his first attention. The reigning Egyptian king 
 Nectanebus, however, with the aid of Greek generals 
 and mercenaries, about 350 B. c, completely defeated 
 the vast army of Ochus. 
 
 218. This signal defeat early in his reign encour- 
 aged the subjects of Ochus in many parts of the empire 
 to revolt. Probably at the instigation of the Egyptians, 
 the Phoenicians, led by the town of Sidon, also raised 
 the standard of rebellion. The Persian soldiers within 
 their territory were massacred. Insurrections in other 
 parts of his empire prevented Ochus from immediately 
 crushing the uprising, so that it soon assumed large 
 proportions. Tennes, the Sidonian king, supported by 
 a large body of Greek mercenaries sent by his ally, the 
 victorious king of Egypt, defeated two of the Persian 
 satraps sent against him, and for a time delivered the 
 province of Syria from Persian rule. By 346 B. c.
 
 230 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Oclius succeeded in collecting another large army 
 (estimated by the Greek historians at 330,000) and 
 advanced against Sidon. Its king, thereupon, betrayed 
 his city and allies into the hands of the Persians. In 
 keeping with his usual treacherous policy, Ochus repaid 
 the perfidy of Tennes by murdering him, and by slay- 
 ing the principal citizens of Sidon who came to plead 
 for clemency. The remainder, preferring death by 
 their own hands to the mercy of this bloodthirsty- 
 Oriental despot, shut themselves within their homes, 
 and then burned them over their heads. It is reported 
 that in this manner forty thousand perished. After 
 having reduced to ruins the centre of rebellion in 
 Syria, Ochus advanced with his main army to the con- 
 quest of Egypt, which he completed by 343 b. c. 
 
 219. The part which the Jews took in this great 
 uprising, and the fate which overtook them, like cer- 
 tain other unpleasant events in their history, are only 
 obscurely recorded by their historians. The narrative 
 of the chronicler stops abruptly with the institution of 
 the Priestly Law, and Josephus is almost equally silent. 
 He does, however, associate with the name of " Bagoas, 
 the general of another Artaxerxes," an enslavement of 
 the Jewish people and a pollution of their temple (Ant. 
 xi. 7, 1). This general was evidently identical with the 
 eunuch Bagoses, one of the three Persian commanders 
 of Ochus (Artaxerxes III.) in the great Syro-Egyptian 
 campaign. He it was who later slew his master 
 and became the virtual ruler of the empire. The 
 cause which Josephus assigns for the severe visitation 
 upon the Jews, was the murder by the high priest John 
 (Johanan of Nehemiah xii. 22, 23), of his brother 
 Jesus, for whom the Persian courtier had promised to
 
 REBELLION OF THE JEWS AND ITS PUNISHMENT 231 
 
 secure the high-priesthood. Since the crime was com- 
 mitted within the sacred precincts of the temple, 
 Josephus traces the misfortunes which overtook his 
 race at this time to the divine displeasure aroused by 
 the act. The characters of the high priests of the 
 period were such that the story is by no means incred- 
 ible ; but the judgment which the Persians visited 
 upon the Jewish community was out of all propor- 
 tion to the cause assigned. The tradition related by 
 Josephus preserves the facts that the Jews were en- 
 slaved, that their temple was polluted, that their 
 punishment continued through many years (seven ac- 
 cording to Ant. xi. 7, 1), that Bagoses was a prominent 
 agent in inflicting it, and that it was regarded as a 
 divine judgment for sins which had been committed. 
 
 220. Certain independent references in the writings 
 of the non-Jewish historians sujjplcment tlie writings 
 of Josephus, and suggest the true cause of the calam- 
 ities which befell the Jewish community. They present 
 few details. The fact, however, is established that 
 the Jews were involved in the rebellion against the 
 Persians, and that they were the victims of the same 
 bloody vengeance that Ochus visited upon the Phoeni- 
 cians and Egyptians. It is also recorded that Jericho 
 was captured and destroyed, and that a part of the 
 Jewish people were transported to the province of 
 Hyrcania, located on the south of the Caspian sea 
 (Solinus XXXV. 6; Syncellus i. 486). The basis of 
 the Book of Judith is not improbably also a late tradi- 
 tion concerning the suppression of the Syrian insur- 
 rection by Ochus. The name of Holofernes, the leader 
 of the hostile forces in this grotesquely distorted tale, 
 may be identified with that of Olophernes, one of the
 
 232 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 generals who figured prominently in the same Syro- 
 Egyptian campaign (Diodorus xxxi. 19, 28). In 
 referring to the same period, the author of the nine- 
 tieth chapter of the Book of Enoch (verses 74, 75), 
 declares, in his quaint symbolism, that " the eyes of the 
 sheep [Jews] were blinded so that they saw not. As 
 a consequence, they were given over in large numbers 
 for destruction, and were trampled underfoot and 
 devoured. And the Lord of the sheep remained un- 
 moved until all the sheep were dispersed over the field 
 and mingled with the beasts " (their heathen foes). 
 
 221. The actual course of events suggested by these 
 general, but mutually confirmatory allusions seems to 
 have been as follows : during the first half of the fifth 
 century B. c. the Jewish community grew to such an 
 extent, both in numbers and strength, that its insig- 
 nificance no longer delivered it from threatening 
 political complications. The old aspirations for inde- 
 pendence and world-wide rule were also again kindled 
 in the hearts of the Jews. The brutal cruelty and 
 tyranny of Ochus destroyed all gratitude which they 
 may have felt toward the Persians, and instead aroused 
 only intense hatred and loathing. In their eyes, the 
 Persian monarch and his equally unprincipled advisers 
 represented the arch enemies of Jehovah and of his 
 kingdom. On the other hand, the Jews felt, even as 
 King Josiah when he attacked the mighty host of Necho 
 on the disastrous field of Megiddo (II. sect. 190), that, 
 by their zealous reforms and faithful service, they had 
 won Jehovah's favor, and that he was under obligation 
 not to allow them to fall before their enemies. The 
 third chapter of the Book of Joel, which comes from 
 this period of peace and prosperity, expresses this feel-
 
 FALSE HOPES OF THE JEWS 233 
 
 ing : " Proclaim this among the nations ; sanctify war ; 
 stir up the mighty men ; let all the men of war draw 
 near, let them come up. Beat your ploughshares into 
 swords, and your pruning-hooks into spears: let the 
 weak say, I am strong" (verses 9 and 10). The 
 prophet then challenges the mighty nations to advance 
 to the conflict. He has no doubt of the issue. Jehovah 
 will judge the nations, and use his omnipotent power 
 to punish their guilt, while " he will be a refuge unto 
 his people and a stronghold to the children of Israel." 
 When this day of Jehovah, which the prophet's con- 
 temporaries hoped was near, arrived, Jerusalem would 
 be recognized by all as holy, and "there should no 
 strangers pass through her any more." With these 
 expectations before their eyes, it is easy to appreciate 
 the reasons which led the Jews to join in defying 
 Persia. To have refused also might have meant de- 
 struction at the hands of their more powerful neigh- 
 bors in Palestine. 
 
 222. The entire province of Syria appears to have 
 been compromised, and when the common cause was 
 betrayed and lost the Jews shared the consequences. 
 What these were may be learned from a study of 
 the awful vengeance which Ochus visited upon the 
 Phoenicians and Egyptians. Thousands were slain, 
 cities destroyed, temples spoiled, and mercy shown to 
 none. Since many of the Jews were deported, it is 
 evident that the wrath of Ochus rested as heavily upon 
 them as upon their neighbors. Although the historians 
 refer only to the capture of Jericho, Jerusalem must 
 have suffered a still worse fate, for, like Sennacherib, 
 centuries before (II. sect. 152), Ochus, as he advanced 
 to conquer Egypt, would never have left such a natural
 
 234 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 stronghold to be a menace in his rear. There is little 
 doubt, in the light of the independent but confirmatory 
 evidence, that at this, the time of their second captiv- 
 ity, the holy city and its sanctuary were again despoiled 
 and nearly destroyed. Whether the one detailed to 
 accomplish this work was Olophernes or Bagoses, we 
 may be assured that it was characterized by the great- 
 est cruelty and vindictiveness. 
 
 223. While the biblical historians pass over these 
 events with a silence which is exceedingly suggestive, 
 the prophets and psalmists, who experienced their hor- 
 rors, frequently refer to them. Isaiah Ixiii. 7 to Ixiv. 
 12, as has been shown (sect. 102), without much doubt 
 come from this trying epoch. The first part of the 
 section consists of a review of the crises in Israel's past 
 history when Jehovah delivered his people and con- 
 cludes with a cry almost of reproach, because he has 
 " made them to err from his ways " and because he 
 apparently pays no heed to the overwhelming misfor- 
 tunes which have befallen them. " His sanctuary, 
 which his holy people (a term begotten by the Great 
 Assembly) possessed but a little while, their adversa- 
 ries have trodden down" (Ixiii. 18). They bitterly 
 complain that " Zion has become a wilderness, Jerusa- 
 lem a desolation. Our holy and beautiful house, where 
 our fathers praised thee, is burned with fire ; and all 
 our pleasant things are laid waste " (Ixiv. 10, 11). The 
 entire passage is wonderfully suggestive of what the 
 feelings of the communit}^ were in the presence of the 
 great calamity. Most painful of all was the sense of 
 having been forsaken by Jehovah. They had trusted 
 that he would deliver them, but they had been dis- 
 appointed. Their woes they regarded as evidence that
 
 THE POLLUTION OE THE TEMPLE 235 
 
 they had sinned in his sight. They who had prided 
 themselves upon tlie strict observance of his laws were 
 polluted and unclean. The old problem of the Book of 
 Job was now the problem, not merely of a few faithful 
 ones, but of the community as a whole. Like the hero 
 of that great drama, they besought Jehovah by some 
 miraculous interference to deliver them from their 
 calamities and to vindicate their innocence. 
 
 224. The seventy-fourth and seventy-ninth psalms, 
 which reflect precisely the same historical background 
 as the passages in Isaiah, complete these pictures of 
 disaster and despair. Since Judah at this time was 
 pre-eminently a religious community, and since the 
 motives which prompted its revolt against Ochus were 
 also chiefly religious, the wrath of the Persians was 
 visited especially upon the temple and the places of 
 worship. In the light of these psalms it is possible to 
 follow the dissolute and pitiless soldiers of Ochus as 
 they entered the solemn assembly of the Jewish people, 
 uttering rude jeers and heaping insults upon the 
 gathered worshippers. Within the precincts of the 
 temple, they set up their hated standards, and then with 
 axes and hammers began the work of demolition. 
 Soon the highly prized carving and ornaments of the 
 sacred structure were in ruins. By fire they completed 
 its destruction (Ixxiv. 3-7). Not content with polluting 
 the holy shrine with their vile presence, they strewed it 
 and Jerusalem with the dead bodies of the faithful. 
 Truly could it be said of the mercenaries of Ochus, that 
 " they shed blood like water " (Ixxix. 2, 3). After the 
 temple and Jerusalem had been laid waste, they turned 
 their attention to the synagogues of the land. Without 
 exception, they were burned to the ground (Ixxiv, 8 ;
 
 236 THE PERSIxVN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 compare Isa. Ixiv. 10). Through the same psahns, we 
 can hear the sigh of the prisoners, some condemned to 
 death, and some to deportation to a distant land 
 (Ixxix. 11). 
 
 225. The psalmists, as well as the prophets, were 
 overwhelmed with fear that " Jehovah had cast off his 
 people" (Ixxiv. 1). Their sense of being deserted was 
 intensified by the "scorn and derision of those who 
 were round about" (Ixxix. 4). Not only did they 
 pray for vengeance upon their persecutors, but also 
 that " the revenging of the blood of Jehovah's servants 
 which' is shed might be known among the heathen" 
 (Ixxix. 10). The reproach of their neighbors was even 
 harder to bear than actual persecution (Ixxix. 12, 13). 
 The loyal work of Nehemiah in reviving their national 
 strength seemed undone. Again the Jews were the 
 prey of their ever-present foes, whose hostility had 
 been intensified by the exclusive attitude of the Jeru- 
 salem community. The Jewish literature of the few 
 remaining years of the Persian period is filled with pas- 
 sionate prayers for a speedy deliverance from oppres- 
 sion and wrong, and for vengeance upon their merciless 
 foes (compare Ps. xciv. ; Isa. xxiv. to xxvii.). In 
 all probability the main sections of the Book of Job 
 (iii. to xxxi. and xxxviii. 1 to xlii. 6) were written at 
 this time. Taking the familiar story of Job (Ezek. xiv. 
 14 ; Job i., ii., and xlii. 4-17) which taught the time- 
 honored dogma that righteousness, after it had been 
 tested and found true, will bring its speedy and pro- 
 portionate reward, the author presented in the experi- 
 ences of the hero the new and more painful aspects of 
 the old problem. The questions which he thus treats, 
 are of universal human interest; but no Jew of the
 
 MESSAGE OF THE BOOK OF JOB 237 
 
 period would fail to recognize in the revised story of the 
 patriarch Job the portrait of the true Israel, created by 
 the reformation of Nehemiah and Ezra. Although 
 observing most punctiliously all the demands of 
 Jehovah's law, the Jewish community, like the Job of 
 the poetical sections, had been overtaken, for some 
 unknown reason, by a series of overwhelming calamities, 
 which had stripped it of all that it held dear : material 
 prosperity, physical wellbeing, and beloved children. 
 While conscious of its own innocence, it was the object 
 of the taunts of its neighbors, who, like all the members 
 of that ancient world, could see in misfortune only the 
 punishment of sin (compare even John ix. 1-3). 
 Faithfully and dramatically, the great prophet-sage 
 presents, in the dialogue between Job and his friends, 
 all the anguish and doubts that distracted the heart of 
 Judaism at this crisis in its history. Sometimes he 
 uses almost the very words of contemporary prophets 
 and psalmists. He does not stop, however, with merely 
 presenting the problem in its new aspect, and with show- 
 ing that the old doctrine of proportionate rewards is 
 sometimes false. He has a positive message, and this 
 he reveals in chapters xxxviii. to xlii, 6. In its first 
 anguish, and as it considered its own woes, the nation 
 doubted Jehovah's justice and love. The prophet-sage 
 can adduce no conclusive proof of that which he 
 believes, but with inspired tact he urges his nation to 
 take a broader view of Jehovah's rule in the universe, 
 to recognize how circumscribed is man's outlook, to note 
 what infinite power and wisdom is revealed in the realm 
 of nature, and, having done this, to be silent in the pres- 
 ence of the Eternal and to trust his wisdom and justice. 
 226. The messages of such inspired teachers as the
 
 238 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 author of the Book of Job saved the faith of Judaism 
 at this great crisis ; but it is not surprising that they 
 welcomed the prospect of the speedy dissolution of the 
 corrupt Persian empire (Jos. Against Ap. i. 22), and 
 that they hoped that the victorious advance of Alexander 
 represented the beginning of the era in which Jehovah 
 would " turn the world upside down " and punish the 
 arrogant foes of his people and vindicate his righteous 
 ones (Isa. xxiv.). When the Greek rule brought little 
 relief, many Palestinian Jews improved the opportunity 
 to turn their backs upon Judah, with all its discom- 
 forts, and to find new homes in Egypt and northern 
 Syria (sects. 271, 272) ; but the faithful who remained 
 behind were still inspired with hopes of final deliver- 
 ance and national exaltation. Meantime they clung 
 to the law of Jehovah, which was the source both of 
 their persecution and their joy, with the energy of 
 despair. Tbe temple and its services were the load- 
 stone which attracted and held them. 
 
 A day in thy courts is better than a thousand. 
 
 I had rather be a doorkeeper in the house of the Lord 
 
 Than dwell in the tents of wickedness/ 
 
 expressed the feeling of those zealots who remained 
 in the land of Palestine. Thus the last century of 
 Persian rule witnessed the return to Palestine of 
 many faithful Jews, the institution of the Priestly 
 Law, the temporary realization of long cherished 
 hopes, the second great overthrow of the Jewish state, 
 and the pollution of the temple. During this period, 
 usually regarded as uneventful, both Samaritanism and 
 Judaism were born and nearly attained to their full 
 stature. 
 
 ^Ixxxiv. 10.
 
 XIII 
 
 THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE- 
 HELLENISTIC JUDAISM 
 
 227. In the light of the peculiar conditions and ex- 
 periences which were the lot of the Jewish race 
 during the Persian period and the short half century 
 preceding, it is possible to understand the unique 
 politico-religious organism which is designated as 
 Judaism. An historical review of this period is also 
 the key to the intelligent appreciation of that miracle 
 of succeeding ages which we behold with our own 
 eyes in the Jews of to-day ; for the character of the 
 Jewish church, which so stoutly resisted the alien in- 
 fluences following in the train of Alexander's conquests, 
 has been only slightly modified during the intervening 
 centuries. Although the fact is often ignored, nothing 
 is more obvious than that the type of religious and 
 social life which centred about the second temple was 
 radically different from that which was to be found 
 in the land of Canaan in the days of Isaiah the son 
 of Amoz. Ancient Hebrew life was free and joyous ; 
 the sense of Jehovah's immediate presence was strong. 
 In the petty things of daily existence, as well as in 
 matters of national concern, he was constantly con- 
 sulted through prophets and priests ; sacrifice offered 
 in person by the worshippers at the many local
 
 240 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEV/ISH HISTORY 
 
 shrines scattered throughout the land was a com- 
 mon method of communing with him ; while he him- 
 self was popularly regarded as a tribal God, well 
 pleased with his chosen people. 
 
 228. With Judaism all was changed. The reform 
 of Josiah, based on the Book of Deuteronomy, marked 
 the beginning of that transformation ; for it de- 
 clared that the nation had sinned grievously against 
 Jehovah, and presented a written law as a divine 
 guide-book for the people. The tendency which pro- 
 duced Judaism — the tendency to embody Jehovah's 
 revelation of his will in a system of precepts intended 
 to regulate both belief and conduct, and so to make 
 religion a law — was strongly developed before the 
 exile. The principles and the purposes also which 
 actuated the men who were instrumental in forming 
 Judaism, were those of the pre-exilic prophets ; but 
 the remarkable conditions which favored, indeed forced 
 its growth, appear in the two centuries and a half 
 which followed the first destruction of Jerusalem. 
 They may with profit be briefly recapitulated. The 
 overthrow of the Judean state, not only left the Jews 
 free for four centuries to devote all their time and 
 energies to religion, but also made it necessary for 
 them radically to reconstruct the external form of 
 their religious life so that it might exist without the 
 political organization which hitherto had been its main 
 support. Tlie literary habits and above all the intense 
 religious zeal of their conquerors, tlie Babylonians, un- 
 doubtedly influenced them. The dazzling spectacle of 
 lordly temples and of a wealthy influential priesthood 
 also could not have failed, indirectly at least, to foster 
 the tendency toward ritualism, already strong within
 
 INFLUENCES WHICH CREATED JUDAISM 241 
 
 the hearts of the exiles. At the same time the feel- 
 ings of doubt and uncertainty which seized them, as 
 they viewed the ruins of their beloved city and nation, 
 and recognized that many of the articles of popular 
 faith which they had accepted unquestioningly must 
 be abandoned, led them to turn as a final refuge to 
 the externals of religion. To them, as to many tried 
 souls in all ages, it was a great relief to be able to 
 follow implicitly the dictates of a system which with 
 authority pointed out plainly and in detail the way 
 of duty. If the ignorant masses of the Jewish race 
 were to be delivered from the temptations presented 
 by the heathen cults with which they were thrown 
 into close contact, religion must be made objective. 
 Especially was this true of the Jews who remained 
 behind in Judah. The Priestly Code represented the 
 efforts of faithful priests and scribes to meet the 
 varied needs of their race. The smallness and com- 
 pactness of the Jewish community in Palestine, the 
 liberal religious policy of the Persians, and the noble 
 work of Nehemiah, all favored the efforts of the zealous 
 reformers who instituted the new system. The malig- 
 nant opposition of their neighbors forced the Jews 
 to draw together the more closely. The sympathy, 
 the reverence, and the contributions of their loyal 
 brothers beyond the bounds of Judah upheld and en- 
 couraged them. The dissenting Samaritan community 
 drew away all who were not ready to swear allegiance 
 to the written law. Persecutions only intensified the 
 loyalty of the Jews to a system for which many of 
 their number had died. The furnace of affliction in 
 which Judaism was cast, burned so fiercely and long 
 that it is not strange that it has successfully resisted
 
 242 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the many disintegrating forces to whicli it has heen 
 subjected. 
 
 229. When Nebuchadrezzar dealt the final blow to 
 the tottering Hebrew monarchy, he prepared the way 
 for the growth of the Jewish hierarchy. Hitherto tlie 
 priesthood had been dependent upon the throne for 
 patronage and support ; but henceforth the little polit- 
 ical authority retained by the Jews was gradually 
 transferred to the priesthood. True, Ezekiel intro- 
 duced a civil ruler into his ideal state, but the power 
 of his prince was limited to collecting the revenues 
 necessary for the support of the temple. Jews, like 
 Zerubbabel and Nehemiah, occasionally appointed by 
 the Persian monarchs as governors of Judah, were 
 only shadowy spectres of the ancient Hebrew king. 
 Many who claimed direct descent from David and the 
 ancient Judean kings were found, but there is no evi- 
 dence that their birth gave them a position of prestige 
 (I. Chrs. iii.). In the first half of the Persian period, 
 the heads of the different tribal and town organiza- 
 tions still regulated the local affairs of the community. 
 Nehemiah also recognized in them the leaders of the 
 commonwealth, but side by side with them he found 
 a priestly aristocracy which was beginning to over- 
 shadow them. As the prestige of the temple grew, 
 the influence of the priesthood increased proportion- 
 ally ; while that of the civil nobility waned. After 
 the establishment of the hierarchy through the institu- 
 tion of the Priestly Code, both religious and civil 
 functions were again wholly centred in one person, 
 only now the priest had absorbed all remnants of the 
 powc* once exercised by his royal patron ; while in 
 ancient Israel the king, as head of the nation, was
 
 THE FUNCTIONS OF THE HIGH PRIEST 243 
 
 originally its high priest as well. Then the state was 
 the church ; now the church was the state. 
 
 230. Whether or not the Persian government rec- 
 ognized the authority of the Jewish high priest is 
 uncertain. A passage in Josephus suggests that it 
 did (Ant. xi. 8, 3). According to the Priestly Code, 
 he was to be given complete control of the people. 
 By the beginning of the Greek period, the only limita- 
 tions to his power .were the dictates of the foreign 
 rulers to whom the Jews were subject, and the will of 
 the masses to whom the high priest usually deferred. 
 Like the kings of old, he was anointed, wore the purple 
 and a crown, and enjoyed royal honors ; while the 
 representatives of the old secular nobility were as- 
 signed a humble place in his petty ecclesiastical court. 
 Also like the ancient Israelitish kings, he represented 
 the nation before Jehovah. He alone entered the holy 
 of holies. He alone of all the priests wore the ephod 
 with the Urim and Thummim, and he it was who 
 offered the great sin-offering of the people before the 
 Lord on the day of atonement (Lev. xvi.). 
 
 231. Under the high priest was a carefully graded 
 corps of temple ministers whose respective duties are 
 minutely defined in the Priestly Code. Naturally, the 
 members of his family not only shared the honors of 
 their head, but were also assigned the most desirable 
 offices, so that they soon constituted the ruling aris- 
 tocracy, and in time coalesced into a distinct party, 
 known in later times as that of the Sadducees, the 
 descendants of Zadok who was placed by Solomon in 
 charge of the Jerusalem temple (I. sect. 142). Fol- 
 lowing the tendency which first found clear expression 
 in the writings of Ezekiel (see sect. 47), the Priestly
 
 244 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Code drew a sharp line of distinction between the 
 priests and the Levites. It traced the lineage of those 
 priests whom it recognized as legitimate back to the 
 family of Aaron. As an historical fact, thej were 
 the direct or traditional descendants of " the priests, 
 the Levites, the sons of Zadok " (Ezek. xliv. 15) who 
 ministered at the pre-exilic Jerusalem temple. By 
 the beginning of the Greek pe.iod, they were divided 
 into twenty-four classes or courses. At a later time, 
 at least each class in rotation served at the temple 
 for one week. According to the chronicler, the priests 
 constituted a large proportion of the total population 
 of the community. In the census contained in Ezra ii., 
 they numbered four thousand, two hundred and eighty- 
 nine. 
 
 232. The chief duties of the priests consisted in 
 presenting before Jehovah the various offerings which 
 constituted the essential part of the temple ritual, 
 for they alone were qualified according to the Priestly 
 Code to perform this service. In their life and person, 
 they were under obligation to exemplify the sanctity 
 of their task and the holiness of the God whom 
 they served. Any physical infirmity permanently 
 disqualified them. As they entered upon the office 
 (probably at the age of twenty), they were solemnly 
 consecrated for their work by means of ablutions, 
 sacrifices and public anointing. Henceforth, the tast- 
 ing of wine, shaving their head or beard, or the doing 
 of any act which would render them ceremonially 
 unclean, was absolutely forbidden them. Obviously 
 the idea that the entire nation was a holy nation of 
 priests (Ex. xix. 6) underlies the institution of the 
 priesthood, but in time holiness was so strictly defined
 
 POSITION AND DT:TIES OF THE LEVITES 245 
 
 in the terms of ceremonial cleanliness that the mass 
 of the people, in consequence of their ordinary occu- 
 pations, were disqualified. Hence the priests were re- 
 quired worthily to represent the people before Jehovah, 
 and at the same time to guard his sanctuary from 
 profanation. 
 
 233. In the hierarchy, the Levites were the servants 
 of the priests and of the sanctuary. According to the 
 Priestly Code, they were given to the priests as a pos- 
 session by the people in exchange for the first born 
 of each Israelitish family, who belonged to Jehovah 
 (Num. iii.). As a matter of fact, in earlier times priests 
 and Levites together constituted the tribe of Levi. 
 Those who were later designated as Levites were the 
 descendants of the priests who had ministered at the 
 high places outside Jerusalem, which were discounte- 
 nanced and destroyed at the time of Josiah's reforma- 
 tion. Ezekiel plainly declared that although they shall 
 be given a place at the Jerusalem temple, their posi- 
 tion shall be a menial one, because in the past they 
 encouraged the people in what he and his generation 
 regarded as gross apostasy (xliv. 10-14). In this re- 
 spect his program was carried out. They were strictly 
 excluded from the first positions of honor and responsi- 
 bility ; they were not allowed to enter the inner sanct- 
 uary nor to approach the altar. The more unpleasant 
 tasks were assigned to them, such as cleaning the 
 temple, caring for the sacred vessels, preparation of 
 the showbread, and the opening and closing of the 
 doors. Before the preliminary reforms of Nehemiah 
 were instituted (Neh. xiii. 10-14), their means of sup- 
 port were very uncertain. It is not surprising that at 
 first very few Levites reported at the temple. Only
 
 246 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 with much difficulty did Ezra persuade thirty-eight 
 to return with him in his expedition. In the census 
 contained in Ezra ii., there are found only seventy- 
 four, as compared with over four thousand priests. 
 Nohemiah's reforms and the institution of the Priesth'" 
 Code insured to the Levites a definite income and cer- 
 tain rights and privileges, so that from that time on 
 their numbers appear to have rapidly increased, 
 especially as the singers and doorkeepers were later 
 added to their ranks. 
 
 234. The chronicler distinguished three distinct 
 classes of Levites : (1) those who were assigned to 
 the general service of the temple ; (2) the snigers or 
 temple-musicians ; and (3) the doorkeepers (I. Chrs. 
 ix. 24-26 ; xxiii. 5). It is interesting to note that early 
 in the Greek period, the temple-singers were classified 
 as Levites. Although there are references to song and 
 music in connection with the ritual before the exile, 
 there is no direct evidence that it was given over to an 
 order distinct from the general body of worshippers. 
 Song, to the accompaniment of instruments played by 
 the singers, constituted such an essential part of the 
 ritual of the second temple that a special class of 
 officials gradually grew up who attained to an even 
 more prominent position than the regular Levites. 
 The chronicler considered them so important a part 
 of the temple corps that he attributed their original 
 appointment to Samuel and David. According to him, 
 they were divided into three tribes or guilds, bear- 
 ing tlie names of Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun or Ethan 
 (L Chrs. xvi. 41 ; xxv. 1, 6 ; II. Chrs. v. 12 ; xx. 19). 
 In tlie older census of Ezra ii., only one guild, that of 
 Asaph, is mentioned ; while in the succeeding century
 
 THE DUTIES OF THE TEMPLE-SINGERS 247 
 
 the temple-choirs were greatly increased. The super- 
 scriptions of certain psahns suggest that, like all 
 minstrels of antiquity, they not only sang but often 
 composed the words of their songs. Thus, for example. 
 Psalms 1. and Ixxix. are assigned to the sons of 
 Asaph, Ixxxix. to Ethan, and xliy. to xlix. to the sons 
 of Korah. The latter guild appears to have been sub- 
 ordinated by the chronicler in his general classification 
 to that of Heman (I. Chrs. vi. 33-37). He further 
 states that the singers received fixed salaries (Neh. xi. 
 23), and, like the priests, were divided by lot into 
 twenty-four courses, each bearing assumed names 
 like, " I have magnified " and " I have exalted help " 
 (I. Chrs. XXV. 8-31). These groups probably in turn 
 participated in the public service, uniting on the great 
 feast days or whenever the psalms (of which several 
 examples have been preserved in the Psalter), con- 
 taining strophies and antistrophies, were chanted. 
 The general body of worshippers appears also, as 
 of old, to have participated in the song-service (Ps. 
 xxvii. 6). 
 
 235. Repeated references in the Books of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah indicate that at the close of the Persian 
 period still another group of servants were associated 
 ■with the temple. They are designated as the Nethinim, 
 " the given," and the children of Solomon's servants 
 (Ezra ii. 43-58). Three hundred and ninety-two are 
 represented in the census of Ezra ii. As their names 
 suggest, and as later tradition asserts, they were prul)- 
 ably the descendants of slaves who had originally been 
 presented to the temple (compare Ezek. xliv. 7-9). 
 To them were undoubtedly assigned the most menial 
 duties. Being virtually possessions of the temple, they
 
 248 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 occupied permanent quarters close to the sacred pre 
 cincts (Neh. ili. 26, 31 ; xi. 21). 
 
 236. The same conditions which moulded Judaism 
 called into existence a new type of religious teachers, 
 the scribes. Their influence steadily increased as that 
 of the prophets waned, so that at the close of the 
 Persian period they were rapidly becoming the domi- 
 nant intellectual leaders in the Jewish church. By 
 the beginning of the Greek period, they were organized 
 into guilds for the pursuit of their work (I. Chrs. ii. 
 55). To them were due, not only the development of 
 the Priestly Code, and the final editing of the Hexateuch 
 and the prophetical writings, but also the interpreta- 
 tion and further expansion of the ceremonial system 
 by means of the traditional oral law. Theirs was the 
 work which is recognized in the comparatively late 
 tradition respecting the " Great Synagogue." Their 
 activity did not cease with editing, interpreting, and 
 expanding the law ; since their aim was to influence 
 their fellow Jews, they also devoted tlieir attention to 
 its practical application. They proved far more zeal- 
 ous champions of it than the priests themselves. The 
 scribes first began the general education of the masses. 
 Under their thorough tutelage, the Jewish race as a 
 whole became intimately acquainted with the details of 
 their law. 
 
 237. The work of the scribes was greatly facilitated 
 by the institution of the synagogue. As has been 
 noted, it grew out of the practical needs of the Jews 
 in the dispersion (sect. 37) ; but with the institution 
 of the Priestly Code, it became an absolute necessity in 
 Judah also. Without its popular instruction respect- 
 ing the detailed demands of the law, the success of the
 
 ORIGIN AND AIM OF THE SYNAGOGUE SERVICE 249 
 
 sweeping reforms introduced by Nehemiah and Ezra 
 would have been impossible. Deprived of the privilege 
 of personally participating even in private sacrifices, 
 the common people also required some other channel 
 through which to give individual expression to their 
 religious feelings. The synagogue belonged to them, 
 and its service was as democratic as that of the temple 
 was exclusive. Instruction, however, not worship, was 
 the main aim in its organization. Popular ignorance of 
 the law was no longer tolerated ; hence just such oppor- 
 tunities as it offered were demanded. The collections of 
 the sacred writings by the scribes furnished the material 
 for use in the synagogue, and the prevailingly reveren- 
 tial attitude toward the teachings of the past provided 
 the incentive for study. Although the chronicler does 
 not use the word synagogue in the account which he 
 gives of the preliminaries of the institution of the 
 Priestly Code, he presents a picture of a synagogue 
 service which is remarkably similar to those of later 
 times. It included prayer, reading of the law and 
 its interpretation. Thus it is not only extremely 
 probable but practically certain that the large body 
 of zealous Jews who returned to Palestine in the 
 wake of the reformation of Nehemiah and Ezra, 
 brought with them from the lands of the dispersion 
 the institution of the synagogue. This conclusion is 
 further confirmed by the reference in Psalm Ixxiv. 8 : 
 " They have burned up the synagogues of God in the 
 land," which finds its background in the cruel revenge 
 visited upon the Jews by the bloodthirsty soldiers of 
 Ochus. 
 
 238. Obviously, life under the law during the centu- 
 ries immediately following the great priestly reforma-
 
 250 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 tion was not, as is sometimes considered, a burden, but 
 a joy. The early scribes were not the enslavers of the 
 people, but instead consecrated, zealous, efficient teach- 
 ers who by their faithful instruction pointed out to the 
 masses the way of righteousness, and gave to the forms 
 of worship a meaning which they had never before 
 possessed. The new demands made by the law upon 
 the time and resources of the Jews only gave to their 
 life, which would otherwise have been exceedingly bar- 
 ren, a definite content. The temple with its solemn 
 worship, its songs, and its impressive sacrifices to atone 
 for the sins of the nation, the frequently recurring 
 feasts, commemorating important national and reli- 
 gious events in their past history, and the democratic 
 atmosphere of the synagogue, with its free discussion 
 and constant instruction, imparted to their religious 
 life a variety which was most welcome. While the 
 Jews were ruled by foreign masters, the law had no 
 rival ; hence it was able to command all their energies. 
 At the same time it gave the glad assurance to its 
 devotees that they could by their efforts attain to 
 righteousness. Thus the oppressive sense of national 
 sin, which since the beginning of the Babylonian exile 
 had saddened and crushed the faithful members of the 
 race, at last was partially removed, and the nation and 
 individual rejoiced in the possibility of winning God's 
 favor. The deep popular love for the law finds joyous 
 expression in many of the psalms : 
 
 How lovely are thy tabernacles, Lord of Hosts ! 
 My soul longs, yea, even pines for the courts of the 
 Lord.i 
 
 1 Ixxxir. 1, 2.
 
 POPULAR LOVE FOR THE LAW 251 
 
 Blessed are they whose way is blameless, 
 
 "Who walk in the law of the Lord. 
 
 Give me understanding that I may keep thy law, 
 
 That I may observe it with my whole heart. 
 
 Make me to go in the path of thy commandments, 
 
 For therein do I delight. 
 
 Oh how love I thy law, 
 
 It is my meditation all the day.^ 
 
 To the great majority, the observation of the com- 
 mands of the law was a glad privilege, and in faithful 
 obedience to that which to them was the will of God, 
 they doubtless enjoyed a rich blessing. 
 
 1 cxix. 1,34,35,97.
 
 XIV 
 
 THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM 
 
 239. The psalms reveal the real depth and breadth 
 of the religious life of pre-Hellenistic Judaism. In 
 them, as well as in the law, the great truths proclaimed 
 by the earlier prophets lived and moulded the character 
 and faith of the race. They also show how intimate 
 was the communion between the individual and Jehovah. 
 If the ordinary Jew could not sacrifice upon the great 
 altar at Jerusalem, he could at any time present before 
 the divine throne his offering of praise and his fervent 
 petitions for forgiveness or help. Both public and 
 private prayer were exceedingly common. In the 
 presence of an impending calamity, the prophet Joel 
 urges the priests to " weep between the porch and the 
 altar," and to pray that Jehovah will spare and deliver 
 his people (Joel ii. 17). Psalm xxvi. 12 speaks of 
 publicly praising God in the congregations (probably 
 in the synagogue services). The Psalter contains 
 prayers voicing both the supplications of the com- 
 munity and of the individual. Although debarred 
 from performing certain rites in the temple, it is ob- 
 vious that in the Jewish church the individual enjoyed 
 a prominence unknown before the exile. His responsi- 
 bilities were also increased, as his knowledge of the 
 demands and content of the law expanded. The com-
 
 INFLUENCE OF FOREIGN RELIGIONS 253 
 
 bination of stately ritual, of song-service, of public 
 and private prayer, and of the thorough instruction 
 of the synagogue produced on the whole a healthful 
 and attractive type of religious life ; at least it was far 
 in advance of that which it superseded in Judah. 
 
 240. In considering the peculiar forms and tenets 
 of Judaism, the question naturally arises, How far 
 were they the result of foreign influences ? The op- 
 portunities for the exertion of those influences were 
 legion. Judaism gradually assumed form during the 
 centuries when the most intelligent and active members 
 of the race were brought into personal and continued 
 contact with the dominant peoples of the age. From 
 the Jews of the dispersion also came the movement 
 which culminated in the establishment of the hierarchy 
 and the rule of the law. Since in every other respect, 
 their habits were moulded and transformed by their 
 new environment, it would have been strange indeed 
 if their religious life was entirely unaffected. The 
 first two sources of possible influence, Egypt and 
 Babylonia, have already been partially considered. 
 Their most important effect upon the faith of the 
 Jews was negative ; their gross polytheism confirmed 
 the monotheistic tendencies of those who were loyal 
 to their religion. At the same time their highly de- 
 veloped ritualism and their priestly hierarchies must 
 have unconsciously influenced the exiles in both the 
 East and the West to regard ceremonialism as the 
 natural and true expression of religion. 
 
 241. The most powerful external religious influences, 
 however, came from the Persians. The fact that the 
 great prophet of the exile hailed Cyrus as Jehovah's 
 Messiah suggests the attitude of the more advanced
 
 254 THE PEKSIAN PEKIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Jewish leaders toward the conquerors of Babylon and 
 the liberators of the Jews. The chronicler represents 
 the earlier Persian kings as recognizing Jehovah 
 (Ezra i. 2). Certainly there were more striking re- 
 semblances between the religious beliefs of the Per- 
 sians and of the Jews than between those of any other 
 ancient peoples. Both were originally proclaimed by 
 prophets, and both laid emphasis on moral acts ; both 
 declared one God to be the supreme object of worship ; 
 according to both it was unlawful to make an image 
 of the deity ; both grew more and more intolerant 
 toward the gods of other peoples. In their develop- 
 ment, the two cults presented striking points of simi- 
 larity. While both were originally prophetic, at about 
 the same date they became ecclesiastical religions, with 
 a complex priestly code which was regarded as given 
 verbally to the respective founders of the two faiths, 
 Zarathustra (Zoroaster of the Greek historians) and 
 Moses. In many details the two systems were similar. 
 For example, ceremonial cleanliness was arbitrarily 
 defined ; contact with certain animals or with a dead 
 body brought defilement, and one of the most strenu- 
 ous commands of the law was to avoid all such cere- 
 monial impurity. These tendencies certainly cannot 
 be fairly claimed to have been imparted directly from 
 one religion to the other, because they were found in 
 germ in both long before the two came into contact. 
 At the same time, it is reasonable to believe that the 
 example of their Persian masters, whom the Jews at 
 first esteemed so highly and with whom those in the 
 East came into intimate relations (for example, the 
 great reformer Nehcmiah), fostered and, possibly in 
 certain details, guided the development of the move-
 
 GROWTH OF TIIIC 13EIJEF IN IMMORTALITY 255 
 
 ment -oliich produced Judaism. Similarly, the custom 
 of meeting at different places for the reading of sacred 
 books, for prayer, and for the sinking of songs, which 
 among tlie Jews grew into the synagogue service, was 
 common among the followers of Zarathustra. 
 
 242. Some of the characteristic tenets of Judaism 
 have been traced by certain scholars directly to the 
 Persian religion. It is an established fact that the be- 
 lief in the resurrection and future rewards for the 
 righteous and wicked was generally accepted by the 
 generation to whom Zarathustra preached. Among 
 the Jews, it did not find expression until after the 
 exile and at first only sporadically. Persian influ- 
 ence, in all probability, favored its growth ; but the 
 destruction of the ancient Hebrew state, the immortality 
 of which had contented earlier generations, and the 
 new prominence thereby given to the individual opened 
 the religious consciousness of the Jewish race to this 
 great truth. The author of the Book of Malachi speaks 
 of " a book of remembrance which was written be- 
 fore the Lord for them that feared him and thought 
 upon his name " (iii. 16), The author of the Book 
 of Job was eagerly groping in this direction, and had 
 almost found the clear light (xiv. 12-15; xix. 25-27). 
 A prophet, probably writing near the close of the 
 Persian period, and speaking of the saints in the Jewish 
 community, boldly declares : " Your dead shall live • 
 my dead bodies shall rise. Awake and sing, dwellers 
 in the dust : for a dew of light is your dew and the 
 earth shall produce the shades " (Isa. xxvi. 19). Cer- 
 tain of the psalmists avow the same faith ; but its 
 general acceptance did not come all at once nor in one 
 century, as might be expected if it were a direct im
 
 256 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 portation from Persia, but gradually. Bj the begin- 
 ning of the Maccabean period, many — perhaps the 
 majority — of the Jews believed in the resurrection 
 of the dead, but even then, as is well known, the 
 conservative Sadducean party continued stubbornly to 
 reject it. 
 
 243. It is also a suggestive fact that their concep- 
 tion of the functions and character of the angelic 
 messengers rapidly enlarged during the period when 
 the Jews came into closest contact with the Persians, 
 whose religion postulated the existence of a host of 
 heavenly beings who carried out the will of the deity. 
 Again, the Persian influence was probably only indirect, 
 for the Hebrew belief in angels long antedated the 
 exile. The added prominence given to them in the 
 writings of such prophets as Ezekiel and Zechariah 
 was undoubtedly due to the fact that, as Jehovah was 
 then regarded as more exalted and farther removed 
 from man, messengers w^ere required to perform his 
 will on earth and to communicate between him and his 
 people. Later Judaism conceived of a highly developed 
 hierarchy of angels (compare the beginning of the con- 
 ception in the Book of Zechariah and its full develop- 
 ment in Daniel and Enoch). Although the names 
 given to these heavenly beings are of Hebrew origin, 
 the many close points of similarity to the Persian 
 system suggest a more direct influence. Especially 
 is this conclusion confirmed when we find that one of 
 the names of an evil angel (Asmodeus — ^^shma-doeva) 
 has been adopted from the Persian into Jewish thought 
 (Book of Tobit). 
 
 244. Still another striking illustration of the truth 
 that " orerms which lav hidden in Judaism were fertil-
 
 GROWTH OF THE BELIEF IX SATAN 257 
 
 ized by contact with the Persian religion " is found 
 in the growing belief in a personal spirit of evil who 
 is hostile to Jehovah and, to a certain extent, indepen- 
 dent of him. This represented a wide departure from 
 early Hebrew thought. Such a late writer as the 
 great prophet of the exile distinctly asserted in the 
 name of Jehovah : " I form the light and create dark- 
 ness : I make peace and create evil : I am the Lord 
 that doeth all these things " (Isa. xlv. 7). Hereto- 
 fore the teachers of his race had assumed this truth. 
 Its assertion suggests that it had been called in ques- 
 tion either by contact with the Persians, who saw in 
 the universe a constant struggle between Ahura Mazda 
 (Ormuzd), the spirit of good, and Angra-Mainyus 
 (Ahriman), the spirit of evil, and their hosts of fol- 
 lowers, divine and human, or else the prophet found the 
 idea in the minds of his fellow-exiles. Such an expla- 
 nation of evil was most natural, and the belief in evil 
 as well as good spirits was common in early Semitic 
 religions. The Hebrew germ is found in I. Kings xxii. 
 19-23, where a prophet in the days of Ahab vividly 
 presents a scene from the councils of Jehovah, in 
 which a certain spirit volunteers and is commissioned 
 to be a lying spirit in the mouth of Ahab's prophets, 
 that thereby the king may be deceived. In the vision 
 of Zechariah contained in the third chapter of his 
 prophecy, there appears to accuse Joshua, the high 
 priest, an angel who bears for the first time in Jewish 
 literature the title, " Satan," the "Adversary." He is 
 obviously a regularly accredited official of heaven whose 
 duty it is to present before Jehovah's tribunal the 
 charges against mankind ; but, as his title and Jeho- 
 vah's rebuke suggest, he is, if not actually hostile 
 
 17 ..
 
 258 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 toward mankind, at least lacking in the divine spirit of 
 charity. In the dramatic prologue to the Book of Job, 
 " Satan " is still the title of a trusted official ; but his 
 attitude is more clearly antagonistic toward mankind, 
 for he skilfully devises methods whereby the righteous 
 Job may be led to commit sin. The adversary has be- 
 come a tempter. The chronicler strikingly illustrates 
 the remarkable development of this belief in the personi- 
 fication of evil, for in his reproduction of the original 
 passage in II. Samuel xxiv. 1, which reads : "Again 
 the anger of the Loi'd was kindled against Israel and 
 he moved David against them, saying. Go, number 
 Israel and Judah," he reads : " Satan stood up against 
 Israel and moved David to number Israel " (I. Chrs. 
 xxi. 1). When Satan next emerges into prominence 
 in Jewish literature, he is a distinct personality, at 
 enmity with Jehovah and righteousness, gifted with 
 power almost equal to that of God himself, and sur- 
 rounded by a hierarchy of evil spirits, correspond- 
 ing to the spirits of light who do the will of the 
 Lord. 
 
 245. The defects and evils in Judaism were plainly 
 revealed in later times, when they were exaggerated, and 
 especially when they were brought into strong contrast 
 with the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. The tendency 
 to substitute ceremonial for genuine righteousness, and 
 to ask, not what is right, but what does the law say, was 
 by no means a new one in Israel's history (compare 
 Am. iv. 4, 5; V. 22-24; Mi. vi. 6-8). Some of the 
 apparently meaningless distinctions between animals 
 clean and unclean represent survivals from the heathen 
 past. Certain of the laws of ceremonial purity were 
 both absurd and harmful, for they branded as unclean
 
 SPIRITUAL LIFE REFLECTED IN THE PSALMS 259 
 
 the humble toilers of Judah ; while those who possessed 
 wealth and leisure, so that they could live in strict 
 accord with the demands of the law, gained a false and 
 odious sense of their own righteousness. This in many 
 cases became mere hypocrisy. The great pi-ivileges 
 and income granted to the priestly class by the law 
 often tended to make them all the more grasping. The 
 words witli which Jeremiah condemned the corrupt 
 priesthood of his day, in time became doubly appro- 
 priate : " Is this house which is called by my name 
 become a den of robbers in your eyes ?" (vii. 11). 
 
 246. The psalms which voice the better conscience 
 of Judaism indicate, however, that there were many 
 who retained a true estimate of the relative importance 
 of moral and ceremonial righteousness. Through them 
 the messages of the prophets live again. Since the 
 prophecies were regularly read in the synagogues, 
 extreme ceremonialism could never sweep all before it. 
 Beautifully the author of Psalm xv. indicates the true 
 requirements for admission to Jehovah's holy temple : 
 upright conduct, purity of purpose, freedom from such 
 vices as slander and treachery, antagonism to evil, love 
 of the right, unswerving integrity, generosity toward the 
 needy, and impartial justice. Repeatedly the psalmists 
 emphasize the truth so subversive to extreme 
 ritualism : 
 
 For thou delightest not in sacrifice, — 
 
 Else would I offer it ; 
 
 Thou hast no pleasure in burnt offerings. 
 
 The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit, 
 
 A broken and a contrite heart, 
 
 God, thou dost not despise.^ 
 
 ^ li. 16, 17 ; compare xl. 6.
 
 260 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 The breadth of vision of the author of Psalm 1., who 
 evidently lived when formalism was beginning to chill 
 the heart of Judaism, is amazing : 
 
 I do not reproach you for your sacrifices j 
 
 Nor for your burnt offerings, 
 
 Which are continually before me. 
 
 I wish no bullocks out of your house, 
 
 Nor he-goats out of your folds. 
 
 For every beast of the forest is mine, 
 
 And the cattle upon a thousand hills. 
 
 Whoso offers the sacrifice of thanksgiving 
 
 Glorifies me ; 
 
 And to him who orders his way aright 
 
 Will I show the salvation of God.^ 
 
 247. With these songs on their lips, the Jews could 
 never be entirely lulled to sleep by a ritual. Glori 
 ous hopes of national vindication and exaltation also 
 inspired and united them. The psalms and prophecies 
 of the period are full of Messianic predictions ; but the 
 real danger was that their national ideals would become 
 selfish and sordid. The great prophet of the exile had 
 proclaimed that they had been chosen by Jehovah that 
 they might be his witnesses to the world. Plainly he 
 showed them that their true glory was to be found in 
 voluntary self-sacrifice. The moment they recognized 
 that Jehovah was not merely a tribal God, but the 
 supreme Ruler of the universe, their responsibility 
 to tlie nations of the world confronted them. " Tliere 
 is but one God and Israel is his prophet " was the 
 logical watchword of Judaism. Not only the great 
 prophet of the exile, but also his immediate successors 
 
 1 1. 8-10. 23.
 
 THE JEWISH ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGNERS 261 
 
 appreciated the missionary responsibilities of their race. 
 Zechariah declared : " Many nations shall join them- 
 selves to the Lord in that day, and shall be my people " 
 (ii. 11*). In one of his latest sermons, he announced the 
 divine purpose still more plainly : " It shall come to pass 
 that as you were a curse among the nations, house of 
 Judah and house of Israel, so will I save you and you 
 shall be a blessing " (viii. 13). His closing words 
 proclaim that " many peoples and strong nations shall 
 come to seek the Lord of hosts in Jerusalem and to en- 
 treat the favor of the Lord. Thus saith the Lord of 
 hosts : * In those days ten men shall take hold, out of 
 all the languages of the nations, shall even take hold 
 of the skirt of him that is a Jew, saying, We will go 
 with you, for we have heard that God is with you'" (viii. 
 22, 23). The psalms contain many passages in which 
 the universal character of Jehovah's kingdom is plainly 
 declared (for example, Ixvii. ; Ixxxvi. 9; Ixxxvii. 4, 6 ; 
 cii. 15-22). There is clear evidence that during the 
 first century of the Persian period the Jewish commu- 
 nity received many foreigners into its midst. The 
 author of Isaiah Ivi. 3-8 undoubtedly expresses the 
 attitude of at least the more progressive Jews of 
 Palestine. He assures the strangers who had united 
 with the community that they need not fear that 
 Jehovah would separate them from his people. All 
 who love the Lord, faithfully serve him, observe the 
 Sabbath and the terms of his covenant, shall be freely 
 admitted to the services of the temple, and their offer- 
 ings accepted, since Jehovah's " house shall be called a 
 house of prayer for all peoples." He adds that it is 
 Jehovah's purpose to gather others to him besides hia 
 own that are gathered.
 
 262 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 248. The reasons why this early proselyting move- 
 ment ended abruptly have already been considered 
 (sects. 206). The trouble was primarily with the 
 Judean community itself ; it was not able to assimilate 
 many heathen elements with impunity. Contrary to 
 their later attitude, the Jews of the dispersion dur- 
 ing the Persian period were much more strenuously 
 opposed to admitting foreigners into their ranks than 
 those in Palestine. The result was that, when their 
 influence became dominant in Judah through the insti- 
 tution of the Priestly Code, the rest of the world was 
 practically excluded by the high wall of separation 
 which was reared. The door of Judaism, however, was 
 not entirely closed to the outside world. The clause in 
 the older Deuteronomic law which admitted the 
 descendants of the Egyptians in the third generation, 
 and even the hated Edomites, was not erased (xxiii. 7, 
 8). In the Priestly Code " the strangers who sojourn 
 among them" are subject to the same laws and enjoy 
 the same social and religious privileges as the Jews 
 themselves (Lev. xvii. 8, 10, 12, 13 ; Num. ix. 14). 
 Evidently in all these passages the reference is to the 
 proselytes who have conformed to all the requirements 
 of the Jewish law, and have in turn been fully adopted 
 by the community. Exodus xii. 48 plainly states that 
 all such, who submit to the rite of circumcision, shall 
 be on a perfect equality with the native born Jews. 
 Through this narrow door came the thousands of pros- 
 elytes who were attracted to Judaism during the Roman 
 period. 
 
 249. During the two centuries following the institu- 
 tion of the Priestly Code, any earlier impulses toward 
 proselyting were stifled. Within their high wall of
 
 THI<] MESSAGE OF THE BOOK OF JONAH 263 
 
 separation, the Jews, intent on following the details of 
 their law, almost forgot that Jehovah was God not 
 merely of their nation, but of the nations. Hatred, 
 begotten by the wrongs which they had suffered from the 
 lieathen, took the place of missionary zeal. When they 
 thought of their neighbors, it was to pray for their 
 speedy destruction rather than for their salvation. Self- 
 righteous, because they considered that they alone were 
 observing the law of God, they regarded the rest of the 
 human family as unclean. The bitter struggles of those 
 trying centuries were not calculated to arouse a deep 
 love for the peoples with whom they came into contact. 
 250. Only a few inspired souls kept before their 
 eyes the real mission of their race and the true 
 character of the kingdom of God. Occasionally, a 
 psalmist echoed the noble ideals of the earlier 
 prophets ; but the author of the marvellous little 
 Book of Jonah alone fully appreciated and clearly 
 pointed out to his race how inconsistent and con- 
 temptible was their attitude toward the rest of man- 
 kind, who like themselves were the objects of Jehovah's 
 unbounded love. He appears to have taken the out- 
 lines of a popular story, associated with the name of 
 Jonah the son of Amittai, a prophet who during the 
 reign of Jeroboam U. predicted Israel's victory over 
 her foes (II. sect. 79), to illustrate his inspired, but to 
 his contemporaries exceedingly unpalatable message. 
 He also employs the imagery of a well-known Semitic 
 myth of a great sea-monster which in Hebrew prophetic 
 typology represents the world-powers which prey upon 
 the weaker nations, and especially upon Israel (Isa. 
 xxvii. 1). Like the Great Teacher, the prophet freely 
 recasts these elements, gleaned from the popular con-
 
 264 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 sciousness, into the form of a parable, replete with 
 deep spiritual truth. Its application is obvious, and 
 was doubly so to his contemporaries, who were familiar 
 with its imagery. 
 
 251. Jonah is a perfect type of narrow Judaism 
 during the period under consideration. Perversely 
 blind is Jehovah's servant whom he has sent. He is 
 ready to do anything rather then execute Jehovah's 
 command to preach to the enemies of his race. As 
 he clearly declares, his reason for fleeing from the 
 land of Israel was not because he feared the Ninevites, 
 but because he was afraid that they would listen to 
 his message of warning. If they did so, he knew that 
 Jehovah was " a gracious God and full of compassion, 
 slow to anger and plenteous in mercy," and that when 
 they repented he would not destroy them (iv. 2). 
 Like the Jewish race, he stood in a unique relation to 
 Jehovah, and in unfavorable contrast to the representa- 
 tives of heathendom, who according to their light are 
 pictured as faithfully serving the gods whom they 
 knew. The repentance of the Ninevites and their 
 forgiveness by Jehovah recall the words of the author 
 of the Book of Malachi, who, in condemning the mean- 
 ness of the Jews toward their God, declared that "from 
 the east to the west Jehovah's name was great among 
 the Gentiles, and that in every place incense and a pure 
 oblation are offered to his name " (i. 11). To a Jew, 
 the manner in which Jonah turned from Jehovah, and 
 sought refuge from him on the troubled sea, would 
 suggest the mad, perverse conduct of his Hebrew fore- 
 fathers, who likewise turned from Jehovah and sought 
 to escape his inexorable command on the perilous sea 
 of Oriental politics. Similarly, the great fish which
 
 THE PARABLE OF JONAH 265 
 
 rose out of that sea to devour, and at the same time, in 
 God's providence, to preserve his servant, would at once 
 recall their experiences in Babylon. A prophet of the 
 exile had already employed the same figure in refer- 
 ring to the fate of his people : " Nebuchadrezzar the 
 king of Babylon has devoured me and crushed me . . . 
 he has swallowed me up like a great sea-monster, 
 filling his maw from my delights, he has cast me out " 
 ( Jer. li. 34). In the following verses (44, 45), Jehovah 
 replies to the lament of the exiled nation : " I will 
 punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring out of his 
 mouth that which he has swallowed. . . . My people, 
 go out of the midst of her." Like Jonah, the Jews, dis- 
 ciplined and instructed by their experience, recognized 
 (as the words of the great prophet of the exile indicate) 
 Jehovah's call to proclaim his message to the heathen 
 world. Jonah's brief words of warning, presented 
 under compulsion, and his contemptible complaining, 
 because Jehovah had spared the foes of his race, and 
 because some petty discomforts had come to him, com- 
 plete this uniquely remarkable sketch of Hebrew and 
 Jewish history. 
 
 252. With the Jews, the parable was a favorite method 
 of presenting truth, but in simplicity, in graphicness, 
 and in fidelity to human character and motives, the 
 picture painted by the unknown author of this little 
 book is comparable only to those flashed before the 
 eyes of the humble Galileans by him who " spoke in 
 parables." The prophecy abounds in rich truths which 
 only those who have stumbled over the miraculous 
 coloring of the story have failed to appreciate. The 
 more important are : (1) God is infinitely more loving 
 and compassionate than his people would make him ;
 
 266 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 (2) He is ready to pardon all, irrespective of race, who 
 sincerely crave his mercy ; (3) the Jewish people were 
 trained and commissioned to proclaim his will to the 
 nations ; (4) refusal to carry out his divine purpose 
 will bring certain judgment, although he will ever be 
 ready to forgive and restore his prophet-nation, when- 
 ever defiance is changed to penitence. The subsequent 
 history of the Jews strikingly illustrates this last 
 principle. Too late, they awoke to their duty and oppor- 
 tunity. Race-pride, unbending ceremonialism, narrow- 
 ness, and inertness in many of its parts, made the 
 earnest and in many ways noble attempt of Judaism 
 in the Roman period to proselyte the world a tragic 
 failure, except that it prepared the way for the con- 
 quests of Christianity. 
 
 , 253. The characteristic of pre-Hellenistic Judaism 
 which most impresses itself is its many-sidedness. 
 The whole was a strange bundle of contradictions. 
 While the Jews conceived of Jehovah as a universal 
 God, they acted as though he was only a tribal deity, 
 jealously guarding their race, and hostile to the rest 
 of mankind ; while they declared that he was the 
 Creator and Ruler of the whole universe, and God of 
 the heavens, they proclaimed that sacrifice could be 
 presented to him only on the sacred temple mount ; 
 while they sang, " Thou hast no pleasure in burnt 
 offering," they devoted their best energies to keeping 
 up an elaborate sacrificial system ; while they taught 
 that Jehovah was morally righteous, and demanded 
 the same quality in his people, they gave their chief 
 attention to observing the often grotesque laws of 
 ceremonialism ; while they regarded him as the source 
 alike of all good and evil, they entertained a grow-
 
 THE INCONSISTENCIES OF JUDAISM 267 
 
 ing belief in a personal prince of evil, antagonistic 
 to Jehovah and in a sense independent of him; while 
 they believed that God's richest blessings were moral 
 and spiritual, the chief hopes which they cherished, 
 were that they might behold the overthrow of their 
 foes and the establishment of a temporal kingdom 
 in which they themselves would rule over the nations. 
 These striking inconsistencies were the natural con- 
 sequence of the fact that Judaism drew its ideas 
 from many different sources and ages, and was itself 
 the product of a great variety of forces. It was the 
 repository of much heathen rubbish, as well as of the 
 most precious religious truth revealed to the human 
 race. The crying need of Judaism and of mankind 
 was not for the temporal Messiah of popular expecta- 
 tion, but for one divinely gifted and commissioned to 
 bring order out of this chaos, to distinguish between 
 the gold and the dross, to unite the true and the 
 eternal into a consistent system, and, above all, to 
 impart to the whole the breath of life. Until, in 
 God's good providence, that Anointed One was sent, 
 Judaism, sometimes at the cost of its life blood, faith- 
 fully guarded the treasures intrusted to its keeping.
 
 PART III 
 
 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH 
 HISTORY
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE 
 
 254. The conquest of Palestine by Alexander in 
 332 B. c, inaugurated the Greek period of Jewish 
 history ; but its close is not so definitely marked. If 
 it be made to include those centuries when Greek 
 language, customs, and ideas were the dominant foreign 
 influences in Jewish life, it would extend beyond the 
 beginning of the Christian century. If its limit be 
 decided on political grounds, there is still opportunity 
 for a difference of opinion, for the Jews did not all 
 at once and finally throw off the yoke of Alexander's 
 successors. The year 165 b. c, which marks the third 
 great victory of the Jews over their former Syrian 
 masters, and the rededication of the temple, has been 
 adopted as the limit of the Greek and the beginning 
 of the Maccabean period. Many times later, the Jews 
 fell a prey to Syrian armies, and were forced tem- 
 porarily to acknowledge the rule of the Seleucids ; 
 but the victories of 165 B. c. secured for them per- 
 manently the most coveted fruits of independence, 
 and turned back the wave of Greek influence, which 
 hitherto had threatened to engulf everything distinc- 
 tively Jewish. Henceforth, there was never wanting 
 a well-organized native party in Judah which defied, 
 by force of arms and wi+h increasing success, the
 
 272 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 claims of Syria. In 165 B. c, the Maccabean kingdom 
 was born, and therefore then the Maccabean period 
 properly begins. 
 
 255. Respecting the first century and a half of the 
 Greek period, the Jewish historians are almost silent. 
 Josephus alone has preserved a few traditions. The 
 inner life and thought of the Judean community is 
 reflected in three distinctly different types of Old 
 Testament books. It was during this period that the 
 chronicler (between 800 and 250 b. c, compare sects. 
 88, 89) wrote his ecclesiastical history of the Hebrew 
 nation contained in I. and II. Chronicles and Ezra- 
 Nehemiah. If he naively read into the earlier epochs 
 the conditions and current traditions of his own times, 
 his work thereby becomes a most valuable historical 
 source for this period regarding which light is so 
 much needed. The desire to deceive was so foreign 
 to him that he leaves no doubt respecting his late 
 point of view. For example, in describing Solomon's 
 sanctuary, he often has in mind the second temple. 
 Its services are far more elaborate than those of the 
 shrine described in Samuel-Kings. One of its gates 
 even bears the Persian name " Parlar " (I. Chrs. xxvi. 
 18). It is interesting to note that in his earnest zeal 
 to trace to the sacred past tlie origin of those institu- 
 tions which he and his generation cherished and revered 
 so highly, he performed a far greater service than if 
 he had merely realized his ideal to write a second his- 
 tory of ancient Israel. His significant omissions, as 
 well as his revision of the older histories contained in 
 Samuel-Kings, also vividly reveal the different stand- 
 ards of the later age in which he lived. 
 
 256. The marked differences in language, ideas, and
 
 DATE OF ZECHARIAH IX. TO XIV. 273 
 
 allusions between the first eight and the last six 
 chapters of the book which at present bears the name 
 of the Zechariah who with Haggai encouraged his 
 countrymen to rebuild their ruined temple, have led 
 scholars generally to recognize in them the work of 
 different hands. The date of the unknown writer, or 
 possibly writers, of the last six chapters is one of the 
 complicated problems of the Old Testament. At first 
 glance, the references to Ephraim, Damascus, Assyria, 
 and Egypt (ix.) point to some period before the 
 exile when these kingdoms still existed. Certainly 
 the centuries of Babylonian and Persian rule furnish 
 no satisfactory background. After the division of 
 Alexander's empire, however, Judah became the bone 
 of contention between the Ptolemies of Egypt and the 
 Seleucids of Syria. By the Jews, who in the later 
 days lived so much in the past, the names of the old 
 foes of their race, Egypt and Assyria, were used to 
 designate these, their new oppressors (compare Isa. 
 xxvii. 13 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 8). Similarly, Ephraim and 
 Israel were the terms applied to the Jewish community, 
 " the true Israel," which represented the old Hebrew 
 state. The many direct and indirect quotations from 
 the pre-exilic and exilic prophets indicate that the 
 present chapters were written in the late Jewish period, 
 when the Jews began to study closely their sacred 
 scriptures. The promise in ix. 8, that " no oppressor 
 shall pass through them any more," recalls the same 
 promise in Joel iii. 17. The vagueness and apocaly]> 
 tic tone of the predictions are also characteristic of 
 the declining days of prophecy. The distinct refer- 
 ence to the Greeks, not as a distant nation, as in the 
 Book of Joel, but as foes already in conflict with the
 
 274 THE GREEK TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Jews (ix. 13), confirms the conclusion that the wars 
 and dissensions alluded to in these chapters were 
 those which came to the Jews between the years 320 
 and 240 B. c, when the Ptolemies and Seleucids were 
 each fighting for the rulership over the distracted 
 Jewish community. Our ignorance of the details of 
 these contests makes it impossible to identify the 
 historical allusions. The sections, however, are sad 
 and undoubtedly true revelations of the intense hatred 
 and scorn with which the Jews regarded the degener- 
 ate foes who destroyed their peace. The fact that 
 they are found in the collection of the prophecies and 
 not, like the Book of Daniel, among " the Sacred Writ- 
 ings," fixes their date before 200 b. c. 
 
 257. The same hostile attitude toward the Gentiles, 
 and the same joy at the thought of their destruction, 
 are reflected in the Book of Esther. Although the 
 historical background of the story which it contains 
 is the Persian, it probably comes from some Jew, 
 living in the latter part of the Greek (or possibly the 
 Maccabean) period. He is dependent upon later tra- 
 dition for his knowledge of conditions in the Persian 
 empire. He is unfamiliar with the fact that in the 
 Persian court the reigning queen was always chosen 
 from one of six noble families. Between the seventh 
 and twelfth years of the reign of Xerxes, according to 
 Herodotus, Amestris was queen. The marked dra- 
 matic character of the narrative, the surprisingly large 
 numbers slain by the Jews during a period when the 
 attitude of the Persians toward them was con- 
 spicuously friendly (compare the later expeditions of 
 Nehemiah and Ezra), and the evident aim to glorify 
 the Jews has led many to classify this book as one of
 
 HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE BOOK OF ESTHER 275 
 
 the romances, like the Books of Tobit and Judith, 
 with which later Jewish writers delighted and inspired 
 their countrymen. Ezra ii. 1 refers to a certain 
 Mordecai, who led back to Palestine, after Nehemiah, 
 a band of faithful Jews. It is exceedingly probable 
 that the story rests upon certain historical facts which 
 have been exaggerated or distorted in transmission. 
 The chronicler and the son of Sirach ignore the events 
 related in the book. Its great popularity with later 
 Jews is due to its intense nationalistic feeling, and to 
 the fact that it gives the traditional origin of the most 
 secular of the Jewish feasts, that of Purim. This 
 feast is first mentioned in II. Maccabees xv. 36, as the 
 day of Mordecai, in connection with the victory of the 
 Jews over Nicanor. Although the authority is late, 
 the natural inference is that the feast of Purim was 
 known at least early in the Maccabean period, and its 
 origin was traced to the incidents related in the Book 
 of Esther. If this be true, the latter part of the Greek 
 period is reasonably well established as its date. 
 
 258. From the same period, probably, comes the 
 strange mingling of Jewish and Greek thought known 
 as the Book of Ecclesiastes. Its peculiar vocabulary 
 and awkward, broken constructions proclaim that it 
 was written when Hebrew was becoming an unfamiliar 
 tongue to the Jews. The implication in the opening 
 chapter, that it is the work of Solomon, is but one of 
 the many illustrations of the tendency of later Judaism 
 to attribute all literary productions to famous charac- 
 ters who lived centuries before (compare the very lato 
 " "Wisdom of Solomon " and the " Psalter of Solomon "). 
 The book shows many marks of later revision. Th(3 
 author of the original sections was evidently born and
 
 276 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 educated as a Jew, but had lost the strong faith of 
 earlier generations, and had none of the enthusiasm 
 for the law which filled the hearts of his race in the 
 century or two following the institution of the Priestly 
 Code. The fragments of Greek philosophy which he 
 had absorbed, had fundamentally altered his original 
 beliefs. The dispiriting influences of the age in which 
 he lived, and his own experiences, had driven him to 
 the pessimistical conclusion that " all is vanity." Like 
 the Sadducean party, to which he would undoubtedly 
 have belonged if it had already taken definite form in 
 his day, his creed consisted chiefly in negations. Un- 
 fortunately, his indefinite historical allusions do not 
 establish his exact date. Certainly he could not have 
 lived before Greek thought had for a considerable 
 period exerted its powerful influence upon the intensely 
 conservative Jewish mind. Hence a date earlier than 
 about 250 b. c. is impossible. The closing years of 
 the rule of the Ptolemies in many ways furnish the 
 most satisfactory background. The other possible 
 period is the reign of Herod the Great (which has 
 recently been strongly urged by Professor Cheyne in 
 his " Jewish Religious Life after the Exile"). It must, 
 however, be seriously questioned whether or not such 
 a late book could have gained admission into the canon 
 of the Old Testament, and especially a book of the 
 character of Ecclesiastes. Still more time was re- 
 quired for the repeated revisions to which it has 
 obviously been subjected, and these must have ante- 
 dated its formal approval as canonical, near the close 
 of the first Christian century (Mishna, ladaim iii. 5). 
 259. From the same school of wisdom-thought, but 
 from a much more hopeful point of view, comes the
 
 THE PROVERBS OF THE SON OF SIRACH 277 
 
 apocryphal book, Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom of 
 Sirach. It is the only book of this period which is 
 definitely dated. The superscription states that the 
 present complete Greek version was translated by the 
 author's grandson, who came to Egypt in the thirty- 
 eighth year of Euergetes, who must be the second ruler 
 of Egypt to bear that name, since the first reigned only 
 twenty -five years. This was therefore in 132 b. c, and 
 Jesus the son of Sirach, the grandfather, must have 
 written between 200 and 175 b. c. In 1. 1, Sirach 
 speaks of Simeon, the son of Onias, who is probably to 
 be identified with Simeon II., high priest during the 
 first part of the second century b. c. Recently, a large 
 fragment of the original Hebrew edition, corresponding 
 to cliapters xxxix. 15 to xlix. 1 of the Greek, has 
 been discovered, and made accessible to Hebrew stu- 
 dents (Cowley and Neubauer — The Original Hebrew 
 of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus). The discovery is un- 
 doubtedly the most important which has been made 
 for years in the Old Testament field. It shows, in 
 the first place, that the Greek translation was very 
 free. The original Hebrew approximates closely to the 
 classical models of which the author was a careful 
 student. He was familiar with the Pentateuch and 
 both the "earlier" and the "later" prophets, from 
 Joshua to Malachi. This gives definite grounds for 
 concluding that the prophetic canon was completed 
 as early as 200 b. c. Naturally the son of Sirach 
 quotes most from the kindred wisdom-books : Job and 
 Proverbs. His style closely resembles certain of the 
 psalms, and his book closes with a psalm. The gen- 
 eral testimony of the work is, not that the Psalter was 
 then complete, but rather still in the process of forma-
 
 278 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 tioii. Several of the psalms themselves contain internal 
 evidence that they come from the Greek period, and 
 therefore may be counted as one of its historical 
 sources. 
 
 2G0. The merciless persecutions of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, and the valiant and successful resistance of 
 the Jews, which filled the closing years of the Greek 
 period with stirring events, called forth a large volume 
 of Hterature. The apocalyptic type, which was ex- 
 ceedingly popular with the later Jews, was the most 
 common. The prophets, who wished to encourage 
 and strengthen their afflicted countrymen, no longer 
 preached to them by word of mouth and simple direct 
 siatement, as did Isaiah and Jeremiah, but presented 
 their messages in the form of visions and predictions, 
 abounding in mysterious figures and symbolism, and 
 usually placed in the mouth of some saint of the past. 
 The number of these writings which have been preserved 
 out of the undoubtedly greater body which has been 
 lost, is surprisingly large. They all testify that if the 
 prophets had not altogether been " expelled from the 
 land," they had at least begun to be " ashamed every 
 one of his vision when he prophesied" (Zech. xiii. 2, 4), 
 and to seek to give it authority by associating it with 
 a name revered by his generation. 
 
 261. The noblest representative of this different type 
 of prophecy is the Book of Daniel. Its position in the 
 latest group of the Hebrew canon, " the Sacred Writ- 
 ings," at once suggests that it was written too late to 
 find a place in the prophetic canon. Its omission in 
 the otherwise complete list of the prophetic books 
 given by the son of Sirach, is equally significant. This 
 external evidence that it was written after 200 B. a
 
 DATE OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL 279 
 
 is confirmed by the testimony of the language, part 
 of it (ii. 4'' to vii. 28) even being written in Aramaic. 
 The Aramaic also is not that employed by the Jews in 
 the East, as would naturally be expected in the light of 
 the narrative, but the peculiar type in use in Palestine. 
 In the passages which purport to antedate the estab- 
 lishment of the empire of Cyrus, a large number of 
 Persian words is found ; while at least three of Greek 
 origin appear in the book. The point of view of the 
 author is not that of the Babylonian, nor of the Persian, 
 but of the Greek period. For example, Belshazzar, 
 who must historically be identified with Belsharuzur, 
 the son of the usurper Nabonidus, the last ruler of 
 Babylon, is designated as the last king of Babylon 
 and the son of Nebuchadrezzar (v. 2, 11, 13, 18, 22). 
 Darius, who organized the Persian empire, and not 
 Cyrus, is regarded as the successor of Belshazzar and 
 the first conqueror of Babylon (v. 31 ; vi. ; ix. 1 ; xi. 1). 
 This confusion in regard to the perplexing details of 
 early Babylonian and Persian history is exactly parallel 
 to what has already been noted in other writers of the 
 Greek period (sect. 80). Other minor inconsistencies 
 are found, and possess a positive value because they 
 assist in fixing the true historical setting of this won- 
 derful book. Its theological ideas likewise point to a 
 date late in the Greek period. The exact circum- 
 stances of its composition may be determined with 
 reasonable certainty. The predictions focus the atten- 
 tion not upon the return from Babylon, nor upon any 
 of the important events which characterize the Persian 
 and the earlier part of the Greek period, but upon the 
 crises in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. He is 
 evidently represented by the little horn of chapter
 
 280 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 eight. Chapter eleven, after giving a brief summary 
 of the events following the conquest of Alexander, 
 devotes verses 21 to 45 to a minute description of the 
 I'eign of Antiochus. The persecutions which the Jews 
 experienced at his hands are also the background of 
 the promises contained in chapter twelve (compare 
 verses 7, 11-13). The history presented in the Book 
 of Daniel in the form of prediction, becomes more and 
 more detailed as it advances to these persecutions, and 
 after their horrors are fully described, it suddenly 
 ceases, and certain general Messianic promises alone 
 are given, which it is impossible to identify with any 
 known historical events. These facts all point to 
 the conclusion that the book, with its examples of 
 heroic and successful defiance to the commands of 
 tyrannical human potentates, when they were contrary 
 to those of Jehovah, with its glorious promises of 
 divine deliverance for the persecuted and discouraged 
 people, was written when the persecutions were at 
 their height. There are no definite references to armed 
 resistance, nor to the dedication of the temple ; Jehovah 
 is expected personally to deliver his people, and forth- 
 with to institute his Messianic kingdom. Therefore 
 it is not probable that the book was written after the 
 great victories of Judas, and the establishment of the 
 temple service in December, 165 b. c. The period 
 between 167 and the beginning of 165 B. c. is conse- 
 quently established with considerable certainty as its 
 date (compare sect. 308). This conclusion at once 
 gives to the great messages of the book a new signifi- 
 cance, and a supreme historical value, for its testimony 
 respecting the closing years of the Greek period is that 
 of a contemporary. At the same time, the probability
 
 THE EARLIER SECTIONS OF THE BOOK OF ENOCH 281 
 
 is not precluded that the narratives of the first six 
 chapters rest upon a traditional basis, and that Daniel 
 was an historical personage, and not the pure creation 
 of Jewish imagination. 
 
 262. Closely related in character and content to the 
 Book of Daniel is the Book of Enoch. Both are fre- 
 quently quoted by the New Testament writers and the 
 Church Fathers. The Book of Enoch consists of a 
 collection of apocalyptic writings coming from different 
 dates and authors. These represent fragments of a 
 voluminous literature which was put forth during the 
 Greek, Maccabean, and Roman periods in the name of 
 the antediluvian of whom tradition declared : " He 
 walked with God." In later Jewish thought, Enoch 
 became the father of the apocalyptic, as did Moses of 
 the legal literature. The present book was probably 
 not edited until about the beginning of the Christian 
 era; but two sections, chapters i. to xxxvi. and Ixxxiii. 
 to xc, reflect the Jewish thought of the latter part of 
 the Greek period. In Ixxxiii. to xc, the general point 
 of view is that of the author of the Book of Daniel. 
 It refers symbolically to the persecutions of Antiochus ; 
 but is a little later than the Book of Daniel, for it 
 speaks of the armed and successful resistance of the 
 Maccabean family (xc. 6). It also anticipates after 
 these victories the speedy establishment of the Messianic 
 kingdom. Its date, therefore, is about 1G5 B. c. These 
 chapters make use of the other section i. to xxxvi. ; 
 but the latter knows nothing of the persecutions of 
 Antiochus, and are written from a different point of 
 view ; hence their date must Ije somewhat earlier than 
 168 B. c. 
 
 263. The events of the last decade of the Greek
 
 282 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 period (175-165 b. c.) are described in detail in the 
 first four chapters of I. Maccabees. From certain 
 references, it is evident that the author of this remark- 
 ably vivid and on the whole exact history wrote dur- 
 ing the earlier part of the first century B. c. He was 
 therefore removed only two or three generations from 
 ihe events recorded. He probably also had before him 
 short notices written not long after the great uprising. 
 His interests are those of orthodox Judaism; but in his 
 temperate statements, in his careful chronological and 
 geographical notes, and in his attention to details, he 
 exhibits for almost the first time in Jewish history 
 the true instincts of a modern historian. In all tliese 
 respects, his history is much superior to that contained 
 in II. Maccabees, which covers the period from 175 to 
 160 B. c. When the order of events differs, that of 
 the first book must in general be regarded as the more 
 reliable. The interest in II. Maccabees is religious 
 rather than purely historical, and the supernatural ele- 
 ment is much more prominent. As is definitely stated 
 in ii. 24-32, it is an epitomization (with the exception 
 of the letters in chapters i. and ii.) of a much earlier 
 work written by Jason of Cyrene, who probably lived 
 about 160 B. c, had access to earlier authorities, and 
 apparently was not acquainted with I. Maccabees. The 
 two books, therefore, represent independent sources and 
 furnish many mutually supplemental facts. 
 
 264. In his " Antiquities," Josephus has preserved 
 certain later and largely legendary traditions respect- 
 ing Alexander's relations to the Jews. The impossible 
 account of the translation of the Hebrew scriptures 
 into Greek purports to be a direct citation from the 
 writings of Aristcas, a Greek official of Ptolemy II.
 
 THE WRITINGS OF JOSEPHUS 283 
 
 (Philadelphus). The real author, however, must have 
 been a Jew who probably lived during the closing years 
 of the rule of the Ptolemies. The clear picture which 
 he incidentally gives of conditions in Judah and 
 Jerusalem, is intended to glorify his nation. It is 
 nevertheless valuable because it is largely the result 
 of personal observation. In his polemical treatise 
 "Against Apion," he likewise quotes from a writing 
 purporting to come from the Alexandrian Greek phi- 
 losopher and historian, Hecataeus, who was a contempo- 
 rary of Alexander the Great. In reality, its autlior was 
 probably a Jew, living in the third century b. c, who 
 employed as the basis of his tract the statements of 
 Hecataeus. The incidental historical data thus pre- 
 sented may, therefore, be regarded as partially reliable. 
 In his treatment of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 Josephus depends almost entirely upon I. Maccabees. 
 His meagre history of the Greek period is supple- 
 mented by those of the Greek writers. Polybius in 
 book xxvi. and Diodorus in book xix. of their histories 
 vividly describe the character and reign of the arch 
 persecutor of the Jews. In the histories which record 
 the conquests of Alexander, and the reigns of his suc- 
 cessors, is presented in detail the setting of the picture 
 of the Greek period which it is possible to reconstruct 
 with the varied but not altogether satisfactory materials 
 at our command.
 
 II 
 
 THE CONQUESTS OP ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OP 
 THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCHiS 
 
 265. At last the longed-for upheaval came, and the 
 vast Persian empire, which in the period of its decay 
 had become the object of Jewish hatred (compare Isa. 
 xxiv. to xxvii.), fell in ruins before the victorious 
 armies of Alexander. To the Jews, who were ignorant 
 of the real weakness of Persia and of the careful 
 preparations which had long been going on in Mace- 
 donia under the sagacious guidance of Philip, the 
 appearance of Alexander was a most marvellous 
 spectacle. A year of active campaigning in Asia 
 Minor, culminating in the sweeping victory over Darius 
 at Issus in 333 B. c, and, lo, he was knocking loudly at 
 the gates of Syria. Triumphantly, he swept down the 
 eastern coast of the Mediterranean, conquering north- 
 ern Syria without serious opposition, gathering fabulous 
 spoils from the rich city of Damascus, and meeting his 
 iirst serious opposition at the great trading city of 
 Tyre. Since his first purpose was to secure the com- 
 mercial and naval command of tlie Mediterranean, he 
 did not pass on until he had captured this well-nigh 
 impregnable fortress, even though it required an active 
 siege of seven months. The only other formidable 
 opposition came from the city of Gaza, which fell after 
 making a most stubborn defence.
 
 THE VICTORIOUS ADVANCE OF ALEXANDER 285 
 
 266. The traditions preserved by Josephus indicate 
 that the Samaritans, in keeping with their usual policy, 
 hastened to pay homage to Alexander while he was 
 besieging Tyre (Ant. xi. 8, 4). Soon after he sent to 
 the high priest at Jerusalem a demand for auxiliaries, 
 provisions, tribute, and allegiance. Remembering the 
 awful judgment which had followed their recent defec- 
 tion from Persia (sect. 221), the Jews were naturally 
 very slow to acknowledge anotlier master. Although 
 the short section contained in Zechariah ix, 1-8 may 
 possibly come from a slightly later date, it finds its 
 most satisfactory setting at this time. It pictures 
 exactly Alexander's victorious advance down tlie 
 valley of the Orontes, the capture of Damascus, the 
 submission of the coast cities, and predicts, as did 
 the old Hebrew prophets when the Assyrian armies 
 advanced along the same route, the conquest and 
 destruction of Tyre, who " has built her a fortress, 
 and heaped up silver like dust, and gold like the dirt 
 of the streets." It also predicts the downfall of the 
 Philistine cities, and closes with the assurance that 
 Jehovah " will encamp as a guard about his house, so 
 that none shall pass by or return." 
 
 267. The capture of Gaza and the other cities of the 
 Philistine plain influenced the Jews to accede to the 
 demands of Alexander, and to swear a ready allegiance 
 to him. Tbe tradition that he visited Jerusalem at 
 this time, and was miraculously influenced by a dream 
 to spare the Jews, and to grant them many special 
 privileges, reveals all the characteristics of a late tale 
 intended to glorify the Jewish race (Ant. xi. 8, 4, 5). 
 His ambitions and plans for the conquest of Egypt 
 left him no time to turn aside for such an insignificant
 
 286 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 community as that at Jerusalem. Even the conquest 
 of an important city like Damascus he deputed to one 
 of his generals. Jerusalem probably at this time, as 
 in the earlier days of its history, escaped by simply 
 submitting, because the conqueror was eager to 
 advance into Egypt. The slowness of the Jews in 
 throwing off the Persian yoke commended rather than 
 condemned them in the eyes of Alexander. The 
 original demands for provisions, auxiliaries, and the 
 same tribute as had been paid to Persia were doubt- 
 less enforced. Repeated references in the writings of 
 Josephus (Against Ap. i. 22) suggest that henceforth 
 Jews were regularly found in Alexander's armies. 
 This confirms the statement that many accompanied 
 him in his wars (Jos. Ant. xi. 8, 5). They can, how- 
 ever, hardly have been enrolled from the better classes. 
 The fact that large numbers of the Jewish race were 
 scattered throughout the lands which Alexander hoped 
 to conquer, and that, while industrious and intelligent, 
 they felt no attachment to the existing governments, 
 may well have influenced him to grant them certain 
 religious privileges, even as he did the Egyptians and 
 Babylonians, with a view to securing tlieir loyal sup- 
 port. Certainly in Alexandria, where his policy found 
 clearest expression, he conceded to them special civil 
 and religious rights. The suggestion has also been 
 made that because of their close connection with each 
 other, he wished to employ them as guides and in- 
 formers in the lands which he hoped to conquer. 
 
 268. Under Alexander, there was little immediate 
 change in the life of the Jewish community in Pales- 
 tine. It made no difference to the Jews whether they 
 paid tribute to Persia or Macedonia. Jaddua the
 
 THE CITY OF ALEX^V^'DKIA 287 
 
 high priest continued to direct local affairs, subject to 
 the Greek governor who resided at Samaria. While 
 Alexander was in Egypt, Andromachus, whom he 
 placed over the province of Casio-Syria, was murdered 
 by the Samaritans (Quintus Curtius iv. 5, 8). In 
 punishment, a part of their territory (according to a 
 late tradition) was given to their foes the Jews, who 
 were thus enabled to extend their narrow limits 
 northward. A Macedonian colony was established at 
 Samaria, many of the inhabitants of which had been 
 either slain or banished for their crime. 
 
 269. The subjugation of Egypt was easily and 
 quickly accomplished by Alexander, since he found 
 there no genuine attachment to Persia. His great 
 work during his brief sojourn in Egypt was the found- 
 ing of the city which bore his name. The destruction 
 of Tyre prepared the way for Alexandria's commercial 
 greatness. Located on the sea, with Lake Mareotis in 
 its rear, it was easily defended. Provided with a 
 superb harbor, connected with the Nile by a canal, 
 and without a formidable rival, it enjoyed a practical 
 monopoly of the ti'ade of the East. It was laid out 
 by the architect of the temple of Diana. Built at 
 royal expense, it was one of the most beautiful cities 
 of antiquity. Its population consisted of Egyptians, 
 Greeks, and Jews. Each occupied separate quarters. 
 The Jews lived together in the northeastern part of 
 the city, and their quarter was surrounded with walls. 
 "Within these, they lived in accordance with their 
 l)cculiar laws, and were ruled and represented by one 
 of their number who bore the title of Alabarch. 
 Alexander's wise policy soon attracted many there, 
 and under the Ptolemies their numbers were still
 
 288 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 further increased, so that Alexandria soon became the 
 second greatest Jewish centre in tlie world. 
 
 270. From Egypt, Alexander set out in 331 b. c. 
 to complete the conquest of the Persian empire. At 
 Arbela, he fought in the same year the decisive battle 
 which broke forever the power of Darius. During the 
 next seven years, he extended his rule to the Oxus and 
 Indus. Before he had consolidated his vast empire, 
 he died in 323 b. c, leaving no heir to succeed him. 
 Perhaps the most remarkable fact in his marvellous 
 history is the permanence of his suddenly acquired 
 conquests. The explanation is found in the superiority 
 of Greek valor, arms, and culture to that of the East, 
 in the servile attitude of the peoples conquered, in 
 the military ability of the generals who succeeded 
 Alexander, in the fact that, instead of destroying the 
 nations which he vanquished, he endeavored by liberal 
 concessions to win their loyalty, and above all because 
 he built Greek cities and introduced Greek colonists 
 and customs throughout the entire empire. The 
 Orient is naturally imitative ; and Hellenistic culture 
 became fashionable. The result was that it transfused 
 and transformed the life of the peoples of southwestern 
 Asia and Egypt. Greece was ti-ansported to the East, 
 and each Hellenistic city exerted a wide leavening 
 influence. Palestine was powerfully affected. The 
 coast cities of Gaza, Ashdod, Askelon, Joppa, Appolonia, 
 and Ptolemais soon became centres of Greek popula- 
 tion and rule. In addition to Samaria, many of the 
 east-Jordan towns — Hippos, Gadara, Pella, Gerasa, 
 and Philadelphia — were colonized and Hellenized by 
 Alexander's veterans. Thus, from the beginning of the 
 Greek period, the Jewish community in Palestine was
 
 THE CAPTUEE OF JERUSALEM BY PTOLEMY 289 
 
 closely encircled b}- a ring of Hellenistic towns. The 
 conquests of Alexander suddenly brought the two 
 great currents of ancient thought and culture into 
 closest contact. The real history of human civilization 
 during the succeeding centuries is the record of the 
 conflicts and the final fusion of the permanent ele- 
 ments in each. 
 
 271. The successors of Alexander inherited his inor- 
 dinate ambitions and weaknesses, but few of his re- 
 deeming virtues. The fusion of eastern and western 
 blood and civilization magnified the vices of both. 
 The subject peoples were the prey of the conflicts 
 which soon sprang up between Alexander's generals. 
 Palestine, being the main highway between Asia and 
 Africa, again became the bone of contention between 
 the great powers of the East and the West. Peace 
 was not to be secured even by servile submission. 
 The first attack was made about 320 b. c, by Ptolemy 
 I. (Soter), son of Lagus, who after the death of 
 Alexander had established his rule over Egypt. Ap- 
 parently at this time, according to the tradition pre- 
 served by Josephus (Ant. xii. 1 ; Against Ap. i. 22), 
 Jerusalem was captured by a sudden attack on the 
 Sabbath, because the Jews refused to fight on that 
 day, The resistance of the Jews and Samaritans gave 
 Ptolemy an excuse for carrying many of them to 
 Egypt. They were taken from the country districts, 
 as v.-ell as from the larger towns. Special induce- 
 ments were also held out by him which attracted still 
 others. 
 
 272. Compared with the barren hills of Judah, ex- 
 posed to constant attack from relentless, treacherous 
 foes, Egypt under the rule of Ptolemy, with its ricA 
 
 19
 
 290 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 opportunities for the enjoyment of peace and wealth, 
 offered attractions which were well-nigh irresistible. 
 In the Greek period, " the flesh pots of Egypt " were 
 a sore temptation to the Jews, and became the 
 stronger as the Jewish colony there grew larger and 
 more influential. Ptolemy on the other hand, assisted 
 by only comparatively few Greeks, and confronted with 
 the problem of maintaining the rule over his rebellious 
 Egyptian subjects, wisely recognized in the Jews and 
 Samaritans his best allies. They were so thoroughly 
 denationalized that they were influenced by no political 
 motives other than loyalty to the master who would 
 treat them most generously. Their personal interests 
 all led them to unite with the Greeks, rather than with 
 the native Egyptians. In that age when fidelity was 
 a rare virtue, they could be trusted. Their ambitions 
 were modest. They were industrious, and possessed 
 a rare facility for adapting themselves to their environ- 
 ment. In the great commercial centres of Egypt, their 
 genius for trade found complete expression. Their ex- 
 ceptional morality secured for them many positions of 
 trust. They soon became the strongest pillar of the 
 Ptolemaic state ; and as the individual rulers became 
 weak and corrupt, the Jews came more and more into 
 prominence. Their lot, however, was not altogether 
 a peaceful one. The special favors which they enjoyed, 
 made them an object of intense hatred to the native 
 population. They were also thrown into close rela- 
 tions with the Samaritan colonists. The result was 
 that their racial antipathies found there more bitter 
 expression than in Palestine itself (Jos. Ant, xii. 1). 
 Frequent were the conflicts between the advocates of 
 Mount Zion and of Mount Gerizim.
 
 CONTESTS FOR THE POSSESSION OF PALESTINE 291 
 
 273. During the closing years of the fourth century, 
 the rule of Palestine was hotly contested between 
 Ptolemy and his powerful rival Antigonus. About 
 315, the latter seized and held it, until, in a battle near 
 Gaza in 312 b. c, his son Demetrius was defeated by 
 the Egyptian forces. Josephus states, on the authority 
 of pseudo-Hecataeus (Against Ap. i. 22), that at this 
 time Ptolemy visited Jerusalem and persuaded many 
 Jews to go with him to Egypt. Among others, there 
 was a certain Hezekiah, a member of the high priestly 
 family, who enjoyed great respect among his people. 
 Palestine, however, was ceded on the following year to 
 Antigonus. After 306, when he assumed the title of 
 king, Ptolemy endeavored again to reconquer southern 
 Syria, but without much success, until Antigonus was 
 slain in the battle of Ipsus in 301 B. c. Then he gained 
 possession of Palestine, and his successors maintained 
 their authority, with only a few lapses, for nearly a 
 century. About 297 b, c, Demetrius invaded Palestine, 
 but his conquest was brief. The Seleucids, however, 
 who succeeded to the empire of Antigonus, never ceased 
 to assert their claim to it whenever they were especially 
 strong or the Ptolemies weak. Between the years 264 
 and 248 b. c, the tide of war seems to have rolled back 
 and forth through Palestine, bringing its horrors to 
 the Jews ; but history has preserved few details. 
 Daniel xi. 7-9 contains veiled allusions to these con- 
 flicts. On the whole, the eagerness of the Ptolemies 
 and Seleucids to possess Palestine led each to court 
 the Jews. Seleucus I., who founded Antioch about 
 300 b. c, extended many privileges to them with a 
 view to attracting them to his new capital. According 
 to Josephus (Ant. xii. 3, 1), he granted them equal
 
 292 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 rights with the Macedonians and Greeks. That many 
 availed themselves of these opportunities is evinced 
 by the number of Jews found in later times in Antioch 
 and the cities of Asia Minor. 
 
 274. The first three Ptolemies proved, on the whole, 
 active and efficient rulers. They gradually extended 
 the bounds and influence of Egypt until, at the death 
 of Ptolemy III. (Euergetes) in 222 b. c, it included 
 not only Palestine and Coelo-Syria but also the more 
 important cities on the coast of the eastern Mediter- 
 ranean. Their rule was much more popular with the 
 Jews than that of the Seleucids. Ptolemy II. (Phila- 
 delphus) figures in Jewish tradition as the patron 
 of their temple and the ruler under whose direction 
 their scriptures were translated into Greek, as well as 
 the liberator of all Jewish captives in his realm (Jos. 
 Ant. xii. 2). His successor Euergetes is also accred- 
 ited, after a successful campaign in Syria, with having 
 offered rich sacrifices at the temple in Jerusalem (Jos. 
 Against Ap. ii. 5). The tribute demanded by the 
 Ptolemies does not appear to have been exorbitant ; 
 and, when it was regularly paid, the peoples of Palestine 
 were left free to manage their own affairs. This free- 
 dom exposed the Jews to the attacks of their hostile 
 neighbors. Josephus states that " at this time the 
 Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much 
 distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land and 
 carrying off slaves " (Ant. xii. 4, 1). A passing refer- 
 ence of the son of Sirach indicates that the ancient 
 feud with the Samaritans and Philistines was as bitter 
 as ever (Ecclus. 1. 25, 26.) 
 
 275. The story told by Josephus respecting Joseph 
 the tax-collector, sheds mucli light upon conditions
 
 THE STORY OF JOSEPH THE TAX-COLLECTOR 293 
 
 within the Jewish community in Palestine. About 
 230 B, c, Onias II. the high priest refused for some 
 reason — probably at the instigation of the rival Syrian 
 power — to pay the annual tribute to Egypt. From 
 the account, it appears that this was surprisingly small, 
 being only twenty talents, while that of all Syria and 
 Phccnicia was eight thousand and later twice that 
 amount. Its collection also was left to the Jews them 
 selves, the high priest being held responsible for the 
 whole. The refusal of Onias brought an ambassador 
 of Ptolemy Euergetes to Jerusalem. His presence and 
 the threat that Judah might be settled with Egyptian 
 veterans naturally alarmed the Jews. Joseph, the 
 crafty and unscrupulous nephew of the high priest, 
 improved the opportunity to secure his appointment to 
 represent them at the Egyptian court. By simple 
 effrontery and intrigue, he ingratiated himself, first 
 with the Egyptian ambassador, and then with the king 
 and queen. Later, when the right of farming the taxes 
 of Ptolemy's Asiatic provinces was sold, as was cus- 
 tomary, at public auction, he bid twice as much as the 
 princes of Syria and Phoenicia. Although he had no 
 security to offer, his daring action and words so ap- 
 pealed to Euergetes that it was sold to him, and he 
 departed with an army of two thousand Egyptian sol- 
 diers to assist him in collecting the revenues. At first 
 the demands of this Jewish upstart were scornfully 
 refused ; but after he had put to death and confiscated 
 the property of certain of the leading men of Askelon 
 and Scythopolis who had resisted his authority, the 
 different provinces humbly submitted. For twenty- 
 three years, by force and intrigue, he held the position 
 of chief tax-collector, and as such was the virtual gov-
 
 294 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 ernor of Syria and PhcEnicia. His extortions were so 
 notorious that the saying, " Joseph is stripping the 
 flesh from Syria and is leaving only the hones," be- 
 came one of the jokes of the Ptolemaic court. "While 
 he brought wealth to the Jews, his influence was most 
 pernicious. He himself was immoral, and readily 
 abandoned the faith of his fathers for the corrupt 
 practices of the Greeks. His sons followed in his 
 footsteps, and used their inherited wealth and influence 
 for the basest ends. His unjust extortions kindled 
 anew the antipathies of their neighbors toward the 
 Jews, and ultimately brought upon them a long train of 
 disasters. 
 
 276. The political decline of the Ptolemies began 
 with the accession of Ptolemy IV, (Philopator), at the 
 age of twenty-four. From the first, he led his profli- 
 gate and effeminate court in all excesses. He mani- 
 fested a supreme disregard for his own interests and 
 those of his subjects, and was ruled by intriguing 
 courtiers. The result was that Egypt's great prestige 
 suddenly vanished. Ptolemy's rival was Antiochus 
 HI., rightly designated " the Great," who came to the 
 throne of the Seleucids at the age of twenty-one (224 
 B. c). In him to a certain degree the ambitions and 
 energy of the great Alexander lived again. Confronted 
 by formidable conspiracies within his capital, he at 
 once turned his back upon them, and advanced to the 
 conquest of Syria and Palestine, which he must acquire 
 before his kingdom could be secure and complete. He 
 met with little opposition, except from some of the 
 walled cities like Gaza. Aided by the treachery of 
 Ptolemy's general, who betrayed the cities and forces 
 under his command, Antiochus, by 218 b. c, was mas-
 
 CONQUEST OF PALESTINE BY ANTIOCHLS 295 
 
 ter of Syria and Palestine. In the following year, 
 however, Philopator inflicted upon him a crushing 
 defeat (Dan. xi. 12) at Raphia on the borders of Egypt, 
 and kept him out of Palestine for the next fifteen 
 years. After this victory, Philopator is said to have 
 visited Jerusalem, and to have attempted to enter the 
 temple. He was probably deterred by the outcries of 
 the people. The third Book of Maccabees associates 
 with his name the story of an attempt to exterminate 
 his Jewish subjects in Egypt. It is at least evident 
 that he alienated the affection of the Jews just at 
 the time when their fidelity was destined to be most 
 severely tested. 
 
 277. As soon as Philopator died in 205 b. c, leaving 
 his throne to his son, a child of five years, Antiochus 
 advanced into Palestine, and in 202 b. c. reconquered 
 it. An Egyptian army was sent under Scopas to 
 maintain the authority of Ptolemy ; but in a battle 
 near Paneion at the foot of Mount Hermon, it was 
 finally defeated in 198 b. c. by the forces of Antiochus. 
 The sufferings of the Jews at this time were extreme, 
 for they were the prey of both armies. Josephus com- 
 pares their lot to that of a ship tossed by the waves 
 on both sides (Ant. xii. 3, 3). Many were carried off 
 as slaves, and many more took refuge in flight (Jos. 
 Ant. xii. 3, 3-4). Some of them from the first em- 
 braced the cause of Antiochus, possibly hoping thereby 
 to secure greater independence ; but they were doomed 
 to disappointment, for Antiochus seized Palestine 
 " with destruction in his hand " (Dan. xi. 14-16). 
 
 278. In return, however, for the provision which 
 they furnished for his army and for their assistance 
 in expelling the Egyptian garrison from Jerusalem,
 
 296 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Antiochiis undoubtedly granted them special privileges, 
 Josephus states that, inasmuch as Jerusalem had been 
 greatly depopulated by the ravages to which it had 
 been recently subjected, Antiochus offered certain in- 
 ducements intended to draw back those who had been 
 scattered abroad. Liberal appropriations were made 
 to defray the expenses of the temple service, and to 
 rebuild the sacred structure. The public officials of 
 the nation and the temple ministers were exempted 
 from the poll-tax, and the Judean community as a 
 whole relieved of all taxation for three years, until it 
 should recover its former population and resources, 
 and after that period was freed from one-third of its 
 former taxes. Freedom and restoration to their former 
 possessions were granted to all who had been sold 
 into slavery ; full religious liberty was also guaranteed 
 to the Jews, and the execution of the strict Jewish 
 law within Jerusalem was enforced by royal decree 
 (Ant. xii. 3, 3, 4). While the generosity of some of 
 these concessions arouses the suspicion that the Jewish 
 historian has idealized the facts, the statements accord 
 so closely with the situation to which they are assigned 
 that they must rest upon some authentic data. It 
 was certainly for the interests of Antiochus to win at 
 any cost the loyalty of the Jews. He also did not 
 manifest in his other acts the extremely mercenary 
 spirit of his successors, which would have made many 
 of the more important concessions impossible. Some 
 such acts as these alone explain the favor which he 
 enjoyed in the eyes of later Jews. He is also said to 
 have deported two thousand families of Jews from 
 Mesopotamia and Babylon, and to have settled them 
 in the rebellious provinces of Phrygia and Lydia tc
 
 THE RULE OF THE SELEUCIDS 297 
 
 guard the royal interests. Lands, and the remission 
 of all taxes for ten years, and grain for seed, and food 
 sufficient to supply their immediate needs, Avere granted 
 them. Their civil and religious freedom was also care- 
 fully guarded. Evidently the Seleucids found the Jews 
 as useful subjects as did the Ptolemies. 
 
 279. Henceforth, Palestine never reverted to Egypt. 
 In 193 B. c, Antiochus nominally gave the taxes of 
 Coelo-Syria and Palestine as a dowry to his daughter 
 on her marriage to Ptolemy Y. (Epiphanes) ; but this 
 territory itself was firmly held by Syrian governors 
 and garrisons. In their change of masters, the Jews 
 gained little permanent advantage. Antiochus aimed 
 to build up an empire which would effectually check 
 the advance of the Romans in the East ; but at the great 
 battle of Magnesia in 190 b. c, he himself was forced 
 to bow before the new world-conquerors. Soon after, 
 while vainly endeavoring to replenish his treasury by 
 plundering the temple of Belus in Elymais, he was 
 slain (Dan. xi. 18, 19). The ambitions of his son and 
 successor Seleucus IV. (Philopator) were not for glory 
 and conquest, but for the means wherewith to gratify 
 his luxurious tastes, and to pay the tribute demanded 
 by Rome, whose powerful influence henceforth shaped 
 the politics of southwestern Asia. 
 
 280. His character and needs lend credence to the 
 story in II. Maccabees iii. concerning his attempt to 
 rob the temple at Jerusalem. He was incited to do 
 so by a traitorous Jew by the name of Simon, who had 
 once been the guardian of the temple, but had quar- 
 relled with Onias III. the high priest. In spite, he 
 informed Seleucus, through his governor Apollonius, 
 that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of untold sums
 
 298 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 of money. The possibility of securing it led the king 
 to despatch his chancellor Heliodorus to Judea with 
 orders to remove it. Although the high priest as- 
 serted, in response to the inquiries of Heliodorus, that 
 the treasure was not great, and that it represented the 
 deposits of private individuals, its surrender was de- 
 manded. The possibility that the sanctity of their 
 temple would be violated, called forth from the entire 
 populace the most passionate protests. When Helio- 
 dorus entered the sanctuary to seize its treasures, ho 
 was confronted by an apparition which led him to turn 
 back in fright. Corrupt as were the Greeks at this 
 time, they had not learned to pillage temples without 
 experiencing a feeling of terror. The memory of the 
 fate of Antiochus the Great was still fresh. The atti- 
 tude of the excitable Jews, who would endure any- 
 thing except an affront to their religion, was enough 
 to intimidate braver men than were found in this 
 degenerate age. That Seleucus Philopator made some 
 such attempt to rob the Jews is confirmed by the fact 
 that the author of the Book of Daniel, who must have 
 been then living, refers to him as " one who shall 
 cause an exactor to pass through the glory of the 
 kingdom." The temple treasure was also saved from 
 spoliation at this time as the story in II. Maccabees 
 states, for it was carried off later by Antiochus Epiph- 
 ancs, who succeeded Seleucus in 176 b. c. His acces- 
 sion marks the beginning of the end of the Greek 
 period, for just when tyranny, injustice, treachery, and 
 degenerate heathenism seemed to have attained a com- 
 plete triumph, the best and bravest elements in Juda- 
 ism, which hitherto had remained silent, arose and 
 asserted themselves.
 
 ra 
 
 JEWISH LIFE IX EGYPT AND PALESTINE 
 
 281. The closing decade of the Greek period marks 
 the transition to a new era ; but the life and thought of 
 the preceding century and a half constitute a unit, and 
 may best be studied as such. The Persian period wit- 
 nessed the birth and development of Judaism, and the 
 Greek its testing. The one was comparatively peace- 
 ful, the other was disturbed by frequent and devastating 
 wars. Under Greek rule, great numbers of the Jews 
 were again dragged from the seclusion which many of 
 them had found in Palestine, and projected into the 
 main currents of the world's life. The tendency toward 
 centralization, wliich had been so strong during the last 
 century of the Persian period, was completely reversed. 
 By force and free choice the Jews were scattered more 
 widely than before, so that soon colonies of them were 
 found from the Indus almost to the Pillars of Hercules, 
 and from tlie Indian Ocean to the Black Sea. Those in 
 the East almost disappeared from history for a few 
 centuries ; while the new emigrants to Egypt, uniting 
 with those already there, in numbers probably exceeded 
 the Jews who remained behind in Palestine. 
 
 282. The Egyptian Jews of course took with them 
 copies of their sacred writings, and especially the law, 
 which they studied faithfully in their synagogues estab-
 
 300 THE GREEK TEllIOD OF JEWISH lllSTOKY 
 
 lislied in the lands of the dispersion. They were so 
 near Jerusalem, that under the Ptolemies many of 
 them made frequent pilgrimages to Jerusalem to cele- 
 brate the great religious feasts. Each had the privilege 
 of contributing his yearly tax of about thirty cents for 
 the support of the temple. Although connection with 
 their kinsmen in Judah was exceedingly close, their 
 different pursuits, and the active intellectual atmos- 
 l^here, especially of Alexandria, where the majority of 
 them were found, and their intimate contact with Greek 
 life and thought, powerfully affected them, and produced 
 a much broader type of Judaism. Engaged as they 
 were in trade, they naturally adopted its language, which 
 was a dialect known as Hellenistic Greek. A famil- 
 iarity with this new tongue, which was a modified and 
 simplified form of classical Greek, opened to the Jews 
 for the first time the literary treasures of Hellas. 
 Before long in Egypt this new language completely 
 supplanted the ancient Hebrew, which even in Palestine 
 had almost ceased to be spoken. Consequently, a 
 century or two after the conquest of Alexander, the 
 demand for a translation of the Jewish scriptures into 
 Hellenistic Greek became imperative. 
 
 283. According to the late tradition associated with 
 the name of Aristeas, and recounted by Josephus (Ant. 
 xii. 2), it was made under the patronage of Ptolemy 11. 
 (Philadelphus), who wished thereby to show liis favor 
 to the Jews, and to secure a copy of their sacred writ- 
 ings for the great library at Alexandria. The stor}'- 
 states that he first purchased at an enormous expense 
 the freedom of all the Jewish slaves in Egypt, and then 
 that, at his request, Eleazer the high priest at Jerusa- 
 lem sent to him seventy-two learned Jews, six from
 
 THE TRANSLATION OF THE SEPTUAGINT 301 
 
 each of the twelve tribes. On their arrival, every 
 facility was granted them for their work. After seventy- 
 two days they presented to the king a translation which 
 was admired alike by him and by the Jewish people. 
 The improbabilities of the tale are obvious. A complete 
 translation within the time given was practically 
 impossible. The scribes, not of Jerusalem, but of 
 Alexandria would at that date alone be familiar with 
 the Greek language. The translation itself, which 
 bears the title " The Scptuagint " (" the seventy"), 
 testifies by its peculiarities that it is the work of Alex- 
 andrian Jews. Different books were evidently trans- 
 lated by different men, and probably at different times. 
 The books of the law, which naturally received the 
 first attention, were translated much more literally and 
 carefully than those of the prophets. In some cases, 
 the translators did not grasp the meaning of the original 
 Hebrew, in others they employed a different Hebrew 
 text from the one now accepted, and in others they 
 translated freely, introducing variations ; while to 
 such late books as Esther and Daniel they added 
 long sections. The tradition, which assigns the 
 beginning of the work of translation to the reign of 
 Ptolemy II, (Philadelphus) about 250 B, c. is un- 
 doubtedly historical. Many of the Old Testament 
 books were not composed until much later, so that 
 probably all were not translated before the middle of 
 the next century at least. In 132 b. c, the grandson of 
 Jesus the son of Sirach was acquainted with a Greek 
 version of " the law, the prophets, and the other 
 writings." The law may well have appeared in Greek 
 before the close of the reign of Philadelphus. This 
 broad-minded king niav also have encouraged the Jews
 
 302 THE grep:k period of Jewish history 
 
 in the task, the accomplishment of which was so 
 essential to the contentment of a large and important 
 body of his subjects. 
 
 284. As the variations between the original Hebrew 
 and the Greek text indicate, the translation was made, 
 not only for the use of the Jews, but also to commend 
 the Jewish race and religion to the Greek world. 
 Anthropomorphisms in the Hebrew original are often 
 eliminated. Many inconsistent dates and numbers are 
 altered, and an effort is made to explain obscurities. 
 The success and influence enjoyed by the Jews of 
 Egypt made them the object of bitter attack both by 
 Greek and native Egyptian writers. Tlie modern anti- 
 Semitic movement may be traced back to the Greek 
 period, and to the same real causes, commercial, politi- 
 cal, and religious, which produce it to-day. In his long 
 history of Egypt, written in Greek, the Egyptian priest 
 Manetho, who lived during the reign of Philadelphus, 
 introduced certain legends concerning the origin and 
 early history of the Jews which placed them in an un- 
 favorable light before the heathen world. Many other 
 writers followed the example of Manetho. The Jews 
 replied by counter-statements. The translation of their 
 histories and laws may have primarily been intended to 
 refute the false charges brought against them. A 
 certain Hellenistic Jew, Demetrius by name, about 215 
 B. c, also wrote a detailed history of the Jewish kings. 
 Others issued fantastic tales respecting their ancestors. 
 Then, when their foes rejected all writings obviously of 
 Jewish origin, they appealed to the earlier heathen 
 historians who had referred to them. 
 
 285. As the contest grew more heated, in order to 
 defend themselves and to gi\ c currency to tlieir ideas,
 
 ArOLOGETlC LITEllATURE OF THE JEWS 303 
 
 the Jews took the liberty of expanding the original 
 writings of Greek historians, like Hecatasus (sect. 264), 
 who had spoken of them favorably. The deception in 
 some cases must have succeeded, for they issued a great 
 number of such writings, even putting verses into the 
 mouths of the most famous Greek poets, like ^schylus, 
 Sophocles, and Meander. Often the forgeries were very 
 skilful, genuine and spurious verses being artfully inter- 
 mingled. Later, they even introduced a Jewish 
 prophecy into the mouth of the heathen Sybil. These 
 devices, although not justified by the low standards 
 of the age, indicate to what an extent the Jews of the 
 dispersion became acquainted with Greek literature, and 
 were influenced by contact with its thought. Their 
 eagerness to commend their faith to the Greek world 
 foreshadowed the important proselyting movement 
 which found in Alexandria its chief centre. Their 
 forgeries were a practical admission that Jehovah spoke 
 through the great heathen poets as well as through 
 their prophets. Thus, as they were brought into more 
 intimate relations, the Jew and the Greek learned to 
 appreciate what was best in their respective religions, 
 and the way was prepared for their ultimate fusion in 
 Christianity. But before that fusion could be consum- 
 mated, Judaism must save itself from being engulfed by 
 its more powerful rival. 
 
 286. Jerusalem was the natural stronghold of Ju- 
 daism, and conditions there were entirely different 
 from those in its great outpost, Alexandria. The loose 
 rule of the Greeks, which left dependent states to rule 
 themselves, favored the extension of the civil authority 
 of the high priests. As local princes, they ruled over 
 the Judcan community, imposed taxes, made public
 
 304 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 improvements, and represented the Jews at the courts 
 of Alexandria and Antioch. The needs of the situa- 
 tion, and the commands of the law, gave them great 
 influence. That many of them misused their power 
 is plainly indicated both by the proverbs and by the 
 stories coming from the period. The exceptions re- 
 ceive especial notice. Several lists of the names of 
 the different high priests have been preserved, but the 
 duration of their rule cannot be definitely determined, 
 since the testimony of the sources differs (Chronicon 
 Paschale ; G. Syncellus, Chronogr. and Canon). 
 Jaddua, who was high priest when Alexander con- 
 quered Palestine, lived until about 330 b. c. , Onias I., 
 his successor, ruled until about 300, Simeon I. uutil 
 about 285, and his brother Eleazer until about 265. 
 Manassch and the brother of Simeon held the office 
 until about 240, when Simeon's son Onias II. became 
 high priest. About 225, lie was succeeded by Simeon 
 II., who ruled until about 195. 
 
 287. He is probably the famous Simon the Just, 
 who figures in Rabbinical tradition as a great teacher 
 and benefactor of his race. To him was attributed 
 the saying : "The world rests upon three things: the 
 law, worship, and good works" (Pirke-Abotli i. 2). 
 His contemporary, the son of Sirach, informs us that 
 he repaired the foundations and fortified the tcm[)le. 
 He also improved its water-supply, and fortified the 
 city of Jerusalem (Ecclus. 1. 1-4). These repairs 
 were undoubtedly much needed after Jerusalem had 
 been subjected to repeated sieges and assaults during 
 the destructive wars waged between the Seleucids and 
 the Ptolemies from 220 to 198 b. c. The Avoi-k of 
 Simon 11. was ])ossiblc because of the concessions
 
 THE AYORK OF SIMON THE JUST 305 
 
 wliich Josephus reports were granted to the Jews by 
 Antiochus the Great after the final conquest of 
 Palestine in 198 b. c. (sect. 278). The liberal policy of 
 Antiochus, supported by the wise, energetic action 
 of Simon, seems to have revived the fortunes of the 
 Jewish community, and to have drawn back many who 
 had fled during the two preceding decades. Simon 
 himself was the object of popular affection and grati- 
 tude, for "he took thought for his people that they 
 should not fall" (Ecclus. 1. 4). Jesus the son of Sirach 
 can hardly find language strong enough to describe his 
 commanding mien as he performed his high priestly 
 duties, clad in his " robe of glory," attended by the 
 priests ; while all the people " fell down upon the earth 
 on their faces " and " the singers praised Jehovah with 
 their voices, until in the whole house there was made 
 sweet melody" (1. 5-18). We can also behold the 
 people " in prayer before him that is merciful," and 
 the beloved high priest, with outstretched hands, bless- 
 ing the assembled " congregation of the children of 
 Israel" (1.19-21). From such passages as this it is 
 possible to understand why their religion and ritual 
 had so great a hold upon the hearts of the Jews as it 
 did, and why the influence of the high priests was as 
 strong as it was. 
 
 288. In connection with the concessions granted by 
 Antiochus the Great, the first reference is made to the 
 Gerousia, or comicil of the elders (Jos. Ant. xii. 3, 3). 
 Undoubtedly heretofore each high priest had consulted 
 the heads of the families and prominent men of the 
 community before takiug important action; but hence- 
 forth they constitute an organized and recognized body, 
 the legislative and executive powers of which were
 
 306 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 constantly increased. At this time also the scribes 
 of the temple and the sacred singers were recognized 
 as public officials, side by side with the senators and 
 priests, and as such exempted from taxation. The 
 genial son of Sirach, whose keen observations marvel- 
 lously reveal the life of his age, remarks that : 
 
 The wisdom of the scribe comes by opportunity of leisure : 
 And he that has little business shall become wise.^ 
 
 He regards the other professions as necessary, but 
 that of the scribe by far the most honorable. The 
 scribes are the ones that are sought for in the council 
 of the people, they occupy the honorable seats in the 
 public assemblies, they act as judges and expound the 
 law, they are the teachers of the people, and they utter 
 wise parables (xxxviii. 24-34). 
 
 289, The same writer refers to the different pro- 
 fessions and occupations open to his fellow Jews who 
 did not possess the leisure and ability to become 
 scholars. Physicians are found, but they are evidently 
 regarded with suspicion by many. The advice offered 
 in regard to them by the son of Sirach is as amusing 
 as it is profound : 
 
 Honor your physician according to your need of him 
 
 with the honors due him ; 
 For verily the Lord hath created him. 
 The skill of a physician shall lift up his head ; 
 And in the sight of great men he shall be admired. 
 The Lord created medicines out of the earth ; 
 And a prudent man will have no disgust at them. 
 He that sins before his Maker, 
 Let him fall into the hands of the physician.* 
 
 ^ xxxviil. 24. 2 xxxviii. 1, 3, 4, 15.
 
 OCCUPATIONS OF THE PALESTINIAN JEWS 307 
 
 Apothecaries were also found to put up the prescrip- 
 tions of the men of medicine (xxxviii. 8). Among 
 those " who maintain the fabric of the workl, whose 
 prayer is the handiwork of their craft" (xxxviii. 25- 
 34) are mentioned those who hold the plough whose 
 " wakefulness is to give their heifers their fodder," 
 artificers, master-workmen, engravers of signets, smiths 
 who " wrestle in the heat of their furnaces," and 
 potters who " are always anxiously sitting at their 
 work." While many other ancient nations despised 
 manual labor the Jews honored it. 
 
 Hate not laborious work : 
 
 Neither husbandry which the Most High hath ordained,* 
 
 was the motto in accordance with which they won a 
 living in barren Judah. In the Greek period the truth 
 of the statement that, 
 
 A merchant shall hardly keep from wrong-doing ; 
 And a huckster shall not be acquitted of sin,* 
 
 cannot be questioned. 
 
 290, Many of the old democratic ideas still obtained 
 in Palestine. The assembly of the people for the 
 consideration of public questions was still common. 
 Joseph the tax-collector was authorized by such an 
 assembly to represent the high priest and the Jewish 
 community at the court of the Ptolemies (sect. 275) 
 The son of Sirach repeatedly advises the rulers to 
 patronize the multitude that they may secure their 
 favor (iv. 7 ; xxxi. 23, 24). Even such a worthy man 
 as he did not entirely resist the great temptations of 
 
 1 vii. 15. - xxvi. 29.
 
 r.08 THE GREEK rEllIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Ills ago to pander to the rich and influential (iv. 7). 
 Gold was potent in Judah, as well as in corrupt 
 Alexandria, and " presents and gifts blinded the eyes 
 of the wise " (viii. 2 ; xx. 29). As in the days before 
 tlie exile, judges perverted justice, and there was no 
 court of appeal. '' Poor men were a pasture for the 
 rich" (xiii. 2-20). It was a selfish, grasping age, 
 when might too often made right, and the cause of 
 the oppressed had few champions. 
 
 Bread, discipline, and work for a servant ; 
 
 Yoke and thong will bow the neck ; 
 
 And for an evil servant there are racks and torture 
 
 voiced the prevailing spirit of the day rather than : 
 
 If you have a servant treat hira as yourself.* 
 
 Judaism continued to present the most glaring con- 
 trasts both in individual character and teaching. It 
 produced such different types as Simon the Just and 
 Joseph the unprincipled tax-collector. On the one 
 hand, it had before its eyes the noble teachings and 
 examples of the past, and on the other the corruption, 
 the greed, and the injustice of its Greek masters. 
 Under the rule of the law, which emphasized ritual 
 rather than personal conduct, the most shameless deeds 
 were often tolerated. Prophets of the ancient type 
 were no longer found to denounce them, and thereby to 
 furnish the true corrective to the teachings of the 
 priests. 
 
 291. The pictures of Jewish home life which the 
 son of Sirach also gives, are certainly realistic. 
 
 1 xxxiii. 24, 26,31.
 
 DOMESTIC RELATIONS OF THE JEWS 309 
 
 Men who were themselves ruled by an uncompromis- 
 ing law naturally ruled their families with a rod of 
 iron. " Stripes and correction are wisdom at every 
 season" (xxii. 6). Children were brought up on 
 the same principle that horses were broken to tlie 
 harness (xxx. 8). The frank comradeship between 
 father and son, which is one of the charms of tlie 
 Christian home, was regarded as dangerous : 
 
 Play with your son, and he will grieve you, 
 
 Laugh not with him, lest you have sorrow with him. 
 
 Give him no liberty in his youth 
 
 And beat him on his sides while he is a child, 
 
 Lest he grow stubborn, and be disobedient toward you.^ 
 
 One wonders who deserves the most pity, the father 
 who is compelled by a false doctrine ever to play the 
 tyrant, or the child who is the victim. Daughters are 
 regarded as a constant care (xlii. 9-11). Happy, 
 trustful relations are known between husband and wife, 
 but not equality (xxvi. 1-4). "The beauty of a good 
 wife is the ordering of her husband's house " (xxvi. 16). 
 Evil wives are kept under lock and key (xlii. 6). 
 "When a man was tired of his wife, he could divorce 
 her (xxv. 26). Tlie majority of the women with 
 whom the son of Sirach was acquainted, appear to have 
 been quarrelsome, jealous of each other, given to gos- 
 sip, and in some cases addicted to drink and unchaste, 
 — the inevitable consequence of a false social system 
 (xxv. 16-26 ; xxvi. 5-12). As in the East to-day, 
 man was regarded as the only important member of 
 society, and women, children, and slaves, his chattels. 
 Consequently, men found their real companionship in 
 
 1 XXX. 9-12.
 
 mo THE GREEK PERIOD OK JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 each other's society. With so little in their political 
 and domestic life to help and inspire them, it is not 
 strange that the period produced so few noble char- 
 acters. Their national memories, their law, their 
 sacred writings, and their temple service were the only 
 forces which upheld and inspired them.
 
 DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF JEWISH THOUGHT 
 
 292. Even the dull monotony and the dreary out- 
 look of the Greek period did not entirely quench the 
 perennial hopefulness of the Jews. The national ex- 
 pectations, however, which found expression were 
 influenced by the narrowing, degenerate influences of 
 the age. The broad tolerance of the author of the 
 Book of Jonah found few apostles. Stung to fury by 
 the contempt and violence of the heathen, with whom 
 they had been brought into painful contact, they longed 
 for the destruction of their foes. The author of 
 Zechariah ix. to xiv. rejoices in the prospect of their 
 overthrow, which he regards as the necessary premise 
 to the exaltation of Jehovah's people. In the day of 
 judgment, which he hopes is near, the Jews, he de- 
 clares, instead of being the prey of the nations, will 
 divide the spoil. By his omnipotent power, Jehovah 
 will establish his rule over the Avorld. Then the flesh 
 of the nations, which have warred against Jerusalem, 
 shall rot away as they stand, — their eyes in their 
 sockets and their tongues in their mouths. The few 
 who survive, shall, like the Jews of the dispersion, 
 make annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem, and faithfully 
 observe the law. Plagues shall smite those who go 
 not up to keep the feast of tabernacles. A greater
 
 312 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 contrast could not be imagined than is found bet Keen 
 these gory predictions, and the ideal of the suffering 
 servant of Jehovah who finds his true life in the 
 service of mankind. It is the difference between the 
 earlier prophetic teaching, and that of the prophet 
 Jonah, who is represented r.s sitting outside of Nineveh 
 complaining of God's mercy in sparing the ignorant 
 Ninevites (Jon. iv.). It finds expression in certain 
 psalms. It represents the attitude of perhaps a major- 
 ity of the Jewish race toward the hostile Gentile world 
 during the succeeding centuries. It voiced the feel- 
 ings and hopes of the nationalistic party who longed 
 for the day when Jehovah would " stir up your sons, 
 O Zion, against your sons, O Greece, and make his 
 people as the sword of a mighty man," that they might 
 drink tlie blood of their nation's enemies (Zech. ix. 13, 
 15). They were the ones who rallied about the sons 
 of Mattathias and were not content until, not only reli- 
 gious, but also political liberty was secured. 
 
 293. The character and w^ritings of the chronicler 
 reveal another and brighter side of Hellenistic Juda- 
 ism. Living in the glorious past of his nation, and 
 intent only upon the institutions of the ritual, he 
 cared little what the heathen might do, provided the 
 temple service was not interrupted. Life for him con- 
 sisted in conforming to the varied demands of the law 
 and in the worship of the sanctuary. To him cere- 
 monial details were much more important than the 
 rise and fall of the nations. He undoubtedly repre- 
 sented a large class in Judah. Their ideals were in- 
 deed narrow and temporal, and their conception of 
 religion by no means attractive ; bat it must be noted 
 that their faith was sincere, and that they were char
 
 THE WORK OF THE WISE MEN OF ISKAEL 313 
 
 acterized by an intense moral earnestness and by a 
 complete consecration to their conception of duty. It 
 was not the dreamers who waited with folded hands 
 for Jehovah, by some miraculous act, to destroy the 
 foes of the true religion, but the type represented by 
 the chronicler, who firm!}' met and overcame the 
 repeated shocks and temptations which assailed their 
 nation during the Greek period. They were the stern 
 Puritans of their age, the lineal descendants of the 
 followers of Ezra, who stood unmoved while many 
 of broader culture bowed down before the gods of 
 Hellas. 
 
 294. Another distinct current of Jewish thought is 
 represented by Jesus the son of Sirach. He, like the 
 author of Ecclesiastes, belonged to that unobtrusive 
 but influential group of teachers known as the wise. 
 Already they were a familiar figure in Israel's history 
 (I. sect. 7). Side by side with the prophets and priests, 
 they had faithfully labored in their peculiar way for 
 the uplifting of the race (Jer. xviii. 18). The Book of 
 Proverbs, which has preserved many of their most 
 characteristic teachings, is the best testimonial to their 
 work. Not the nation but the individual, questions 
 not of public, but of private interest, commanded their 
 entire attention. While they lacked the inspiration 
 and exalted ideals of the prophets, they came closer 
 to the daily life of the people. When the prophetic 
 voices began to become indistinct, they continued to 
 break the bread of truth to the masses who came to 
 them for advice. They were the pastors and familiar 
 advisers of the community. Tlieir method of tcacli- 
 ing by proverbs and parables was exceedingly acco})t 
 able to the Oriental mind. The cxliortation :
 
 314 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 Keglect not the discourse of the wise, 
 And be conversant with their proverbs ; 
 For of them you shall learn instruction, 
 And how to minister to great men,^ 
 
 was undoubtedly heeded by the majority of the Jews, 
 Not without reason did the son of Sirach declare : 
 
 The wise man shall inherit confidence among his people, 
 And his name shall live forever.' 
 
 The universality of their teaching was a valuable 
 corrective to the narrowing tendencies of Judaism. 
 In many of their utterances, as well as in their method 
 and point of view, the wise anticipated the " One 
 greater than Solomon." Even though the son of 
 Sirach was greatly influenced by the spirit of his age 
 he taught that : 
 
 The mercy of man is upon his neighbor ; 
 But the mercy of the Lord is upon all flesh.* 
 
 He also prays Jehovah to send his fear upon all the 
 nations, 
 
 And let them know thee, as we also know thee, 
 That there is no God but only thou, God.* 
 
 Like the author of Zechariah ix. to xiv., however, he 
 regards the destruction of the enemies of his race as 
 necessary before Jehovah's universal kingdom can be 
 established (xxxvi. 7-10). 
 
 295. The son of Sirach lived when the wise man was 
 becoming a scribe. His use of proverbs, his broad 
 
 * Ecclus. viii. 8. ' xviii. 13. 
 
 * xxxvii. •20, * xxxvi. 2, 5.
 
 THE FUSION or WISE MAX AND SCEIBE 315 
 
 outlook, and his consideration of the commonplace 
 affairs of life are all characteristic of the earlier wise ; 
 but the emphasis which he places upon the observa- 
 tion of the Jewish ceremonial law, is an element 
 foreign to the old wisdom-school which practically 
 ignored it. The law had reduced the successors of 
 those valiant defenders of personal righteousness, the 
 prophets, to a position of vassalage. It was not to be 
 expected that the wise would be able to withstand its 
 imperious demands. Jesus the son of Sirach, perhaps 
 referring to the struggles of the past between the 
 champions of practical and ceremonial righteousness, 
 declares : 
 
 A wise man will not hate the law ; 
 
 But he who is a hypocrite therein is as a ship in a storin. 
 A man of understanding will put his trust in the law; 
 And the law is faithful unto him, as when one asks at the 
 oracle.^ 
 
 Like the prophets and scribes of his day, he holds up 
 the hands of the priests : 
 
 Fear the Lord and glorify his priest ; 
 
 And give him his portion, even as it is commanded you; 
 
 The first fruits of the trespass offering and the gift of the 
 
 shoulders, 
 And the sacrifice of sanctification, and the first fruits of 
 
 holy things.' 
 
 In his advice, he reveals the fusion of wise man and 
 scribe : 
 
 Let your converse be with the man of understanding ; 
 And let all your discourse be in the law of the Most High.* 
 
 1 xxxiii. 2, 3. i vii. 31. ^ ix. Ij.
 
 316 THE GREEK I'ERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 He even identifies wisdom with the law : 
 
 All wisdom is the fear of the Lord ; 
 
 And in all wisdom is the doings of the law.^ 
 
 In keeping with the tendency of his age, he makes 
 Moses the father of wisdom, as well as of the law (xxiv.). 
 Tlie ultimate victory of the scribe is foreshadowed, 
 for he does not hesitate to state that wisdom is of less 
 value than compliance with the law : 
 
 Better is one who has small understanding and fears, 
 Than who has much prudence and transgresses the law.' 
 
 Although in his writings the two fundamentally different 
 types of teaching appear, he evidently regarded the 
 identification of the wise man with the scribe as 
 complete : 
 
 The wisdom of the scribe comes by opportunity of leisure : 
 And he who has little business shall become wise.^ 
 
 In the following verses (xxxviii. 33 ; xxxix. 1-11), he 
 presents a composite picture of the wise man-scribe 
 who enjoys the seat of honor in the public assembly, 
 who speaks in parables, who meditates on the law of 
 the Most High, and who at the same time investigates 
 the wisdom of all the ancients : 
 
 lie will seek out the hidden meaning of proverbs, 
 
 And be conversant in dark sayings of parables. 
 
 He will show forth the instruction which he has heen 
 
 taught, 
 And will glory in the law of the covenant of the Lord.* 
 
 1 xlx. 20. » xxxviii. 24. 
 
 * six. 24. ♦ xxxix. 3, 8.
 
 ETHICAL STANDARDS OF THE SON OF SIRACH 317 
 
 Since the law was regarded by later Judaism as a 
 complete rule for human conduct, it was inevitable 
 that the wise man should become a scribe. Scribism 
 was greatly enriched by the fusion. Scattered through 
 all its later literature are fables, proverbs, and epigram- 
 matical sayings, the characteristic products, not of the 
 legal, but of the wisdom school. 
 
 296. The son of Sirach voices the aspirations of 
 the industrious middle class. Like his auditors, he 
 looks up to the rich and the rulers, and down upon the 
 poorer victims of the rich ; and withal is contented with 
 his lot (xxxi.). His morality is of the temperate tyoe. 
 His altruism is not a prominent quality. He, however, 
 emphasizes the necessity of being faithful at any cost 
 to the demands of friendship. Almsgiving is a duty 
 (iv. 1-6). Deeds of mercy toward those in need are 
 enjoined (xxix.). Several of his precepts recall those 
 of the author of Ecclesiastes : 
 
 Defraud not yourself of a good day ; 
 
 And let not the portion of a good desire pass you by. 
 
 Give, and take and beguile your soul ; 
 
 For there is no seeking of luxury in the grave.* 
 
 His love for banquets, with the accompaniment of 
 wine and music, is strong (xxxii. 3-5) ; but he urges, 
 on very utilitarian grounds, the necessity of strict 
 moderation, both in eating and drinking (xxxi. 19-30). 
 On the whole, he was a quiet, law-abiding citizen, a 
 good neighbor, and an honorable business man. The 
 aspirations of the nationalistic party did not appeal 
 to him strongly. With the chronicler, he revered the 
 law, not blindly, however, but because he recognized 
 
 » xiv. 14, 16.
 
 318 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the reasonableness of its demands. His faith was that 
 of orthodox Judaism, for he draws the articles of his 
 creed from the past rather than the present. The 
 doctrine of rewards corresponding to conduct, he re- 
 iterates (ii. 8 ; xi. 17). The belief in Satan and per- 
 sonal immortality has not been introduced into his 
 confession. Such was Jesus the son of Sirach : a man 
 of keen perception, of considerable learning, of broad 
 culture, of strict integrity, and of a genuine, though 
 narrow religious faith, — a worthy representative of the 
 orthodox wisdom-school. 
 
 297. It was impossible that, during the long, dis- 
 couraging period of testing, all the disciples of Judaism 
 should retain the old faith intact. During a corre- 
 sponding season of depression preceding the advent of 
 Nehemiah and Ezra, scepticism had first found open 
 expression (sect. 152). The repeated calamities which 
 overtook the Jews in the Greek period shook their faith 
 in many of the fundamental doctrines of their religion. 
 The direct and indirect influence of the philosophical 
 thought of their Greek masters intensified the same 
 tendency. It was also natural that the wise, whose 
 outlook was the broadest, should be the most suscep- 
 tible to this influence. The Old Testament has pre- 
 served some of the cries of doubt that escaped at this 
 trying time from Jewish hearts. In the late appendix 
 to the Book of Proverbs are found the " Words of 
 Agur the son of Jakeh," in which he sadly confesses 
 that he has earnestly but unavailingly sought for God. 
 With a touch of irony, he complains that he must be 
 more obtuse than other men who profess to be so 
 well informed about the heavenly hierarchy. While 
 he doubts their claims, he longs to be able to question
 
 THE SCEPTICAL WISDOM SCHOOL 319 
 
 some one gifted with divine omniscience who can 
 answer with authority all his inquiries respectinj^ the 
 real character of God (xxx. 1-4). The voice is that 
 of lionest scepticism, which the orthodox wise man 
 who added the verses immediately following was not 
 able to satisfy or silence. 
 
 298. Under the implication of Solomonic author- 
 ship, or at least by taking Solomon as its hero, a book 
 representing the heretical wisdom-school ultimately 
 found a place in the Old Testament canon. Later 
 writers also endeavored to make him a teacher of 
 current orthodoxy ; but the sceptical tendency of the 
 original author of the Book of Ecclesiastes is unmis- 
 takable. He has not lost all faith, for he still believes 
 that there is a God in the universe ; but he questions 
 almost everything else that the earlier Hebrews liad 
 held dear. The God of whom he conceives is omnip- 
 otent, inscrutable, far removed from the daily life of 
 man, and one who rules the universe according to an 
 unchanging, preordained plan (vi. 10; vii. 14; viii. 
 17). Like the Greek philosophers whose influence 
 his writings reveal, he forms his conception of tlie 
 deity from a study of human life and of natural phe- 
 nomena. If his age had not been utterly selfish and 
 sordid, his conclusions might have been different. As 
 it was, he found little evidence of divine love, and 
 much in the life which he studied in Palestine and 
 Egypt that suggested only injustice. The time-honored 
 dogma of proportionate rewards upon this eartli, lie 
 completely rejected. He saw the righteous man dying 
 in his righteousness, and an evil man living to a ripe 
 old age, apparently enjoying heaven's highest favor 
 (vii. 15 ; viii. 10}. The new doctrine of rewards after
 
 320 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 death also brought no relief to his perplexity, for, like 
 the son of Sirach, he did not accept it. " Man has no 
 pre-eminence over the beasts. Who knows whether the 
 spirit of the sons of men goes upward and whether the 
 sph'it of the beast goes downward" (iii. 20, 21). 
 Even the law and the temple service gave him no joy- 
 He urged conformity to the demands of the law, lest 
 God should be angry and avenge the neglect (v. 4, 6). 
 No Messianic hope inspired and comforted him. 
 " Vanity, all is vanity " voiced his conclusions respect- 
 ing human existence. With such a cold, barren faith, 
 it is not strange that he had no higher advice to offer 
 than to fear God and live a temperate life, enjoying 
 the few fleeting pleasures which it afforded (iii. 12, 
 13 ; ix. 7-9) The possibility of obtaining true happi- 
 ness by losing one's life in service for others had never 
 occurred to him. When we consider, however, the 
 atmosphere in which he lived, our attitude toward him, 
 and the heretical wisdom-school which he represented, 
 is that of pity rather than of condemnation. It is also 
 easy to see through his eyes how little there was to 
 hold, not only the more worldly Jews, but also the 
 keener minds who recognized the futility of mere cere- 
 monialism from absolute scepticism, or, worse still, 
 from shameless hypocrisy. 
 
 299. During the comparatively quiet rule of the 
 Ptolemies, Greek ideas, customs, and morality had 
 been making peaceful conquests in Palestine. Their 
 own inherent attractiveness, and the fact that they 
 were supported by the authority of the dominant race, 
 cast a glamour about them which made the severe 
 religion of Jehovah, the simple customs and the 
 strict morality of the Jews, seem barren and provincial.
 
 HELLENISTIC TENDENCIES IN JUDAISM 32 1 
 
 All the other peoples of Palestine, including the 
 Samaritans, had set the example by imitating their 
 conquerors, tiellenistic Greek was the language of 
 commerce and polite society. Greek literature was 
 widely studied. Greek manners were the standard 
 throughout southeastern Palestine. The conservative 
 son of Sirach speaks in high terms of a " concert of 
 music at a banquet of wine" (xxxii. 5, 6), which reveals 
 to what an extent Greek customs had been adopted 
 in Jerusalem itself. He also alludes to the graver of 
 signets who " sets his heart to preserve likeness in 
 portraiture " (xxxviii, 27), showing that Greek art was 
 intrenched under the very shadow of the temple, for 
 from the context it is clear that the artisans to whom 
 he refers, were not foreigners but Jews. 
 
 300. The danger that the Jews would be completely 
 Hellenized was the greater because only by adopting 
 Greek habits and ideas could one hope to secure great 
 wealth or political preferment. The story of Joseph 
 the tax-collector furnishes a good illustration of this 
 fact. His rapid rise in royal favor would have been 
 impossible had he not abandoned the traditions of his 
 race, and surpassed the courtiers of Alexandria in 
 intrigues. Later, whenever at the court, he was a 
 favorite guest at the drunken orgies of the reigning 
 Ptolemy, and was deterred by no scruples from partici- 
 pating in the shameless debauches. At one of these 
 ho is said to have contracted a violent passion for a 
 certain dancing gii-1 (Jos. Ant. xii. 4, 6). Jewish 
 tradition also reports that he introduced at Jerusalem 
 a modified form of the feast in honor of the Greek 
 god of wine, Dionysus. The warnings of the son of 
 Sirach against the seductions of public singers and 
 
 21
 
 322 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 liarlots indicate that the corrupting influence of Greek 
 life had in his day penetrated the sacred city (ix. 2-9). 
 He also exhorts his disciples to prepare their souls for 
 temptation, and denounces those who are of fearful 
 hearts and who are trying " to go two ways " (ii. 1, 
 12). At the end of the Greek period, the number 
 who were trying " to go two ways " was great. It 
 included many who clung to the faith of their fathers, 
 but who were eager to embrace Greek ideas and 
 customs. Many of the members of the high priestly 
 family were found in the ranks of this Hellenizing 
 party. It also naturally included the growing "body 
 of apostates who were ready to abandon their religion 
 entirely, and eager to conceal their Jewish antecedents 
 in order that they might plunge into the dissipations 
 of Greek life. The wealthy and influential descend- 
 ants of Joseph (the Tobiada?) became the leaders of 
 this powerful party, which soon became strong enough 
 to contest for the rule of the community (Jos. Ant. 
 xii. 5, 1). They appear to have carried on an active 
 propaganda, urging that the best interests of the com- 
 munity demanded the tearing down of the wall of sepa- 
 ration between them and the nations (I. Mac. i. 11). 
 They might in time have been successful, if at this 
 crisis a great danger from without had not united in 
 its defence all true lovers of the law, irrespective of 
 their peculiar interests or affiliations. Out of the din 
 and conflict of the next few decades rose two or three 
 great parties which embodied in permanent form the 
 different currents of thought which found expression 
 in the Greek period.
 
 THE STJPEEME CRISIS OP JUDAISM 
 
 301. Antiochus Epiphanes, who in 175 B. c. usurped 
 the throne of Syria, figures in the perspective of his- 
 tory as the unintentional savior of Judaism, for ho 
 delivered it by his attacks from the " foes of its own 
 household," and awakened it to new life and activity. 
 In the eyes of his Jewish subjects, he was a fierce, 
 merciless persecutor, delighting only in deeds of 
 treachery and bloodshed (Dan. viii. 23; xi. 21). Ac- 
 cording to the Greek historians, he was a restless, 
 energetic, arrogant, ill-balanced man, driven by ambi- 
 tion and caprice to undertake tasks beyond his power 
 to accomplish. He took a childish delight in show and 
 pomp. Moderation was unknown to him. So strange 
 was his action at times, that by many he was regarded 
 as insane. He was an ardent champion of everything 
 Greek. Under his rule Antioch was greatly beautified, 
 and made a centre of Hellenic leai-ning. Public build- 
 ings reared by him in Athens and many other Greek 
 cities testified to his love of personal display and of 
 art. The desire to extend the influence of Greece 
 throughout all his kingdom was natural ; and his fury, 
 when confronted by opposition, was what might be 
 expected from a passionate, undisciplined ruler, reared, 
 as he was at Rome, side by side with the dissolute
 
 324 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 sons of the nobles who dominated the world. Sur- 
 rounded by flatterers and intriguers, and not gifted 
 with the power of understanding the peoples under him, 
 he was destined to commit a series of fatal blunders. 
 
 802. The treachery of certain of the Jews precipi- 
 tated the calamities which overtook their race. At 
 the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes, the high priest 
 Onias III. was in Antioch to answer the charge made 
 by the perfidious Simon of having saved the temple 
 treasure by deceiving Heliodorus, the royal messenger 
 (sect. 280). At the instigation of the Hellenistic party 
 at Jerusalem, which was led by the family of Joseph 
 the tax-collector, the faithful Onias was deposed, and 
 his brother Jason, who promised to pay into the Syrian 
 treasury a much larger tribute than he in return for the 
 high priesthood, and the privilege of farming the taxes 
 of Judea, was appointed by Antiochus, in his place (II. 
 Mac. iv. 3-8). By these means the Hellenistic faction 
 gained control of the temple, for Jason was in sym- 
 pathy with the most radical innovators. Counting 
 upon the support of Antiochus, and to win his favor, 
 they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem and introduced 
 Greek games. Young Jews flocked to the places of 
 public amusement ; even the priests, following the ex- 
 ample of their official head, neglected their duties in 
 the temple for the games of the palaestra (II. Mac. iv. 
 9-15). A passion for Greek costumes, Greek customs, 
 and Greek names seized the people. Large numbers 
 were enrolled as citizens of Antioch. Many even 
 endeavored to conceal the fact that they had been 
 circumcised. To the horror of the faithful, Hellenism 
 seemed to be carrying all before it. Jehovah and his 
 commands were being completely forgotten, and the
 
 INTRIGUES OF THE JEWISH HIGH PRIESTS 325 
 
 end of Judaism appeared to be at hand. To demon 
 strate that he had left all the traditions of his race 
 behind, Jason sent a rich present for sacrifices in con- 
 nection with tlie great festival at Tyre in honor of the 
 god Hercules. The messengers, not being so far 
 paganized as their master, paid over the money to the 
 fund for the royal navy (II. Mac. iv. 18-20). 
 
 303. In 171 B. c, Jason was succeeded by a still 
 more unprincipled renegade. A certain Menelaus was 
 sent by the high priest to Antioch to represent him in 
 the court. Menelaus improved the opportunity to bid 
 a larger sum for the high priesthood, and accordingly 
 was appointed by Antiochus. The family of Joseph 
 supported the new appointee, who came from their 
 ranks; but the majority of the Jews preferred Jason. 
 At last, with the aid of Syrian soldiers, Menelaus drove 
 his rival into exile, and then began to plunder the 
 temple treasure in order to redeem his promise of 
 tribute to Antiochus. The aged ex-priest, Onias III., 
 who dared to condemn this impiety, was treacherously 
 assassinated in his place of refuge near Antioch by an 
 agent of Menelaus (II. Mac. iv. 23-38). In Jerusalem, 
 the Jews, goaded to madness by his repeated robberies 
 of the temple, arose and killed Lysimachus, the repre- 
 sentative of Menelaus. They then despatched a depu- 
 tation to prefer charges before Antiochus at Tyre 
 against their shameless high priest. Again bribes 
 saved Menelaus, and brought upon the suitors for jus- 
 tice the death-penalty (11. Mac. iv. 43-50). Fortu- 
 nately for Judaism, by such acts as these the popular 
 passion for Hellenism was being rapidly cooled, and in 
 its stead there grew up an intense hatred for Antiochus 
 and his tool, Menelaus.
 
 326 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 304. In 170 B. c, the Syrian king invaded Egypt and 
 vanquished the army of the reigning Ptolemy (Dan. xi. 
 25). While there, the report came that Antiochus was 
 dead. The former high priest Jason improved the 
 opportunity, with a small army of one thousand men, 
 to seize Jerusalem, and to shut up his rival Menelaus 
 in the citadel. Instead, however, of winning the favor 
 of the Jews by acts of clemency, to satisfy his inhuman 
 thirst for revenge, he put many of them to death. 
 Finding no real support within the city, and learning 
 that Antiochus was returning from Egypt, Jason again 
 fled, and after long wanderings died miserably (11. 
 Mac. V. 1-10). This unfortunate insurrection gave 
 Antiochus an excuse for venting his anger upon the 
 Jews. Marching directly to Jerusalem, he turned the 
 city over to his bloody soldiery with commands to slay 
 and spoil. No attempt appears to have been made to 
 distinguish between the innocent and guilty. No 
 mercy was shown to women and children. Many 
 were slain in the streets and in their homes. Many 
 more were dragged off to supply the already crowded 
 slave markets of the Mediterranean cities (II. Mac. 
 V. 11-15). Upon the unresisting people was heaped 
 still greater ignominy. Led by the vile Menelaus, 
 Antiochus entered the holy temple and pluudered its 
 treasury, bearing away (according to II. Mac. v. 21) 
 eighteen hundred talents of silver. The temple was 
 also stripped of its golden altar and candlestick, of its 
 sacred vessels and ornamentation. Jerusalem was left 
 in sackcloth and ashes (Dan. xi. 28 ; I. Mac. i. 20-28). 
 
 305. Henceforth the relations between Antiochus 
 and his Jewish subjects partook of the nature of a 
 personal feud. Their internal dissensions, their weak-
 
 THE ATTEMPT TO HELLENIZE THE JEWS 327 
 
 ness, and their complete isolation from the rest of the 
 world alone restrained the Jews from open rebellion. 
 Antiochus, well aware of their secret hatred, regarded 
 their refusal to abandon their religion and to become 
 completely ITellenized, like the rest of his subjects, as 
 an act of rebellion. The existence of a large Greek 
 party at Jerusalem, and the misleading testimony of 
 Mcnelaus, who recognized that his only hope of main- 
 taining his position lay in the destruction of the loyal 
 Jewish party, encouraged Antiochus to believe that he 
 might yet succeed in exterminating the Jehovali cult. 
 His constant need of money also led hira to improve 
 every opportunity to rob his subjects. Accordingly, 
 when, in 168 b. c, he returned from his second Egyptian 
 campaign, completely baffled by the intervention of the 
 Romans, he visited his discontent upon the Jews (Dan. 
 xi. 29, 30). In his attempt to Hellenize them, he had 
 the sympathy of the heathen world. Tacitus states 
 that " Antiochus endeavored to root out the Jewish 
 superstition, but was hindered by a Parthian war from 
 reforming this vilest of people " (Hist. v. 8). Antiochus 
 was also encouraged and advised by the malicious 
 suggestions " of those who had forsaken the holy 
 covenant." A Syrian garrison, composed in part of 
 renegade Jews, under a barbarous Phrygian by the 
 name of Philip, was already established at Jerusalem 
 (H. Mac. v. 22). Antiochus also sent ApoUonius 
 with a large army to put an end to the worship of 
 Jehovah by exterminating all who remained faithful to 
 it, and by recolonizing Judea with Hellenized subjects. 
 Professing peace, ApoUonius fell upon the unresist- 
 ing inhabitants of Jerusalem, and slaughtered them 
 without pity (I. Mac. 29, 80 ; II. Mac. v. 24-26).
 
 328 TPIE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 When the men who had escaped by flight had been 
 slain, the women and children were led away as slaves, 
 and the wealth of the city confiscated. While the 
 houses and walls of Jerusalem were torn dovrn, the 
 citadel of Acra, which overlooked the temple, was 
 strongly fortified and garrisoned with Syrians and 
 apostate Jews. It was also well supplied with arms 
 and provisions so as to endure a long seige. Hence- 
 forth, until it was captured by the Jews in 141 b. c, it 
 was the stronghold of Hellenism, and a constant men- 
 ace to the worship of Jehovah (I. Mac. i. 31-36). 
 
 306. The commands of Antiochus were executed 
 with a grim thoroughness and system. Having gained 
 control of the centre of Judaism, the temple was dis- 
 mantled and desecrated (Dan. xi. 31). With the 
 blood of Jewish victims was mingled that of unclean 
 animals sacrificed in despite of the Jewish law. On 
 the site of the great altar of Jehovah was set up, in 
 December, 168 b. c," the abomination of desolation," — 
 an altar to Olympian Zeus. Ten days later, sacrifices 
 were instituted upon it in which all the remaining 
 inhabitants of Jerusalem were obliged to participate. 
 Within the sacred precincts were soon practised all 
 the immoral customs so often associated in that degen- 
 erate age with a heathen shrine (I. Mac. i. 37, 54, 59 ; 
 II. Mac. vi. 2-5). Even Jehovah's sanctuary on Mount 
 Gerizim was transformed into a temple of Zeus (I. Mac. 
 i. 46 ; II. Mac. vi. 2). All sacrifice to Jehovah of 
 course ceased. By royal decree, the observation of the 
 Sabbath or of the sacred feasts, and practising the rite 
 of circumcision, were absolutely forbidden under penalty 
 of death. All copies of the law were destroyed. 
 Heathen altars and temples were erected throughout
 
 EFFECTS OF THE PERSECUTIONS OF AXTIOCHUS 329 
 
 Judea, and everj Jew was compelled in public to sacri- 
 fice to idols, swine's flesh or that of some other unclean 
 beast, and to present conclusive evidence that he had 
 ceased to observe the laws of his fathers (I. Mac. i. 47- 
 49). On the occasion of the feast of Dionysus, every- 
 one was obliged to participate, marching in procession 
 crowned with wreaths of ivy (II. Mac. vi. 7). 
 
 307. At first the policy of Antiochus seemed to have 
 succeeded. By fire and the sword, he converted Jeru- 
 salem into a heathen city. To his standard resorted 
 hundreds of Jews who were bound to him body and 
 soul, for having once proved traitors to their religion 
 and race, they could never hope to be received again 
 within the ranks of the faithful. Henceforth, they 
 devoted themselves to betraying those who defied the 
 decrees of the king. Many more, terrified by the pros- 
 pect of torture and death, bowed before their perse- 
 cutors. Thousands fled to Egypt and the surrounding 
 countries, or else sought refuge in the many caves and 
 deserted regions in and about Judah (II. Mac. v. 27), pre- 
 ferring to endure the most awful privations rather than 
 give up their religion. Instead of crushing Judaism, 
 Antiochus soon discovered that his persecutions, like 
 an electric shock, had awakened a slumbering giant. 
 Hellenism had conquered all else, but now it was con- 
 fronted by an insignificant people whose spirit no human 
 power could break. Furious because of this unex- 
 pected opposition, Antiochus redoubled his persecutions. 
 Rather than admit his defeat, he was ready to make 
 Judea one vast cemetery. The example of the martyrs 
 for the law encouraged others to follow in their foot- 
 steps ; while the taste of their blood transformed their 
 persecutors into beasts. It was a brutal, heartless age,
 
 330 THE PETJSIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 and many if not all of the traditions preserved in I. 
 and II. Maccabees may be regarded as true (compare 
 Dan. xi. 33-85). Women who had circumcised their 
 children were led about the city with their babies 
 hanging to their breasts, and were then cast headlong 
 from the wall (I. Mac. i. 60, 61 ; II. Mac. vi. 10). 
 Others, betrayed while observing the Sabbath in their 
 places of refuge, were burned to death. Men, like the 
 aged scribe Eleazer, calmly met a martyr's death by 
 scourging, rather than save themselves by seeming to 
 be unfaithful to the commands of the ceremonial law 
 (II. Mac. vi. 1 1-31). Women, whom the ancient Orient 
 ordinarily treated contemptuously, were given high 
 places in the list of immortals. A long story is told of a 
 mother who, forced to witness in succession the death by 
 the most horrible tortures of her seven sons, exhorted 
 them to the last not to apostatize, and then unflinch- 
 ingly went to her own death. The heroes of the faith 
 realized in part the ideal of service presented by the 
 great prophet of the exile, for by their voluntary self- 
 sacrifice they inspired the survivors to remain true to 
 the law. The fact that some of them, like the con- 
 temporary son of Sirach, had no fixed faith in a personal 
 immortality awaiting them, only magnifies the great- 
 ness of their devotion.
 
 VI 
 
 THE GEEAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM 
 
 308. At every crisis in the history of Israel, a 
 prophet arose to interpret its meaning, to encourage 
 the people, and to point out the way of duty ; but now 
 for a century or more the idea had been current that 
 the voice of the prophets had ceased (Ps. Ixxiv. 9 ; 
 Zech. xiii. 3-5). The extreme needs of the hour 
 influenced the author of the Book of Daniel to break 
 the long silence. He did not, however, have the courage 
 to speak in his own name. Although his message was 
 clad in strange and mysterious form (sect. 261), it 
 brought to the hearts of his fellow-sufferers, who were 
 familiar with the apocalyptic type of thought, the 
 much needed comfort and inspiration. The book con- 
 tains two distinct elements : personal narratives respect- 
 ing the prophet Daniel, and predictions placed in his 
 mouth ; but the same practical, immediate application 
 is apparent in each. To men confronted by the choice 
 between a horrible death, or apostasy to the law, the 
 hortatory significance of such thrilling stories as that of 
 Daniel and his comrades, who defied powerful heathen 
 monarchs in order not to defile themselves by eating 
 food ceremonially unclean (i.), or to worship idols (iii.), 
 or to omit the daily prayer (vi.), is obvious. Their 
 miraculous deliverance by Jehovah, as well as their
 
 332 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 steadfastness, enforced the truths which the prophet 
 wished to teach. The fate which overtook the arro- 
 gant persecutors of the faithful in the past (v. 20-31) 
 was doubtless intended to assure the afflicted that 
 Antiochus Epiphanes would ultimately meet his just 
 deserts at the hand of Jehovah. 
 
 309. The predictions vary greatly in form, but their 
 messages are the same. Each presents a sublime phi- 
 losophy of history. They teach that every experience 
 of mankind, the rise and fall of nations, and the mis- 
 fortunes wiiich had befallen the Jewish race, were no 
 mere accidents, but all in accord with Jehovah's 
 eternal and unchanging purpose, which was thus re- 
 vealed to man. Now that the dominance of the powers 
 of evil had reached their height, the prophet felt that 
 the time when Jehovah would interfere and vindicate 
 his promises, by the destruction of his enemies and by 
 the exaltation of his faithful people, was near at hand. 
 The burning question was. How long before deliver- 
 ance will come ? Jeremiah's prophecy that the Jews 
 would be restored within seventy years furnishes the 
 author of the Book of Daniel his definite data (Dan. ix. 
 2). Since seventy actual years had not brought its 
 fulfilment, he reasons that seventy weeks of years 
 (490) must have been intended (ix. 24). According 
 to this reckoning, the deposition, or else the murder of 
 the last lawful high priest Onias III., " the anointed 
 one" (sects. 300, 301), marks the end of the sixty- 
 ninth (7+62+1) and the beginning of the seventieth or 
 last week of years (ix. 2G). The abolition of the 
 daily sacrifice came at the middle of this last week of 
 years, so that tlirec years and a half were to elapse 
 before the " end of the breaking in pieces of the power
 
 THE MESSAGES OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL 333 
 
 of the holy people" (xii. 7, 11; vii. 25). With less 
 chronological detail, he reiterates in a series of visions 
 the inspiring message that the great heathen powers 
 — the Babylonian, Median, Persian, and, last of all, 
 the Greek — have had their day, and will speedily be 
 succeeded by the universal and everlasting kingdom 
 of the saints of the Most High (ii. ; vii,). Then, 
 *' many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth 
 shall awake ; some to everlasting life, and some to 
 everlasting shame and contempt. And the teachers 
 shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, and 
 they that have led many to righteousness as the stars 
 forever and ever " (xii. 2, 3). 
 
 310. It requires little imagination to understand 
 how great was the influence of these prophecies dur- 
 ing the supreme crisis of Judaism. The fact that the 
 different sections repeat the same general teachings, 
 and that each constitutes a complete unit, independent 
 of the others, suggests that they may have been issued 
 at different times and finally combined. In the form 
 of tracts, they probably circulated secretly among the 
 hunted fugitives. From the first, they appear to have 
 been eagerly accepted by the people as authoritative 
 (compare I. Mac. ii. 59, 60). Therein they found 
 plainly and unhesitatingly stated what they hoped, 
 but hardly dared believe. Although immediately suc- 
 ceeding years did not bring the complete fulfilment 
 of its detailed predictions, the essential teachings of 
 the marvellous book — the proclamation that God is 
 working in and through all history, that the right will 
 ultimately triumph and faithful service be rewarded — 
 became foundation stones in the faith of later Judaism 
 and Christianity.
 
 334 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 311. The realm of religious ideas in which the 
 author of the Book of Daniel lived, and the hopes 
 which comforted the hearts of the martyrs, are also 
 clearly presented in chapters i. to xxxvi. and Ixxxiii. 
 to xc. of the Book of Enoch. The history of the world 
 from tlie creation to the Maccabean uprising is traced 
 in the form of a vision put in the mouth of Enoch, and 
 clad in the same mysterious symbolism as is found in 
 the Book of Daniel (Ixxxix. ; xc). Here again the 
 period of the uprising receives the chief attention. 
 After the final victory of Judas Maccaba3us, Jehovah 
 himself is to appear to condemn the wicked to punish- 
 ment in Gehenna, and to establish the new Jerusalem 
 (xc. 20-29). Then the scattered Jews and the righteous 
 dead are to be gathered to share in the kingdom of 
 God (xc. 31-36). If not a belief in personal immor- 
 tality, at least the hope in a bodily resurrection, and 
 in the speedy establishment on earth of Jehovah's 
 kingdom (compare Enoch xxii. ; xxv.), was a posses- 
 sion of many of the noble martyrs who defied the rage 
 of Antiochus (II. Mac. vii. 9, 11, 14, 23, 29, 36). 
 
 312. The merciless policy of Antiochus left no way 
 of escape for the faithful but by taking up the sword. 
 Their delay in so doing is only explained by their 
 habit of submission, which had been forming for 
 centuries, and by the apparently absolute hopelessness 
 of successfully defying, with a disorganized handful 
 of men, the still powerful Syrian empire. At last, 
 however, in the language of the Book of Enoch, " horns 
 grew upon the lambs," and they turned against the 
 birds of prey that attacked them (xc. 9-19). The 
 little town of Modein, among the limestone hills on 
 the Avestern edge of the central plateau of Palestine,
 
 THE REVOLT LED BY xMATTATlHAS 335 
 
 near the narrow valley which leads from Bethhoron on 
 the heights to Lydda on the plain of Sharon below, 
 furnished the leader of the inevitable revolt. Here 
 dwelt in seclusion an aged priest of the order of 
 Joarib, by name Mattathias. He and his five stalwart 
 sons felt most keenly the wrongs and indignities which 
 had been heaped upon their race and religion. When 
 the Syrian ofScials visited the town of Modein, and 
 endeavored by promises of royal favor to influence him 
 to set the example by publicly presenting a heathen 
 sacrifice, the stern old priest bade defiance to the king's 
 command, and declared that even if they alone of all 
 their race remained faithful, he and his family would 
 never forsake "the law and the oi'dinances " (I. Mac. 
 ii. 1-22). The sight of an apostate Jew advancing to 
 sacrifice on the heathen altar aroused his hot indigna- 
 tion. Fired with zeal for the law, he slew both the 
 traitor and the royal officer, and then pulled down 
 the hated altar, calling upon all who were loyal to 
 tbe covenant to follow him. With his sons, he fled 
 into the mountains. Profiting by the awful experience 
 of a large body of fugitives who, because they refused 
 to defend themselves on the Sabbath, had been remorse- 
 lessly massacred by the Syrians, Mattathias and his 
 followers determined to fight whenever attacked (I. 
 Mac. ii. 23-41). 
 
 313. His energy and wisdom at once attracted to 
 his standard the pious (Chasids or Hasideans), "the 
 mighty men of Israel, every one who offered himself 
 willingly for the law" (I. Mac. ii. 42). The party of 
 the pious, which figure !n later history as the Pharisees, 
 came into existence during the years of Syrian perse- 
 cution, ami represented an intensely conservative I'C-
 
 336 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 action against the prevalent Hellenizing influence 
 which was upheld by the secular party, known in later 
 time as the Sadduccan. The aim of the pious was to 
 preserve unchanged the law and traditions of their 
 race. In this respect they were the successors of the 
 earlier Puritans (sect, 293). In contrast to their op- 
 ponents, they also cherished in modified form the 
 Messianic hopes of their race. To these they added 
 the new belief in the resurrection. Thus, while they 
 were the conservatives and the zealots, they were also 
 in faith the progressives within Judaism. The scribes 
 were the natural leaders of the party of the pious ; but 
 the persecutions of Antiochus forced into its ranks all 
 who were zealous for the law : priests, Levites, and 
 laymen. It appears to have been organized before 
 Mattathias headed the revolt (I. Mac. ii. 42; iii. 13; 
 vii. 13). In all probability, he belonged to the new 
 party, for he and his sons were at first in perfect sym- 
 pathy with its aims, and in Mattathias and Judas the 
 pious found ideal leaders. 
 
 314. Their heroic struggle for religious liberty is a 
 familiar chapter of human history. At first only out- 
 laws hunted from place to place, Mattathias and his 
 followers devoted themselves to putting to death all 
 apostates whom they captured, to tearing down 
 heathen altars, and to instituting by force the rite of 
 circumcision, whenever it had been neglected. In 
 time, as they increased in numbers and experience, 
 they were able to strike open blows against the persecu- 
 tors of their race (II. Mac. viii. 1-7). The effect upon 
 the wavering Jews was most salutary, for with many 
 hope took the place of despair ; while others remained 
 loyal to the law, be»cause of fear of the swords in Jew-
 
 THE VICTORIES OF JUDAS 337 
 
 ish hands (I. Mac. ii. 44-48). Within a few months, 
 the aged Mattathias died (in 167 b. c.) ; but he was 
 succeeded by his son Judas, who was called Maccabaeue, 
 '' the Hammerer," and from whom came the name by 
 which his family are popularly designated. He inher- 
 ited the courage and the devotion to the law which had 
 animated his father, and in addition was possessed of 
 an indomitable energy, a rare ability to command, and 
 skill as a strategist which has secured for him a first 
 place among the generals of the past. 
 
 315. The difficulties which confronted him were 
 seemingly overwhelming, but he soon had a fearless 
 little army at his command ; while his foes were only 
 paid mercenaries, well equipped with arms, but not with 
 courage nor with determination. The physical contour 
 of Judea was also favorable to the Jewish cause. 
 While the Syrian general ApoUonius was leading his 
 force from Samaria to put down the rebellion, he was 
 suddenly attacked by Judas and slain. His followers 
 who did not escape by flight, shared the same fate (I. 
 Mac. iii. 8-12). Henceforth, Judas wielded the captured 
 sword of ApoUonius, and his men armed themselves 
 with the weapons of the slain. Another larger Syrian 
 host under Seron, " the commander of the army of 
 Syria," was soon after attacked by Judas near his home 
 at Modein, as they were advancing into Judea through 
 the narrow pass of Bethhoron, and completely van- 
 quished (I. Mac. iii. 13-24). 
 
 31G. Fortunately for the Jews, the Syrian treasury 
 was depleted. To secure new resources, Antiochus 
 entered at this time (IGG b. c.) upon the disastrous 
 Parthian war in which he ultimately lost his life. He 
 left the task of suppressing the Jewish revolt to his 
 
 22
 
 338 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 vice-regent Lysias. Instructed by previous disasters, 
 the most elaborate preparations were made to extermin- 
 ate completely the rebellious race (I. Mac. iii. 27-37). 
 An army of forty-seven thousand was despatched under 
 the command of three experienced generals, — Ptolemy, 
 Nicanor, and Gorgias. Anticipating certain victory, a 
 host of slave merchants accompanied the Syrian army 
 to be present at the great sale of Jewish captives. 
 "While the Syrians were encamped at Emmaus, on the 
 plain at the entrance of the hill country, Judas gathered 
 his followers at the historic stronghold of Mizpah, a 
 few miles northwest of Jerusalem. He had at his 
 command a small but fairly well armed and organized 
 army, inspired by deep religious faith and filled with 
 desperate courage, begotten by the knowledge that 
 defeat would be worse than death. All who might 
 quail at the critical moment were allowed to depart. 
 With marvellous skill, Judas marshalled his forces. 
 Learning that Gorgias, one of the Syrian generals, was 
 advancing with a strong detachment to attack him by 
 night at Mizpah, he advanced by another route directly 
 against the main body of the Syrian army at Emmaus. 
 Appealing to their faith and patriotism and enthusiasm, 
 he led his men in a sudden fierce onset which put the 
 entire hostile army to flight, and left him in possession 
 of the Syrian camp. Recalling his men from the 
 pursuit, Judas stood ready to meet the detachment 
 under Gorgias, as it returned from its futile pursuit of 
 the Jews. The sight of their burning camp, and of the 
 victorious army of Judas, unnerved the Syrians, and they 
 joined in the general rout (T. Mac. iii. 38 to iv. 25 ; II. 
 Mac. viii. 8-29). The spoil which fell into the hands 
 of the Jews was enormous, and enabled them to equip
 
 THE REDEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE 339 
 
 themselves for the next great danger which threatened 
 them. In the autumn of 165 b. c, Ljsias himself led 
 a new and still larger array against the Jews. Avoid- 
 ing the fatal northern passes, he invaded Judea from 
 southern Canaan, which was held by the Edomites (sect. 
 22). At Bethzur, on the road from Hebron to Jerusa- 
 lem, a great battle was fought in which the small army 
 under Judas won another crowning victory, which 
 compelled Lysias to retire and leave the Jews for a 
 time unmolested (I. Mac. iv. 28-35). 
 
 317. After two years of almost constant fighting, 
 Judas and his associates, by their courage and zealous 
 devotion, had won the religious freedom for which they 
 had sacrificed all else. With mingled feelings of sad- 
 ness and joy, they turned to the sacred city to restore 
 the interrupted service of the temple. Renegade Jews 
 and hated Syrians still insulted them from the frowning 
 battlements of the citadel of Acra, which Judas was 
 unable to capture. While his soldiers guarded against 
 attack from the Syrian garrison, and the assembled 
 people lamented over the desolation of the sanctuary, 
 "blameless priests cleansed the holy place and bore out 
 the stones of defilement" (I. Mac. iv. 42, 43). The 
 desecrated stones of the great altar they laid aside " in 
 a convenient place until there should come a prophet to 
 give an answer concerning them " (I. Mac. iv. 46). 
 Then a new altar was built, the temple repaired and 
 furnished anew. On the twenty-fifth day of the ninth 
 month, December, 165 b. c, just three years after it had 
 been defiled by Antiochus, the temple was rededicated, 
 and its service reinstated. Universal joy filled all 
 hearts, and found expression in solemn sacrifices and 
 loud songs of praise. For eight days, they celebrated
 
 340 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 the great event, and decreed that ever after it should be 
 commemorated by a yearly feast (I. Mac. iv. 47-59). 
 The occasion was a memorable one in human history, 
 for it represented the triumph of religious faith and 
 devotion over material interests and brute force, and 
 declared to the heathen world that there was something 
 in the religion of Jehovah which distinguished it from 
 all others. For the Jews, it marked the close of a long 
 period of suppression and persecution, and inaugurated 
 another filled with national hopes and victories. The 
 four centuries between Zedekiah and Judas opened with 
 the destruction of the temple and the annihilation and 
 enslavement of the Hebrew nation. It ended appro- 
 priately with the reded ication of the temple, the re- 
 union of the Jewish people, and a foretaste of national 
 independence. During the intervening years, Judaism 
 was born, developed, tested, and not found wanting.
 
 APPENDICES
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 THE NABONIDUS INSCRIPTION DESCRIBING THE 
 DESTRUCTION OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE 
 
 Recent excavations have unearthed an important in- 
 scription coming from the reign of Nabonidus, which con- 
 tains the first monumental account, thus far discovered, of 
 the overthrow of the Assyrian empire (in 606-5 b. c.) by 
 the combined attack of the northern hordes and the Baby- 
 lonians. It also records the first advent of the Umman- 
 Manda as an organized, united people. 
 
 The inscription has been published by Messerschmidt 
 in the Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 
 1896, I., 25. For convenient reference a translation is 
 herewith given : 
 
 He gave to him (Xabopolassar) a helper. 
 He furnished for him a confederate. 
 The king of the Umman-Manda, 
 Who had no equal, 
 5 He made subject 
 To his command, 
 He appointed for his aid. 
 Above and below, 
 Right and left 
 10 He overthrew, like the storm flood, 
 He took vengeance 
 For Babylon, 
 
 He increased the retribution (?). 
 The king of the Umman-Manda,
 
 $44. APPENDIX I 
 
 The fearless, 
 
 Destroyed 
 
 The temples 
 
 Of the gods of Assyria 
 
 All together, 
 20 And the cities in the territory 
 
 Of Akkad, 
 
 Which to the king of 
 
 Akkad 
 
 Had been hostile 
 
 And to his help 
 
 Had not come. 
 25 He destroyed 
 
 Their sanctuaries. 
 
 Left nothing remaining. 
 
 Laid waste 
 
 Their cities, 
 30 Increased (the desolation), 
 
 Like the devastating hurricane. 
 
 Of that which belonged to the king of Babylon 
 
 Through the work of Marduk, 
 
 Whose revenge (?) 
 35 Is plundering, 
 
 He took no share. 
 
 To the sanctuaries 
 
 Of all the gods 
 
 He turned graciously. 
 40 He did not on a bed of rest 
 
 Lay himself down.
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 THE JERUSALEM OF NEHEMIAH 
 
 The minute description of the building of the walls by 
 Nehemiah contained in the third chapter of his memoirs, 
 furnishes the most complete data extant respecting the 
 location and general characteristics of Jerusalem. These 
 data are further confirmed and supplemented by the de- 
 tailed account of the dedication of the walls (Xeh. xii. 31, 
 37-40). The facts are doubly valuable because the walls 
 which Nehemiah restored were those of pre-exilic Jerusa- 
 lem. Thanks to the extensive excavations which have 
 been carried on under the direction of the Palestine Ex- 
 ploration Fund, the exact location of the southern wall has 
 been determined. The southern halves of the western 
 and eastern walls have been traced ; while their northern 
 courses are established with comparative certainty by the 
 contour of the hills on which Jerusalem stands. Only in 
 regard to the exact course of the northern wall is it 
 necessary to resort at certain points to conjecture. 
 
 Josephus states that in his day there were three walls 
 on the north. The oldest, which was probably the one 
 built in the days of Solomon, extended almost due east 
 from the present Jaffa gate (following the David street) 
 until it reached the temple mount, where it turned a right 
 angle to the north so as to include the sacred hill. The 
 second began at " the gate which they called Gennath " 
 (probably the Ephraim gate on the map opposite page 172) 
 which belonged to the first wall ; it only encircled tbe 
 northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the
 
 346 APPENDIX II 
 
 tower of Antonia (Wars v. 4, 2). The third, which was 
 built by Agrippa, started from the tower Hippicus (near 
 the modern Jaffa gate) and followed the line of the 
 present northern wall. 
 
 The second northern wall was without much doubt the 
 one restored by Nehemiah, for there is no record of an- 
 other wall being built after his time until the third was 
 reared by Agrippa. On the other hand, it is suggested by 
 various Old Testament authorities that the ancient city of 
 Solomon was extended to the north by the later Jewish 
 kings, and that the new addition was called " the second 
 quarter" (11. Chrs. xxxiii. 14 ; II. Kings xv. 35; xxii. 14; 
 Zeph. i. 10). It appears to have included the upper Tyro- 
 poeon valley, which, because of its peculiar shape, was 
 called "the mortar" (Zeph. i. 11). 
 
 The order followed in the description of the rebuilding 
 of the walls by Nehemiah (iii.) is the reverse of that fol- 
 lowed by the second procession at the time of their dedi- 
 cation (xii. 38, 39). It begins with the sheep gate, which 
 was north of the temple, and approached from the Kidron 
 valley on the east through the deep ravine which origi 
 nally formed the northern boundary of the sacred area. 
 This valley is described by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 4, 2 ; 
 Wars i. 1, 3) and has been partially excavated (Pal. Ex. 
 Fund, Jerusalem Memoirs, 122-141) ; but to-day it is 
 almost entirely filled up with debris so that it is marked 
 only by a slight depression in which is located the pool of 
 Israel. The sheep gate was undoubtedly so named be- 
 cause at this point the people brought in their victims for 
 the temple sacrifice. Its reconstruction was appropriately 
 undertaken by the high priest and his associates, and after 
 its completion it was consecrated by them. At the upper 
 end of this ravine, where the temple mount was connected 
 with its northern continuation, was one of the most ex- 
 posed points about the city. Here stood the strong tower
 
 APPENDIX II 347 
 
 of Hammeah (" the hundred ") and its twin the tower of 
 Hanunel. Without much doubt they stood on the site of 
 the Roman tower of Antonia and of the modern Turkish 
 barracks. Excavations to the north and south of this 
 point have revealed no traces of an ancient wall, while in 
 the foundations of the tower of Antonia are the rock cut- 
 tings and antique masonry of what may have been the 
 original wall (P.E.F., Jer. Mems. 127). 
 
 Descending the western slope of the temple hill, the 
 wall extended to the fish gate down in the upper Tyropceon 
 valley. This was the market quarter of the city (Zeph; 
 i. 10), and the gate in all probability was so named be- 
 cause it was near the booths of the fish-mongers, who, as 
 in Koman times, brought in from the sea of Galilee and 
 Joppa their attractive delicacies. Like the modern Dam- 
 ascus gate, it represented the northern exit of the import- 
 ant street, which, following within the city the Tyropoeon 
 valley from south to north, became without the walls the 
 direct highway leading to Samaria and Galilee. 
 
 Whether the wall described a curve or a straight line be- 
 tween the fish gate and the gate of the old (city or wall) 
 can not be determined because the land being comparatively 
 level admitted of either, and excavation here has been im- 
 possible owing to the fact that the city at this point is 
 thickly settled. The proportionately large number of 
 workmen assigned by Nehemiah to this section of the wall 
 indicates its strategic importance, for it was flanked by no 
 deep valleys, and therefore was a favorable point of attack. 
 The gate of the old (city or wall) was in all probability 
 the corner gate. This, according to the chronicler, was 
 provided by King TTzziah with a protecting tower (II. Chrs. 
 xxvi. 9). Possibly it was spoken of as the gate of the old 
 because it marked the end of the old and the beginning of 
 the shorter new wall, which, according to the natural 
 translation of the Hebrew text of Nehemiah iii. S^ (si^^p-
 
 348 APPENDIX II 
 
 ported by the Septuagint and Vidgate), was then built be- 
 tween this point and the Ephraim gate, so that here part 
 of the territory included within pre-exilic Jerusalem was 
 left out. If, as is claimed by many, the last section of the 
 thirty-first chapter of Jeremiah is post-exilic, the thirty- 
 eighth and thirty-ninth verses corroborate the general 
 reconstruction suggested on the map (opposite page 172) : 
 "The city shall be built to the Lord from the tower of 
 Hananel unto the gate of the corner. And the measuring 
 line shall yet go out straight onwards unto the hill Gareb 
 and shall tuin about unto Goah." If the passage is exilic, 
 its testimony is still valuable, for it affirms that the city 
 which then lay in ruins would all of it again " be holy to 
 the Lord." The suggested reconstruction of the wall also 
 conforms to the physical contour of the native rock at this 
 point, which has been deeply buried by later deposits 
 (P.E.F., Jer. Mems. 285-292). This brings the wall to the 
 Ephraim gate, which was located in the northwestern 
 branch of the Tyropoeon valley. 
 
 South of the Ephraim gate, where the city was exposed 
 to attack from the west, it was protected by a double wall, 
 The remainder of the western wall has been traced along 
 the brow of the hill. The references in Nehemiah suggest 
 that the tower of the furnaces was found on the south- 
 western corner of the city near the gate which has recently 
 been disclosed by the excavations. The furnaces or ovens 
 which gave the name to the tower located there, whose 
 foundations had been unearthed, were in all probability 
 those used by the potters in baking their wares. That 
 their shops were located at this point down in the valley 
 of Hinnom just outside the gate, which from the fact was 
 earlier called the gate of the potsherds, is clearly indi- 
 cated by the references in Jeremiah xviii. 2-4 and xix. 
 1-6. Without much doubt, the tower was the one which 
 the chronicler states was built by Uzziah at the valley
 
 APPENDIX II 340 
 
 gate when he fortified the corners of the city (II. Chrs. 
 xxvi. 9). 
 
 That the valley gate is identical with the one discovered 
 by Doctor Bliss at the southwestern corner of the ancient 
 city, and not with the one near the modern Jaffa gate, as 
 he suggests, is reasonably certain. The name itself is 
 much more appropriate for a gate situated far down in the 
 valley of Hinnom than for one up on the heights ; and the 
 names of the gates of Jerusalem were derived from their 
 use or from something near them. The minute descrip- 
 tions in Nehemiah are satisfied only by the first identifi- 
 cation. At the dedication of the temple, the two bands 
 started from the valley gate at the corner of the city oppo- 
 site the temple. The one band went to the right, along 
 the southern and eastern wall, while the other went to the 
 left, along the western and northern wall. The latter 
 went first above the tower of the furnaces (which must 
 therefore have been located in the valley), then, after pass- 
 ing along the broad wall, and then above the gate of 
 Ephraim (which must have been located in the slight de- 
 pression made by the northwestern branch of the Tyro- 
 poeon valley), went by the gate of the old wall and the fish 
 gate to the sheep gate. Also on the occasion of his mid- 
 night ride Nehemiah " went out by the valley gate toward 
 the dragon's well and to the dung gate " and the fountain 
 gate (ii. 13,14). 
 
 Furthermore, if Doctor Bliss's identification of the gate 
 in the valley of Hinnom with the dung gate be accepted, 
 Nehemiah made no provisions for the repair of the nine- 
 teen hundred feet of wall between that and the fountain 
 gate (iii. 14, 15) ; but if it be identified with the valley 
 gate the one thousand cubits of wall restored by the in- 
 habitants of Zanoah between the valley gate and the dung 
 gate (verse 13) conforms closely to the results of the act- 
 ual measurement of the distance between the southwest-
 
 350 APPENDIX II 
 
 ern gate and the little gate discovered only a few feet 
 west of the fountain gate. The fact that no especial 
 group of workmen was assigned to the wall between these 
 gates finds its complete explanation in the fact that they 
 Avere so near to each other. Of the identity of the foun- 
 tain gate as the chief exit at the southern end of the city, 
 there can be no doubt ; while the object of the little gate, 
 which was only four feet ten inches in width, and too 
 near the large fountain gate, where the streets converged, 
 to be of use to the general public, is satisfactorily ex- 
 plained by the name, " dung gate." The execution of the 
 strict sanitary laws of the Pentateuch appears to have 
 made necessary a special gate through which refuse of the 
 city could be carried out. It is also interesting to note 
 that it occupied precisely the same position relative to 
 the ancient city as does the present dung gate to modern 
 Jerusalem . 
 
 Its position on the sloping side hill, and the fact that 
 it was in part cut out of the native rock, explain how one 
 gang of workmen sufficed to repair most of the southern 
 wall. The excavations have also given us a vivid concep- 
 tion of its character. On the southwest corner has been 
 found a tower base measuring about forty-five feet each 
 way, and rising twenty feet from an outer ledge of rock 
 (Bliss-Excavations at Jerusalem, 2-4). Between this and 
 the valley gate, there are numerous cuttings in the rock 
 which indicate that once it was the base of formidable for- 
 tifications. In places the natural rock has been so cut that 
 it rises to a sheer height of forty feet, with a shallower cut- 
 ting within. It thus constituted in itself an almost im- 
 pregnable wall. On the west side of the valley gate was 
 found the base of another tower, forty-three feet in length 
 on its face, and running back for a long distance. 
 
 The width of the ancient valley gate was only eight feet 
 ten inches on the outside, and somewhat greater on the in-
 
 APPENDIX H 351 
 
 side. The thickness of the wall on the east of the gate 
 was nine feet. The lower sockets of the gate are still in 
 position (Bliss-E.J., 16-20). The worn pavement of the 
 ancient street which led to the fountain gate and the usual 
 drain beneath have also been uncovered. 
 
 Along the southern wall were found several buttressing 
 towers of different sizes and of unequal distances from 
 each other. The fountain gate — nine feet six inches in 
 width — was also guarded by towers. 
 
 Where the ancient wall crossed the lower Tyropoeon 
 valley from the fountain gate to the ascent of Ophel, it 
 was flanked on the outside with six buttresses, resting on 
 a base wall about twenty feet thick (Bliss-E.J., 97). 
 Along most of its course from the southwestern corner of 
 the temple area to the fountain gate, the main street, 
 which ran along the bottom of the Tyropoeon valley, has 
 been traced. Its width, varied from twenty-five to fifty 
 feet. It was paved and provided with a curb. Where the 
 ground ascended, there were broad, low, rock-cut steps 
 constructed like some of the modern Jerusalem streets, so 
 that they could be \ised by beast as well as by foot-pas- 
 sengers. Beneath the street was the great drain, which 
 probably followed it through its entire length from the 
 fish gate to the fountain gate. One street was found 
 branching to the west toward the Ephraim gate, but none 
 to the east. On the east side of the pool of Siloam, rock- 
 cut steps were found leading down to it and joining the 
 main street. The southern slope of Ophel between the 
 Tyropoeon street and the eastern wall was occupied by 
 the palace and public buildings. About the great pool 
 within the walls, and just north of the fountain gate, were 
 found the king's garden (Jer, xxxix. 4; Neh. iii. 15). 
 Close to the wall were the stairs which led up to Ophel 
 (Neh. iii. 15; xii. 37) of which the recent excavations 
 appear to have uncovered traces (Bliss-E.J. 176). Tf the
 
 352 APPENDIX II 
 
 surface immediately north of the king's garden had been 
 carefully excavated, we might know the exact location of 
 the sepulchres of David and of the public building situated 
 there. The absence of any trace of a gate between this 
 tower and the fountain gate is in perfect harmony with 
 the descriptions of Nehemiah. 
 
 The water gate was just above this tower (Keh. iii. 26), 
 and was the most important eastern entrance to the city. 
 It was probably so named because from it the road led 
 down to Jerusalem's one perennial spring, — the present 
 Virgin's fount. It opened into the official quarter of the 
 city. In front of it, within the city, as before the Ephraim 
 gate and the modern Jaffa gate, was an open space where 
 the people assembled on public occasions (Neh. viii. 1, .16). 
 The horse gate was a short distance further north. The 
 reference in II. Kings xi. 16 indicates, as does its name, 
 that it was originally built as "the horses' entry to the 
 king's house." It marked the northern limit of the royal 
 buildings and the beginning of those which belonged to 
 the temple and the priests (Neh. iii. 27 ; Jer. xxxi. 40). 
 
 The gate of Hammiphkad was near the northeast cor» 
 ner of the city, east of the temple, and without much doubt 
 identical with the gate of the guard, where one of the 
 companies who took part in the dedication of the walls 
 paused before the sanctuary (Neh. xii. 39 ; compare II. 
 Kings xi. 6) . The shafts sunk by the Palestine Explora- 
 tion Fund uncovered a massive masonry wall forty-six 
 feet to the east of the present sanctuary wall, running 
 from the south to the north, and turning to the northwest 
 at the northern angle of the golden gate (P.E.F., Jer. INIems. 
 144). That this is the northeastern angle of the ancient 
 wall is confirmed by the configuration of the natural rock, 
 which descends suddenly at this point into the ravine to 
 the north, which leads up from the Kidron valley. 
 
 Inside the gate of the guard were found the bazaars at
 
 APPENDIX II 353 
 
 xrhich the people coming from a distance couLl purchase 
 those things which were needful for their offerings ; and 
 here also dwelt a group of the Nethinini, who perhaps 
 took charge of the animals which were brought in for 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Combining the testimony of the biblical references with 
 the results of modern excavation, we are thus able to gain 
 a very definite conception of ancient Jerusalem. Although 
 it did not extend as far north, it reached so much farther 
 down into the valley to the south that its total area was 
 the same as that which is inclosed within the walls of the 
 modern town. Compared with our western cities, Jerusa- 
 lem was very small, for its greatest width was less than 
 three-quarters of a mile ; but, measured by Oriental stan- 
 dards, the city of Nehemiah was described as " wide and 
 large" (Neh. vii. 4). 
 
 ^
 
 APPENDIX III 
 BOOKS OF REFERENCE UPON JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 The new interest and importance now associated with 
 the exilic and post-exilic periods have already called forth 
 a number of monographs and articles which have made it 
 necessary at certain points to modify the conception of 
 the course of events presented in the histories of Ewald, 
 Stanley, Renan, Stade, and even in the more recent brief 
 sketches by Wellhausen, Klostermann, and Cornill. The 
 pioneer work has been done by the Dutch scholars. In 
 1890 Van Hoonacker in his Nehemie et Esdras first main- 
 tained that while Nehemiah's activity was during the 
 reign of Artaxerxes I., that of Ezra was under the rule of 
 Artaxerxes II. This conclusion he has reasserted in his 
 later works: Nehemie en Van 20 d'Artax. /., Esdras en 
 Van 7 d'Artax. II., 1892; Zorohabel et le Second. Temple, 
 1892 ; and Etxides sur la Resta^iratinn Juive apres VExil 
 de Bahylone, 1896. Kuenen in De Chronologie van het 
 Perzische Tijdvak, 1890 (translated in Gesammelte Ab- 
 handlungen, 1894), replied, defending the commonly ac- 
 cepted date of Ezra's expedition (458 b. c, before the 
 appearance of Nehemiah in Judah). While he practically 
 proved that Nehemiah must have gone to Jerusalem dur- 
 ing the reign of Artaxerxes I., his arguments in regard to 
 the date of Ezra are not so conclusive. 
 
 In 1893 appeared the Herstel van Israel hi het Perzische 
 Tijdvak (translated by Basedow, Die Wiederlierstellung 
 Israels, 1895) from the pen of the late lamented Professor 
 Kosters of Leiden in which, after carefully analyzing the
 
 APPENDIX III 355 
 
 Books of Ezra and ISTeliemiah, he presented an array of 
 evidence supporting the conclusion that the true order of 
 the three great events in the Persian period were : (1) 
 the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem by Nehemiah, 
 (2) the work of Ezra, and (3) the general return of Jews 
 to Judah from Babylon ; while the temple was rebuilt 
 about 520 b. c, by the Jews who had been left behind in 
 Palestine. 
 
 Although this thesis, which is strongly supported by 
 its intrinsic reasonableness, as well as by the testimony 
 of the earliest sources, has since been subjected to the 
 most searching criticism, it has been only slightly modi- 
 tied. In his reply to Kosters {Die Ruckkehr der Jtiden aus 
 dem babylonischen Exil in Nachrichten d. Konifjl. Gesellsch. 
 d. Wissenschaften zu Gottingen 1895, p. 166-186), and in 
 his latest writings, Wellhausen, although nominally main- 
 taining — with not a little dogmatism — the current view, 
 is forced to make so great concessions that he practi- 
 cally admits the claim of the Leiden scholar that there 
 was no considerable return in 537 b. c. He also sug- 
 gests that the " seventh year " in Ezra vii. 8 read origi- 
 nally the " thirty-seventh " (the " thirty " having been 
 omitted by some copyist), so that Ezra's expedition 
 followed the rebuilding of the walls by Nehemiah. 
 
 The famous historian, Eduard Meyer, issued in 1896 
 his Entstehung des Jicdenthums, in which he throws much 
 new light upon the life and development of the Jewish 
 community during the Persian period. He skilfully 
 arrays all the arguments in favor of a slightly modified 
 form of the older view concerning the order of events ; 
 but in some cases he ignores and in others he fails to ex- 
 plain away the facts, which call for a new reconstruction. 
 Although in the main supporting his earlier positions, 
 the book was the object of a bitter attack by Professor 
 Wellhausen (Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1897, p. 89-
 
 356 APPENDIX III 
 
 97), which elicited a counter-reply from Professor Meyer 
 (Julius Wellhausen und meine Schrift : Die EnfstehvMg des 
 JudenthumSy 1897). Unfortunately the personal and dog- 
 matic elements in these articles are so prominent that 
 little new light is shed upon the subjects under consider- 
 ation. Dr. Torrey gave a new turn to the discussion in 
 his monograph, The Composition and Historical Value of 
 Ezra-Nehemiah, 1896 ; for, after a scholarly critical analy- 
 sis of Ezra-Nehemiah, he comes in all seriousness to the 
 surprising conclusion "that, aside from the greater part 
 of Nehemiah 1-6, the book has no value whatever as 
 history," and that " the work of the chronicler, whatever 
 else may be said of it, certainly throws no light on the 
 history of the Jews in the Persian period" (p. 65). Dr. 
 Torrey's methods are purely those of literary criticism, 
 and in the thorough application of them he has made a 
 definite contribution to the knowledge of the origin of 
 Ezra-Nehemiah. Accepting his data, however, the his- 
 torical student must fundamentally question his con- 
 clusions, because they involve the unwarranted and 
 improbable assumption that later traditions, and es- 
 pecially those in regard to the post-exilic period with 
 which the chronicler and his first readers were familiar, 
 were absolutely untrustworthy. 
 
 While a few of the recent writers, like George Adam 
 Smith in The Book of the Twelve Prophets, 1898 (Vol. II. 
 p. 204-215). Piepenbring in his Jfistoire du Peuple 
 d'Israel, 1898, and Klostermanu in his Geschichte des 
 Volkes Israel, 1896, continue to hold to the older view of 
 a general return of Jews to Palestine from Babylon about 
 537 B. c, a growing number accept that of Kosters. 
 Thus, Sellin in his Seruhhabel, 1898, Marquart in his 
 Fundamente Israelitischer und Jiidischer Geschichte, 1896, 
 (p. 28-68), and Cheyne in his Jewish Religious Life after 
 the Exile, 1898, adopt the new view as the basis of their 
 treatment of the history.
 
 APPENDIX III 357 
 
 In addition to the standard work by Driver, Tntroduc- 
 iton to the Literature of the Old Testament (6tli edition), 
 1898, English readers will welcome the translation, under 
 the author's direction, of Kautzsch's Outline of the History 
 of the Literature of the Old Testament, 1898. 
 
 The critical analysis of the closing chapters of the Book 
 of Isaiah has been greatly advanced within I'ecent years by 
 the fundamental work of Duhm in Das Buch Jesaia, 1892, 
 and by Cheyne in his Introduction to the Book of Isaiah, 
 1896. The results of Ley, presented in his Historische 
 Erldarung des xiveiten Theils des Jesaia, 1893, are sug- 
 gestive but will not command general acceptance. Of 
 great interpretative value is George Adam Smith's The 
 Book of Isaiah, Vol. II., 1890. The same is true of his 
 second volume of The Book of the Twelve Prophets, 1898, 
 which treats of the post-exilic prophets, presenting ad- 
 mirable introductions to each. The commentaries of 
 Bevan and Farrar on The Book of Daniel are the most 
 usefid. The recent book by Streane, The Age of the 
 Maccabees, 1898, besides having much excellent material 
 bearing on the literature of the Greek and Maccabean 
 period, contains an appendix (C) which presents in a 
 very complete form the conservative refutation of the 
 argument against the late date of Daniel. 
 
 Although our concept of the historical background is 
 somewhat different, the epoch-making works of Well- 
 hausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel, 1885, and of 
 Ivuenen, The Hexateiich, 188G, and the more recent work 
 of Addis, The Documents of the Hexateuch I., II., 1893- 
 1898, are valuable guides for the analysis of the books 
 which contain the Priestly Code which was the constitu- 
 tion of Judaism. 
 
 The Book of Enoch has been rendered easily accessible 
 to the English student by an admirable translation, pre- 
 faced with concise introductions and supplied with notes,
 
 358 APPENDIX III 
 
 by Charles. The edition of the text of Herorlotus, with 
 notes and introductions by Sayce in his Ancient Empires 
 of the East, 1883, is very useful. 
 
 The Babylonian and Persian inscriptions hare been 
 made accessible to the public in the Records of the Past, 
 1892, and in the more carefully prepared Keilinschriftliche 
 Bibliothek, 1889-1896, edited by Schrader. Chiefly of 
 value because of his insight into the social and religious 
 life of the Jewish people is the recent Histoire du Peuple 
 d' Israel, 1898, by Piepenbring. Hunter's After the Exile, 
 I., XL, 1890, is a vivid, popular sketch of the century of 
 Jewish history following the conquest of Babylon by 
 Cyrus. The old view of the order of events of course is 
 the one followed. The first volume of SchUrer's The 
 Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, 1890, contains 
 a reliable summary of events during the latter part of 
 the Greek period. A revised and reconstructed edition 
 of this monumental work is now appearing in Germany. 
 
 A vital question in the history of Judaism is thoroughly 
 treated by Bertholet in Die Stellung der Israeliten und 
 der Juden zu den Fremden, 1896. In his Origines Judai* 
 cae, 1895, Cobb presents in attractive form many interest- 
 ing facts and theories respecting the origin of Jewish 
 institutions. The articles in Hastings's Dictionary of the 
 Bible, 1898, in Benzinger's Hebrdische Archdologie, 1894, 
 and in Nowack's Lehrbuch der Hebrdischen Archdologie, 
 1894, are concise and reliable. 
 
 The religious development of later Judaism is treated 
 from a broad point of view by Toy in his Judaism and 
 Christianity, 1890. The memorable work of Kuenen, 
 The Religion of Israel, 1883, is still full of suggestion, 
 especially in the treatment of the Persian and Greek 
 periods. Professor Cheyne has introduced a wealth of 
 material respecting the religious development of Judaism 
 into his Origin and Religious Contents of the Psalter, 1889.
 
 APPENDIX III 359 
 
 His latest book, Jevnsh, Itdhjinns Life after the Exile, 
 1898, is in many ways the most imjiortant which has 
 yet been written upon the period, for it presents in popu- 
 lar form the results of a ripe scholarship, and is based 
 upon the new historical reconstruction. The Religion of 
 the Ancient Hebrews, 1893, by Montefiore is a brilliant 
 and scholarly treatment of the origin and growth of the 
 Jehovah religion from the point of view of modern pro- 
 gressive Judaism. 
 
 New light has been shed upon contemporary Jewish 
 history by the Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Ge- 
 schichte, 1889, by Winckler and 1897 by Rest. Mahaffy's 
 Greek Life and Thought, 1887, and The Empire of the 
 Ptolemies, 1895, and Droy sen's History of Hellenism give 
 realistic pictui-es of the background of Judaism in the 
 Greek period. 
 
 The results of the recent important excavations of the 
 Palestine Exploration Fund are presented to the public in 
 the carefully prepared volume by Dr. Bliss on Excava- 
 tions at Jerusalem, 1898. 
 
 At last the chronology of the Babylonian, Persian, and 
 Greek periods appears to have been definitely determined 
 through the thorough investigations of Mahler, presented 
 in Der Schaltcyclus der Babylonier (in Zeltschrlft fur 
 Assyriologie, ix. p. 42-61) and in the Denkschrlften der 
 Jcaiserlichen Akademie der W Issenschaften, 1895, Ixii. p. 
 641-664. They are confirmed alike by the historical data 
 and by the testimony of astronomy. Detailed questions 
 of chronology are treated by Kuenen ( Gesammelte Ahhand- 
 lungen, 1894, p. 212 ff.) and by Oppert (in Zeitschrift der 
 Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, lii. 259-270, 
 compare Mahler in the same, p. 227-246).
 
 BOOKS OF REFERENCE 
 
 Abbreviations. 
 
 DrLOTs . 
 SmOTJC 
 
 EnB . . 
 CornEAT 
 
 EeussGAT 
 
 KostWI . 
 
 MeyEJ . . 
 
 EwHI . 
 
 RePI . . 
 
 CornHPI 
 
 GrHJ . 
 SchJPTC 
 
 StGVI . 
 PiepHPI 
 TieleBAG 
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 Driver — Introduction to the Literature of 
 
 the Old Testament (6th edition), 1898. 
 
 W. R. Smith — The Old Testament in the 
 
 Jewish Church, 1892. 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica. 
 Cornill — Einleitung in das Alte Testament 
 
 (2te Aufl.), 1892. 
 Reuss — Geschichte des Alten Testaments, 
 
 1890. 
 Kosters — Wiederherstellung Israels in der 
 
 persischen Periode, 1895. 
 Meyer — Entstehung des Judenthums, 189G. 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 Ewald — History of Israel, V. (Eng, transl. 
 
 1885). 
 Renan — History of the People of Israel, 
 
 III., IV., 1895. 
 Cornill — History of the People of Israel, 
 
 1898. 
 Graetz — History of the Jews, I., 1891. 
 Schiirer — The Jewish People in the Time of 
 
 Jesus Christ, Div. I. I., II., Div. 11. 
 
 I.-III., 1890. 
 Stade — Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II., 
 
 1888. 
 Piepenbring — Histoire du Peuple d'Israel, 
 
 1898. 
 Tiele — Babylonische-AssjriscLe Geschichte, 
 
 II., 1888.
 
 BOOKS OF REFERENCE 
 
 36i 
 
 PROPHECY 
 
 Abbreviations. 
 SmBI. . 
 SmBTP . 
 
 CheynelBI 
 
 CornPI . 
 
 G. A. Smith — The Book of Isaiah, II., 1890. 
 G. A. Smith — The Book of the Twelve 
 
 Prophets, II., 1898. 
 Cheyne — Introduction to the Book of 
 
 Isaiah, 1895. 
 Comill — The Prophets of Israel, 1895. 
 
 RELIGION 
 
 CheyneJRL . . . Cheyne — Jewish Religious Life after the 
 
 Exile, 1898. 
 KuRI Kuenen — The Religion of Israel, II., III., 
 
 1883. 
 MontRAH . . . Montefiore — The Religion of the Ancient 
 
 Hebrews, 1892. 
 SchultzOTT . . Schultz — Old Testament Theology, I., IL 
 
 (Eng. transl. 1892).
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Part L — THE BABYLONIAN PEKIOD OF 
 JEWISH HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD 
 
 II. Kgs. xxiv., XXV ; Isa. xiii. to xiv. 23 ; xl. to Iv. ; Jer. xxiv. ; 
 xxix. ; xliv. ; 1. 2 to li. 58 ; Ezekiel ; Obadiah ; Lamentations ; 
 Psalm cxxxvii. ; Daniel ; History of Susanna ; Bel and the 
 Dragon ; Book of Baruch ; DrLOJe 219-223, 236-246, 266-298, 
 318-321, 456-465; EuB viii. 828-30; xiii. 379-384, 751, 752; 
 CheynelBL 67-78, 121-128, 204-211, 237-310, 412-431 ; CornEAT 
 138-155, 169-171, 178-180, 244-248. 
 
 II 
 
 THE DISPERSIOX OF THE JEWS 
 
 KuRI IL 174-182; RePI IIL 282-308; GrHJ 313-316; 
 MontRAH 207-209 ; ReussGAT 422, 423. 
 
 Ill 
 
 THE CHARACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN PALESTINE 
 
 AND EGYPT 
 
 SmBTPiL 177-184; GrHJ 317-328. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON 
 
 SmBI IL 48-G8; CornllPI 145-148; KuRI IL 98-105; 
 PvfPIITT. 309-322; EwHI V. 1-19; GrHJ 329-332; MontRAH
 
 REFERENCES 363 
 
 222-230; TieleBAG 11. 424-457, 485-610; StGVI II. 3-15; 
 ReussGAT 429, 430 ; riepHPI 438-444. 
 
 V 
 
 PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST-PROPHET EZEKIEL 
 
 SmOTJC 374-382; CornPI 115-124; KuRI II. 105-118; 
 
 GrHJ 332-334; RePI III. 323-360; MontRAH 238-259; 
 
 StGVI II. 15-18, 24-63; ReussGAT 431-440; PiepHPI 
 445-466. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE 
 
 KuRI II. 147-173 ; RePI III. 361-367 ; MontRAH 231-236 ; 
 CornEAT 131-133 ; StGVI II. 19-24, 63-67 ; ReussGAT 440- 
 445; PiepHPI 467-510. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN RULE 
 
 KuRI II. 119-120 ; EwHI V. 33-41 ; CornPI 125-130 ; EnB 
 Ti. 752-753; xiii. 417; xviii. 564-566; RePI III. 368-373; 
 GrHJ 342-344; CornHPI 148-150; MontRAH 260-263; Tiele- 
 BAG II. 457-472. 
 
 VIII 
 
 THE MESSAGE OF THE GREAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE 
 
 SmBI 71-407; CoraPI 131-144; KuRI II. 121-141; EwHI 
 V. 41-47; RePI III. 390-422; GrHJ 344-349; SchultzOTT I. 
 311-320; MontRAH 264-280 ; StGVI II. 68-94.
 
 364 REFERENCES 
 
 Part II. — THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH 
 HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD 
 
 Ezra ; Nehemiah ; Ruth ; Haggai ; Zechariah ; Isa. xxiv. to 
 xxvii. ; Ivi. to Ixvi. ; Malachi ; Joel; Jonah; DrLOT® 1-69, 
 126-159, 307-313, 321-325, 34:3-346, 355-391, 408-435, 463-456; 
 EnB viii. 831,832; xi. 270, 271, 756-759; xiii. 704-706; xv. 
 313, 314; XX. 29-34; xxiv. 773, 774; SmOTJC 188-225; 
 CornEAT 174-176, 193-218, 229-237, 242, 243, 262-270; 
 MeyEJ 1-71. 
 
 II 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY OF CYBU8 
 
 KuRI II. 141-147, 202-208 ; EnB xiii. 417 ; CornPI 145-149 ; 
 EwHI V. 47-52; GrHJ 349-353; RePI III. 373-389; 
 TieleBAGII. 472-484. 
 
 ni 
 
 THE REVIVAL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN PALESTINE 
 
 CheyneJRL 5-12 ; MontRAH 286-296; SmBTP 11. 198-220; 
 StGVI II. 98-112; KostWI 29-42 ; PiepHPI 511-521. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE REBUILDING OF THE TEMPLE AND THE SERMONS OF 
 HAGGAI 
 
 SmBTP II. 225-252; KuRI H. 205-210; CornHPI 152-154; 
 EnB vi. 825, 826; xviii. 566-571; StGVI II. 113-123; 
 KostWI 1-29; MevEJ 79-80 ; ReussGAT 467-470.
 
 REFERENCES 365 
 
 THE HOPES AND DISCOURAGEMKNTS OF THE TEMPLE 
 BUILDERS 
 
 SmBTP II. 255-328 ; KuRI II. 210-215 ; RePI IV. 30-44 ; 
 CheyneJRL 12-24; StGVI 11.123-128; ReussGAT 471, 472; 
 PiepHPI 522-528. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE SEVENTY YEARS OF SILENCE FOLLOWING THE BUILDING 
 OF THE TEMPLE 
 
 SmBTP II. 331-372 ; KuRI II. 215-218 ; MontRAH 302-304 ; 
 StGVI II. 128-138; MeyEJ 105-130; ReussGAT 478-482; 
 PiepHPI 529-535. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE REBUILDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEMIAH 
 
 KuRI II. 224-231, 234-239; EwHI V. 147-164; CornHPI 
 lGO-164; GrH J 372-378; RePI IV. 56-83; EnB xviii. 572-575; 
 CheyneJRL 36-50; StGVI II. 162-174; KostWI 42-50; 
 PiepHPI 545-552. 
 
 VIII 
 
 PRELIMINARY REFORM MEASURES 
 
 CheyneJRL 50-54, 64-69; StGVI I L 186-189; KostWI 64-73. 
 
 IX 
 
 THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 
 
 CheyneJRL 54-58; EnB viii. 830, 831; RePI IV. 84-92 j 
 StGVI II. 139-141 ; KostWI 51-54 ; PiepHPI 536-544.
 
 366 EEFERENCES 
 
 X 
 
 THE INSTITUTION OF TUE PRIESTLY LAW 
 
 KuRI II. 218-224, 231-234, 230-248, 286-291 ; RePI IV. 103- 
 114; CheyneJRL 58-64, 70-81,442-449; CornHPI 156-160, 
 164-166; EnB xiii. 418,419; xviii. 505-519 ; EwHI V. 165-172; 
 MontRAH 314-333; StGVI II. 141-160, 177-186; MeyEJ 199- 
 227 ; ReussGAT 485-492 ; PiepHPl 553-582. 
 
 XI 
 
 THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE ON MOUNT GERIZIM 
 
 RePI IV, 130-135; CheyneJRL 24-35; CornHPI 166-168; 
 MontRAH 352, 353 ; StGVI II. 189-193; ReussGAT 493-495. 
 
 XII 
 
 THE LAST CENTURY OF PERSIAN RULE 
 
 SmOTJC 438-440; CheyneJRL 158-172; MontRAH 360, 361; 
 CornHPI 168-170; SrnBTP IL 375-388,418-430; EnB xi. 100- 
 104; xviii. 575-581; StGVI IL 194-196; KostWI 64-73; 
 PiepHPI 583-589, 611-615. 
 
 XIII 
 
 THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE-HELLENISTIC JUDAISM 
 
 KuRI IT. 249-286; SmOTJC 42-72, 359-367; MontRAH 
 383-395; StGVI II. 196-218; MeyEJ 130-190. 
 
 XIV 
 
 THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM 
 
 CheyneJRL 216-261; KuRI IIL 1-44; EwHI V. 192-206; 
 RePI IV. 136-160; SchultzOTT L 324-406; GrHI 402-406; 
 EnB xiii. 41.0-420; xiv. 487-489; xxiv. 820-823; MontRAH 
 338-342, 41.'^-542; SmBTP IL 493-541; StGVI II. 218-269; 
 MeyEJ 227-243 ; ReussGAT 524-539 ; PiepHPI 602-610.
 
 REFERENX'ES 36: 
 
 Part III. — THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH 
 HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD 
 
 DrLO'P 347-355,465-540; SmOTJC 140-148; CoruPI 167- 
 169, 173-179; SmBTP II. 440-462; EuB v. 32-36; vi. 801- 
 807; vii. 624-626 ; viii. 560-561 ; xx. 29-34; xxiv. 774,775; 
 SchJPTC II., III. 6-14, 23-44 ; CornEAT 196-201, 248-262, 270. 
 278 ; ReussGAT 541-550. 
 
 n 
 
 THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OF THE 
 PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCID8 
 
 KuRI III. 63-68 ; EuB i. 480-485, 493, 494 ; xi. 104, 105 ; xiii. 
 420; xviii. 581-586; CoinllPI 170-174; RePI IV. 171-189; 
 SmBTP II. 439-446; GrHJ 411-419; EwHI V. 282-293; 
 StGVI II. 273-277, 309, 310 ; ReussGAT 551-559. 
 
 Ill 
 
 JEWISH LIFE IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE 
 
 KuRT III. 68, 69; RePI IV. 198-228, 237-245 ; EwHI Y. 225- 
 274: SmOTJC 73-129; MontRAH 363-370; StGVI II. 277-292 ; 
 PiepHPI 590-601. 
 
 IV 
 
 DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF .JEWISH THOUGHT 
 
 KuRI III. 70-95; RePI IV. 246-265; EwHI 274-282; 
 CheyneJRL 126-158, 173-215; CoruIIPI 175-188; SmBTP H. 
 467^90; MontRAH 374-382 : Sch.IPTC [., I. 180-198; StGVI 
 II. 300-309; ReussGAT 560-581 ; PiepHPI 616-683.
 
 368 REFERENCES 
 
 THE SUPREME CRISIS OF JUDAISM 
 
 KuRI III. 95-101; RePI IV. 266-276; EwHI V. 293-300; 
 GrHJ 433-458; CornHPI 188-192; SchJPTC I., 1.198-209; 
 StGVl 11. 311-322. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE GREAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM 
 
 KuRI III. 101-114; RePI IV. 289-320; EwHI V. 302-312; 
 CornHPI 192-195; GrHJ 458-473; CornPI 173-177 ; SchJPTC 
 I. , I. 209-218 ; StGVI II. 322-343 ; ReussGAT 591-607 ; PiepHPI 
 706-719.
 
 INDEXES
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 AcRA, citadel of, 328, 339. 
 
 Ahava, river, 203. 
 
 Ahura-Mazda, 257. 
 
 Alexander the Great, 220, 271, 284- 
 
 289. 
 Alexandria, 286-288, 300-30-1, 308. 
 Aniasis, 30, 31. 
 Ammonites, 25, 158, 173. 
 Angels, belief in, 145, 256, 257. 
 Antigonus, 291. 
 Antioch, 304, 323, 324. 
 Antiochus the Great, 294-298, 305. 
 Antioehus Epiphanes, 278, 298, 323- 
 
 325 ; persecutions of, 326-329, 332, 
 
 334, 336, 337, 339. 
 Apocal3'ptic literature, 46, 150, 273, 
 
 274, 278. 
 Apollonius, 297, 327, 337. 
 Arabians, 172, 173. 
 Aramaic languaf;:e, 103, 117, 279. 
 Arbela, battle of, 288. 
 Aristeas, 282,300. 
 Artaxerxes I., 155, 156, 168,177, 196- 
 
 201. 
 Artaxerxes II., 199, 227, 228. 
 Artaxerxes III. (Ochus), 229-235, 249. 
 Asaph, keeper of royal forests, 170. 
 Asaph, sons of, 191," 246, 247. 
 A.shdod, 173, 288. 
 Assembly, the popular, 208, 209. 
 Assembrv, the Great, 189-193, 199, 
 
 210-2 i 4, 227. 
 Assyrians, conquests of, 71, 72 ; their 
 
 overthrow, 343, 344. 
 Astyages, 74, 75. 
 Atoning sacrifices in exile, 44, 55, 95, 
 
 213. 
 
 Babylon, city of, 36, 37; home o\ 
 the exiles, 34-44, 59-62; walls of, 
 75 ; corruption of, 76-78 ; fall of, 76, 
 77, 82; capture by Cyrus, 120, 121; 
 by Darius I., 121 ;"home of Ezra,202. 
 
 Babj'lonians, their treatment of vas- 
 sals, 17 ; literary activity, 60, 61 ; 
 worship, 60, 61 ; commercial ac- 
 tivity, 61 ; traditions, 63; gods, 69- 
 71; religious influence, 95,240,253; 
 calendar, 141. 
 
 Bagoses, 230, 231, 234. 
 
 Baruch, Book of, 13, 14. 
 
 Belsharuzur (Belshazzar), 71, 279. 
 
 Berosus, 14, 66. 
 
 Bethel, 130, 226. 
 
 Beth-horon, 172, 226, 335. 
 
 Bethlehem, 27, 130. 
 
 Bethzur, 159, 339. 
 
 Bigvai, 128, 130. 
 
 Book of Covenant, 57, 195. 
 
 Calkbites, 26, 133. 
 
 Cambyses, 121, 124,137. 
 
 Canon of the Old Testament, 65. 
 
 Census of the children of the province, 
 105, 106, 225-227. 
 
 Chasids, 3C5. 
 
 Chebar, 35. 
 
 Chronicler, author of the Book of 
 Ezra-Xchcmiah, 101 ; date of, 102, 
 272 ; sources o?", 103-105 ; his view of 
 post-exilic history, 105, 100, 254; his 
 census, 105, 106, 226, 227 ; his exalta- 
 tion of Ezra, 189, 194 ; his view of 
 pre-exilic history, 216, 258; bis point 
 of view, 272; his ideals, 312, 313.
 
 372 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Commerce, Jews in, 38, 39. 
 
 Otesias, 14, 74. 
 
 C\'axares, 73. 
 
 Cyrus, conqueror of the Medea, 4, 7, 
 74, 75; inscriptions of, 15, 16, 119; 
 origin of, 73, 74; policy of, 75; con- 
 quests of, 75, 76; mission of, 82; 
 Jehovah's Messiah, SO, '253; his 
 conquest of Babylon, 120, 121: his 
 treatment of the conquered, 121, 
 123; his decree respecting the Jews, 
 123, 149; motives prompting the 
 policy of, 124, 125; death of, 137. 
 
 Daniel, story of, 13, 39. 
 
 Daniel, Book of, Greek additions to, 
 
 13; date of, 278, 279; historical 
 
 value of, 13, 280, 281; messages of, 
 
 331-333. 
 Darius I., 137, 138, 149, 154, 170. 
 Darius II., 220. 
 
 David, house of, 140, 148, 149, 242. 
 Dedication of the temple, 142, 143. 
 Deutero-Isaiah, see Prophet of the 
 
 exile, the great. 
 Deuteronomy, laws of the Book of, 45, 
 
 54, 57, 112, 184, 191, 195, 212, 213, 
 
 216, 240, 262. 
 Dispersion, the Jewish, 17-19, 22. 
 Doubts of exiles in Babylon, 41, 42. 
 
 EcBATANA, 74, 123, 128, 149. 
 Ecclesiasticus, Book of, 276-278. 
 Ecclesiastes, Book of, 275, 276, 319, 
 
 320. 
 Edomites, 26, 158. 
 Egypt, Jews in, 19-22, 28-33; Jews 
 
 under Alexander, 285-287 ; Jews 
 
 under Ptolemy I., 289, 290 ; under 
 
 Ptolemies, 291-295. 
 Egyptians, their attitude toward Jews, 
 
 24, 29, 302, 303; their rebellions, 
 
 155, 229; under Ochus, 231, 233; 
 
 their religious influence, 253. 
 Elam, 73. 
 Eleazer, 300, 304. 
 Eliashib, high.priest, 168, 187, 188, 
 
 200, 220. 
 Emmaus, 338. 
 
 Enoch, Book of, 6, 281, 334. 
 
 Esther, Book of, 274, 275. 
 
 Evil-Merodach, 66, 67. 
 
 Exile, the Babylonian, condition ol 
 the Jews in, 34-44; institutions of, 
 43, 44; political significance of, 93, 
 94; religious significance of, 94-98. 
 
 Exiles, Jewish, in Babylon, 34-44; 
 hopes of, 76 ; the true mission of, 
 82, 83; their attitude toward re- 
 turning to Judah, 125-128. 
 
 Exodus, laws of, 184. 
 
 Ezekiel, prophet, as an author, 5, 6; 
 his predictions respecting Egyp- 
 tians, 32, 33; his education, 45, 47; 
 character of, 46; messages of, 48, 
 49 ; methods of, 49 ; predictions of, 
 53, 54 ; his program of the restored 
 state, 54-56, 64, 195, 242; impor- 
 tance of his program, 56-58. 
 
 Ezekiel, Book of, 5, 6, 56. 
 
 Ezra, the scribe, according to Ezra 
 vii., 109 ; leader of returning Jews, 
 129, 196-204; as a reformer, 180, 
 192, 194, 205-210. 
 
 Ezra, Book of, its relation to the 
 Books of Chronicles, 101 ; author of, 
 101, 102; date of author of, 102; 
 sources of, 103-105 ; source of v. 
 3 to vi. 14, 104; authorship of i. 
 and iii., 104, 105; date of ii., 105, 
 106, 128-132; date and authorship 
 of vii. to ix., 106-109. 
 
 Fasting, 43. 
 
 Galilee, its religious union with 
 
 Judah, 216. 
 Gashmu, 174. 
 Gaumata, 137, 138. 
 Gedaliah, 18, 24. 
 
 Gerizim, Mount, 215, 219-223, 328. 
 Gerousia, 305, 306. 
 Gorgias, 338. 
 Great Assembly, 190-193, 199, 209- 
 
 214, 215, 227^ 
 Greeks in Egypt, 29-31; wars with 
 
 Persians, 154-156 ; in Palestine, 
 
 119, 274-289.
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 373 
 
 Greek culture, its strength, 288, 280 ; 
 
 its iniinence upon Jews, 3()0-.'303, 
 
 313, 318-322, 324, 325. 
 Greek Period, limits of, 271, 272, 299. 
 
 Haggai, 139, 141, 144. 
 
 Haggai, the Book of, 105, 111, 130. 
 
 Hebron, 158, 339. 
 
 Hecataeus, 283, 291, 
 
 Heliodorus, 298, 324. 
 
 Heman, sons of, 246, 247. 
 
 Herodotus, the historian, 14, 29, 30, 
 
 31, 32, 119. 
 High priest, in Ezekiel's program, 57, 
 
 94; in hierarchy, 242, 243; in Greek 
 
 period, 303-305. 
 Hinnom, 348, 349. 
 Holofernes, 231, 234. 
 Hophra, 30, 31, 32. 
 
 Idolatry, after exile, 217. 
 
 Immortality, belief in, 255, 256, 318, 
 320, 330.' 
 
 Inscriptions, the Babylonian, 15, 16. 
 
 Isaiah, Book of, composite authorship 
 of, 6, 7 ; authorship of xiii. 2 to 
 xiv. 23, 7 ; chaps, xl. to Iv. 7- 
 9 ; unity of xl. to Iv., 9; date of 
 xl. to Iv., 9-18; message of xl. to 
 Iv., 79-92; date of Ivi. to Ixii., 112- 
 114; Ixiii. to Ixvi., 114, 115; xxiv. 
 to xxvii., 115, 116. 
 
 Israel, the true, 192, 204-206, 214. 
 
 Israelites, descendants of the Northern, 
 53, 54. 
 
 Jaddua, 220, 286, 287, 304. 
 
 Jason of C}'rene, 282. 
 
 Jason the high priest, 324-326. 
 
 Jehohanan or Johanan, 200, 221, 230. 
 
 Jehoiachin, the Jewish king, 3, 17, 39, 
 41, 66, 132. 
 
 Jehovah, doubts respecting, 42, 163; 
 Ezekiel's conception of, 52 ; charac- 
 ter of, 81, 82; his care of his people, 
 82-84 ; new conceptions of, 95, 9G , 
 universal fatherhood of, 97, 200 ; 
 his interest in his people, 145, 224; 
 his rule, 147; in Book of Job, 237; 
 in Ecclesiastes, 320; in Daniel, 333. 
 
 .Icrahineelites, 26, 133. 
 
 Jeremiah, in Egj'pt, 4, 20, 33; Lis 
 advice to the Babylonian exiles, 37, 
 38; his predictions, 76, 146; his 
 Messianic ideals, 84, 146; his esti- 
 mate of the Jews in Judah, 131. 
 
 Jeremiah, Book of, 4, 5. 
 
 Jericho, 130, 159, 172, 173, 231,233. 
 
 Jerusalem, destruction by Bab^'lonians, 
 23; during the exile, 124; centre 
 of hope, 128, 145, 151; its weak- 
 ness, 148, 149; its condition, ICO; 
 re-building of its walls, 169-178; its 
 defence, 178, 179 ; re-dedication of 
 its wails, 180, 181, 197; its destruc- 
 tion by Ochus, 230-234 ; its surren- 
 der to Alexander, 285, 286 ; its 
 capture by Ptolemy I., 289-291; its 
 repair by Simon, 304, 305; its 
 destruction by Antiochus, 326-329 ; 
 the city of Nehemiah, 345-353. 
 
 Jesus of Nazareth, 92, 222, 258. 
 
 Jewish community in Palestine, in 520 
 B. c, 131; its slow growth, 133-135; 
 its organization, 134 ; its religious 
 life, 135; its history, 136; its dis- 
 couragements, 153, 156, 160-1 02; 
 its foes, 156-159, 161, 173-175, 177, 
 221; its size, 159; its corruption, 
 162-166, 182 ; reforms of Nehemiah, 
 183-194, 198 ; reforms of Ezra, 205- 
 210; Samaritan antagonism, 215- 
 222 ; its hopes, 224, 225, 228; its in- 
 crease in numbers, 226, 228, 296; 
 under Ochus, 230-238; under the 
 law, 242-253; attitude toward 
 foreigners, 262-266; under Alexan- 
 der, 285-287; under the Ptolemies, 
 291-295; under the Seleucids, 294- 
 298; its social conditions, 317; 
 its persecution by Antiochus, 326- 
 330. 
 
 Jews in Babylon, 19, 28, 34-44, 49, 50, 
 59, 62, 76-78, 126-128, 146 ; in 
 Egvpt, 19-22, 28-33, 49, 133, 238, 
 289, 290, 299-303 ; in East, 139, 185, 
 193, 195, 201, 204, 225, 254, 299; 
 left in Palestine, 19, 23-28, 131, 152; 
 mission of, 82, 83, 96, 97; their 
 attitude toward the heathen, 96, 97, 
 311,312; under the Ptolemies, 291-
 
 374 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 295; under the Seleucids, 295, 298, 
 336-338, 304-310; their domestic 
 life, 309, 310; their parties, 311-322; 
 under Antiochus Epiphanes, 326- 
 330 ; apostates and martyrs, 329, 330. 
 
 Job, Boole of, 235, 236, 255. 
 
 Joel, 209. 
 
 Joel, Book of, 116, 232, 233. 
 
 Jonah, Book of, date of, 116, 117; 
 message of, 263-266, 311, 312. 
 
 Joppa, 288. 
 
 Joseph, the tax-collector, 292-294, 307, 
 308, 321,324,325. 
 
 Josephus, 14, 119, 220, 222, 226, 230, 
 231, 282, 283, 345, 346. 
 
 Joshua, the high priest, 141, 144, 146, 
 147, 168, 257. 
 
 Joshua, Book of, 63, 222. 
 
 Judaism, mission of, 91, 260-266; its 
 wall of separation, 186; its origin, 
 239-242, 253-258 ; its organization, 
 242-251; its inner life, 252, 253; 
 its defects, 258, 259; its strength, 
 258-260; its inconsistencies, 266, 
 267, 308; its different tj'pes of 
 thought, 311-322; intluence of the 
 wise upon, 314-317 ; Greek influ- 
 ence, 324, 325; influence of perse- 
 cution upon, 333, 340. 
 
 Judas Maccabeus, 337-340. 
 
 Judges, Book of, 62, 63. 
 
 Judith, Book of, 231. 
 
 Keilah, 159. 
 Kidron, 171, 346. 
 Kirjath-jearjm, 27. 
 Korah, sons of, 247. 
 
 Labashi-Marduk, 68. 
 
 Lamentations, Book of, 11, 12, 62. 
 
 Law, the growth of, 57, 63, 64, 196,213, 
 248; its institution, 196, 205-207, 
 209, 210; its history, 212, 213; its 
 practical application, 214, 215, 219, 
 225, 226, 242, 243 ; its enactments, 
 243-247, 202. 
 
 Levites, in Ezekiel's plan, 56, 57; in 
 the time of Nehemiah, 180, 190, 
 l'J2; with Ezra, 202, 203, 206; cor- 
 
 ruption of, 207: support of, 211; 
 
 their defection to the Samaritans, 
 
 221, 222; duties of, 244-247. 
 Leviticus, Book of, 212, 213. 
 Literature of the Jews, in Babj'lon, 
 
 59-65, 240 ; in Egypt, 63, 299-303. 
 Lydda, 226, 227. 
 Lydians, 75. 
 Lysias, 337-339. 
 
 Maccabees, tirst Book of, 226, 281, 
 
 282. 
 Maccabees, second Book of, 193, 194, 
 
 282, 298, 330. 
 Malachi, author of the Book of, 162, 
 
 16.3, 164, 255. 
 Malachi, Book of, 111, 112. 
 Manasseh, son-in-law of Sanballat, 
 
 219-222, 225. 
 Marduk, 69, 70, 121, 122, 129, 344. 
 Marriiiges, with the heathen, 163, 164, 
 
 185, 187-189, 207-209, 211. 
 Mattathias, 312, 335-337. 
 Medes, 72, 74, 75, 77. 
 Megabyzus, 155, 156, 177. 
 Memphis, 21, 29. 
 Menelaus, 325-327. 
 Messianic prophecies, form of, 84; of 
 
 the great prophet of the exile, 84- 
 
 92; concerning the Kingdom, 145, 
 
 153; concerning Nehemiah, 175. 
 Michmash, 226. 
 Migdol, 21, 29. 
 Missionary ideals of the Jews, 85-92, 
 
 96-98, 216, 263-266, 302, 303. 
 Mizpah, 159, 173, 338. 
 Modein, 334, 335, 337. 
 Mordecai, 129, 275. 
 Moses, 6, 202, 205, 213, 254. 
 
 Nabonidus, inscriptions of, 15, 67, 
 343, 344; accession of, 68; inter- 
 ests of, 68-70; false confidence of, 
 71; defeat of, 120, 121. 
 
 Nabopolassar, 73, 343. 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar II., inscriptions of, 
 15; policy of, 23, 24, 32, 35-38, 203, 
 242; building enterprises of, 36; 
 death of, 66; successors of, 66-^9; 
 treaties of, 73,
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 375 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar III., 138. 
 
 Nectanebus, 229. 
 
 Neheiiiiah, character of, 161, 167; 
 date of, 168; prayer of, 160, 169; 
 commission of, 169; task of, 170; 
 methods of, 170-176; opposition to, 
 173, 175, 176; worlv of, 178-181, 
 202, 249; as a social reformer, 162, 
 183-185; as a religious reformer, 
 185-197, 212, 246 ; contributions of, 
 204; at Great Assembly, 210; his 
 exclusion of foreigners, 217, 218, 
 220, 222 ; Jerusalem of, 345-353. 
 
 Nehemiah, Book of, 101, 106, 108-111, 
 128-132. 
 
 Neriglissar, 67, 68. 
 
 Nethinim, 130, 247, 248. 
 
 Nicaso, 219. 
 
 Noadiah, 176. 
 
 Obadiah, Book of, 10, 11, 26. 
 Onias I., 304. 
 Onias II., 293, 304. 
 Onias III., 297, 298, 324. 
 Ono, 174, 226, 227. 
 
 Pathros, 21. 
 
 Pentateuch, 212, 222. 
 
 Persian empire, 137, 139, 140, 154- 
 156. 185, 228, 229. 
 
 Persian religion, 253-257. 
 
 Pharisees, 335, 336. 
 
 Philistines, 25, 157, 284, 285. 
 
 Phoenici;ins, 229, 231, 233. 
 
 Pious, party of the, 164-166. 
 
 Prayer, 44, 160, 169, 207, 208, 210, 
 252, 253, 305. 
 
 Priestly Code, origin of, 57, 64; date 
 of, 112; enactments of, 184. 185, 
 190-193,203, 243-246, 262; editing 
 of narratives of, 63, 248 ; growth of, 
 196, 213; institution of, 196, 205- 
 207, 209, 210; aims of, 210-214, 
 241; in Pentateuch, 212; its rela- 
 tion to earlier laws, 212,213; effects 
 of, 214, 215, 218, 219, 225, 226, 242, 
 243; its adoption by the Samaritans, 
 222. 
 
 Priests, in Ezekiel's plan, 55, 56; 
 under Nehemiah, 172, 180; corrup- 
 tion of, 207; duties of, 191, 243- 
 245; literary activity of, 196, 201, 
 202; support of, 211; their defec- 
 tion to Samaritans, 221, 222. 
 
 Professions among the .Jews, 306, 307. 
 
 Prophecies, editing of, 64, 65. 
 
 Pi'ophet of the exile, the great (Isa. 
 xl. to Iv.), 79-98. 
 
 Prophets, false, 41; in exile, 64, 65; 
 victory of the principles of, 94-96; 
 anonymous, 112, 113, 182, 278; dis- 
 appearance of, 308, 331; canon of, 
 277-279. 
 
 Proselytes, 216, 260-263. 
 
 Psalms, Book of, exilic, 12; cxxxvii., 
 13; of the Persian period, 117- 
 119; teachings of, 165, 166, 259- 
 261. 
 
 Psamtik I., 29. 
 
 Psamtik II., 30. 
 
 Ptolemv I. (Soter), 289-291. 
 
 Ptolemy II. (Philadelphus), 292, 300, 
 301. " 
 
 Ptolemv III. (Euergetes), 292, 293. 
 
 Ptolemy IV. (Philopator), 294, 295. 
 
 Purim,'275. 
 
 Queen of heaven, 31, 32. 
 
 Raphia, 295. 
 
 Restoration of Jews, 134, 214. 
 
 Resurrection, 256, 334. 
 
 Return from the exile, 125-128, 132, 
 
 225-228. 
 Rome, 297, 327. 
 Ruth, 188. 
 Ruth, Book of, 117. 
 
 Sabbath, observation of, 43, 44, 189, 
 190, 211, .328. 
 
 Sacrifices, 151, 239, 244-246, 328. 
 
 Saddiicees, 243, 276, 336. 
 
 Samaritans, their relations with the 
 Jews, 26; their antagonism to the 
 Jews, 105, 157, 292; their worship 
 at Jerusalem, 124, 157; their sepa-
 
 376 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 ration from the Jews, 215-223 ; 
 
 their iiiiluence upon tlie Jews, 241; 
 
 under Alexander, 285, 287; their 
 
 conquest by Ptolemy I., 289, 290; 
 
 their acceptance of Greek ideas, 321. 
 Samuel-Kings, editing of the Book of, 
 
 62. 
 Sanballat, 160, 172-177, 188, 220, 221. 
 Satan, 146, 257, 258, 318. 
 Scepticism among the Jews, 163, 318- 
 
 320. 
 Scopas, 295. 
 Scribes, 190, 201, 248-250, 301, 306, 
 
 315-317. 
 Scythians, 72. 
 Seieucus IV., 297. 
 Septuagint, 300-302, 
 Servant of Jehovah, 85-92, 312. 
 Shechem, 27. 
 Shemaiah, 175, 176. 
 Sheshbazzar, 124, 132, 133, 140. 
 Shiloh, 27. 
 Sidon, 230. 
 Simon I., 304. 
 
 Simon II. (the Just), 304, 305. 
 Singers, temple, 246, 247, 305, .306. 
 Sirach, Jesus, son of, 277, 278, 305- 
 
 309, 313-318. 
 Solomon, reputation as an author, 6, 
 
 319; temple of, 152; wives of, 188. 
 Susa, 167, 180. 
 Syene, 21 . 
 Synagogues, origin of, 44, 255; the 
 
 great, 210, 248 ; destruction of, 
 
 235 ; services of, 248-250, 252, 253, 
 
 259; in Egypt, 299. 
 
 Tabernacles, feast of, 142, 206, 207, 
 
 212, 311. 
 Tachos, 228. 
 Taphanhes, Daphnae, Defenneh, 21, 
 
 29, 30, 31. 
 Tattenai, 148, 149. 
 Taxes, to Persians, 183; for temple, 
 
 211-213; to Ptolemies, 293, 294; 
 
 classes exempted, 306. 
 
 Tekna, 172, 173. 
 
 Tel-Abib, 40, 46. 
 
 TelMelah, 41. 
 
 Tel-Harslia, 41. 
 
 Temple, in Egypt, 43 f of Ksjekiel, 55, 
 50; delay in rebuilding, lOo, 136; 
 Cyrus' decree respecting, 123; site 
 of, 124; rebuilding of, 135-143; 
 laying the foundation of, 135, 148 ; 
 completion of, 150, 151 ; importance 
 of, 151, 152, 185, 238; services of, 
 162, 163; room of Tobiah in, 187; 
 contributions of the exiles to, 203, 
 204; support of, 211; exclusion of 
 Samaritans from, 216-219; its pol- 
 lution by Ochus, 230, 231, 234, 
 235; orgauization of, 243-248; con- 
 cessions of Antiochus the great, 
 296; attempted robbery of, 297, 
 298; repair bj' Simon, 304; its rob- 
 bery by Antiochus Epiphanes, 326; 
 desecration of, 328 ; rededication of, 
 339, 340. 
 
 Tennes, 229, 230. 
 
 Tithes, 191, 211, 213. 
 
 Tobiah, 172, 176, 177, 187. 
 
 Tyre, 189, 284, 285, 287, 325. 
 
 Tyropoeon, 347, 348, 351. 
 
 Umman-Manda, 72, 343. 
 
 Wise men, 313-317. 
 
 Xf.k-kes I., 155, 220. 
 
 Zadok, 57, 243. 
 
 Zanoah, 159. 
 
 Zarathusfra, 254, 255. 
 
 Zechariah, 131, 133, 139, 142, 144-151, 
 
 261. 
 Zechariah. Book of, i. to viii., Ill, 
 
 130 ; ix. to xiv., 273, 311, 312. 
 Zerubbahel, 129, 132, 140-143, 146- 
 
 149, 226, 242.
 
 INDEX OF REFERENCES 
 
 TO 
 
 BIBLICAL AND EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES 
 
 ExoDns. Pape 
 
 xix. 6 94,244 
 
 xx.-xxiv 57 
 
 ixi. 2-6 184 
 
 XII. 11-16 212 
 
 iixi. 2 27 
 
 ixiv. 30 27 
 
 iiiviii. 26 212 
 
 Leviticus. 
 
 XTi. 243 
 
 ivii. 8, 10, 12, 13 262 
 
 xxiii. 23-25 205 
 
 xxiii. 33-36 212 
 
 xxiii. 38-39 207 
 
 XXV. 35-37 185 
 
 XXV. 39^1 184 
 
 NlTMBESS. 
 
 iii 245 
 
 ii. 14 262 
 
 xviii. 24-28 191 
 
 xiix. 1-6 205 
 
 Dbuteronomt. 
 
 I. 8,9 55 
 
 xiv. 22-28 191 
 
 XV. 12-18 184 
 
 xvi. 14 206 
 
 xviii. 1-8 55 
 
 xxiii. 7,8 262 
 
 xxvi. 12-15 191 
 
 Joshua. 
 IV 110 
 
 I. Kings. 
 
 xviii 140 
 
 II. KiNOS. 
 
 xi. 6,16 362 
 
 IV. 35 346 
 
 xxii. 14 346 
 
 xxiii. 1-3 209 
 
 uiii. 15-20 216 
 
 xiiv. 14-16 34 
 
 XIV. 18,21 107 
 
 iiv. 19-21 39 
 
 axv. 27-30 41, 06 
 
 I. Chronicles. Page 
 
 ii. 42-55 27 
 
 ii. 55 248 
 
 iii 242 
 
 iii. 16-19 132 
 
 iv 27 
 
 vi. 33-37 247 
 
 ix 110 
 
 ix. 24-26 246 
 
 xvi. 41 246 
 
 xxi. 1 258 
 
 xxiii. 5 246 
 
 XXV. 1,6 246 
 
 XXV. 8-31 247 
 
 xxvl. 18 272 
 
 II. Chsonicles. 
 
 V. 12 246 
 
 XX. 19. 246 
 
 xivi. 9. 347,349 
 
 XXX. 10-11 216 
 
 xxxiii. 14 346 
 
 xxivi. 22-23 101 
 
 Ezra. 
 
 i. 1-3 101 
 
 i. 1, 2, 8 102 
 
 i. 2 254 
 
 ii. 109 
 
 ii. 2 170,225 
 
 ii. 3-35 100 
 
 ii. 14 129 
 
 ii. 20-29, 33-34, 36 130 
 
 ii. 36-58 106 
 
 ii. 43-58 247 
 
 iii. 3-5. 105 
 
 iii. 7 102 
 
 iv 102, 199 
 
 iv. 1 226 
 
 iv. 12 170 
 
 iv. 14.. 177 
 
 iv. 7-23 168 
 
 iv. 8-23 109, 176 
 
 iv. 13, 20 156 
 
 V. 2 142 
 
 V. 3-vi. 14 105 
 
 V. 8 148 
 
 v. 11 91 
 
 Paga 
 
 V. 13-vi. S 102 
 
 V. 16 135 
 
 vi. 3 125 
 
 vi. 9, 12 104 
 
 vii. 8 109 
 
 vii. 24 156 
 
 vii. 27, 28 202 
 
 viii. 21 43 
 
 viii. 33 200 
 
 viii. 35 226 
 
 ii 197,210 
 
 ii. 1 207 
 
 ix. 1-3 198 
 
 1 197 
 
 X. 6 200,221 
 
 X. 7-9, 12 209 
 
 X. 18-23 221 
 
 X. 31 200 
 
 Kehemiah. 
 
 i.-vi 130 
 
 i. 3 131 
 
 i. 4 43 
 
 i. 5-11 160 
 
 ii 170 
 
 ii. 6 168 
 
 ii. 13, 14 349 
 
 ii. 16-18 209 
 
 ii. 17 160 
 
 ii. 19 161 
 
 ii. 20 175, 218 
 
 iii 130, 346 
 
 iii. 4,21 200 
 
 iii. 9 27 
 
 iii. n 200 
 
 iii. 14,15 349,351 
 
 iii. 26,27 3,52 
 
 iii. 26,31 248 
 
 iii. 29 191 
 
 iii. 30 190 
 
 iv. 2. 157, 161 
 
 V 183 
 
 V. 1-5 112 
 
 V. 1-12 162 
 
 V. 7, 12, 13 209 
 
 V. 14 170 
 
 V. 15 156 
 
 V. 17,18. 171
 
 378 
 
 INDEX OF REFERENCES 
 
 Pajfe 
 Ti. 2 -ii? 
 
 vi. 7 m 
 
 Ti. 10-14 164 
 
 vi. 17-19 187 
 
 vii 106, 132 
 
 vii. 4 160.179,353 
 
 vii. 40 191 
 
 Tii. 70 204 
 
 vii. 73 205 
 
 viii. 1 209 
 
 viii. 1, 10 352 
 
 viii. 9 204 
 
 viii. 11, 15 20G 
 
 viii. 17, 18 207 
 
 ix. 1,2 209 
 
 X 193 
 
 X. 28, 29 211 
 
 X. 30 189 
 
 X. 31 190 
 
 X. 37 212 
 
 X. 37, 39 191 
 
 xi. 17 191 
 
 xi. 21 248 
 
 xi. 23 247 
 
 xii 130 
 
 xii. 4, 16 144 
 
 xii. 22,23 200,230 
 
 xii. 22 220 
 
 xii. 23 109, 110 
 
 xii. 20, 47 102 
 
 xii. 27-30 110 
 
 xii. 31, 37-40 345 
 
 xii. .'51,32,37-40 180 
 
 xii. 35 191 
 
 xii. 37 351 
 
 xii. 38, 39 34G 
 
 xu. 39 352 
 
 xii. 43 181 
 
 xiii. 4, 5 185 
 
 xiii. 4,28 1G8 
 
 xiii. 4-9 187 
 
 xiii.5 213 
 
 xiii. 5,28 164 
 
 xiii. 10-14 2^15 
 
 xiii. 15-22 190 
 
 xiii. 25 189, 209 
 
 xiii. 23-27 188 
 
 xiii. 27 207 
 
 xiii. 28 188,218 
 
 xiii. 31 212 
 
 Job. 
 i., ii. and xiii. 4-17 
 
 iii.-xxxi 
 
 xiv. 12-15 
 
 xix. 25-27 
 
 xxxviii. 1-xlii. 6 
 
 236 
 236 
 255 
 255 
 .236 
 
 PSALHS. 
 
 XXll 
 
 xxv 
 
 XIV. 20, 21 
 
 xxvii. C 
 
 xxxii 
 
 XXIV. . 
 
 xl. C. 
 
 xlii., iliii.. 
 1. 8-10, 23,. 
 
 .165 
 165 
 . 165 
 247 
 105 
 . 105 
 . 250 
 . 38 
 .260 
 
 Page 
 
 li 166 
 
 li. 16,17 259 
 
 U. 18, 19 166 
 
 Ixvii 2G1 
 
 Ixviii. 27 216 
 
 Ixix. 4,8,12,22-28 165 
 
 Ixxiv. 1 236 
 
 Ixxiv. 3-8 235 
 
 Ixxiv. 9 331 
 
 Ixxix. 2,3 235 
 
 Ixxix. 4, 13 23G 
 
 Ixxxiii. 8 273 
 
 Ixxxiv. 1,2 250 
 
 Ixxxiv. 10 238 
 
 Ixxxvi. 9 2G1 
 
 Ixxxvii. 4, 6 261 
 
 xciv . 236 
 
 cii. 15 22 261 
 
 cvi. 47. 228 
 
 ciix. 1,34,35,97 251 
 
 cxxii. 2, 3.. 181 
 
 cxxvi. 1-3 228 
 
 cxxxvii 38 
 
 XXX. 1-4 
 
 Proveebs. 
 
 319 
 
 ECCLESIASTES. 
 
 iu. 12, 13,20, 21 320 
 
 V. 4, 6. 320 
 
 vi. 10 319 
 
 vii. 14, 15 319 
 
 viii. 10, 17 319 
 
 ix. 7-9 320 
 
 Isaiah. 
 
 xiv 
 
 xiv. 3, 4 
 
 xiv. 3-23 
 
 xiv. 13-14 
 
 xxi. 1-10 
 
 xxiv 
 
 xxiv.- xxvii 199, 236, 
 
 xxiv. 5, 14-16 
 
 xxvi. 19 
 
 .xxvi. 19, 20, 21 
 
 xxvii 115, 
 
 xxvii. 1 115, 
 
 xxvii. 13 
 
 xl. 1-5,11 
 
 xl. 8-13 
 
 xl. 12-26 
 
 xl. 27 
 
 xii. 1-4,25 
 
 xii. 2 
 
 xii. 18-20 
 
 xlii. 1-4,6,7 
 
 xlii. 6 
 
 xUi. 1-7 
 
 xlii. 17 
 
 xlii. 22 
 
 xlii. 2.'}, lS-25 
 
 xliii. 2 
 
 xliii. 10, 12, 21 
 
 xliii. 23,24 
 
 xliv. 21, 22 
 
 xliv. 3,24-26 
 
 Page 
 
 xUv. 21,22 83 
 
 xliv. 28 8 
 
 xiv. 1,3, 4 8 
 
 xiv. 1 13, 23 82 
 
 xiv. 14-17 81 
 
 xiv. 7 257 
 
 xiv. 19 81 
 
 xlvi. 1 60 
 
 xlvi. 3, 4 81, 83 
 
 xlvi. 12 84, 126 
 
 xlvii 82 
 
 xlvii. 6 40 
 
 xlviii. 1-4, 8 84 
 
 xMii. 4 126 
 
 xlviii. 14 10 82 
 
 xlix. 1-13 88 
 
 xlix. 3, 5-14 83 
 
 xlix. 5, 6 90 
 
 xlix. 15, 16 81 
 
 xlix. 22, 23 80 
 
 1. 4-10 88 
 
 1. 10 90 
 
 li. 18 127 
 
 lii. 6 90 
 
 lii. 13-15 88 
 
 Uii. 1-12 89 
 
 Ivi.-lxii 193 
 
 Ivi. 5-7 113 
 
 Ivi. 9-12 113, 162 
 
 Ivii. 1-2, 13 113 
 
 Iviii. 6,7 113 
 
 Ivui. 12 113, 114 
 
 lix. 1-8 182 
 
 lix. 1-9 113 
 
 lix. 3 15 114, 162 
 
 lix. 20,21 113 
 
 Ix. 10 114 
 
 Ixi. 1-4 113 
 
 Ixi. 8 114 
 
 Ixiii.-lxvi 114 
 
 Ixiii. 18 234 
 
 bciv. 10 236 
 
 Ixiv. 10, 11 114,234 
 
 bcv. 2-5, 11 217 
 
 Ixv. 18,22,23 224 
 
 Ixvi. 3,4 217 
 
 Ixvi. 8 225 
 
 Ixvi. 19 119 
 
 Jeremiah. 
 
 vii. 11 259 
 
 vii. 18 . 31 
 
 vii. 22 46 
 
 viii. 7, 8 201 
 
 viii. 8 46 
 
 xviii. 18 313 
 
 xxiii. 5 146 
 
 xxiv. 8 20 
 
 xxvi. 9 42 
 
 xxix 4 
 
 xxix. 1 34,41 
 
 xxix.2 17 
 
 xxix. 5, 6 37 
 
 xxix. 21-28 51 
 
 xxix. 21 23 41 
 
 XXX. 84 
 
 xxxi. .. 84 
 
 xxxi. 40 352 
 
 xxxvi. 6-8 44
 
 TO BIBLICAL AND EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES 370 
 
 Page 
 
 xxxiz. -4 
 
 zxxix. 4 351 
 
 xl. 7-12 24 
 
 xl. 14 158 
 
 xli. 5 27,210 
 
 xli. 10 158 
 
 xlii. 2,15,19 131 
 
 xlui. 5. 131 
 
 xliv. 1 21 
 
 xliv. 7, 12, 14 131 
 
 xlv. 15-30 32 
 
 xliv. 14,28 33 
 
 xliv. 28 29 
 
 xliv. 30 5 
 
 1. 3, 8, 9, 41 4 
 
 1.33 77 
 
 U. 6, 11,45 4 
 
 li. 11,24. 78 
 
 li. 29-31 77 
 
 U. 34 2G5 
 
 Hi. 30 19 
 
 Labientations. 
 
 i. 21,22 12 
 
 u. 4, 9 12 
 
 ii. 7 43 
 
 ii. 14> 12 
 
 iii. 18.. 42 
 
 iii. 52, 53 25 
 
 iv. 17,20 12 
 
 V. 4 . 24 
 
 V. 7, 20 12 
 
 V. 9, 10, 13 25 
 
 V. 18 23 
 
 V.20 12,42 
 
 V. 19-22 28 
 
 EZEKIEL. 
 
 1.2 5 
 
 i. 3 35 
 
 i. 4 42 
 
 ii. 4 49 
 
 ii. 11 261 
 
 iii. 1-3 49 
 
 iii. 4, 9 47 
 
 iii. 9 51 
 
 iii. 15 46 
 
 iii. 17 48 
 
 iii. 25 47 
 
 iv. 1-3 50 
 
 V. 5-11 51 
 
 vi. 11 49 
 
 vii. 1 27 51 
 
 viii. 12 42 
 
 viii. 13,22,23 261 
 
 ix 273 
 
 ii.l3 274 
 
 ix. 13, 15 312 
 
 xii. 1-16 50 
 
 xiil. 12,51 
 
 xiii. 1-7. 41,50 
 
 xiii. 2, 4 278 
 
 xiii. 10-12.. 50 
 
 siv 49 
 
 xiv. I 41,49 
 
 xiv. xvi 52 
 
 xiv. 3-10 41 
 
 xiv. 6 51 
 
 Page 
 
 xiv. 14 236 
 
 xvi. 62 53 
 
 xvii. 3-6, 12-14 34 
 
 xvii. 5 35 
 
 xviii. 20-24 52 
 
 XX. 63 
 
 XX. 10-11 4G 
 
 XX. 12-21 43 
 
 XX. 30-32 41 
 
 xxii. 6-12 51 
 
 xxii. 26 43 
 
 xxii. 28 12 
 
 xxiii 52 
 
 xxiii. 38 43 
 
 xxiv. 10, 21,25 12 
 
 XXV. 3-7 25 
 
 XXV. 13 26 
 
 xxix. 17 5 
 
 xxix. 17-21 33 
 
 XXX. 13-18 21 
 
 xxxii. 24. 74 
 
 xxxiii.-xlviii 5 
 
 xxxiii. 19 49 
 
 xxxiii. 2-31 54 
 
 xxxiii. 15 46,50 
 
 xxxiii. 24 19 
 
 xxxiii. 25-27 27 
 
 xxxiii. 30 49 
 
 xxxiii. 31 51 
 
 xxxiv. 6 22 
 
 xxxiv. 10-17 48 
 
 xxxiv. 23-29 54 
 
 xxxiv. 27. 39 
 
 xxxvi. 8-15 54 
 
 xxxvi. 19 22 
 
 xxxvi. 21-26 53 
 
 xxxvi. 26 51 
 
 xxxvii. 14 53 
 
 xxxvii. 16-22, 24-28 54 
 
 xliv. 7-9 247 
 
 xliv. 10-14. .55,245 
 
 xliv. 15 244 
 
 xlvii. 13 54 
 
 xlviii. 5 
 
 Daniei,. 
 
 i 331 
 
 ii. 333 
 
 ii. 4i>-vii. 28 279 
 
 iii 331 
 
 V. 2, 11, 13,18,22 279 
 
 V. 20-31 332 
 
 V. 31 199,279 
 
 vi 279,331 
 
 vi. 10 44 
 
 vii 333 
 
 vii. 25 333 
 
 viii. 23 323 
 
 ix. 1 199,279 
 
 ix. 2, 24,26 332 
 
 xi. 12, 14-16 295 
 
 xi. 18, 19 297 
 
 xi. 21 323 
 
 xi. 28 '. 326 
 
 xi. 29,30 327 
 
 xi. 31 328 
 
 xi. 33,05 330 
 
 xii 199 
 
 xii. 2, 3, 7, 11 333 
 
 HosEA. Page 
 
 ix. 6 20 
 
 xi. 11 20 
 
 Xliv. 8 20 
 
 Joel. 
 
 i. 14 43,209 
 
 ii. 15 209 
 
 ii. 17 252 
 
 iii. 1,2-8 116 
 
 iii. 6 119 
 
 Auos. 
 
 iv. 4, 5 253 
 
 iv. 4-11 140 
 
 ix. 9 1)8 
 
 Obadiah. 
 11-14 26 
 
 Jonah. 
 
 i.ll. 264 
 
 iv 312 
 
 iv. 2 264 
 
 MiCAH. 
 
 vi. 6 8. 258 
 
 Zephaniah. 
 
 i. 10 347 
 
 1. 10, 11 34G 
 
 Haooai. 
 
 i. 2-8 Ill 
 
 i. 2-11 105 
 
 i. 6, 9-11 140 
 
 i. 12,14 131 
 
 i. 13 142 
 
 ii. 2 114,144 
 
 ii. 4 131 
 
 ii. 3 9 142 
 
 ii. 6 9 139 
 
 ii. C-23 143 
 
 ii. 11 144 
 
 ii. 14 135 
 
 ii. 16, 17 MO 
 
 ii. IS 142 
 
 Zecbariah. 
 
 i. 1-6 142 
 
 i. 8-17 145 
 
 i. 11 140 
 
 i. 12 131 
 
 i. 18-21 140,145 
 
 ii. 4,5 ICO 
 
 ii. 7 131,140 
 
 ii. 11» 261 
 
 iv. 6, 7, 9 149 
 
 vi. 9 15 134 
 
 vii., viii 150 
 
 vii. 2 216 
 
 vii. 3-5 43 
 
 vii.5 131 
 
 vii. 7 26, 132 
 
 viii. 6, 11, 12 131 
 
 viii. 7,8 132 
 
 viii. 1.", 2(.l 
 
 viii. 22,23 2yi 
 
 ix 273
 
 380 
 
 INDEX OF REFERENCES 
 
 Page 
 
 ix. 13 274 
 
 ix. 13, 15 313 
 
 xui. 3-5 331 
 
 liii. 2,4 278 
 
 Malachi. 
 
 L 112 
 
 i 193 
 
 i. 2-4 158 
 
 i. 2-5 163 
 
 i. 5 26 
 
 i. 8 162 
 
 i. 11 264 
 
 i. 13 162,163 
 
 u. ... ; 193 
 
 ii. 1-9 112 
 
 .ii. 8,9 162 
 
 ii. 10 112,162 
 
 ii. 17 113,163 
 
 iii 6 
 
 iii. 1 1C6 
 
 iu. 1-5 113,182 
 
 iii. 5, 8 102 
 
 iii. 14,15 163 
 
 iu.lG 166,255 
 
 iii. 16-18 164 
 
 ECCLESIASTICUS. 
 
 ii. 1, 12 322 
 
 ii.8 318 
 
 iu. 12,13,20,21 320 
 
 iv. 1-6 317 
 
 iT. 7 307,308 
 
 v. 4, 6 320 
 
 yi.lO 319 
 
 vii. 14 319 
 
 Tii. 15 307,319 
 
 vii. 31 315 
 
 Tiii. 2 308 
 
 Tiii. 8 314 
 
 viii. 10,17 319 
 
 ix. 2-9 322 
 
 ix. 7-9. 320 
 
 ix. 15 315 
 
 xi. 17 318 
 
 xiii. 2-20 308 
 
 xiv. 14,16 317 
 
 xviii. 13 314 
 
 lix. 20,24 316 
 
 XX. 29 308 
 
 xxii.6 309 
 
 XXV. 26 309 
 
 XXV. lG-26 309 
 
 xxvi. 1-4,5-12,16 309 
 
 xxvi. 29 307 
 
 xxix 317 
 
 XXX. 1-1 319 
 
 XXX. 8 309 
 
 XXX. 9 12 309 
 
 xxxi 317 
 
 iixi. 19-30 317 
 
 xxxi. 23, 24 307 
 
 xxxii. 3-5 317 
 
 xixii. 5,6 321 
 
 xxxi;i. 2, 3. 315 
 
 xxxiii. 24, 20, 31 308 
 
 xx:.vi. 2,5. 314 
 
 xixvi. 7-10 314 
 
 xxxvii. 26 314 
 
 Pape 
 
 xxxviii. 8 307 
 
 xxxviii. 1, 3, 4, 15 306 
 
 xxxviii. 24-34... 306, 307, 316 
 
 xxxviii. 27 321 
 
 xxxviii. 33 316 
 
 xxxix. 1-11 317 
 
 xxxix. 3, 8 310 
 
 ilii. 6,9-11 309 
 
 xlix. 30 181 
 
 1. 1-4 304 
 
 1.4-21 305 
 
 1.25,26 292 
 
 I. Maccabebs. 
 
 i. 11 322 
 
 i. 20-28 326 
 
 i. 29,30 327 
 
 i. 31-36 328 
 
 i. 37,46, 54,59 328 
 
 i. 47^9 329 
 
 i. GO, 61 330 
 
 ii. 1-41 335 
 
 ii. 42 335,336 
 
 ii. 44-48 337 
 
 ii. 59, GO 333 
 
 iii. 3 12 337 
 
 iii. 13 336 
 
 iii. 13-24 337 
 
 iii. 27-37 338 
 
 iii. 38-iv. 25 338 
 
 iv. 28-35, 42, 43 339 
 
 iv.46 339 
 
 iv. 47-59 340 
 
 vii. 13 336 
 
 viii. 1-7 336 
 
 viii. 8-29 338 
 
 ix. 50 226 
 
 xi. 28, 34 227 
 
 II. Maccabees. 
 
 i. 18-36 194 
 
 iv. 3-15 324 
 
 iv. 18-20, 23-28 325 
 
 iv. 43-50 325 
 
 V. 1-15,21 326 
 
 V. 22 327 
 
 V. 24-26 327 
 
 V. 27 329 
 
 vi. 2-5 328 
 
 vi.7 329 
 
 vi. 10-31 330 
 
 vii. 9, 11, 14, 23, 29, 3G .. 334 
 
 viii. 1-7 33G 
 
 viii. 8-29 338 
 
 Enoch. 
 
 xxii 334 
 
 XXV. 334 
 
 Ixxxix 334 
 
 xc 334 
 
 xc. 6 281 
 
 xc. 9 36 334 
 
 JOSBPHUS —A HTIQUITIES. 
 
 xi. 5, G-8 220 
 
 xi. 7, 1 230,231 
 
 xi. 7, II 'SM 
 
 xi. 8,2 219,221 
 
 xi. 8,3 243 
 
 XI. 8,4 285 
 
 xi. 8,4,5 285 
 
 xi. 8,5 286 
 
 xii. 1 289, 290 
 
 xii. 2 292, 300 
 
 xii. 3, 1 291 
 
 xii. 3, 3 295,305 
 
 xii. 3, 3-4 295,296 
 
 xii. 4, 1 292 
 
 xii. 4, 6 321 
 
 xii. 5, 1 322 
 
 xiii. 1, 3 220 
 
 xiii. 4, 9 227 
 
 xiv. 4, 2 346 
 
 JOSBPHCS— WabS. 
 
 i. 1,3 346 
 
 V. 4, 2 346 
 
 JOSEPHUS AOAIMST APION. 
 
 i. 22 238,286,289,291 
 
 ii. 5 292 
 
 HEBODOTtJS. 
 
 ). 76 75 
 
 i. 131 32 
 
 ii. 30 29 
 
 ii. 104 119 
 
 ii. 154 30 
 
 ii. 154, 179 31 
 
 DiODORCS. 
 
 xxi. 19, 28 232 
 
 QniNTus CnRTics. 
 iv. 5,8 287 
 
 SOLIKUS. 
 
 XXXV. 6 231 
 
 Stncellds. 
 i. 486 231 
 
 Tacitus — History. 
 V. 8 327 
 
 East India Inscription. 
 ii. 11-29 35 
 
 Xabonidus Coronation In- 
 scription. 
 
 iii J ... 37 
 
 iv. S-« .... 67 
 
 iv. 8 68 
 
 Cambridge Ctmitob* 
 ii. 15-39.. ft 
 
 RiPLET Cylinder. 
 
 ii.28-38 CI 
 
 Naboniods-Ctrus Chron' 
 
 ICLB. 
 
 iu. 19 21 70 
 
 Ctrhs Ctlindbr. 
 
 27, 28, 31-3C. 122 
 
 Bbhistun Inscription. 
 i. 12 13t
 
 §SM 
 
 ^^C^'-'y^''-'''i 
 
 m 
 
 U'-'^'-; -^'•'' 
 
 ^■)U'^'^^^ 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 1