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EDITED BY

Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., 0/ Yale University,

AND

Prof. FRANK K. SANDERS, Vn.T).,foi'merlyo/Yalt University.

Sfolume III.

HISTORY

THE JEWISH PEOPLE.

The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Periods.

Clje !^i0totical ^etfe$ for iBitlt ^tuDents

Edited by Projessor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., of Vale University, and
Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., jormerly of Yale University

IN response to a widespread demand for non-technical yet scholarly and reliable guides
to the study of the history, literature, and teaching of the Old and New Testaments,
and of the contemporary history and literature, this series aims to present in concise and
attractive form the results of investigation and exploration in these broad fields. Based
upon thoroughly critical scholarship, it will emphasize assured and positive rather than
transitional positions. The series as a whole is intended to present a complete and con-
nected picture of the social, political, and religious life of the men and peoples who figure
most prominently in the biblical records.

Each volume is complete in itself, treating comprehensively a given subject or period.
It also refers freely to the biblical and monumental sources, and to the standard authori-
ties. Convenience of size, clearness of presentation, and helpfulness to the student make
thr series particularly well adapted for (i) practical text-books for college, seminary, and
university classes; (2) handbooks for the use of Bible classes, clubs, and guilds; (3) guides
for individual study; and (4) books for general reference.

Vols. I. HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE.

I. The United Kingdom. Sixth edi- Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of
tion. Biblical Literature, Yale University.

3. The Divided Kingdom. Sixth edi-
tion.

II. HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE.

3. The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of

Periods. Biblical Literature, Yale University.

4. The Maccabean and Roman Period James S. Riggs, D.D., Professor of Bib-
(including New Testament Times). lical Criticism, Auburn Theological

Seminary.

III. CONTEMPORARY OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.

5. History of the Ancient Egyptians. James H. Breasted, Ph.D., Professor of

Egyptology and Oriental History, The
University of Chicago.

6. History of the Babylonians and George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., Professor

Assyrians. of Ancient History, The University of

Chicago.

IV. NEW TESTAMENT HISTORIES.

7. The Life of Jesus. Rush Rhees, President of the University

of Rochester.

8. The Apostolic Age. George T. Purves, Ph.D., D.D., late

Professor of New Testament Literatitre
and Exegesis, Princeton Theological
Seminary.

V. OUTLINES FOR THE STUDY OF BIBLICAL
HISTORY AND LITERATURE.

9. From Earliest Times to 200 A. D. Frank K. Sanders, Ph.D., Professor of

Biblical Literature, Yale University,
anil Henry T. Fowler, Ph.D.. Pro-
fessor of Biblical Literature and Hi(-
tory, Brown University.

BREECE EGYPT THE JEWISH COMMUNITY BABYLONIA PERSIA

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JCWISQ AjnO COirTESirOBART CURONOLOOT7ROH 80TTO 168 B.O.

M-j

A HISTORY

THE JEWISH PEOPLE

DURING THE BABYLnXIAX, PERSIAN.
AND GREEK PERIODS

CHARLES FOSTER KENT, Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF BIBI.irVL LITERATURE, YALE UNIVERSITY

WITH MAPS AND CHART

NINTH EDITION

LONDON

SMITH, ELDER c\: CO.

1913

Cc.pjTi';lit. i!i99, liy Cliarle"! Scrilmer's Sens, f.ir thr
Inileil Status of Ameiua

I'rijited by the ScrUjtier Press
New Y.irk, L'. S. A.

PREFACE

The destruction of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. by the
army of Nebuchadrezzar marks a radical turning-point
in the life of the people of Jehovah, for then the his-
tory of the Hebrew state and monarchy ends, and Jew-
ish history, the record of the experiences, not of a
nation but of the scattered, oppressed remnants of the
Jewish race, begins. Henceforth, not Judeans and
Israelites, but Jews and Samaritans are the chief actors
in the great drama which the biblical writings record.
This sharp distinction between Hebrew and Jewish
history is also based upon the fundamental difference
in the life, thought, and religion of the chosen people
before and after the great catastrophe of 586 b. c. The
transformation was as complete as it was sudden.
There was really little in common between the care-
less, self-confident Hebrews to whom Amos and Isaiah
/)reached, and the despondent, sin-oppressed Jews to
whom Ezekiel and Haggai addressed their stirring-
appeals.

Until within comparatively recent times the four
centuries which followed the destruction of Jerusalem
have ordinarily been regarded as the least important
and the most uninteresting of those which constitute
the background of the Bible. Tlie results of modern
critical study, however, have revealed their supreme

2092fiOS

vi PREFACE.

importance. To the student of the Old Testament they
are of the deepest interest, for they witnessed for the
first time the popular acceptance of the principles
enunciated by the pre-exilic prophets, and the remark-
able expansion and application of the ceremonial law.
It is now generally accepted that more than half of
the literature of the Old Testament comes from this
period, when the leaders of the Jewish race meditated
and wrote rather than acted ; while probably every
book of that ancient library was either written then,
or else edited and revised. The most perplexing prob-
lems of Bible study — the date of the Psalms, of the
Book of Job, and of Isaiah xl. to Ixvi., and the com-
position of the Hexateuch — all belong to this age, so
that a familiarity with it is absolutely essential to an
understanding of the literature of the Old Testament.

It was also the age which selected certain writings
from the common literary heritage of the race and
declared that they were sacred and authoritative, so
that before 165 b. c. the canon of the law and of the
prophets was practically closed.

For the New Testament scholar these centuries
possess equally great attractions, since in them the
life gradually developed, and the parties arose and
the ideas gained acceptance, which furnish the setting
and the atmosphere of the New Testament history and
teaching. To the student of Christianity they are of
the greatest interest, for then many of the religious
rites and usages developed, which, adopted with but
slight modifications, have become the institutions of
the Christian Church.

PREFACE. vii

The age also possesses an unequalled importance for
the study of comparative religions, since then Jehovah-
ism came into intimate contact with and was more or
less influenced by the four great representative religions
of the past, — the Assyro-Babylonian, the Egyptian, the
Persian, and the Greek. It will also never cease to
fascinate and hold the attention of the general student
of ancient and modern history, because then was born
and developed that marvel of all succeeding ages —
Judaism.

Modern biblical research has placed a wealth of new
and varied materials at the disposal of the historian.
The task of reconstruction is peculiarly difficult, but for
that, as well as for the other reasons which have been
suggested, exceedingly fascinating. The testimony of
the new sources and a more careful study of the old
have made necessary the revision of many conclusions
long regarded as established. Fortunately most of
the changes only involve questions of historical fact,
so that they are assured of a dispassionate and fair
consideration. That the reader may be in possession
of the data, so as to form an independent judgment,
full references to the sources have been inserted in
the text. References to sections, preceded by the
Roman numerals I. and IT., refer respectively to the
first and second volumes of this history, which treat
the period before the exile.

It is well that in these latter days we are learning to
be content at times with a mere probability, or even
with leaving a doubtful question open, since our histori-
cal sources often do not furnish us with the basis for

VIU PREFACE.

an absolute certainty. If " probably " seems a man-
nerism in the present volume, the reason is obvious.

While many of the conclusions suggested will doubt-
less be modified by later study, it has been a constant
source of encouragement to find that other investi-
gators in this and foreign countries, working independ-
ently, have arrived at the same results. The debt
which I owe to them is partially indicated in the list of
books of reference given in Appendix III.

It has also been my privilege to profit by the valu-
able critical suggestions of Professors Frank K. San-
ders, Ph.D., and George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., and by
the constant collaboration of my wife and sister.

C. F. K

Brown UxViversity,

March 21, 1899.

CONTENTS

PART I

THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE
PERIOD

Sections 1-13. Pages 3-16

Section 1. The general character of the sources. 2. Exilic
chapters of the Book of Jeremiah. 3. Ezekiel's prophecies.
4. Exilic additions to the Book of Isaiah. 5. Date of Isaiah
xiii. 2 to xiv. 23. 6. Date of Isaiah xl. to Iv. 7. Unity of
Isaiah xl. to Iv. 8. Historical background of these chap-
ters. 9. Date of the Book of Obadiah. 10. Authorship of
the Book of Lamentations. 11. Later apocryphal writings.
12. Josephus and the Greek historians. 13. Babylonian
inscriptions.

THE DISPERSION OF THE JEWS

Sections 14-19. Pages 17-22

Sectiox 14. The number of Jews deported in 597 b. c. 15.
At the later deportations. 16. The numbers left behind in
Judah. 17. Jewish refugees in Egypt. IS. The uumber of
Jews in Egypt. 19. Wide dispersion of the Jews.

CONTENTS

III

THE CHARACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN
PALESTINE AND EGYPT

Sections 20-28. Pages 23-33

Section 20. The peasant population left in Judah. 21. Their
pitiable condition. 22. Intrusions of their neighbors. 23.
Their religious life. 24, Attitude of the Egyptians toward
the Jewish refugees. 25. Foreign colonists at Tahpanhes.
26. Evidence that Jews for a time resided there. 27.
Heathen tendencies of the refugees. 28. Return of the
refugees to Judah.

THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON

Sections 29-37. Pages 34-44

Section 29. The superior character of the Jewish exiles in
Babylon. 30. Their home near Babylon. 31. Building en-
terprises and policy of Nebuchadrezzar. 32. Occupations of
the exiles. 33. Fortunes of the Jews during the latter part
of the exile. 34. Organization of the Jewish colony. 3.5.
Religious dangers and doubts. 36. Religious life of the
exiles. 37. Sabbath, synagogue, and prayer service.

PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST-PROPHET
EZEKIEL

Sections 38-49. Pages 45-58

Section 38. The education of Ezekiel. 39. His character and
style. 40. His message at different periods of his work. 41.
The pastor and his flock. 42. Ezekiel's dramatic methods.
43. The preacher of practical righteousness. 44. Dealing
with popular errors. 45. Interpretation of the significance
of the exile. 46. Predictions respecting the future of his
race. 47. His program for the restored community. 48.
Organization of the new hierarchy. 49. Historical impoi>
tance of his proposed system.

CONTENTS XI

THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE

Sections 50-55. Pages 59-65

Section 50. The influences which instigated the Jewish exiles
to write. 51. Final editing of the Books of Judges, Samuel,
and Kings. 52. Book of Joshua. 53. Preservation of the
ancient traditions of the race. 54. Development of different
codes of law. 55. Revision of older prophecies and laws.

VII

THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN RULE
Sections 56-67. Pages 66-78

Sfxtiox 56. The character of Evil-Merodach and the libera-
tion of Jehoiakin. 57. Rule of Neriglissar. 58. Elevation
of Nabonidus to the Babylonian throne. 59, His antiquarian
interests. 60. His devotion to the ancient gods. 61. His
unpopularity and inditference to the threatening danger. 62.
The empire of the Umman-Manda. 63. Establishment of
the Persian empire by Cyrus. 64. Policy of Cyrus. 65.
His conquests in Asia Minor and the East. 66. Hopes of
the Jewish exiles in Babylon. 67. Predictions of Babylon's
overthrow.

VIII

THE MESSAGE OF THE GREAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE

Sections 68-82. Pages 79-92

Section 68. The character and aim of the great prophet. 69.
Proclamation that speedy deliverance is cei'tain. 70. Jeho-
vah's character the guarantee. 71. Cyrus his agent of de-
liverance. 72. Israel chosen to serve Jehovah. 73. Israel
unequal to the task. 74. The divine ideal and the sad reality.
75. Significance of the term "servant of Jehovah." 76. Its
identity with " Messiah." 77. Mission of the perfect servant
of Jehovah to Israel. 78. His universal mission. 79. His
training for his work. 80. His ultimate victory through

XU CONTENTS

service and suffering. 81. The prophet's purpose in pre-
senting the portrait of the ideal servant. 82. The historical
realization of the ideal.

THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF THE
BABYLONIAN EXILE

Sections 83-87. Pages 93-98

Section 83. The transition from the monarchy to the hierarchy.
84. Victory of the principles enunciated by the prophets. 85.
Truer conception of Jehovah's character and demands. 80.
Recognition of Israel's mission to the world. 87. Apprecia.
tion of the importance and responsibility of the individual.

PART II

THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THB
PERIOD

Sections 88-107. Pages 101-119

Sectiox 88. The point of view of the author of Ezra-Nehe-
miah. 89. Date of the chronicler. 90. Aramaic documents
quoted by him in Ezra iv. to vi. 91. His own editorial
work. 92. His conception of early post-exilic history. 93.
Genealogical list in Ezra ii. 94. Analysis of Ezra vii. 95.
Citations from the Ezra memoir. 96. Original form of the
record of the priestly reformation. 97. Quotations from
Nehemiah's memoirs. 98. Analysis of Nehemiah xiii. 99.
Prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah. 100. Date of the
Book of Malachi. 101. Date and authorship of Isaiah Ivi.
to Ixii. 102. Historical background of Isaiah Ixiii to Ixiv.
103. Date of Isaiah Ixv. to Ixvi. and xxiv. to xxvii. 104.
Prophecy of Joel. 105. Books of Ruth and Jonah. 106
Psalms of the period. 107. Extra-biblical sources.

CONTENTS xiii

THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY OF
CYRUS

Sectioxs 108-113. Pages 120-125

Section 108. The capture of Babylon by Cyrus. 109. His
attitude toward his new subjects. 110. General permission
granted to all captives to return to their homes. 111. Decree
authorizing the rebuilding of the Jerusalem temple. 112.
Reasons why Cyrus patronized the Jewish sanctuary. 113.
Effect of the policy of Cyrus upon the Jews.

Ill

THE REVIVAL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN
PALESTINE

Sections 114-123. Pages 126-136

Section 114. The origin of the tradition of a general retui-n of
exiles from Babylon. 115. Reasons why the exiles reniained
in Babylon. 116. Condition of tlie Jewish colonies in the
East. 117. Testimony of the census in P^zra ii. 118. Evi-
dence of its late date. 119. Indications that there was no
general return from Babylon about 537 b. c. 120. Return
of a few. 121. Personnel of the Judean community. 122.
Its gradual growth. 123. The first seventeen years of in-
activity and discouragement.

THE REBUILDING OF THE TEMPLE AND THE SERMONS
OF IIAGGAI

Sections 124-131. Pages 137-143

Section 124. The conquest of Egy^t by Cambyses. 125. Revo-
lutions in the Persian empire. 126. Beginning of the activity
of Haggai and Zechariah. 127. Effect of the great world-
movements upon them. 128. Upon the Judean community.
129. Ilaggai's first appeal. 130. Commencement of work
upon the temple. 131. Haggai's address at the laying of
its foundation.

xW CONTENTS

THE HOPES AND DISCOURAGEMENTS OF THE TEMPLE-
BUILDERS

Sections 132-140. Pages 144-152

Section 132. The contrasts in character and style between
Haggai and Zechariah. 133. Zechariah's messages of en-
coui'agement. 134. Reconsecratioa of the temple priests,
135. Symbolic crowning of Zerubbabel as king. 136. Fail-
ure of the hopes of national independence. 137. Inter-
ference of the Persian officials. 138. Late sermons of
Zechariah. 139. Completion of the temple. 140. Its his-
torical importance.

THE SEVENTY YEARS OF SILENCE FOLLOWING THE
BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE

Sections 141-154. Pages 153-166

Section 141. The reaction resulting from disappointed hopes.
142. Organization of the Persian empire. 143. Political
events outside Judah. 144. Character and rule of Arta^
xerxes I. 145. Conditions within the Judean community.
146. Relations between the Jews and Samaritans. 147.
Edomite and Arabian encroachments. 148. Extent of the
province of Judah. 149. Reasons why no attempt had been
made to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. 150. Foes within
and without Judah. 151. Neglect of the temple service.
152. Sceptical tendencies within the community. 153. Affili-
ations with the surrounding nations. 154. Fidelity of the
party of the righteous in the face of discouragement and
persecution.

VII

THE REBUILDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEMIAH
Sections 155-170. Pages 167-181

Section 155. The character and position of Nehemiah. 156.
Date of his activity. 157. Ilis commission to rebuild tlie

CONTENTS XV

walls of Jerusalem. 158. Obstacles confronting him in
Judah. 159. His appeal to the community. 160. His plan
of operations. 161. Attitude of the hostile neighbors of the
Jews. 162. Their threatened attack. 163. Precautionary
measures adopted by Nehemiah. 164. Personal threats
against him. 165. Conspiracies against him within the com-
munity. 166. Treasonable charges against the Jews. 167.
Persian decree stopping all building operations. 168. Dura-
tion of Xehemiah's stay in Judah. 169. Repopulatioii of
Jerusalem. 170. Rededication of the walls.

VIII

PRELIMINARY REFORM MEASURES

Sections 171-183. Pages 182-194

Section 171. The need of social and religious reform within
the community. 172. Nehemiah's correction of the evils of
exaction. 173. His relation to the earlier and later Jewish
law. 174. Danger of intermarriages with the heathen. 175.
Conservative attitude of the Jews of the East. 170. Nehe-
miah's earlier and later position on the subject. 177. His
measures to suppress foreign marriages. 178. Importance
of his reforms. 179, Enforcing the observation of the Sub-
bath. 180. Reforms in the administration of the finances
of the temple. 181. Historical significance of Nehemiah's
reforms, 182. His pioneer work. 183. Its true relation to
that of the great assembly.

THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION
Sectioxs 184-191. Pages 195-204

Section 184. Nehemiah and the Priestly Code. 185. Evidence
that Ezra's expedition was not before 432 b. c. 186. Evi-
dence that it was after that date. 187. Possible dates. 188,
Evidence that it was in 398 b, c. 189. The movement which
Ezra represented. 190. Numbers and equipment of his ex-
pedition. 191. Its arrival in Jerusalem.

Xvi CONTENTS

THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRIESTLY LAW

Sections 192-203. Pages 205-214

Section 192. The preliminaries of reform. 193. Public pre-
sentation of the new law. 194. Effect of its interpretation.

195. Ezra's attitude on the question of foreign marriages.

196. Expulsion of foreign wives from the community. 197.
Calling the Great Assembly. 198. Action of the Great Assem-
bly. 199. Articles which were adopted. 200. Aim and
effect of the new regulations. 201. The Priestly Code. 202.
Evidence of later additions to it. 203. Reasons why it was
so readily adopted.

THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE ON MOUNT GERIZIM

Sections 204-211. Pages 215-223

Section 204. The widening of the gulf between the Jews and
the Samaritans. 205. Missionary work of the Jews in Sama-
ria and Galilee. 206. Earlier relations between the Jews
and Samaritans. 207. Effect of Nehemiah's influence, 208.
Establishment of the temple on Mount Gerizim. 209. Mis-
leading testimony of Josephus respecting its date. 210. The
more probable date of its establishment. 211. Priesthood
and ritual of the Samaritans.

XII

THE LAST CENTURY OF PERSIAN RULE

Sections 212-226. Pages 224-238

Section 212. The joy and hopes of the Jews after the Great
Assembly. 213. Evidence of a general return to Judah. 214.
Testimony of the census in Ezra ii. 215. Extension of Jew-
ish territory to the northwest. 216. Influence of "the re-
turned." 217. Character and rule of Ochus. 218. Rebellion
of the Syrians. 219. Misfortunes which Josephus states
then overtook the Jews. 220. Testimony of other historians.

CONTENTS XVU

221. Motives -which influenced the Jews to join the rebellion
against Ochus. 222. Consequences of their folly. 223.
Their despondency and doubt. 224. Pollution of the temple
and desolation of Jerusalem. 225. Problem and message of
the Book of Job. 226. Close of the Persian period.

XIII

THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE-HELLENISTIC
JUDAISM

Sections 227-238. Pages 239-251

Sectiox 227. The contrast between ancient Hebrew and later
Jewish life. 228. Influences which formed Judaism. 229.
Growth of the authority of the high priest. 230. His civil
and religious functions. 231. Origin of the priesthood.
232. Duties and requirements of the priests. 233. Origin
and duties of the Levites. 234. Duties of the singers. 235.
Temple slaves. 236. Work of the scribes. 237. Synagogues.
238. Life under the Law.

XIV

THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM

Sections 239-253. Pages 252-267

Section 239. The religious privileges and responsibilities of the
private individual. 240. Influence upon Judaism of the
Egyptian and Babylonian religions. 241. Elements common
to both the Jewish and Persian religions. 242. Persian in-
fluence in the development of the belief in the resurrection.
243. In angels. 244. In a personal prince of evil. 245. De-
fects in Judaism. 246. Reactions against extreme ceremo-
nialism. 247. Earlier missionary ideas. 248. Admission
of foreigners. 249. Growth of a hostile attitude toward the
heathen world. 2.50. Message of the Book of Jonah. 251.
Jonah a type of narrow Judaism. 252. Teachings of the
book. 253. Liconsisteucies of Judaism.

XTili CONTENTS

PART III

THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE
PERIOD

Sections 254-264. Pages 271-283

Section 254. The extent of the Greek period. 255. Work of
the chronicler. 256. Date and authorship of Zechariah ix.
to xiv. 257. Book of Esther. 258. Book of Ecclesiastes.
259. Book of Ecclesiasticus. 260. Apocalyptic type of writ-
ing. 261. Date and authorship of the Book of Daniel. 262.
Book of Enoch. 263. Historical value of I. and II. Macca-
bees. 264. Writings of Josephus and the Greek historians.

THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OF
THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDS

Sections 265-280. Pages 284-298

Section 265. Alexander's conquest of Asia Minor and Syria.
266. Attitude of the Jews toward the conqueror. 267. His
special concessions to them. 268. Palestine under the rule
of Alexander. 269. Founding of Alexandria. 270. Per-
manence of Greek rule and culture in Asia. 271. Conquest
of Palestine by Ptolemy. 272. Inducements offered by him
to attract the Jews to Egj^at. 273. Contest between the
Ptolemies and Seleucids for Palestine. 274. Rule of the
Ptolemies. 275. Story of Joseph the tax-collector. 276.
Decline of the Ptolemies. 277. Conquest of Palestine by
Antiochus III. 278. Special privileges granted by him to
the Jews. 279. Rule of the Seleucids. 280. Unsuccessful
attempt of Seleucus TV. to rob the temple.

CONTENTS Xix

III

JEWISH LIFE IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE

Skctions 281-291. Pages 299-310

Skctiox 281. The second dispersion of the Jewish race. 282.
Hellenistic Greek the language of the Jews in Egypt. 283.
Translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek. 284. At-
tacks upon the Jews in Egypt. 285. Jewish apologetic liter-
ature. 286. The Jewish high priests, 287. Character and
work of Simon the Just. 288. Social organization of the
Jewish community. 289. Different professions. 290. Evils
withm the community. 291. Jewish home life.

DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF JEWISH THOUGHT
Sections 292-300. Pages 311-322

Skction 292. The narrow nationalistic party. 293. Ritualistic
]iarty. 294. Orthodox wisdom school represented by the
son of Sirach. 295. Fusion of the wise man and scribe.
296. Standards and ideals of the son of Sirach. 297. Scep-
tical wisdom school. 298. Beliefs and doubts of the author
of Ecclesiastes. 299. Influx of Greek customs and ideas into
Palestine. 300. Hellenizing Jewish party.

THE SUPREME CRISIS OF JUDAISM

Sections 301-307. Pages 323-330

Section 301. The character and ambitions of Antiochus Epi-
phanes. 302. Results of the Hellenizing tendencies within
Judaism. 303. Unprincipled acts of the high priest, Mene-
laus. 304. Plunder of the temple by Antiochus. 305. His
attempt to Hellenize the Jews. 306. Measures intended to
stamp out Judaism. 307. Jewish traitors and martyrs.

XX CONTENTS

THE GREAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM

Sections 308-317. Pages 331-340

Section 308. The messages of encouragement in the Book of
Daniel. 309. Visions of coming deliverance for the faithful.
310. Potent influence of these prophecies. 311. Message of
Enoch Ixxxiii. to xc. 312. Revolt of Mattathias and his
sons. 313. Origin and aims of the party of the pious. 314.
Jews under the leadership of Judas. 315. Their organiza-
tion and early victories. 316. Battles of Emmaus and Beth-
zur. 317. Ilededication of the temple.

Appendix I. The Overthrow of Assyria 343-344

Appendix II. The Jerusalem of Nehemiah .... 345-353

Appendix III. The Literature upon Jewish History . 354-359

Books of Reference 360-361

References 362-368

Index of Names and Subjects 371-376

Index of References to Biblical and Extra-
Biblical Sources 377-380

LIST OF MAPS

Chronological Chart Frontispiece

The Empires of Babylonia, Persia, and

Alexander to face page 76

The Province of Judah to face page 158

The Jerusalem of Nehemiah .... to face page 172

PART 1

THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH
HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AISfB LITERATURE OP
THE PERIOD

1. During the dark half century, which followed the
destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B. c, and which is
known as the period of the Babylonian exile, Jewish
historians found but one political event which they
deemed worthy of recording. The second Book of
Kings closes pathetically with a short note telling of
the release of the Jewish king Jehoiakin from his long
confinement in Babylonian prisons. Their silence is
all the more significant because the period was by no
means one of literary inactivity. It emphasizes the
fact that the real history of this important epoch is
not the record of external events, but of the mighty
struggles and transformations going on within the
souls of the Jewish exiles, who were scattered through-
out the great Babylonian empire. That record is
found in no connected narrative, but must be recon-
structed from the sermons of prophets and the songs
of poets. These, however, represent the testimony
of earnest, inspired men who themselves saw and felt
that of which they spoke, so that during the Baby*
Ionian exile the inner life of the Jewish people is
revealed as at no other epoch in their history.

2. During the fateful years which intervene between
the first and second deportation, Jeremiah describes,

4 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

in the twenty-fourth chapter of his prophecy, the
character of the first group of exiles who were carried
away with Jehoiakin, while chapter xxix. contains a
pastoral letter which he wrote to them in their new
home. Chapter xliv. introduces us, through the stern
preaching of the aged prophet, to the exiles in Egypt,
among whom he spent his last days. The section,
1. 2 to li. 58, which treats of the destruction of Baby-
lon, clearly reflects an age subsequent to that in which
Jeremiah lived and labored and is therefore an impor-
tant source for the period under consideration. The
exiles in Babylon to whom it is addressed are not
urged to " build houses and dwell in them," as they
were by the great prophet in his pastoral letter (xxix.) ;
but instead they are earnestly exhorted to flee with all
possible haste from the doomed city (1. 8 ; li. 6, 45).
The long years of exile predicted by Jeremiah are
nearing a close. Babylon's destroyers are already
upon the northern horizon (1. 3, 9, 41) ; in fact, the
author of the section calls them by name ; they are the
Medes (li. 11), and at their head is Jehovah's agent
of destruction. This leader can be no other than
Cyrus, who in 549 b, c, after becoming master of the
Median empire (sect. 63), entered upon that career
of conquest which ended a decade later, as the prophet
predicts, in the capture of Babylon. The evident ex-
ultation with which the impending overthrow of the
mighty city is proclaimed, also reflects the experiences
of one who had himself felt the pains of the Babylonian
exile, rather than the experiences of Jeremiah, who at
the final destruction of Jerusalem was liberated by the
conquerors (xxxix.), and who in his latest breath con-
tinued to declare that the Babylonian king was carry

THE PROPHECIES OF EZEKIEL 5

ing out Jehovah's will among the nations (xliv. 30).
The many passages which reveal familiarity with
exilic prophets, and the style, which is more diffuse
than that of Jeremiah, furnish additional evidence
which indicates that the author was some unknown
prophet, perhaps a disciple of Jeremiah, writing during
the period following 549 and preceding 539 b. c. The
notice in li. 59-64 of a prophecy written by Jeremiah
concerning the evil that would come upon Babylon,
probably gave the suggestion to the later editor which
led him to place these chapters in their present
setting.

3. Ezekiel, naturally a man of method, and writing
in the calm of the exile, carefully dated most of his
prophecies. His work began in the year 592 and his
latest prophecy is dated 570 b. c. (i. 2; xxix. 17).
During the six years which immediately preceded the
final destruction of Jerusalem, his energies were
chiefly devoted to the consideration of the grave moral
and political dangers which imperilled the existence
of the Judean kingdom. Chapters i. to xxiv. record
this activity and contain only chance suggestions con-
cerning the thought and conditions of the exiles who
shared the captivity with him. Chapters xxv. to xxxii.
consist of foreign prophecies, written for the most part
contemporaneously with the fall of Jerusalem. As
soon as the Jewish sanctuary lay in ruins, Ezekiel
turned his entire attention to the exiles in Babylon,
in whom he recognized the preservers of the best
religious life of his race. The remainder of his book
(xxxiii. to xlviii.), written between the years 585 and
572 B. c, is the monument of his devotion to them.
Chapters xxxiii. to xxxix. constitute the best extant

6 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

historical source for the earlier half of the exile;
while xl. to xlviii. contain Ezekiel's program for the
restored Jewish state, which he predicted would
ultimately be reestablished in the land of Canaan with
Jerusalem as its centre.

4. Certain chapters of the Book of Isaiah reflect, not
the problems and storms of Assyrian invasion which
agitated the people of Judah, to whom Isaiah, the
son of Amoz, addressed his stirring sermons, but in-
stead the totally changed conditions amidst which, two
centuries later, the Jewish exiles in Babylon moved.
When one recalls the tendency, so strong in later
circles, to assign all anonymous pieces of literature
to some earlier writer, who figured as the chief repre-
sentative of the department of thought to which he
belonged, the inference that the Book of Isaiah con-
tains prophecies from other and later hands, causes
no surprise. The same habits of editorship, which,
in an age when the modern historical and literary
methods of determining date and authorship were
unknown, assigned all ancient Hebrew proverbs and
many very late books, like Ecclesiastes and the
Wisdom of Solomon, to Solomon, the majority of the
Psalms to David, many apocalyptic writings to Enoch,
and all the laws to Moses, most naturally influenced
later editors to attribute certain anonymous prophecies
to the prince of prophets. The author of the Gospel
of Mark, in the opening of his narrative (i. 2), illus-
trates the same tendency when he introduces a quota-
tion, the first part of which comes from the Book of
Malachi (iii.), with the words " even as it is written
in Isaiah, the prophet." No thoughtful student can
fail to recognize a providential influence in this harm-

EXILIC SECTIONS IN THE BOOK OF ISAIAH 7

less custom, which preserved many a priceless literarj
treasure from the oblivion which otherwise threatened
to engulf it ; for the succeeding ages were prone to
give more attention to the name associated with a
given writing than to the eternal message which it
contained.

5. Even a cursory reading of the section, Isaiah
xiii. 2 to xiv. 23, furnishes conclusive evidence that
its historical background is the Babylonian exile.
Already Babylon, which in the days of Isaiah was,
like Judah, a vassal state subject to Nineveh, has
passed the zenith of its power and is declining. The
author bids his fellow exiles unite in a song of exulta-
tion over the impending destruction of this harsh
taskmaster, who has so long oppressed them (xiv. 3-
23) ; for his fall means for them restoration to their
native land and the rebuilding of their destroyed
temple. The agents of Babylon's overthrow, as in
Jeremiah li. 11, are mentioned : the Medes, who in
the days of Isaiah, the son of Amoz, were known only
as a mountain people whose territory furnished a
favorite field for Assyrian conquest. The language
and religious ideas of the passage also present far
more affinities with the writings of exilic prophets
than with those of Isaiah. Thus the evidence be-
comes cumulative that the author was some unknown
prophet living not long before the capture of Babylon.
The absence of a distinct reference to Cyrus suggests
that the section was written either a short time before
or not long after 549 b. c, when the Median empire
merged into the Persian,

6. The same age and general conditions constitute
the background of the sublime message of comfort

8 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

and inspiration contained in cliapters xl. to Iv. of the
Book of Isaiah. To the stirring political movements
which characterized the closing years of Babylonian
rule, there are clear and repeated references. The
deliverer, who in Jehovah's providence is to restore
the Jewish exiles to their desolate land and city, is
not a distant people, but the advancing conqueror
Cyrus, Jehovah's anointed, toward whom the eyes of
the captives were eagerly turning (xli. 2 ; xliv. 28 ; xlv.
1). The energies of the prophet are not devoted, as
were those of Isaiah ben Amoz two centuries before, to
directing the policy of Judah in right channels, nor
to correcting moral or social wrongs ; but instead his
aim is to encourage and inspire the halting exiles to
return, and to offer themselves and their interests in
Babylon to the noble service of rebuilding their city
and temple, when once the opportunity comes, which
he sees fast approaching. The Messianic ideals are
also very different. The condensed, stately, and
abrupt diction of the earlier prophet, characterized by
its peculiar phrases, is exchanged for the flowing,
highly developed, closely connected, and often impas-
sioned style which is begotten by quiet meditation and
study rather than by public preaching. Many expres-
sions peculiar to chapters xl. to Iv., as for example
"seize his right hand," "call by name" (xlv. 1, 3, 4;
compare Cyrus Cyl. 12), are at once recognized by
the student of Assyrian and Babylonian literature as
characteristic of the court language of Babylon. These
water marks, as well as the vivid historical allusions,
confirm the conclusion that the prophet was personally
acquainted with the political life of the doomed city.
His new conception of Jehovah and of the divine will

DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF ISAIAH XL. TO LV. 9

reveals the development of thought during the two
revolutionizing centuries which intervene between
Isaiah and the great prophet, who proclaims to the
exiles in Babylon the new and glorious message which
Jehovah has revealed to his waiting heart.

7. Since the remaining chapters of the Book of
Isaiah present striking variations in style, thought, and
especially in the historical background which they
reflect, they are reserved for later consideration ; but,
notwithstanding the occasional evidence of the work
of later editors, which sometimes obscures the original
thought, no one can seriously question the unity of the
sections xl. to Iv. These chapters as a whole are
illuminated by the same fervid spirit, the same power-
ful figures, the same dramatic power, and the same
breadth of vision, elements which were united to such
a remarkable degree in the productions of no other
Old Testament writer. The one theme also is restora-
tion ; and running through all is the new and marvellous
conception of service, which makes the section unique.
The same themes are repeatedly treated, and certain
passages, as for example those which describe the ser-
vant of Jehovah, constitute distinct units, independent
of each other, and only loosely connected with the
general context. These facts suggest that the whole,
like the Book of Jeremiah, is made np of smaller
tracts written at different times and finally combined
by the prophet himself, or possibly by one of his
disciples.

8. In the collection contained in chapters xl. to
xlviii., Cyrus is the central figure, and the fall of
Babylon is predicted as something still anticipated in
the future. The critical period between 549 and 539

10 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

B. c. is, therefore, established as the background of the
section. In chapters xlix. to Iv. attention is focused
more and more on Jerusalem, suggesting that the
hour was near at hand, if it had not already arrived,
when the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus made it pos-
sible for the Jews to turn their faces toward the
sacred city. Certain references might be regarded as
evidence that when the author wrote he already stood
on the soil of Canaan ; but the language as a whole is
best satisfied by the hypothesis that he was still in
Babylon, urging his reluctant countrymen to improve
the opportunity which opened to them and, by devot-
ing themselves loyally and unreservedly to the arduous
task of rebuilding their capital city, to reap the bless-
ings which Jehovah was ready to bestow. This clarion
call to duty may, it is true, have been issued at any
time during the following century, while the struggling
community in Canaan longed and prayed for a general
return of their race ; but the superlative exaltation of
its language and thought proclaims it to be from the
same inspired spirit who speaks to the exiles in the
preceding chapters, and the stirring days which wit-
nessed the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus furnish the
only entirely satisfactory background.

9. The pitiful group of Jews who were permitted
by the Babylonians to remain in Judah were not left
without spokesmen to voice their grief. The shortest
and saddest of the prophetic books — Obadiah — fixes
our attention upon conditions in Palestine. Its theme
is the denunciation of the conduct of Judah's heredi-
tary foes, the Edomites, in the hour of Jerusalem's
humiliation. Tlie hostility between these rival Semitic
peoples extended through many centuries, and its de-

AUTHOKSHIP OF THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS 11

tails are frequently veiled in such obscurity that it is
impossible to determine with certainty what are the
exact events to which the prophet alludes. The close
parallel in language as well as thought, between Jere-
miah xlix. 7-22, and Obadiah 1-7, indicates that one
is quoted from the other, or both from a common
source. The prophecy may have been finally edited
during the Persian period, but on the whole the testi-
mony of the varied evidence is that the author of the
Book of Obadiah incorporated the words of an earlier
prophet, and wrote during the opening years of the
exile, referring to wrongs which perhaps he himself
witnessed.

10. Another remarkably vivid picture of the scenes
attendant upon the destruction of Jerusalem, and of the
feelings with which the scattered exiles regarded those
events, is preserved in the Book of Lamentations.
From the third or fourth century b. c. comes a tradi-
tion, adopted by the translators of the Septuagint, that
Jeremiah wrote these elegies. The element of prophecy
which runs through the book, the elegiac tone and
certain expressions which characterize it, recall many
passages in the sermons of that prophet. That he sur-
vived the destruction of Jerusalem is well known, and,
therefore, no one can assert absolutely that there is not
a basis for the tradition that Jeremiah was the author.
On the other hand, the alphabetical arrangement of the
verses in chapters i. to iv., according to which in the
Hebrew each succeeding verse (or, as in the case of
chapter iii., each group of three verses) begins with a
succeeding letter of the alphabet, reveals an artificiality
which is the antithesis of Jeremiah's ordinary style.
Many surprising expressions, foreign to his prophecies,

12 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

also occur. Frequently the point of view is not that of
the Jeremiah whom we know, but of the people whose
errors he combated (i. 21, 22 ; ii. 9 ; iv. 17, 20).
In the light of Jeremiah xxxi. 29, 30, the statement
(v. 7) that " our fathers have sinned and are not ; and
we have borne their iniquities " would be a direct con-
tradiction to one of the prophet's most positive doctrines.
Certain striking analogies with Ezekiel's sermons sug-
gest familiarity with his utterances (compare ii. 14%
with Ezek. xiii. and xxii. 28 ; ii. 4 with Ezek. xxiv. 16,
21, 25). In chapter v. the different point of view, as
well as the absence of the alphabetical arrangement,
raises the additional question whether one or several
authors are represented in the book. Certainly in the
closing chapter the strong hope of speedy restoration,
repeatedly expressed in the preceding chapter, is
supplanted by the wail, " Wherefore dost thou forsake
us forever?" (v. 20=*). On the whole the conclusion
most in accord with all the facts is that the book con-
sists of two or more originally independent sections,
and comes from certain disciples of Jeremiah or
Ezekiel, familiar with conditions in Palestine during the
period of their nation's humiliation. The testimony of
the book, therefore, like that of most of the sources
for the period, is of the highest value, because it is
practically contemporaneous with the events and con-
ditions which it records. Several psalms, as, for
example, the forty-second and forty-third, also voice
the lamentations of faithful souls deprived of the
enjoyment of their land and sanctuary. It is not
impossible that they come from the period of the
exile ; but the absence of any clear historical allu-
sions and the difficulty in establishing their date

APOCRYPHAL WRITINGS 13

with certainty preclude their use as definite historical
sources.

11. Certain other biblical and apocryphal writings,
although not possessing the value of contemporary
documents, preserve the impressions and dim memories
of succeeding generations respecting the period under
consideration. Of this character is Psalm cxxxvii.,
which recalls the feelings of the Jewish exiles beside
the canals of Babylon, While the Book of Daniel is
commonly recognized as a literary product of the post-
exilic period (see sect. 261), the stories preserved in
chapters i.-vi. are suggestive of the opportunities and
experiences which came to gifted Jews in the lands of
the exile. In the Greek version of the Book of Daniel
are also incorporated two late Jewish tales which shed
some reflected light upon the conditions of the Jews in
the dispersion. At the beginning of the book is intro-
duced the " History of Susanna," which relates how a
beautiful Jewess of Babylon, betrayed by two elders of
her people, was rescued from an unjust death by the in-
spired wisdom of the youthful Daniel. At the close is
found in the Septuagint the fantastic story of Bel and
the Dragon, which tells how Daniel exposed the decep-
tions of the priests of Bel and slew a great dragon
which had become an object of popular worship. With
the name of Baruch, Jeremiah's faithful scribe, was also
associated in later time a group of prayers, confessions
of national sin, and messages of consolation for the
exiles, which are preserved in the apocryphal Book of
Baruch. The work is clearly of composite authorship,
but the section preserved in chapters i. 15 to iii. 8
may well come from the latter part of the Persian or
the beginning of the Greek period, and reflects the atti-

14 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

tude of the Jews of Palestine and of the dispersion
toward the long series of national woes which was in-
augurated by the disaster of 586 b. c.

12. At several points the writings of Josephus, the
Jewish historian, supplement the biblical sources.
Born in Jerusalem about 37 A. D., possessed of a good
education, identified with his nation's history, and
subsequently patronized by the Roman emperors
Vespasian and Titus, he received a rare preparation for
the literary work which he undertook. Unfortunately
he wrote as a partisan Jew and not as an impartial
historian, and, therefore, it is necessary to make con-
stant allowance for his personal point of view and for
his tendency to exaggerate or to omit facts uncompli-
mentary to his race. In his three great works, " The
Antiquities of the Jews," " The Jewish War," and
" Against Apion," he has preserved, however, a mass of
valuable facts, no longer accessible elsewhere. For the
earlier Hebrew history his one source was the biblical
narratives, which are obscured rather than elucidated
by his treatment. Respecting the period of the exile,
he cites, in his treatise " Against Apion," from earlier
extra-biblical historians. Chief among these authori-
ties was the Babylonian priest Berosus, who lived in
the time of Alexander the Great, and who translated a
history of Babylonia into Greek. As a rule the state-
ments of Berosus have been substantiated by later dis-
coveries. The same cannot be said of the Halicarnassan
historian, Herodotus, at least when he treats of Oriental
history, nor of his rival, the Persian historian Ctesias.
Their petty jealousy of rival historians, their credulity
and its kindred fault, lack of accuracy, make it neces-
sary constantly to test their statements. Notwith-

BABYLONIAN HISTORICAL INSCRIPTIONS 15

standing these grave faults, tliey furnish a wealth of
valuable facts for the reconstruction of Babj^lonian and
Persian history.

13. Fortunately we are no longer wholly dependent
for our information respecting the contemporary his-
tory upon the traditions retailed by later writers. The
kings who were the chief actors in the events of the
period, now speak to us directly through their inscrip-
tions. A large collection has been discovered, dating
from the long reign of Nebuchadrezzar. With almost
no exception, they all tell of his great building enter-
prises; while he describes these in great detail, he
makes only general reference to his conquests. The
most important literary monument of his reign is the
so-called " East India Inscription," consisting of ten
columns, which introduces us to the inner religious life
and motives of the great ruler, as Avell as to his more
important achievements. Several short building in-
scriptions have also been found, dating from the reign
of Neriglissar, which in spirit and character closely
resemble those of Nebuchadrezzar. The reign of
Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, is illumined by
five or six important inscriptions, which revolutionize
our conception of the period. In connection with the
descriptions of his archaeological excavations and tem-
ple repairs, are found not a few incidental historical
references of the greatest value. His coronation in-
scription, discovered and published only recently,
throws much light upon the events preceding and con-
nected with his accession. The so-called " Nabonidus-
Cyrus Annals" also give a condensed account of the
conquests of Cyrus and the final capture of Babylon.
The great conqueror himself now speaks to us, through

16 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

a historical inscription which bears his name, and tells
of the different steps which led to his gaining posses-
sion of the powerful city, and of the principles which
guided him in his treatment of the conquered. With
the aid of these varied sources of information, it is
possible to reconstruct a definite picture of the con-
ditions which constituted the background of the life
and thought of the Jews during the half century
when their intellectual and religious life centred in
Babylon.

THE DISPERSION OF THE JEWS

14. Viewed as an event in the world's history, the
exile was a mere incident in the execution of the policy
which the Assyrians and their successors, the Baby-
lonians, adopted in their treatment of all nations who
refused to submit to their rule. While the vassal
states paid regular tribute, they were allowed to retain
their own integrity and political organization. If,
however, they repeatedly revolted, their permanent
submission was insured by extinguishing all traces of
independent national life. Deportation of the inhabi-
tants, and recolonization of the territory by subjects
transported from other parts of their empire, was the
drastic method which the conquerors universally em-
ployed. Judah's annihilation was the more complete,
because not once, but three times, it incurred their
dire displeasure. By the first deportation, which
occurred in 597 b. c, the young King Jehoiakin, his
immediate family, the nobles, warriors, and skilled
artisans of the kingdom were transported to Babylon.
According to the account in II. Kings xxiv. 14-lG,
the total was ten thousand, of which seven thousand
were warriors, one thousand artisans, and presumably
the remaining two thousand nobles and officials (com-
pare Jer. xxix. 2). The estimate, of course, is general,

]8 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

and makes no mention of the women and children who
were allowed to accompany their husbands and fathers,
and who may well have increased the numbers to thirty
or forty thousand.

15. Eleven years later, in 586 b. c, another unsuc-
cessful revolt of the Judeans led the Babylonians to
institute still more extreme measures. Not even the
common mob in Jerusalem, or those who early in the
siege had fled to the camp of the conqueror, escaped
deportation. The record in II. Kings xxv. 8-11,
gives no detailed statistics, but suggests that a large
proportion of those captured were deported. The
author of Jeremiah lii. 28, 29, estimates the numbers
carried away at this time (reading the seventeenth for
the seventh year, which is probably a scribal error)
from the villages of Judah, at three thousand and
twenty-three ; while those deported from Jerusalem,
which was captured during the following year, number
eight hundred and thirty-two, giving a total of three
thousand eight hundred and fifty-five. As is always
the case, unless distinctly stated, these numbers, which
appear to be derived from an exact census, refer only
to the men, suggesting that the total number carried
away to Babylon in the second deportation was between
twelve and fifteen thousand. From the narrative m
II. Kings and from Jeremiah xl. to xliii., we learn that
the Babylonians left behind a few of the ruling class
who had remained loyal, and the poorer inhabitants that
they might till the soil and prevent the land from
becoming a complete desolation. At their head was
placed a trusty governor, Gedaliah. For a period all
went well. Then through the treachery of a neighbor-
ing prince he, with his immediate tollowers, was slain.

THE NUMBER OF JEWS DEPORTED 19

The rest of the Jewish community fled to Egypt. It
was probably to avenge this deed that the Babykmians
again, in 581 b. c, took occasion (as recorded in Jeremiah
lii. 30), to deport seven hundred and forty-five more
men, or in all about two thousand five hundred souls.
Accepting these figures as a basis, the total number
carried into Babylon in connection with the three de-
portations was about fifty thousand. Compared with
the twenty-seven thousand two hundred and ninety
deported according to tlie Assyrian inscriptions from
the city of Samaria at the time of its final fall in 722
B. c.,this estimate seems reasonable. Furthermore, the
sources from which the data are derived were probably
written within a generation or two after the different
deportations took place, and, therefore, may with good
reason be regarded as reliable. The natural tendency
on the part of a patriotic historian would be to minimize
rather than to exaggerate numbers in a narrative so
distasteful to him. The large number of Jews, found
in Babylon and the East during the succeeding cen-
turies, also confirms this estimate.

16. The Jews deported to Babylon represented, how-
ever, only a fraction of the former population of Judah,
and certainly only a part of those who were driven
into exile by the repeated disasters which overtook
their nation. The numbers who quickly rallied about
the standard of Gedaliah after the deportation in 586
B. c, indicate that a large proportion, if not a majority
of the Jewish people remained in and about Judah.
" We are many " was the testimony of " those who
inhabited the waste places in the land of Israel " at
this time (Ezek. xxxiii. 24). The caves to the south
and east of Judah, which had proved secure hiding

20 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

places during lesser crises in the history of the Hebrew
race, doubtless shielded not a few fugitives until the
Babylonian soldiers withdrew. From Jeremiah xl. 11,
it appears that some found a temporary asylum in
Moab, Ammon, Edom, and the other lands encircling
Canaan, from whence they returned as soon as a
favorable opportunity offered. The fact that the
Babylonians did not deem it necessary to introduce
colonists from other parts of their empire is in itself
evidence that great numbers of the Judeans continued
to develop the resources of their native land.

17. In view of the close political and commercial
relations which had long existed between Egypt and
Judah, it was most natural that the majority of those
who fled from before the Babylonians, should take
refuge in the land of the Nile. Hosea's references to
Egypt as one of the lands of the exile (ix. 6 ; xi. 11)
indicate that the Israelites, a century and a half before,
when their nation was destroyed by Assyria, set th^
example which their southern kinsmen followed in verj
similar circumstances. Even after the first Jewish
deportation, Jeremiah addressed his prophecy to them
" that remain in this land (Judah) and to them that
dwell in the land of Egypt" (xxiv. 8). If, as this
reference plainly indicates, in 597 b. c, an important
part of the Jewish race, as well as many descendants
of the Northern Israelites, were already found in Egypt,
their numbers must have been later greatly increased.
When it became evident that Judah was doomed,
patriots who believed the words of the true prophets
recognized that they could serve their country better
by going for a time into voluntary exile in Egypt than
by remaining to fall into the hands of tlie Babylonians.

THE JEWISH REFUGEES IN EGYPT 21

The strength of this tendency to seek refuge in Egypt
was clearly illustrated at a subsequent date, when,
after the murder of Gedaliah, his followers emigrated
en masse to the land of the Nile. At Tahpanhes, on
the eastern border of Egypt, they established them-
selves. Other centres of Jewish colonization were
Migdol, also a border town (as its name " watch
tower" indicates), about twelve miles from Pelusium,
Noph, which is identified with the ancient city of
Memphis (compare Ezek. xxx. 13), and the country
of Pathros, which is probably a designation of the
territory of southern Egypt (Jer. xliv. 1 ; Ezek. xxx.
13-18). Thus while many Jews remained on the
borders of Judah, others found homes in the southern-
most province of the new land of their adoption. The
reference in Ezekiel xxx. 6 implies that they were
found as far south as Syene, on the island Elephantine,
in the Nile.

18. Unfortunately there are no definite data from
which to determine how many Jews were to be found
in Egypt at the beginning of the exile. Jeremiah xliv.
15 speaks of them as constituting a " great assembly."
When one recalls how accessible from Jerusalem was
the land of the Nile, and that it alone offered to the
refugees a friendly asylum beyond the pale of Baby-
lonian influence, the conviction deepens that about the
year 680 b. c. a very large proportion, if not a majority,
of the former inhabitants of Judah were found in
Egypt. For more than a decade the current of Jewish
population had been setting in that direction, power-
fully accelerated as it was by the disintegrating blows
dealt to Judah by Babylon. If Jeremiah had not
deemed it more important to cast his fortunes with

22 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

his countrymen who remained behind, than with the
stronger type who were deported to Babylon, a most
important chapter in the history of the Jewish race
would have been unrecorded. As it was, after he
died the Jews in Egypt had no Ezekiel or prophet
like the Babylonian Isaiah, so that we are dependent
partially upon iuference in reconstructing the proba-
ble course of events ; but it is obvious that the exiles
in Egypt were a factor which can no longer be ignored
in the study of the history of the Jewish race during
the Babylonian exile, and especially during the suc-
ceeding period of reconstruction.

19. Ancient Semitic history presents many ex-
amples of the deportation of nations, but no instance
of such a complete and widespread dispersion as that
which was the sad lot of the race of shepherds and
agriculturists who inhabited the uplands of Canaan.
Ezekiel and all the other writers of the period declare
that " they were scattered upon all the face of the
earth" (Ezek. xxxiv. 6; xxxvi. 19). Througliout at
least the world dominated by Nebuchadrezzar, from
the desert of Sahara to the uplands at the east of the
Tigris, were to be found colonies of Jews. Three
centres of Jewish population, however, may be dis-
tinguished : the first was Palestine itself, the second
was Egypt, and the third Babylon. The character of
the colonists in the three centres and the conditions
under which they lived were so radically different that
each must be studied independently.

Ill

THE CHAEACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN
PALESTINE AND EGYPT

20. The destructive wrath of Babylon, like that
of Rome six and a half centuries later, was visited
chiefly upon Jerusalem, the political and religious
centre of the Jewish race. As a result it became a
complete desolation, " the haunt of jackals " (Lam. v.
18). There is no evidence that the smaller towns of
Judah were subjected to the same drastic treatment.
The Jews deported to Babylon in the first and largest
deportation were all taken from Jerusalem. Not only
did the comparative insignificance of the towns protect
them, but they also saved themselves by surrendering
to the conquerors at a much earlier stage of the war.
According to the largest possible estimate, less than
five thousand men were deported from the villages
outside Jerusalem. The references in Jeremiah xl.
indicate that many of them, like ]\Iizpah and Netophah,
survived, although, of course, their population was
decimated by the ravages of war and of deportation.
To leave behind a part of the native population was in
perfect harmony with the wise constructive rule and
humane spirit of Nebuchadrezzar. His ambitions,
which already contemplated the conquest of Egypt,
prompted him to develop, at any cost, the resources of

24 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Palestine, that his army might have the necessary base
of supplies in case of a western campaign. This fact
explains his attempt to revive the Jewish state under
Gedaliah, even after Jerusalem had been laid in ruins.
Contemporary writers, as well as the facts of subse-
quent history, testify that only the poorer and more
ignorant were left behind in Palestine. In the East
the peasants are always the ones who survive repeated
waves of conquest. They also would be the last to
revolt, and could best conserve the interests of Babylon.
After the murder of Gedaliah, the conquerors took care
that there should be no leaders among the remnant in
the land. Gradually, however, as the years went by,
prominent exiles undoubtedly found their way back to
Judah from the immediately adjacent countries, like
Edom, Moab, Ammon, and Egypt, where they had found
a temporary place of refuge, just as earlier they rallied
about Gedaliah (Jer. xl. 7-12).

21. The condition of those who clung to their be-
loved hills was anything but desirable. The loose rule
of the Babylonians in Palestine was in itself galling.
The poet of the remnant laments that :

Servants rule over us :

There is none to deliver us out of their hand.*

The usual wrongs of an Oriental provincial govern-
ment, injustice and extortion, were not lacking (Lam.
V. 4). Since all independent political organization was
denied the Jews in Palestine, they were the easy prey
of the robber tribes who encircled them. The pent-up
hatred of generations was visited upon their heads.
Such wails as :

1 Lam. V. 8.

HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF THE PEOPLES OF CANAAN 25

We get our bread at the peril of our lives,
Because of the sword of the wilderness.
Our skin is hot like an oven,
Because of the burning heat of famine ; ^

or:

They, who are mine enemies without cause,
Have chased me sore like a bird,^

tell the story of wrong and helpless suffering. Others :

They have cut off my life in the dungeon,
And have cast a stone upon me ; ®

The young men bare the mill,

And the children stumble under the wood *

suggest the slavery which was the fate of many at the
hands of their pitiless foes.

22. These conditions, which continued with little
interruption for many generations, alone explain the
bitter imprecations which appear on almost every page
of the prophecies and poems of the period. Ezekiel
devoted not a little time and energy to denouncing and
to pronouncing woes upon the hostile nations, who at
this time took base advantage of Judah's humiliation
and weakness. Inasmuch as the Ammonites said,
" Aha, against Jehovah's sanctuary, when it was pro-
faned ; and against the land of Israel, when it was
made desolate ; and against the house of Judah, when
they went into captivity," Jehovah will visit upon tliem
all the horrors of conquest (xxv. 3-7). Against Moab,
Philistia, and Tyre, he directs similar predictions of
coming vengeance. Tliere is no suggestion in the

^ Lam. V. 9, 10. 3 j^^r^, iji. 53.

' Lam, iii. 52. * Lam. t. 13.

26 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

exilic prophecies of any hostility between the Judeans
and Samaritans ; in fact, as in the passage just quoted,
the interests of the descendants of the ancient Israelites
and of the Judeans are regarded as the same, and the
hope of a union of the two branches of the Hebrew
race, who were then united in a common suffering, finds
frequent expression. Of all their foes the Edomites
are reckoned as the most grievous offenders (Ezek.
XXV. 13). They were the people who called forth the
bitter diatribe associated with the name of Obadiah.
Their treachery at the time of Judah's downfall, their
deeds of robbery, and their " delivery into slavery of
those of his Avho remain in the day of distress," are
the crimes for which they shall be judged (Ob. 11-14).
Ezekiel's words in xxxv. 10 indicate that immediately
after the destruction of the Jewish state, that north-
ward movement of the Edomites began which is
referred to in the closing verses of the prophecy of
Obadiah, and which ended in their being expelled from
their original home by the Arabs, and in their seizing
the territory of southern Judah (Mai. i. 5). By the
end of the Babylonian exile, they appear to have gained
possession of the south country, including Hebron and
the lowlands to the west (Zech. vii. 7). During the
succeeding centuries, they continued to hold the
Jewish territory thus acquired, until they themselves
were conquered by John Hyrcanus about 130 b. c. It
is not strange, therefore, that these hated intruders
always figure in the Jewish mind as a type of the foes
of Jehovah, and as the enemies of all truth. This
northern movement of the Edomites in turn crowded
out the clans of the Calebites and Jerahmeelites, who
had from the very earliest times intermarried and

RELIGIOUS LITE OF THE PALESTINIAN JEWS 27

united with the tribe of Judah (T. sect. 40). Driven
from Hebron and the south couutiy, they in time found
homes in and about Bethlehem and Kirjath-jearim
(compare I. Chrs. ii. 42-49 with ii. 50-55). As before
the exile, they continued to affiliate with the Jews, and
during the Persian period constituted an important part
of the revived community (Neh. iii. 9). In time they
were classified as regular clans of the tribe of Judah
(I. Chrs. ii. ; iv. ; Ex. xxxi. 2 ; xxxv. 30).

23. In the light of their character and conditions,
it is obvious that the religious life of the Jews who
remained in Palestine was neither vigorous nor of an
exalted type. In a prophecy, dated the twelfth year
of the captivity (585 B. c), and directed to those
" who inhabit tlie waste places in the land of Israel,"
Ezekiel accuses them of deeds of lust and bloodshed,
and of returning to that idolatry which always possessed
such an attraction for the weak and ignorant inhabi-
tants of Judah (xxxiii. 25-27). A chance reference
in Jeremiah (xli. 5) indicates that certain of the ex-
ternals of the worship of Jehovah were still kept up
in connection with the site of the ruined sanctuary
at Jerusalem. Not only from Judah, but also from
the old Israelitish cities of Shechem, Shiloh, and Sama-
ria, came bands of faithful pilgrims to lament over
the fallen temple and to present meat offerings and
incense on the rude altar which they raised there at
least as early as the fifth year after the destruction
of Jerusalem. If this was permitted so soon after
the overthrow of the temple, we may believe that
the sacred site became, in succeeding yeai's, more and
more the centre of the religious life of the Palestinian
J'^^vs. Tho niof'it prominent priests of the temple

28 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

were carried into exile, but some were doubtless left
behind ; and of the descendants of those who ministered
at the old shrines abolished by Josiah, there must
have been still more. For the most part, ignorant,
disorganized, bereft of leaders, some of them robbers
and outlaws within the land of their fathers, constantly
attacked by merciless foes, it is not probable that the
Jews in Palestine made much progress in the knowl-
edge of Jehovah and of his will ; instead, the doubts
and despair voiced by one of their poets, constantly
oppressed them (Lam. v. 19-22). The real develop-
ment of this period must be sought among their
kinsmen in the distant exile. Prom them came the
religious impulses which were destined to determine
the character of their history. The Jews in Judah,
however, were an important element in the problem
of the future of the Jewish race ; for they were to
furnish, to a large extent, the members of that com-
munity which was again to become the objective centre
of Judaism.

24. Intellectually, those who fled to Egypt were
superior to those who remained in Judah. In many
ways also their environment was more agreeable. Al-
though the motives guiding the Egyptian kings in their
relations with the Judeans had been thoroughly selfish,
they were the allies and patrons of the fallen people,
and, therefore, under obligations to give them a
friendly reception and to concede to them certain privi-
leges. Egyptians, as well as Judeans, were trembling
in the presence of the dread foe, Nebuchadrezzar. In
the circumstances, the reigning Pharaohs, who de-
pended for the protection of their state more upon
foreign mercenaries than native warriors, must have

THE JEWISH COLONY AT 'I'AHPANHES 29

gladly welcomed, as valuable allies, the Jewish refu-
gees who sought a home on their exposed eastern
frontier. The majority of the exiles preferred these
positions of danger because here they were nearest to
their native land, and because they regarded their
sojourn in Egypt as transient (Jer. xliv. 28). For
these reasons they took up their residence in the fron-
tier towns of Migdol, Tahpanhes, and in the city of
Memphis, which was not far distant from the borders
of Judah. Since these places were on the direct line
of the caravan route to Palestine and the East, they
would be in constant communication with their kins-
men, and would be in a position to return whenever
conditions were favorable.

25. The excavations of the Egypt Exploration Fund
at Defenneh, the site of the Daphnas of Herodotus and
of the Tahpanhes, where the refugees with Jeremiah
settled, have thrown much light upon the environment
of the Jews in Egypt (see Memoirs, 1886; Tanis,
Part II., pages 47-96). The town was located on a
sandy desert at the south of a marshy lake, a few
miles from the cultivated Delta on the west, and the
Suez Canal on the east. Past it ran the main high-
way to Syria, which it was intended to guard. The
ruins of a fort built by Psamtik I., the founder of the
town, still remain. Herodotus states that this mon-
arch stationed guards here (ii. 30), and that, until late
in the Persian period, it was manned by garrisons
whose duty it was to repel Arabian invasions. The
character of the remains confirms the testimony of
Herodotus that from the first the majority of the popu-
lation were Greeks. In this frontier territory Psamtik
I., about 664 b. c, assigned homes to the Ionian and

so THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Carian mercenaries who had helped him to the throne.
Jeremiah ii. 16 indicates that, in the days of Necho,
Tahpanhes and Noph were important military centres
of the Egyptians, and also suggests that Josiah met
and was defeated on the plain of Megiddo by Greek
mercenaries in the employ of Necho. Herodotus de-
clares that Daphnae became at an early date a base
of communication between Egypt and the Greek world
(ii. 154). By virtue of its location, it was also a
meeting place for eastern and western civilizations.
Here Phoenicians, Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians met
on common ground. Like Port Said of to-day, its life
was in the highest degree cosmopolitan. Its atmos-
phere was, therefore, most congenial to the Jewish
colonists. There they lived together in a community
by themselves.

26. No archseological remains have been found to
recall the residence of the Jews at Tahpanhes, but the
marked absence of art treasures coming from the
reigns of Psaratik H. and Hophra (594-564 b. c.) is
in itself indirect evidence that the Greek population
was largely supplanted by Jewish ; for the Jewish civ-
ilization of this period was not of a character to leave
behind permanent monuments. Strangely enough,
however, eastern tradition has preserved a distant
memory of Jewish occupancy in the name which is
still given to the ruins of the fort, Kasr el Bint el
Yehudi, " The Palace of the Jew's Daughter." The
excavations, as well as the testimony of Herodotus,
explain the significance of the unusual designation
" palace," for the fort was also used on rare occasions
as a royal residence. Many wine jars with the seal-
ings of Psaratik II., Hophra, and Amasis (Aahmes")

THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE JEWS IN EGYPT 31

have been found. Conspicuous among the ruins, at the
'aorthwest of this military residence of the Pharaohs,
was the great open-air platform of brickwork referred
to in Jeremiah xliii. 8-10. It corresponded to the
" mastaba " found in connection with every Egyptian
house, and was the common place for social meeting
and recreation. Hophra's successor, Amasis, repre-
sented the Egyptian party which was antagonistic to
foreign civilization. The Greek colonists and trade
were limited to Naukratis, and the Greek garrison
was deported from Daphnae. Indeed, this city suf-
fered most from these reactionary measures. It was
left desolate and the fort garrisoned by Egyptians
(Herod, ii. 154, 179). Thus, at least, by 560 B. c, if
they had not already returned to Judah, the Jewish
colonists must have been forced to seek homes else-
where. To the Jewish colonists located, not only at
Tahpanhes, but also in other cities, tlie changed atti-
tude of the Egyptian court toward foreigners must
have proved an added incentive to venture a return.

27. While Jeremiah recognized the intense loyalty
of the Jews in Egypt to their native land, he found in
their religious life little to commend and much to at-
tack. There is no evidence that they paid homage to
the gods of Egypt, or that they completely abandoned
the worship of Jehovah ; but under the influence of the
polytheistic atmosphere in which they found them-
selves, many of them reverted to the earlier idolatry
of their ancestors. xVs in the days of Manasseh, in-
cense rose from many Jewish altars to other gods than
Jehovah. The worship of an old Semitic goddess, the
Queen of heaveu, whom the Jerusalemites venerated
even before the fall of their city (Jer. vii. 18), was es-

32 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEW^ISH HISTORY

pecially popular with the women. Herodotus states
(i. 131) that the Persians derived the worship of the
Queen of heaven from the Assyrians and Arabs. He
identifies her with the Greek goddess of love, Aphro-
dite. This identification is confirmed by the fact
that the Assyro-Babylonian goddess of love, Ishtar,
is called in the Babylonian prayers, " the Ruler of
heaven." The reaction of the Jews against the refor-
mation of Josiah and the law of Jehovah, in favor of
an ancient Semitic goddess, was because they naively
interpreted the misfortunes which had overtaken them
as evidence of Jehovah's inferiority to the old gods of
Canaan. In reply to Jeremiah's impassioned remon-
strances, they stubbornly asserted that prosperity had
come to their fathers in Judah, when they had served
the goddess of heaven, and misfortune when they had
ceased. Jeremiah could only meet this seemingly
plausible but false philosophy of history by a counter-
assertion : " Your apostasy to Jehovah made this
national judgment, which has overtaken you, an abso-
lute necessity. If you persist in neglecting him, only a
few of you will realize the fond hope of your life and
survive to return to Judah. Time will prove the truth
of my words. When you see the reigning Pharaoh,
Hophra, fall into the power of his rival, Nebuchad-
rezzar, recall my warnings " (Jer. xliv. 15-30).

28, Whether in his closing years the untiring minis-
trations of Jeremiah extended the ranks of the faith-
ful few who listened to him, is not stated, Ezekiel, in
his latest prophecy, which is dated in April, 570 b. c,
fixes his eyes, not on the Jews about him, but upon
those in Egypt, Like Jeremiah, he asserts that
Hophra is soon to fall before Nebuchadrezzar ; but

THE LOYAL JEWS IN EGYPT 33

his view concerning the future of his countrymen in
Egypt is much more hopeful : " Egypt's downfall shall
be the prelude to the exaltation of the Jews. Then
will Jehovah vindicate his promises of restoration, and
all shall recognize him as the supreme ruler of the
universe" (Ezek. xxix. 17-21). It is a noticeable
fact that the more intimately the old Hebrew prophets
knew their audiences, the more they found to denounce.
The majority of the exiles, whether in Babylon or
Egypt, were far from realizing the ideals of their in-
spired teachers. The weak, the ignorant, and the
indifferent were sadly in the majority. Not in large
numbers, nor all at once, as the prophets seem some-
times to have hoped and taught, were the Jews destined
to realize the divine plan, but gradually, as the few
were found who were ready, by fidelity and sacrifice,
to co-operate with the Eternal. Jeremiah, in his most
despondent moments, never doubted that from the
Jews in Egypt a few such immortals would come forth
and participate in the revival of their national life
(Jer. xliv. 14, 28).

THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON

29. All the Jewish writers of the period emphasize
the fact that the best elements in their race were to be
found in Babylon. Jeremiah, in contrasting those who
were deported in 597 b. c. with those who were left
behind, likens the former to good figs, while the latter
are only vile and worthless, Ezekiel found many imper-
fections among his countrymen in Babylon, but he
never denied their superiority to the remnant in the
West. This superiority was a result of the policy of
the Babylonians, who carefully removed all tlie more
energetic and gifted leaders of the nation, that none
might be left behind to head an insurrection. The ten
thousand men deported in 597 b. c. represented in
number two-thirds of all the Jewish exiles in Babylon,
and certainly more than that proportion of the total
intelligence and moral culture. They included the
leading princes, officials, prophets, priests, warriors,
and artisans of the kingdom (II. Kings xxiv. 14-16 ;
Jer. xxix. 1). With them went their families and
servants. As Ezekiel states, the kernel of the nation
was thus transferred from Judali to Babylon (xvii. 3-6,
12-14). The prophet's words (see especially verse 5)
imply that this kernel was not divided and planted in
three or four widely separated spots, as in the case of

THE HOME OF THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON 35

the deportation of the people of Samaria in 722 b. c.
(11. 104) ; but that all were permitted to settle in the
same locality.

30. Babylon is always indicated as the goal of the
deportation ; but unfortunately it is not clear whether
the city or the province, lying between the two great
rivers, is intended, since both bore the same name. A
variety of evidence, however, throws light upon this im-
portant question. Ezekiel describes the site as " a land
of traffic, a city of merchants, a fruitful soil, and beside
many waters," where the colony like a willow was
transplanted (xvii. 5). Psalm cxxxvii. 1, refers to
the days when the exiles sat by the rivers or canals of
Babylon. Ezekiel states that he lived among the exiles
by the river or canal Chebar (i. 3). All these refer-
ences point to the rich fruitful land, intersected by canals
and plentifully watered, which lies to the south and
east of the city of Babylon, between the Euphrates and
the Tigris. We are not surprised, therefore, that the
excavations of tlie University of Pennsylvania Expedi-
tion at Nippur (Series A : Cuneiform Texts, vol. ix. 28,
33) have recently uncovered two tablets, dated in the
reign of Artaxerxes I. (464-424 b. c), which refer to
the large navigable canal Chebar (Kabaru) not far from
Nippur. To the east of the great city of Babylon, in a
territory closely connected with it by canals, Nebuchad-
rezzar established the community which he had
transferred from the barren uplands of Judah.

31. The purpose, which actuated that great monarch
in all his public acts, was not to destroy, but to con-
struct. His inscriptions reflect nothing of the barbar-
ous love of war which is so prominent in those of the
Assyrian kings. Repeatedly he declares, in all genuine-

36 THE BABYLONIAN PEEIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

ness, that his aim in his conquests was to glorify the
name of his gods, and to secure the means wherewith he
might rebuild and adorn their temples (East India In-
scription ii. 11-29). Building was his master passion.
In all his enterprises he succeeded. Out of the crum-
bling remnants of the Assyrian Empire he created a
powerful well-organized state. The city of Babylon,
which for generations under the rule of its rivals, the
Assyrians, had been allowed to fall into political decay,
he rebuilt on a scale far surpassing any other city of
antiquity. The old town on the west bank of the
Euphrates was enlarged and adorned with new palaces
and temples ; on the east side of the river a new
quarter was added, connected with the old by strong
bridges. The whole city, which, like Damascus of
to-day, included parks and fields as well as the suburbs
of the former town, was encircled by a huge wall many
miles in circumference and of incredible height and
strength. To facilitate the vast commerce, which was
the chief industry of the Babylonians, Nebuchadrezzar
built commodious quays on both sides of the Euphrates,
and restored and extended the great system of canals
which intersected the low, flat territory of southern
Babylonia. As in Holland to-day, these waterways
were also utilized for irrigation, so that the productive-
ness of the naturally fertile land about Babylon was
marvellously increased. Large reservoirs were con-
structed, in which the waters of the Euphrates were
stored for use in time of need. Into the territory thus
developed, colonists from all parts of the empire were
introduced ; for the vast building enterprises of
Nebuchadrezzar called for armies of workmen, and by
these forcible means alone was he able in a generation

THE CONDITION OF THE JEWISH EXILES 37

to make the dismantled city the metropolis of the
world. The recently discovered coronation inscription
of Nabonidus, in a passage which clearly refers to
Nebuchadrezzar, declares that " the god called him to
repopulate his ruined city," Babylon (iii. 1). Such a
huge population as centred about Babylon, demanded
a correspondingly large food supply, and the Babylo-
nians themselves had become a nation of traders rather
than agriculturists ; hence it is easy to appreciate the
motives which prompted the great organizer, when a
good opportunity offered, to deport large bodies of
agriculturists to the newly developed lands near his
capital.

32. Economic as well as political reasons undoubt-
edly operated in determining the fall of the Jewish
people. The fact that their deportation was not merely
a judgment explains why their material conditions
were on the whole so favorable. The term "captiv-
ity " does not describe their lot. Two of their kings,
and, perhaps, some of the leaders in their rebellions
against Babylon, were kept in confinement, but the
great majority of those who were first deported were
almost as free as in Canaan. During the first ten
years of the exile, at least, they continued in close
communication with their kinsmen in Judali. In a
pastoral letter written from Jerusalem, Jeremiah ad-
vised them to build houses and dwell in them, to plant
gardens, and eat the fruit of them, to take wives and
rear up families, that their numbers might increase
rather than decrease in the land of their forced adop-
tion (xxix. 5, 6). He further urged them to avoid all
movements toward insurrection, and instead to iden-
tify themselves with the city whither they had been

38 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

carried, for its prosperity and their own were insepa-
rable. By one so well informed respecting the life of
the exiles as was Jeremiah, such advice would not
have been offered unless it was possible for his readers
to have followed it. A homesickness, which frequently
found expression (read, for example, Pss. xlii.-xliii. ;
cxxxvii.), filled the hearts of the Jews living on the
level plains of Babylonia, as they thought of their roll-
ing hills, their picturesque valleys, their rock-built
capital, and above all their sacred temple; but those
alluvial plains afforded them opportunities for the
enjoyment of wealth and material prosperity un-
dreamed of in Judah. During the earlier part of the
Babylonian exile, most of the Jews followed the advice
of Jeremiah and " planted gardens, and ate the fruit
of them." Nebuchadrezzar's object in carrying away
the artisans to Babylon, was doubtless not merely to
deprive the Judeans of resources for revolt, but also
that they might be added to his great army of work-
men. Certainly in their new homes they found ample
opportunity to practise their various crafts. The old
Hebrew aversion to traffic, which finds expression in
the writings of certain prophets of this period, prob-
ably for a time deterred some of the exiles from
becoming merchants ; but the opportunities and advan-
tages offered in their new home to those who engaged
in commerce were too great to be spurned for a long
time. The peculiar genius for trade, which the Jews
have manifested ever since, was probably first devel-
oped amidst the favoring conditions which surrounded
them in the land of the two rivers. In contract tab-
lets recently found at Nippur, and dating from the
earlier part of the Persian period, many familiar Old

THE OCCUPATIONS OF THE JEWISH EXILES 39

Testament names occur, showing that by that time the
Jews had been drawn into the streams of trade which
flowed so strongly to and from Babylon. Since they
were settled, not in a remote province of the empire,
but under the very shadow of the Babylonian throne,
it is reasonable to conclude that some of the abler
men among the exiles found employment in the great
army of officials required to attend to public affairs.
Nehemiah later attained to a position of influence in
the Persian court, and it is probable that other Jews did
the same among the Babylonians with whom they were
related by blood, language, and ideas. The references
to the liberation and exaltation of Jehoiakin seem to
indicate that they were placed on an equality with
other conquered peoples which had been transported
to Babylon. Although the familiar stories associated
with the name of Daniel, in their present form, are
much later, they at least favor the conclusion that
certain public positions were then open to the Jews.

33. Respecting the fate of the later groups of exiles,
there is no direct evidence. Their offences were so
much more heinous in the eyes of the conquerors than
those of the Jews deported in 597 b. c, that their
leaders were put to death (II. Kings xxv. 19-21).
From this fact it may be inferred that slavery was the
price with which many of the survivors redeemed their
lives. Ezekiel, commenting in 585 b. c. upon the fate
of the scattered people, declares that the day is coming
when Jehovah will break the bars of their yoke and
deliver them out of the hand of those who have made
bondsmen of them (xxxiv. 27). It is significant that
while the references to forced labor and persecution are
rare in the literature of the first part, they become very

40 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

common in that of the latter part of the Babylonian
exile. The author of Isaiah xiv. assures his race that
" It shall come to pass in the day that the Lord shall
give rest from your labor, and from your trouble, and
from the hard service which men laid upon you, that
you shall take up this taunt-song against the king of
Babylon, and say : ' How is the oppressor stilled — the
raging stilled ! ' " (verses 3 and 4). The great prophet
of the exile condemns the Babylonians because they
" showed no compassion ; upon the aged they made their
yoke very heavy " (Isa. xlvii. 6). Although the language
is highly poetical, there must have been a painful basis
of fact in his pictures of the woes experienced by his
race under the degenerate rule of Nebuchadrezzar's
successors : " It is a people robbed and plundered ;
snared are all of them in holes and hid in prison
houses ; they are become a prey, and there is none to
rescue ; a spoil, and none who says, Restore " (Isa.
xlii. 22).

34. While some of their number became the object
of Babylonian oppression, the lot of most of the Jews
in the East was far better than that of the ordinary
exile forced to live alone among strangers, for they
were citizens of the little Jewish state which Nebuchad-
rezzar established within the shadow of his great
capital. What was the extent of this kingdom within
a kingdom, and whether all the Jews in Babylon at
first were permitted or chose to dwell together, can
only be coniectured. Ezekiel speaks of preaching to
the colony wno lived at Tel-Abib (" Storm-hill"), one
of the many artificial mounds upon which the towns
of the Euphrates basin were located in ancient times,
precisely as they are to-day. In the list of those who

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE JEWISH EXILES 41

returned to Judah, certain groups came from Tel-
Melah (" Salt-hill ") and Tel-Harsha ("Forest-hill ").
Whether the territory belonging to these little towns
was contiguous or not, the different Jewish colonies
constituted an independent social unit, the different
members of which were in closest touch with each
other. As in Judah, the elders were their civil repre-
sentatives (Jer. xxix. 1 ; Ezek. xiv. 1). The earlier
family organization was maintained. The more wealthy
possessed servants. The authority of the princes was
still acknowledged, and at their head was a descendant
of the house of David, Jehoiakin, who, after 561 b. c,
was officially recognized by the court at Babylon (II.
Kings XXV. 27-30). As long as they paid the imperial
tax and remained loyal to Babylon, they were probably
allowed to rule themselves in accordance with their own
laws. Capital punishment — at least if the offence
was of the nature of rebellion — was executed in the
name of the Babylonian king, and in a manner calcu-
lated to inspire terror in the minds of all evil-doers
(Jer. xxix. 22).

35. Within this little Judah, unfortunately, the
same evils flourished as in the parent state. False
prophets, whose personal characters were not above
reproach, misled the people with deceptive messages,
purporting to be from Jehovah (Jer. xxix. 21-23 ;
Ezek. xiii. 1-7 ; xiv. 8-10). The exiles in the East, as
well as those in Egypt, carried with them many idola-
trous practices, which they were slow to abandon
(Ezek. XX. 30-32). The faithful prophets were still
compelled to combat this old error, strongly fortified as
it was by the practices of their conquerors (Ezek. xiv.
3-7 ; Isa. xlii. 17). Everywhere an even more insidious

42 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

danger, which threatened to undermine the very
foundations of their faith, assailed the scattered rem-
nants of the Jewish race. It was the doubt as to
whether Jehovah was able or willing to deliver them.
" My strength is perished and my expectation from the
Lord " (Lam. iii. 18), was the cry of many earnest,
perplexed souls. The mass of the Judeans, before the
great catastrophe, had regarded the temple at Jerusa-
lem as inviolable (Jer. xxvi. 9). While it stood, they
could endure all personal afflictions, because they were
assured that Jehovah was dwelling in their midst ;
but when they witnessed its complete destruction, they
felt that Jehovah had indeed abandoned them as a
nation. " Wherefore dost thou forget us forever, and
forsake us so long time?" (Lam. v. 20), was the
wail of one who perhaps at the moment gazed upon the
ruins of the sacred city. Even the prophets accepted
the popular belief that "the Lord had forsaken the
land" (Ezek. viii. 12), and had for a time retired to
his " mount in the uttermost parts of the north " (Isa.
xiv. 13, 14 ; Ezek. i. 4). It was this sense of separa-
tion from Jehov'ah, combined with the feeling that they
were ceremonially unclean, that constituted the horror
of the exile. With the temple in ruins, it was no longer
possible to worship Jehovah as a nation. No more
could they sacrifice to him their firstlings ; consequently
they felt that everything which they ate was unclean.
Daily they were polluted by contact with the heathen
about them. The very soil itself was unclean. Shame
saddened every moment, for they regarded their lot as
the sign of Jehovah's displeasure. It is not strange
that at first a despair which developed into a spirit of
rebellion, and became at last a source of apostasy,
seized many.

THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE JEWISH EXILES 43

36. Gradually, however, under the wise guidance of
their inspired prophets, a hope was implanted in their
hearts, and they learned to adapt themselves to their
changed surroundings. It is to be noted that no one
ever suggested the building of a temple to Jehovah in
the land of their adoption. Much later, in Egypt, the
experiment was tried ; but at this earlier stage in the
development of the Jehovah religion, such a thing was
inconceivable. Until they were free again to rebuild on
the sacred site, all that religious life which had cen-
tred about the temple, was impossible. For the
present " the Lord had cast off his altar, he had
abhorred his sanctuary" (Lam. ii. 7). As a result,
sacrifice took the form of fasting. By denying them-
selves their ordinary food, they gave expression to the
intensity of their feelings, and at the same time laid
before Jehovah a gift which could be presented at any
time and at any place. From the beginning of the
Babylonian exile, fasting became a common religious
institution among the Jews (Ezra viii. 21 ; Neh. i. 4 ;
Joel i. 14 ; Zech. vii. 3-5). Naturally, as the observ-
ance of the great feast days fell temporarily into
abeyance, more and more stress was laid upon the in-
stitution of the Sabbath, which could be observed
equally well beyond the limits of Canaan (Ezek. xx. 12-
21 ; xxii. 26 ; xxiii. 38). Ezekiel was the first of the
prophets to assign to it a position of transcendent
importance. The example of the Babylonians, who
also observed the seventh as " a day of rest for the
soul," may have strengthened this tendency, which
ultimately became so strong as to prove one of the
most powerful motives in Judaism.

37. Unfortunately there is no direct evidence as to

44 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEAVISH HISTORY

how the Sabbath was observed. Probably, at first, if
they followed the example of the Babylonians, much
attention was given to the propitiatory services. In
the light of later developments among the Jews of the
dispersion, it is extremely probable that families and
communities gathered together, not only to offer
atoning sacrifices, but also to read and study the Book
of Deuteronomy and the writings of their prophets,
which they then learned to value as never before.
Certainly there must have been some such popular
study of their scriptures to inspire the great literary
activity of their leaders. If so, the origin of the
synagogue service is to be found in this period. It is
certain that the practice of publicly reading the scrip-
tures in connection with great propitiatory feasts was
already familiar to the Jews (Jer. xxxvi. 6-8), and
that the synagogue came into existence as a result of
just such peculiar conditions and needs as existed
among the exiles. The other element in the syna-
gogue service, prayer, public and private, now became
a far more important feature of the religious life of
the Jews than hitherto (Dan. vi. 10). Each indi-
vidual became in a sense a priest, presenting in per-
son his offering of praise and his petitions to Jehovah.
The need of such communion was certainly never in
the history of the Hebrew race felt more keenly.
Thus, while the Babylonian exile was a period of
sorrow and doubt, it was also one of rapid change
and progress; as the dangers which confronted the
Jews multiplied, so did their opportunities ; the
nation of peasants had been projected into the great
stream of the world, and thereby an entirely new
epoch in their development was inaugurated.

THE PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST-
PROPHET EZEKIBL

38. The man who appreciated most profoundly the
dangers and the possibilities of the Babylonian exile,
was the prophet E;<ekiel. Born in Jerusalem of a
well-known priestly family, he saw the first temple
with his own eyes, and, judging from the vividness
with which he remembered details, probably assisted
in its services. Perhaps, also, as a youth he listened
to the earnest sermons of Jeremiah, and at the feet of
the great prophet drank in those proplietic truths
which are the foundations of his later teachings. In
his character and work these two currents of influence
— the priestly and prophetical — constantly appear,
and their harmonious blending is one of the great
sources of his power. It was an age when the faithful
priest joined with the true prophet in a common strug-
gle against the waves of heathenism which threatened
to engulf the higher religion of Jehovah. One effec-
tive product of that union was the Book of Deuter-
onomy and the reformation of Josiah, which followed
its promulgation (11. sects. 168, 182-186); the other
was Ezekiel, who represents a later development of
the same so-called Deuteronomic school of thought.
By virtue of the combination, the lofty ideals of the

46 THE BABYLONLIN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

prophet were presented in the concrete, popular
imagery of the ritual, so that the uneducated masses
could appreciate and act in conformity with them.
Ezekiel is the type of teacher who appeals directly
to the greatest number of hearers.

39. In his character also he combined those quali-
ties which fitted him to be a leader of his own and
immediately succeeding generations, but which do not
commend him so strongly to the present. That in-
tensity, bordering almost upon insanity, which led
him to sit seven days in blank amazement among the
Jewish colonists at Tel-Abib, before delivering his
message of denunciation (iii. 15), seems incongruous,
except in the tense atmosphere of the exile. His
language frequently seems mere hyperbole until the
situation, which called it forth, is appreciated (com-
pare, for example, xvi.). His repetitions and minute
details are only tiresome to one who does not realize
how obtuse were his readers. Ezekiel was not an
orator nor a rhetorician, but an organizer and a prac-
tical man of affairs. His words appealed to his con-
temporaries because they recognized their truth and
helpfulness. He stood so close to them that he clearly
appreciated and was able to supply their spiritual
needs. His reverence for the written law, and his full
acceptance of the current theory of its origin (xx. 10,
U; xxxiii. 15; contrast Jer. vii. 22; viii. 8), put him
into touch with his readers. The fanciful apocalyptic
imagery, which he first introduced into Jewish litera-
ture, and which we now find only thought-obscuring,
was also very popular in his day. The deeper sources
of Ezekiel's influence, however, are qualities which
are effective in all ages. His intensity was the out-

THE CALL AND MISSION OF EZEKIEL 47

ward expression of a moral earnestness, inspired by a
stern sense of justice. Opposition never daunted him,
but only revealed his unflinching devotion to right
(iii. 9). A certain fiery impetuosity characterized all
that he did. At the same time, his high sense of
Jehovah's exaltation and holiness begat in his heart a
deep humility, which finds expression in the term,
"son of man," with which he always speaks of
himself.

40. Carried to Babylon in 597 B. c, among the
first group of exiles, Ezekiel appears to have remained
silent until 592 b. c, when, like Isaiah, he received his
distinct call to the work of a prophet. His account of
this important event reveals the powerful motives
which then influenced him. On the one hand, he was
oppressed by the defiant folly and mistakes of his
countrymen in the exile, and especially of those left
behind in Judah ; on the other, the character and will
of Jehovah was impressed upon his receptive mind so
vividly that he realized, as never before, the startling
contrast between the divine ideal and the human real-
ity. Henceforth his life-work was to " go to the house
of Israel and to speak Jehovah's words unto them "
(iii. 4), that they might realize that divine ideal.
Until 586 b. c, when Jerusalem was destroyed, he
devoted himself to combating the false hopes of deliv-
erance from Babylonian rule which were entertained
by the remnant of his nation in Canaan, and by many
of the Jews in the East. His message, like that of
Jeremiah, was, in the circumstances, one of denunci-
ation and proclamation of impending ruin. At first
his fidelity was rewarded only with rejection and per-
sonal violence (iii. 25) at the hands of his fellow*

48 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

exiles, whose minds were filled with vain hopes of im-
mediate deliverance from Babylonian rule; but when
his predictions came true, there was a great revulsion
of popular feeling, so that henceforth he enjoyed the
veneration and respectful attention of all the Jews
in Babylon, and his influence extended to his race
throughout the world. Thus an opportunity was given
him which was vouchsafed to no other propliet except,
perhaps, to Isaiah. He improved it nobly. The
Hebrew state, which his predecessors had addressed,
was no more. Out of the wreck only detached
communities remained. To these Ezekiel turned.
Not the nation, but individuals, commanded his
attention.

41. One of the many revolutionary changes intro-
duced by the destruction of the Jewish commonwealth
was the elevation of the individual into a position of
importance, which he had never enjoyed before.
Jeremiah, in his closing messages of consolation,
proclaimed this truth when he declared that in the
coming day Jehovah would implant in each heart a
knowledge of his law. Ezekiel adapted himself to the
changed conditions, and became a pastor, devoting
himself primarily to the culture of the souls of those
under his immediate charge. There is clear evidence
that he fully appreciated the new nature of his mission.
It was he who first developed the figure of the " Good
Shepherd" who gathers and tenderly cares for his
scattered flock (xxxiv. 10-17). Ezekiel frequently
designated himself as a watchman, appointed by God,
whose duty it is to "hear the word from the mouth
of Jehovah and to give the divine warning to the
people " (iii. 17). Elsewhere he speaks of the exiles

EZEKIELS METHODS OF TEACHING 49

as children (ii. 4). They also recognized the pastoral
relation, for they came freely in person, or through
their elders (xiv. 1), to consult him in regard to
matters of individual faith, and to "hear what is the
word that cometli forth from the Lord " through the
mouth of their trusty pastor (xxxiii. 30). He also
clearly defined his pastoral responsibilities : if he faith-
fully warned those under his charge, he felt that he
was innocent in the sight of God even though disaster
overtook them ; but if it came because of any remiss-
ness on his part, then "their blood would Jehovah
require at the hand of his watchman " (xxxiii. 1-9).
In his complete surrender to his work, he set an
example for all times. So entirely did he identify
himself with his message, that he speaks of eating
and digesting the roll on which it was written
(iii. 1-3).

42. In the variety of the methods which he em-
ployed to impress his words upon those under his
charge, he surpassed all other prophets. Like Jere-
miah, he frequently sought out groups of his country-
men, and by public address endeavored to reach them.
We can see him in his earnestness "stamping with
his foot " and gesticulating with his arms, to add force
to his words (vi. 11). More frequently, perhaps,
deputations of Jews visited him in his home with
questions which they freely discussed together (xiv.).
In the literary atmosphere of Babylon, he trusted
chiefly, however, to pastoral letters or tracts, copies
of which were probably also distributed among the
Jews of Canaan and Egypt ; for Ezekiel felt that they,
too, belonged to his flock. In all his writing that
strongly dramatic element, which characterize every-

50 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

thing that he did, found expression in the variety of
rugged figures which he employed. The false prophets
are "foxes which undermine rather than build up
their nation" (xiii. 1-7); the sense of security in-
spired by their lying messages of peace is " like a wall
of defence laid in untempered mortar, which will
crumble at the first attack " (xiii. 10-12). Not con-
tent with words, he often acted his prophecies. To
convince his people that the downfall of Jerusalem
was inevitable, he represented on a tile the city in a
state of siege, and pictured all the details of its cap-
ture (iv. 1-3). At another time he was commanded
to shave off all his hair and to burn one-third in the
fire, one-third he was to smite with a sword, and the
remaining third he was to scatter to the winds. Of
these he was to preserve only a handful, thus sym-
bolizing the fate in store for his race. Again he tells
us that, in the sight of a gaping multitude, he carried
all of his household furniture to a place beside the
city wall, and then in hot haste dug a hole in the soft
clay, through which, under the cover of night, he
bore away his possessions. Having in this manner
aroused the curiosity of his fellow-citizens to the
highest pitch, he explained that even thus their
rebellious brethren in Jerusalem would soon be
only too glad to escape from their doomed city
(xii. 1-16).

43. Although born a priest, and an ardent advo-
cate of ritualism and the written law, Ezekiel, as a
faithful pastor, was a preacher of practical personal
righteousness. He ever placed deeds first and form
second, regarding the ritual and law as aids in the
development of upright character (xxxiii. 15). He

MORAL AXD RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS OF EZEKIEL 51

predicted the fall of Jerusalem, not because the temple
service was neglected, but because of the crimes and
apostasy of its inhabitants (v. 5-11 ; vii. 1-27). To
the exiles who came to inquire of him the divine
will, he preached fundamental and complete conver-
sion, declaring: "Return, turn yourselves from your
idols ; and turn away your faces from all your abom-
inations " (xiv. 6). Repeatedly he impressed upon
them the truth that an external change was not suffi-
cient, but that the heart, the mainspring of action,
must be transformed (xxxvi. 26). One recognizes in
his denunciations of the corrupt rulers of his nation,
and in his unsparing attacks upon those who had been
unfaithful to the marriage bonds, or forgotten their
obligations to their neighbors (xxii. 6-12), the same
bold, uncompromising spirit that inspired John the
Baptist and Savonarola. In the presence of sin his
"forehead was as an adamant, harder than flint" (iii.
9), but the seeming harshness of the prophet was
prompted by the desire that "the wicked might turn
from his way and live " (xxxiii. 11).

44. Like every true pastor, he wails that "the
people hear his words, but do them not ; for with their
mouth they show much love, but their heart goes after
their gain " (xxxiii. 31). False prophets and prophet-
esses were found among the exiles, who undermined
the influence of Ezekiel and destroyed the peoples'
faith in the prophetic message (xiii. ; Jer. xxix. 21-
28). Certain popular errors gained wide acceptance.
The proverb: "The fathers have eaten sour grapes,
and the children's teeth are set on edge," which
Jeremiah branded as a lie, was still current in the
exile. Ezekiel resolutely met these dangers with

52 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

assertions of the divine truth as it had been revealed
to him. " No man shall suffer for his father's sins,
but shall be rewarded according to his own deeds "
(xviii. 20). If he overlooked certain individual ex-
ceptions to this general principle, which are empha-
sized by the author of the Book of Job, his teaching
was far truer and more practical than the error which
it combated. No one in his flock was allowed to
shirk personal responsibility. Bach one was led
directly before the bar of divine justice. The false
theory that righteous deeds would save from the con-
sequences of wrong-doing was also mercilessly attacked
(xviii. 24). At the same time he taught the efficacy
of repentance and reformation, no matter how deeply
the penitent had sinned (xviii. 21). "Divine justice
and judgment are but an expression of God's love, for
their aim is to turn the sinner from his evil way that
he may live " (xviii. 23).

45. Although he was influenced by the experience
of the exile, which led men to conceive of the Lord as
far removed from them and to meditate more upon his
judgments than upon his favor, Ezekicl never failed
to appreciate that Jehovah was a God of love and
mercy. Together with all the true prophets, he re-
garded the exile as merely a temporary stage in the
moral and religious evolution of his race. As he
demonstrates at length, it was the natural and inevi-
table consequence of the political, social, moral, and
religious crimes of the Hebrew people during their
national life (xiv. to xvi. ; xxiii.). It was also in-
tended in divine providence to efface the effects of
those crimes, and to prepare the Jews for the realiza-
tion of their mission. Until they were thus prepared,

THE GLORIOUS FUTURE FOR THE JEWISH RACE 53

that mission could not be accomplished. In the light
of this truth, the intense earnestness with which
Ezekiel devoted himself to the moral education of his
scattered flock, receives its full explanation. In them
he saw the germ upon whose proper development
depended mankind's future.

46. One of the many elements, inexplicable from a
human point of view, is the unanimity and absolute
certainty with which the prophets of the period de-
clared that their race would be again restored to
Canaan. In the details, their portrayals of the nature
of the restoration varied, but respecting the essential
facts, they were in perfect agreement. Before the
final fall of Jerusalem, Ezekiel announced that Jeho-
vah would surely gather his scattered people. Later,
when the sacred city was in ruins, and the Jews were
in exile or in the grave, he reiterated the same pre-
diction in the striking parable of the valley filled with
dry bones. By this he declared that the nation, then
morally and physically dead, would yet be raised and
revivified by Jehovah, and endued with a new and
more glorious life (xxxvii. 1-14) ; while all heathen
foes which opposed it, would be completely destroyed.
For the sake of his honor, which was sadly tarnished
by the infidelity of those who represented him before
the world, Jehovah would give them a new heart of
flesh, instead of their hard heart of stone (xxxvi. 21-
26). The old and broken covenant he would renew,
and he himself would return again to dwell in Jerusa-
lem among his people (xvi. 62), It is also interest-
ing to note that in Ezekiel's picture of the restored
Hebrew kingdom the descendants of the northern
Israelites, as well as the Judeans, are to have a share

54 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

(xxxvii. 16-22). Each of the ancient tribes is to be
assigned a definite portion of the land of Canaan
(xlvii. 13). Over the united people is to rule Jeho-
vah's faithful servant, a scion of the royal Judean
line, who shall be dominated by the same noble pur-
poses as guided Israel's great conqueror-king of
blessed memory (xxxiv. 23, 24; xxxvii. 24-28).
Ezekiel portrays the unbroken peace and unbounded
prosperity Avhich will ultimately come to the restored
people, in colors even more glowing than do the ear-
lier prophets (xxxiv. 25-29 ; xxxvi. 8-15) ; but being
a discerning pastor, who did not shut his eyes to the
imperfections of his flock, he recognized that a long
process of purification was necessary before they
would be prepared to become worthy citizens of the
kingdom which Jehovah purposed to establish, with
Jerusalem as its centre.

47. Profiting by the experience of the past, and
following the tendency toward greater ceremonialism,
which found expression in Deuteronomy and the ref-
ormation of Josiah, Ezekiel outlined for the restored
state a plan calculated to correct the imperfections of
the earlier system, and to impress by form and cere-
mony the great truths which he deemed essential.
Naturally it was in general modelled after the pre-
exilic Hebrew kingdom and temple, with which he
was so familiar; but his fertile mind suggested much
that was entirely new, and not a little that proved
imj)ractical in the presence of actual facts. His pur-
pose, however, is evident. By detailed regulations
he aimed to close all the gaps in the law of Deuter-
onomy, whereby the old heathenism had found admis-
sion, and to surround the members of the restored

EZEKIEL'S PROGRAM FOR THE HIERARCHY 55

community with influences which would insure their
perfect development. According to his vision, the
life of the community centred, not about the palace,
but about the temple, where dwelt Jehovah, the ac-
knowledged King of his people. To guard his holy
abode from too close contact with the life of the city,
and to impress the idea of his holiness, it was to be
enclosed by two series of broad courts, shut in by
encircling walls, and guarded by imposing gates.
Within this space, contrary to earlier usage, no for-
eigner w^as to be allowed to set foot; even the non-
Hebrew servants who performed the menial duties at
the pre-exilic sanctuary were to be excluded. Their
place was to be filled by the Levites, who, in accord-
ance with the regulations of Deuteronomy, were con-
tinued in charge of the temple (Deut. x. 8, 9; xviii.
1-8). Now, however, since they had formerly been
connected with the high places, they were to be de^
graded (Ezek. xliv. 10-14). The higher functions
henceforth were to be performed only by the descend-
ants of Zadok ; that is, by the original priests of the
sanctuary at Jerusalem. The number of sacrifices in
the name of the nation was to be greatly increased,
and the ritual made more elaborate ; while the private
offerings of earlier times almost disappeared. A
prominence which they never possessed before was
also given to the atoning sacrifices. At the begin-
ning of the first and seventh months special atoning
services were appointed. In fact, almost all the
sacrifices offered in the name of the nation were
now to be of this nature. From this time forth,
the prophetic teachings respecting the hideousness
of sin were to be forcibly driven home to the

56 THE BABYLONIAN PEIilOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

hearts of the people through the services of the
ritual.

48. In Ezekiel's system the priesthood completely
overshadows the monarchy. The chief role of the
prince, who represents the king of earlier days, was
to provide for the stated sacrifices in behalf of the
nation. For this purpose alone, he was to receive
fixed dues from the people. His old right of appoint-
ing and regulating the priests of the sanctuary van-
ished, the situation was completely reversed, and he
became merely a servant of the sanctuary. In the
new division of the territory of Judah, Ezekiel assigns
to the priests and Levites the most desirable land im-
mediately surrounding the temple. Thus it was that
this energetic priest-prophet of the exile formulated
the first constitution of a purely ecclesiastical state.
The subsequent temper and political fortunes of his
people favored its institution. It was, of course, laid
aside until the second temple was built, but, from that
time on, many of its suggestions were adopted entirely
or in modified form.

49. Ezekiel, it may truly be said, presented the
rough draft, which, when elaborated, became the pro-
gram of later generations. With him began the codi-
fication and gradual — possibly almost unconscious —
expansion of the older ritualistic laws, which culmi-
nated in the minute regulations of the scribes. Most
of the ideas which they emphasized — the exaltation
of the priesthood, the sanctity of the temple, the care-
ful distinction between clean and unclean, and the
atoning sacrifices — are also prominent in Ezekiel's
system. He, therefore, occupies an important medi-
ating position between, the earlier and simpler code

HISTORICAL VALUE OF EZEKIEL'S PROGRAM 57

contained in Deuteronomy and the Book of the Cove-
nant (Ex. XX. to xxiv.), and the more detailed regu-
lations which are known as the Priestly or Levitical
Law (see sect. 201). Later circumstances and re-
visors modified Ezekiel's program in many particu-
lars. The day had not yet arrived when any system
was considered final. His regulations were revised
as freely as he had modified those of Deuteronomy.
" The Law " was still in the process of formation. For
example, the power and duties which he assigned to
the Davidic prince were absorbed by the high priest,
who, in the program of the priest-prophet of the exile,
had not yet appeared. Later generations also assigned
quite another historical reason why the Levites, the
priests of the old high places, were made subservient
to the Zadokites, the original Jerusalem priests (sect.
231). Many other regulations calculated to increase
the revenues of the temple and of its ministers were
added, as new needs arose and as the ritual became
more complex. On the other hand, many of the more
impracticable elements in Ezekiel's plan, as, for ex-
ample, the arbitrary assignment of the territory of
Canaan and the design of the temple, were simply
ignored in the face of later conditions. It was but
natural in the first century of the Christian era, when
the traditional origin of the law was generally ac-
cepted by the Jews, that they should recognize the
many differences between Ezekiel's and the still more
elaborate Priestly Code, and should question the
authority of the prophet. In the light of history,
liowever, he figures as the most prominent of the
many who, dui-ing the critical period of the exile,
were thinking of the future as well as of the present,

58 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

and devising those systems of law, which, when fin-
ally revised and combined, became the guiding norm
of Judaism. Ezekiel was indeed the potter who took
up the tools of preceding priests and prophets, and
on the wheel of his age moulded the external reli-
gious life of his race.

THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE

50. While their state existed, the attention of the
Jewish people was ahuost wholly engrossed by the
stirring political events which followed each other in
rapid succession. They had scarcely time to listen to
the voice of their prophets, much less to that of their
past. During the exile, however, for half a century
their life was barren of events. They lived, not in
the present, but in the memory of bygone experiences,
and in the hopes which they projected into the future.
The more intensely they thought of that future, which
they firmly believed held for them the possibilities of a
renewed national life, the more earnestly they studied
the past, to learn how they might avoid its mistakes.
The work of Ezekiel, who is the most perfect represen-
tative of the better class of Jews in the exile, forcibly
illustrates this dominant tendency. The sixteenth and
twentieth chapters of his prophecy, as well as many
other passages, are devoted to a review of Hebrew his-
tory, with the aim of drawing from it lessons, helpful
for the present and future. The same motives that
led them to study their previous history, impelled
them to collect and preserve the literary productions
of preceding generations. Chief among these motives
was the horror which the faithful felt, lest Babylon's
policy of disintegration should prove successful, and

60 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the Jews be absorbed and lose their identity among the
peoples within whose territory they found themselves.
The danger was at that time far greater than it is
usually considered to have been. The high wall of
separation which has kept the Jew during the succeed-
ing ages from the Gentile was not yet built. The
inhabitants of Samaria, deported by Assyria in 722
B. c, were quickly absorbed by the kindred Semitic
races among whom they settled. The moment the
Jews began to engage in trade, their temptations mul-
tiplied, for the Babylonians introduced their gods and
religion into every department of business. Babylonian
priests were the scribes who wrote their legal con-
tracts, and Babylonian gods were invoked to witness
the oaths which sealed their agreements. As long as
the Jews refused to acknowledge the deities of Babylon,
they were naturally subject to many restrictions. Thus
self-interest, as well as the potent, persistent example
of the rich and powerful, with whom they came into
daily contact, prompted them to forget the austere
God whom they or their fathers had worshipped on
the hills of Palestine. The Babylonian worship itself
offered many strong allurements. In the magnificence
of its services it completely overshadowed anything
hitherto known to the Jews. The inspired prophets of
Jehovah could declare, especially when Babylon's end
was near: "Bel has bowed down, Ncbo has crouched,
their idols are given up to the beasts and the cattle "
Cisa. xlvi. 1) ; but to the ignorant during the years of
Babylon's glory the testimony of facts seemed only
to confirm the claims of their boastful conquerors.
The religious faith of such kings as Nebuchadrezzar
also contained many ideas which are admirable. Tb-e

INCENTIVES TO LITERARY ACTIVITY 61

Bame was true to a certain extent of the religion of
Egypt, which must have proved even a greater temp-
tation to the ordinary Jew, because it was that of a
friendly people. The earnest sermons unveiling the
nothingness of the gods of the Babylonians, which
appear in the literature of the exile, are conclusive
evidence that the temptation to apostasy was a real
one, and the terror which the faithful felt in the face
of it, well grounded. Nothing was so calculated to
arouse the loyalty of the race as the memory of com-
mon national experiences. If the knowledge of those
experiences were to be preserved, it must be through
the medium of written records. The scattered con-
dition of the Jewish people made writing the only
means whereby it was possible to communicate witli
all of them. This fact undoubtedly gave a great im-
petus to the literary art. The atmosphere of both
Egypt and Babylon fostered the same tendency. No-
where in the ancient world was writing more com-
monly employed in the everyday affairs of life. In
Babylon, at least, every important commercial trans-
action was sealed by a written contract. Rulers com-
municated with their subjects by means of public
inscriptions. A large class of scribes devoted their
entire time to literary composition and to copying
public and private documents. Already the royal
libraries possessed a literature representing a period
of over three thousand years, and consisting of royal
decrees, national annals, hymns, mythological tales,
epics, magic formulas, and laws. Thus it was that
their condition, their needs, their patriotism, and their
environment all conspired to make the Jews in the
exile a literary people

62 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

51. The best energies of the Jewish people now
found expression in writing, as the Books of Ezekiel,
Lamentations, and the exilic chapters preserved in the
Book of Isaiah, conclusively demonstrate. For the
first time also they learned fully to prize the literary
treasures inherited from the past. An important part
of their work, therefore, was the collecting and editing
of that which had already been written. On a larger
scale than had Ezekiel, some unknown editor or edi-
tors essayed the task of preserving, in the form of a
connected and detailed history of their nation from
earliest time to the present, those records which proba-
bly already existed in written documents. The aim
was to kindle a national spirit, and above all to enforce
the great prophetic truths which that history so clearly
illustrated. The result was the narrative contained
in the Books of Samuel and Kings. Introductory to
this, and edited from the same point of view, is the
Book of Judges. While this great history traces the
life of the Hebrew people down to the year 560 b. c,
and, therefore, in its final form comes from the latter
part of the exile, it is composed of extracts from much
earlier writings. Fortunately the exile was not unex-
pected, at least by those who heeded the words of the
prophets. The blow did not fall all at once, so that
ample opportunity was given to the refugees in Egypt,
and to the first group of exiles in Babylon, to preserve
copies of their sacred writings. In Samuel-Kings the
work of the final editor is chiefly that of a compiler.
His own contributions, aside from the arrangement
of the material in a chronological frame-work, appear
in the didactic sections, which are intended to enforce
the prophetic truths current in this later age, and

EDITING OF EARLIER HISTORICAL RECORDS 63

which are easily recognized because of their peculiar-
ities of style and thought (see I. sect. 34 ; II. sects.

2, 3.)

52. The Book of Joshua, although in part parallel
with the Book of Judges, presents an entirely differ-
ent picture of the history and contains fewer cita-
tions from primitive records. The style and point of
view also arc much more uniform than those of Judges.
It represents in general the conception of the period
which was current during the exile (compare Ezek.
XX.). It is extremely probable that the older pro-
phetic sections, preserved in the book, were edited at
this time, although its final composition dates from a
still later period.

53. The return to Babylon, the traditional home of
the ancestors of the Hebrews, undoubtedly kindled a
new interest in the narratives of the patriarchs; just
as the Jews in Egypt recalled the stories of the so-
journ of their forefathers in the land of the Nile, and
of their return to Canaan. How far we are indebted
to this new interest and literary activity for the pres-
ervation of the inspiring prophetic narratives con-
tained in the opening books of the Old Testament,
can never be definitely determined. That some debt
exists can hardly be questioned. The same is true of
the accounts of creation, the garden of Eden, and the
flood, which reveal so many striking points of like-
ness and unlikeness with the corresponding traditions
current among the Babylonians. To the same influ-
ences we undoubtedly owe the development of the par-
allel priestly narratives, which were later united with
the older prophetic to form our present Pentateuch.

54. Ezekiel was only one of many priests deported

64 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

to Babylon. There is evidence that others, like him-
self, during the period when the temple lay in ruins,
were preparing for the promised restoration. The
process of codifying, expanding, and adapting the law
was greatly accelerated by the exile. While the
temple remained and its services were continuous,
its regulations and customs were preserved chiefly in
oral form, but after its destruction they were in im-
minent danger of being forgotten through disuse.
The danger impelled those who were familiar with
the ancient usages to take the pen. In so doing they
also recognized their opportunity for improving upon
the old. While they felt the influence of the grow-
ing reverence for the past, in the exile they were free
from the tyrannical rule of existing custom. This
freedom may have given rise to systems differing from
Ezekiel's, as his in turn differs both from the earlier
Deuteronomic and the later Priestly Code. At first
there may have been much confusion. It was neces-
sary that many regulations be modified before they
could be practically applied to later conditions. The
outlines, however, of that which ultimately became
the accepted code, were probably developed at this
time, and the task of uniting existing codes with the
new systems begun.

55. In estimating the literary, and especially the
editorial work of the exile, it is necessary to remem-
ber that the extreme reverence for the letter, as well
as for the spirit of earlier writings, was a growth of
later times. The Jews still had prophets in their
midst whose words they recognized as authoritative
as those of olden days. The consecrated priests and
prophets who edited and expanded the writings of

RE-EDITING OF EARLIER PROPHECIES 65

their predecessors, considered themselves equally in-
spired by the spirit of the same God. The message
of Jehovah to mankind through the Jewish race was
not yet complete. New conditions constantly called
for a new interpretation of the old. At first the close
student of the Bible is dismayed to find the older
writings interspersed with changes and additions
from later hands. Dismay is soon exchanged for
thankfulness, when it is recognized as an index of the
great truth that divine revelation never ceased, but
that each age received a new message from the Eter-
nal. Fortunately the canon of the Old Testament
was not forever closed until centuries after the
exile. More than half of its books, however, bear
the imprint of the work of the faithful editors who,
during the period of their nation's deepest humilia-
tion, labored to preserve the inestimable treasure
intrusted to their race, and, in so doing, preserved
the race itself.

VII

THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN KULB

56. After a strong reign of forty-three years, in
561 B. c. the great Nebuchadrezzar died, leaving a
powerful and well-organized empire to his son Evil-
Merodach (Babylonian, Amil-Marduk, "man or ser-
vant of Marduk "). The new ruler seems to have
been one of the many weak products of the Oriental
harem. Berosus states that he was dissolute in char-
acter and unjust in his rule. This statement is con-
firmed by the brevity of his reign. None of his
inscriptions have been found ; but, according to the
biblical narrative (II. Kings xxv. 27-30), it was he
who liberated the Jewish king, Jehoiakin, after he
had been confined for thirty-seven years in Babylo-
nian prisons, and gave him a place at the royal table.
This act of clemency may have signalized the acces-
sion of the new ruler to the throne, although the
author of Kings dates the event in the latter part of
the year 560 b. c, when he had already been reigning
more than a year. The liberation of Jehoiakin does
not appear to have possessed much, if any, permanent
political significance, for daring the years immedi-
ately preceding the dissolution of the great empire,
the hatred of the Jewish exiles toward their masters
was intensified rather than mollified.

NEBUCHADREZZAR'S SUCCESSORS 67

57. The first blow against Babylon was struck when
Nergalsharuzur, the Neriglissar of the Greeks, slew
Evil-Merodach, after he had reigned but two years;
for, although the assassin, who mounted the throne,
was a stronger ruler than the murdered king, it intro-
duced a regime of anarchy which destroyed the vital
strength of the empire. The new ruler was probably
the Nergalsharezer of Jeremiah xxxix. 3, who, as
one of the chief officers of Nebuchadrezzar, directed
the final capture and destruction of Jerusalem in 586
B. c. Two Greek historians state independently that
he was the brother-in-law of Evil-Merodach, and
therefore the son-in-law of Nebuchadrezzar. Their
testimony is probably authentic, for, from the inscrip-
tions of Nergalsharuzur, it is evident that he followed
closely the policy of the great king. For a brief in-
terval he maintained the integrity of the empire.
His entire attention, however, was devoted to build-
ing enterprises. Nabonidus attributes to him the re-
building of certain temples (Nab., Cor. Cyl. iv. 3-6).
The old palace of his predecessors, which had fallen
into decay, he thoroughly restored (Cambridge Cyl.
ii. 15-39), and further developed the canal system of
Babylon. He alludes to the rebellions and conspir-
acies which disturbed his short reign, and, in a prayer
at the close of one of his inscriptions, suggests the
well-grounded fears which oppressed him: "0, Mar-
duk, mighty lord, strong prince, omnipotent and in-
vincible, light of the gods, to thee I pray. Be kindly
disposed to the gracious work of my hands, and grant
as a gift forever a long life, many offspring, a stable
throne, and a lasting rule, in accordance with thy
eternal and unchanging will, to me, Nergalsharuzur,

68 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the king, the builder, the one who cares for thy sanc-
tuaries " (Ripley Cyl. ii. 28-38).

58. Four years only he reigned, leaving his throne
to his young son, Labashi-Marduk, who, according to
the Nabonidus inscription, "as a little child was
taken from the harem, and not in accord with the
desire of the gods was seated on the throne of sover-
eignty " (Cor. Inscript. iv. 8). Within nine months
the conspiracies which his father had feared, ripened,
and the young king was murdered by his nobles.
They then conferred the royal power upon one of their
number, Nabuna'id, better known as Nabonidus, a
prince of Babylon. It is difficult to ascertain what
determined the choice of the conspirators. Perhaps
it was because, as he claims, he was a descendant of
the family of Nebuchadrezzar and Nergalsharuzur
(Cor. Inscript. v. 6), or, possibly, because, recognizing
that he had few of the qualities of a statesman or
ruler, they hoped to retain more power and indepen-
dence for themselves. In his coronation inscription,
Nabonidus states that " into the midst of the temple
of the sceptre they brought me, and their offerings
they poured out at my feet, my feet they kissed, and
they worshipped my majesty. By the decree of the
lord Marduk, I am raised up to the dominion of the
land. Now they cry, 0, father of this land, thou hast
no equal " (v. 1-5).

59. From his inscriptions, as well as from the
statements of the Greek historians, it is evident that
his interests were all religious and antiquarian. In
the face of the imminent danger from invasion, he
strengthened the huge wall along the Euphrates ; but
otherwise all of the recorded activity of his reign of

THE ANTIQUARIAN ZEAL OF NABONIDUS 69

seventeen years consisted in the restoration of temples.
In hira this tendency was so extreme that it became
grotesque. Like Nebuchadrezzar, he repaired and
adorned the sanctuaries of Babylon. He recognized
Marduk, Bel, and Nebo, the favorite gods of his peo-
ple, but his chief interest centred in the revival of the
worship of the ancient deities. Not contented, as his
predecessors had been, with rebuilding ancient temples
on their traditional sites, he made careful excavations
to find their original foundations. In the great cylin-
der from Abu-ilabba, he tells us : " I summoned my
distant subjects from Gaza, on the borders of Egypt,
by the upper sea on the other side of the Euphrates,
even to the lower sea (Persian), kings, princes,
governors and many men, which Sin, Shamash, and
Ishtar, my lords, had intrusted to me, to build the
temple of Sin, my lord and savior, which is situated in
Harran. " Cedars were brought from Mount Amanus,
and bronze, silver, and gold were freely used in beau-
tifying this ancient shrine. Similarly the temple
of Shamash at Sippar, originally founded thirty-two
hundred years before by the son of Sargon L, was
lavishly rebuilt. Here an entire year was devoted to
excavating for the original site, while each day the
king uttered fervent prayers for the success of the
undertaking. When not only the original foundation
of the temple was unearthed, but also the cylinder of
its first builder, the joy of the royal antiquarian knew
no bounds.

60. The same interest in the past seems to have led
him to collect many of the images of the gods, and to
transfer them to places where they would receive bet-
ter care. His aim may also have been to concentrate

70 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

their protective power iu Babylon. In one of his
inscriptions he prays to Shamash, his favorite god :
"Be gracious to me, receive my sighs, grant my
petition; the legitimate crown and sceptre, which
you have allowed me to grasp, may I hold in my
hand forever and ever" (Nab. Abu-Habba, Col. iii.
19-21). Although there is no evidence that he was
deliberately attempting to set aside the popular wor-
ship, the old Babylonian gods, which were also those
of the Assyrians, receive far more attention in his
inscriptions than do Marduk and Nebo. His sub-
jects, naturally, could not understand his zeal for the
old, and, therefore, viewed his acts askance; while
the priests and worshippers at the shrines which he
despoiled swelled the army of those who were bit-
terly opposed to him. Perhaps it was because he
recognized his growing unpopularity, that he retired
from Babylon altogether, making his home at a town
whose location is no longer known. Thus absenting
himself from his capital, the great religious feasts,
which were regarded as a most important element
in the worship of the national gods, and for which
the presence of the king was essential, were not
observed. Nothing was more calculated to alienate
a religious people like the Babylonians, than these
wide departures from the current tradition. Cyrus
states in one of his inscriptions (I. Raw. 68, 4; 33,
4): "The gods of Shumir and Akkad, whom Nabu-
na'id, arousing the anger of the chief of the gods
(Marduk), had carried away to Shuannaki, I, at the
command of Marduk, the great god, caused to be
restored to their places in accordance with their
desire."

THE FALSE CONFIDENCE OF NABONIDUS 71

61. There is something exceedingly tragic in the
picture of this last king of proud Babylon giving his
whole attention to the gods of the dead past, thereby
neglecting his duties as a king and arousing the sus-
picions and hatred of his subjects ; while from the north,
apparently little heeded by him, the dark war clouds
were approaching ever nearer. The prominent men-
tion of his oldest son, Belsharuzur, in his inscriptions,
as well as the policy of the king, indicate that he as-
signed to him an important place in the empire, and
possibly in his latter days shared with him the royal
authority. His apparent indifference in the face of
an overwhelming danger may be explained by his
absolute confidence in the impregnability of the walls
of Babylon on the one hand, and, on the other, by his
blind confidence that the gods would never desert one
who had served them so faithfully and untiringly. A
sudden and sad awakening awaited the royal dreamer,

62. The Assyrian kings, in conducting campaign
after campaign against the freedom-loving tribes living
among the mountains to the east of their broad empire,
felt that they were conferring a great service upon
their race in exterminating or carrying away into
slavery those peoples who most seriously menaced their
peace and independence. Their policy resulted far
differently from what they had imagined. Its very
thoroughness defeated its end, for the inviting territory
bereft of inhabitants by their arms, like a loadstone at-
tracted the Aryan peoples, who during the eighth century
came streaming down from southern Europe and the
highlands of central Asia. At first they were intent
only upon gaining homes, and were united by no com-
mon bond. In most cases they affiliated readily with

72 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the surviving peoples whom they found already in
possession, and who represented earUer waves of in-
vasion. In time the different tribes began to coalesce.
Before the fall of the Assyrian empire, large bodies of
these northern invaders had established themselves
among the mountains to the north. According to the
recently discovered inscription of Nabonidus, which
chronicles the destruction of Nineveh (see Appendix I.),
rude Aryan hordes, the Umman-Manda, at the sum-
mons of Nabopolassar, who had raised in Babylon the
standard of revolt against Assyria, completed in 605 b. c.
the destruction of that great world power. The con-
querors divided the territory thus acquired with the
Babylonians. Whenever this new northern power is
referred to in the contemporary cuneiform inscrip-
tions it is called the empire of the Umman-Manda.
The term Umman-Manda means " nomadic hordes,"
and is the regular Babylonian designation of those
fierce northern invaders known to the Greeks as the
Scythians and the Cimmerians. The state which they
founded on the ruins of Assyria must, however, be
identical with the Median kingdom of the late Greek
writers. The Madai, during the flourishing days of
the Assyrian empire, occupied the territory to the
south of the Caspian Sea. Before or soon after their
conquest of Assyria, the northern hordes must have
overrun Media, conquering and partially uniting with
the older population. The amal-gamation was the
easier because they were of kindred blood. The desig-
nation " Median " may therefore have an historical
basis or may simply be due to the confusion in later
times of the somewhat similar but fundamentally
different terms, Manda and Mada. About 585 b, c,

THE RISE OF CYRUS 73

according to the Greek historians, a treaty was con-
chided between Nebuchadrezzar, the son of Nabopo-
lassar, Alyattes of Ljdia, and the Median king Cjaxares,
the conqueror of Nineveh, which brought nearly thirty
years of comparative peace and prosperity to western
Asia. It was, however, an armed peace. Nebuchad-
rezzar improved the years of quiet to fortify his
capital and land strongly against his northern ally.
The overthrow of the house of Nebuchadrezzar and the
accession of Nabonidus marked the severance of
friendly relations between Babylon and the kingdom
of the Umman-Manda. A kingdom like the latter,
which had come into existence so suddenly, and which
included many heterogeneous elements, was destined
as quickly to collapse, whenever the power which held
it together devolved upon a weak or mediocre ruler.
Astyages, the successor of Cyaxares, obviously pos-
sessed little of the ability of his predecessor. There
can also be little doubt that the old Median population
was only awaiting a strong champion about whom it
might rally in an effort to throw off the hated yoke of
the conqueror.

63. The deliverer came, not from the Median, but
from the kindred Persian stock. Cyrus is designated in
the inscriptions as " the king of Anshan " or " Anzan."
Anshan is mentioned in a very ancient inscription of
Gudea (Sarzec, D^couvertes en Chald^e, pi. 19, Col. 3),
and frequently in later Assyrian inscriptions, and ap-
pears from these references to have been a little state
located in northwestern Elam and to the south of
Media, among the mountains northeast of Babylonia.
Cyrus gives a long list of his ancestors, who, like him-
self, had ruled in Anshan, and tells us that he became

74 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

king in 559 b. c. It is exceedingly probable that be-
fore he suddenly emerged into world-wide prominence,
his sway was acknowledged by the Elamite tribes who
had survived the calamities which had overtaken their
nation (Ezek. xxxii. 24). In the great cylinder of
Nabonidus it is stated that " Cyrus, the king of Anzan,
his (Astyages) insignificant vassal, scattered with his
few troops the numerous Scythians (Umman-Manda).
Astyages, their king, he captured and carried away in
bonds to his land " (i. 28-33). The inscription evi-
dently dates from soon after this event, for the victory
of Cyrus over the Scythians is viewed by the Babylo-
nians, not with alarm, but as in perfect accord with
the will of their god Marduk, and, therefore, as an
occasion for rejoicing. The Nabonidus-Cyrus Chroni-
cle gives a fuller account of the great victory whereby
" the insignificant vassal " of Astyages became master
of the old Median empire. " Astyages assembled his
army and advanced against Cyrus, king of Anshan.
. . . The people of Astyages rebelled against him ; he
was taken captive and handed over to Cyrus. Cyrus
advanced toward Ecbatana, the capital ; the silver,
gold, and possessions of the territory of Ecbatana he
carried forth and brought to Anshan " (i. 1-4). The
date of this event was 549 b. c. The cause of the
revolt of the Median subjects of Astyages was evi-
dently their dislike for the barbarous rule of the
Umman-Manda. The facts also explain why the
Medes were regarded as co-partners with the Persians
in the empire which resulted from this victory. The
statement of the Persian historian, Ctesias, that most
of the successes of Cyrus were purchased by intrigue
and deceit, may not be entirely without foundation.

THE EARLIER CONQUESTS OF CYRUS 75

The most probable basis for the tradition of Herodotus,
that the Scythian princes were treacherously murdered,
is found in the events of 549 b. c. Henceforth Cyrus
figured as the regular successor to the Median throne,
and devoted the years immediately following to estab-
lishing his claim. It is not strange that the biblical
writers continued to speak of the new empire as the
Median. In 546 b. c. Cyrus appears for the first time
with the title " King of Persia."

64. The new conqueror combined with the ability
of a great commander the skill of a diplomat and the
prudence of a wise statesman. He knew how to wait
as well as how to lead a sudden attack. In the year
547 B. c. he crossed the Tigris and conquered and sub-
jugated the broad plains of Mesopotamia, lying to the
north of Babylon, which had been held by Astyages,
but temporarily seized by Nabonidus (Nab. -Cyrus Chr.
i. 15-17). Thus he established early in his career a
base for an attack upon his still powerful rival ; but
there is no positive evidence that he ventured it at
that time. Apparently recognizing the impregnable
nature of the huge walls which encircled Babylon, he
wisely hesitated to press at once his conquests in that
quarter. Instead he seems to have instituted intrigues
calculated to alienate still further the lukewarm loyalty
which the Babylonians felt for their strange king.

65. Cyrus meantime, in 546 b. c, turned his atten-
tion to the old feud between the Medes and the Lydians,
who, under their wealthy king, Croesus, were masters
of central Asia Minor. The Lydian king assumed the
offensive, and in Cappadocia an indecisive battle was
fought (Herod, i. 76). When Croesus retired, deem-
ing the campaign of the year at an end, Cyrus fol-

76 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

lowed him, met and defeated his army, and was soon
in possession of his capital, Sardis. The Greek col-
onies in Asia Minor were next attacked. Some of
them submitted readily, while others made a valiant
resistance; but the lack of united organization among
the Greeks gave Cyrus the advantage, so that in time
he was able to extend his rule to the JEgean Sea.
Returning to his capital, he next successfully directed
his armies against the half-civilized hordes to the
east of his empire. Not until 538 b. c. were condi-
tions ripe for the conquest of the proud mistress of
the lower Euphrates. The ultimate result of the
impending struggle had long been evident to all who
recognized the marked superiority of Persian arms
over those of any other people in southwestern Asia.
To those who were cognizant of the internal weakness
and corruption of the Babylonian empire, it was
obvious that the fruit for which Cyrus had waited so
long was ripe for the plucking.

66. The hopes and expectations of the Jewish exiles
in Babylon, while Cyrus was engaged in his career of
conquest, can be imagined; but, fortunately, we are
not left to conjecture. Through all the dark period
which had preceded this promise of a dawn, the more
faithful ones, like Ezekiel, had cherished the firm
belief that an opportunity would yet be given to them
to return. Jeremiah's bold assurance that Jehovah
would not forget his loving purpose toward his scat-
tered people, and that he would again plant them in
Canaan, never again to be torn up, had kept alive
their much-tried faith. Babylon's rule was recog-
nized by all as the first hairier which must be removed
before the way would be opened for a return, for " they

JOY AT THE PROSPECT OF BABYLON'S FALL 77

who took them captives held them fast; they refused
to let them go" (Jer. I. 33). When the mighty city
began to totter, it is not strange that joy filled every
Jewish heart. Sighs of relief and cries of thanksgiv-
ing burst from many lips. If these found too open
expression, and brought upon the exiles the persecu-
tions of their masters, it only made them the more
eager for the consummation.

67. A chorus of minor prophets, disciples of
Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, made Babylon's ap-
proaching downfall the theme of their message. They
present vividly the hopes and fears of the exiles in
the East. At Jehovah's command, they saw his con-
secrated ones, the multitudes of the nations, headed
by the Medes, whom no bribes would turn back, ad-
vancing to execute judgment upon guilty Babylon
(Isa. xiv. ; xxi. 1-10). Graphically they pictured the
details of the siege: "The land trembles. The
mighty men of Babylon cease to fight. They remain
in their strongholds. Their might has failed. They
are become as women. Her dwelling-places are on
fire. Her defences are broken. One post shall run
to meet another, and one messenger to meet another,
to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken on
every quarter" (Jer. li. 29-31). Complacently they
described the complete ruin and desolation soon to
overtake the city, which they regarded as the person-
ification of greed, corruption, oppression, and idola-
try. From their high towers they perceived that
Babylon had ceased to be a useful instrument in the
hand of Jehovah, and hence it must be destroyed.
From their point of view, it was not strange that they
regarded this act as a punishment for the wrongs done

78 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

to their city and temple (Jer. li. 11, 24). In a sense
they were right, for Babylon's downfall was the direct
consequence of the cruel, rapacious policy which
brought to the great city its wealth, and with that,
the resulting luxury and corruption which, in turn,
proved its undoing. Its conquest by Cyrus introduced
a new and nobler chapter of human history. Above
all, it made possible the re-building of Jerusalem and
the temple, which were destined again to give to the
Jewish race a centre about which their national and
religious life might crystallize.

VIII

THE ^MESSAGE OF THE GKEAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE

68. Of all the exiles who eagerly watched the vic-
torious progress of Cyrus, none understood so fully
its true significance as the great unknown prophet
from whom came the messages preserved in chapters
xl. to Iv. of the Book of Isaiah. Rising above the
confusion and humiliation of the present, he caught
glimpses of the eternal purpose which was being
worked out in human history, and of the principles
in accordance with which it must be realized. For-
cibly and beautifully he interpreted to his own and
succeeding ages the results of his inspired vision. In
him Hebrew prophecy reached its highest expression.
Accepting the principles enunciated by his great
predecessors, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, he her-
alded the universal kingdom of God, in which, not
might, but self-sacrifice was to be the ruling force.
While he was an idealist, living in a future which
proved far more distant than he anticipated, he rec-
ognized and dealt most practically with the needs of
the moment. His first aim was to arouse the enthu-
siasm and patriotism of his apathetic fellow-exiles,
that they might turn their backs upon the comforts
of Babylon, and, in the face of seemingly superhuman
obstacles, devote themselves and their all to the noble

80 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

task of reviving their dismembered state. He fully
realized that the future of their race and of the re-
ligion of Jehovah depended largely upon their action
when the opportunity came. It was a crisis even
greater than that which arose when Jerusalem was
destroyed, for if the Jews neglected their supreme
opportunity, their end would be far more shameful
than that of the northern Israelites. The prophet's
words were primarily addressed to his fellow-coun-
trymen in Babylon, but the appeal was to all who
would respond to the needs of the hour, wherever the
upheaval of 586 b. c. had cast them.

69. The prophet's message opens with the joyful
proclamation that Israel's period of hardship is over
(xl. 1, 2). With the combined power of logic and
rhetoric, the awful doubts which paralyzed the exiles
were met, and glorious hopes substituted. We can
hear him, like Ezekiel, reasoning with his flock: "Do
you fear that Jehovah has forgotten and will not vin-
dicate you (xl. 27) ? Already he is preparing to
accomplish for you a mighty work of deliverance (xl.
3-5). Like a tender shepherd he will gather his peo-
ple (xl. 11). Do you fear that your masters will not
let you go ? At Jehovah's command the peoples who
now hold you in slavery shall themselves bring you
back. Kings and queens, bowing humbly before the
Lord, shall supply your every want. Then you shall
know that Jehovah is a God who never fails those
who wait for him (xlix. 22, 23). Do the perils of
the long journey back to your native land appall you ?
Jehovah declares that he will make the desert a para-
dise before you, so that you will be able to return
without danger or discomfort (xli. 18-20). Does the

THE CERTAINTY OF DELIVERANCE FROJI BAUYLON SI

present desolation of Judah discourage joii ? Barren
Jerusalem shall again be inhabited and the land, as
of old, studded with prosperous cities (xliv. 26), As
suppliants, shall proud and rich nations come bring-
ing to you their wealth. Best of all, that peace and
prosperity shall continue, not for a passing moment,
but forever; and your present woe shall be but a
horrible dream of the past (xlv. 14-17). Upon your
descendants also shall rest Jehovah's blessing and the
benign, reviving, transforming influence of his spirit
(xliv. 3).

70. " But some of you question, ' What proof is there
that these glorious predictions will be fulfilled ? ' The
sole and sufficient assurance is found in the character
of the God who thus promises. He, who proclaims
himself to be your Redeemer, is also your Creator.
Jehovah is he who rules the universe and guides with
omnipotent hand all human events (xliv. 24, 25).
Consider the utter folly of fearing the Babylonians,
your present masters, whose gods are the creations of
their own hands and fancies, and who possess no
power to deliver either themselves or their devotees.
The proud nations of the earth are but infinitesimal
particles in the great universe which Jehovah directs
with such wisdom and precision (xl. 12-26). If you
question his ability and readiness to save, remember
how he has revealed himself in your past history
(xliii. 2). Above all, he is a God of absolute right-
eousness (xlv. 19). Recall also how, from the earli-
est history of your race, he has tenderly cared for you.
His love has far surpassed that of a mother toward
her helpless child (xlvi. 3, 4; xlix. 15, 16). Surely
you cannot, for a moment, doubt the promise of such

82 THE Bx\RYLOXIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

a God, infinite in power, all wise, all just, and all
loving.

71. " If you but open your eyes you will see the in
strument wherewith he is to accomplish your deliver-
ance. For your sakes he is giving victory after victory
to that obscure eastern prince, who already has be-
come master of the powerful Median empire (xli. 1-4,
25). It may not be in accord with your expectations,
but I tell you that this Cyrus is, indeed, Jehovah's
Messiah, anointed to prepare the way for your resto-
ration (xlv. 1-13; xlviii. 14-16). In view of Jeho-
vah's purpose to deliver — a purpose which already
is on the verge of being accomplished — the fall of
proud Babylon is imminent. No longer, arrogant
Babylonians, will you compel the nations to pander to
your love of luxury. For your cruelty toward his
people, whom he for a time intrusted to your care,
destruction shall fall upon you. Vainglorious, cor-
rupt, superstitious city ! All your boasted wisdom,
your far-famed magical formulas, and the skill of
your astrologers, shall not deliver you from the ven-
geance which Jehovah will speedily visit upon you
(xlvii.).

72. "Do you wish to know, exiles, why Jehovah
has chosen you as a race from ail the peoples of the
earth, and why, therefore, he will surely redeem you ?
It is because it is his immutable and righteous pur-
pose to lead all mankind to know and worship him
(xlv. 23). You, he has called to serve him, in realiz-
ing that purpose. You, indeed, are his witnesses be-
fore the world. He has created and trained you, that
you may set forth his praise (xliii. 10, 12, 21). For
the uplifting of mankind he requires a servant who,

JEHOVAH'S PEOPLE CHOSEN FOR SERVICE 83

amidst persecution and humiliation, ever responsive
to the divine teaching and direction, will devote him-
self wholly and completely to the exalted task of pro-
claiming his divine will (xlii. 1-4, 6, 7; xlix. 3, 5-
13). That you might be prepared for that sublime
service, Israelites, Jehovah has spared no effort.
With that end in view, he chose you, the seed of
Abraham, and brought you from the ends of the
earth, cared for and designated you as his servant.
Indeed, he is still upholding you, protecting you from
your foes, and encouraging you in face of danger (xl.
8-13). Freely he has forgiven your sins, and now
he is eager to have you return to him (xliv. 21, 22).
Throughout your history he has bestowed upon you all
the tender care and solicitude which a loving heart
can give (xlvi. 3, 4). When blessings failed to lead
you into the path of loving obedience, his tender care
for you found expression in discipline, that it might
awaken you to your duties and opportunities (xlii.
23, 25). "

73. "Justly does Jehovah expect you, his chosen
people, to be a faithful servant, prepared for any ser-
vice ; but alas ! what docs he find ? Like your fore-
fathers, to whom the great Isaiah spoke, you are
blind, so that you do not see the truth, and deaf, so
that you do not hear the call to service. Even the
refining fire of discipline has failed to arouse you
from the deep lethargy which has taken possession of
you (xlii. 18-25). Instead you only say, despond-
ently : ' Jehovah has abandoned me ' (xlix. 14). Your
God has not demanded costly sacrifices; but you
have not even presented what was easily in your power
to give. The only offerings which you have brought

84 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORT

to him have been your sins (xliii. 23, 24). Submis*
sion and purity of life are the first requisites for
service; but alas! you are obdurate and far from
righteousness (xlvi. 12). With your lips you profess
allegiance to Jehovah, but your acts belie your words.
Obstinately you have refused to give heed to his com-
mands. Treacherously have you dealt with him "
(xlviii. 1-4, 8).

74. Thus when the prophet, with his enlightened
eye, reviewed the past history of his people and
studied the character and attitude of those to whom
he wrote, he was forced to admit that they were by no
means prepared to perform the great service necessary
for the salvation of their race and of mankind. Hence,
while still speaking to his contemporaries, he was
led repeatedly to turn from the imperfect and dis-
couraging reality to describe the perfect type of ser-
vant who must appear before Jehovah's loving purpose
could be accomplished. Many analogies might be
cited from the history of Hebrew prophecy. Hosea
frequently paused in the midst of his bitterest denun-
ciations to portray the glories of the day when the
Israelites would again be reconciled to Jehovah.
Jeremiah, as he sat among the ruins of Jerusalem,
painted in most glowing colors the picture of the
restored city and people (Jer. xxx. ; xxxi.). Indeed,
the form of most Messianic prophecies, which are but
the foreshadowing of the one great divine purpose
being realized in human history, is determined by the
conditions and, especially, the needs of the age in
which the prophet lived. Naturally he placed the
ideal and the sad reality side by side, and thus, by
contrast, brought out each in stronger colors.

MEANING or THE TITLE "SERVANT OF JEHOVAH" 85

75. It is significant that in Isaiah xl. to Iv. there is
no reference to a Jewish Messiah. The term had
come to be associated with the royal house of David,
which had already begun to sink into merited oblivion.
The one Messiah mentioned is Cyrus, and his mission
is clearly defined. The prophetic conception of the
divine purpose had so far expanded that it could no
longer be represented by the imagery of a temporal
kingdom. A new and more comprehensive termi-
nology was demanded to describe the fuller revelation.
Thus it was that the familiar title, "servant of Jeho-
vah," became the keynote of the prophecy. Already
it had been applied to the patriarchs, to Moses,
Joshua, David, Solomon, and most of the pre-exilic
prophets. In Deuteronomy xxxii. 36, 43, the people
of Israel are addressed as the " servants of Jehovah ; "
while to the prophets as a class the designation was
often given. In its origin the Hebrew word translated
"servant" also means "slave." Its essential idea is
that of the complete dependence and submission of
the one thus designated to his master. Vassal princes
spoke of themselves as the slaves or servants of their
conqueror. A high official or commander-in-chief of
an army was addressed as the "servant of the king."
In something of the same sense Moses is spoken of as
the "servant of Jehovah." So, also, the prophets
were Jehovah's ambassadors, intrusted with an im-
portant mission, which they were under obligations
to perform at any cost to themselves. The term
"servant of Jehovah," therefore, suggests the rela-
tionship, on the one hand, of the divine master com-
manding and supporting, and, on the other, the attitude
of careful attendance and ready, faithful obedience.

80 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTOEY

76. The original of the familiar term "Messiah,
anointed," as used by the prophets, was practically
the same, for whoever in the Old Testament was
called a Messiah — whether he was a king, like Saul,
or whether he was one of the patriarchs, or the whole
people Israel — was so designated, to indicate by the
use of the familiar figure of anointing, that he was
especially chosen and consecrated to do a certain work.
The best illustration of the practical identity of the
two terms is the fact that of the two most prominent
men of the age, the one, Nebuchadrezzar, is called
"the servant of Jehovah," and the other, Cyrus,
"Jehovah's Messiah." In Psalm Ixxxix. 50, 51, also,
the terms " servants " and " Messiah " are used as inter-
changeable synonyms, both being applied to the faith-
ful in the Jewish community.

77. The four passages in which the prophet portrays
his ideal of the perfect servant of Jehovah, who alone
can accomplish the divine will, constitute in themselves
a unit, each adding to the completeness of the picture.
Placing ourselves among the exiles, we can hear in
imagination the inspiring message of the prophet :
" Behold, mankind, the type of servant who will receive
Jehovah's complete approval and support, and upon
whom he will bestow the light and power of his own
spirit, that the one thus equipped may make known his
divine law to all nations. Quietly and unostentatiously,
with none of the destructive methods of the old
prophets, but carefully considering the needs of the
weak, in perfect accord with the standards of truth,
shall the faithful servant of Jehovah go about his
spiritual mission of proclaiming God's law to men.
He shall not waver nor be discouraged until he has

THE .MISSION OF THE SERVANT OF JEHOVAH 87

established on the earth this divine law, of which the
nations are in such need. Jehovah, the creator of the
universe and the source of all human life, declares
that, in accordance with his righteous purpose, he will
uphold his servant and make him the medium for tlie
establishment of a covenant between himself and his
people, and a source of spiritual light to all nations.
His servant, surpassing his yoke-fellows, the former
prophets, shall also be instrumental in opening to
truth, eyes now blind, in bringing freedom to those
now imprisoned, and in delivering from bondage the
victims of suffering and sin (xlii. 1-7).

78. " Give heed, peoples far and near, to the
declaration of the servant respecting his relation to
Jehovah and concerning the character of his mission :
' From my birth Jehovah called me, prepared me for
effective service, and protected me from all harm. To
me he has said : " You are my servant, the true Israel, by
whom I shall be honored." I replied : " Alas ! it seems
as tliough my strenuous efforts (to regenerate Israel)
had been in vain ; but I can rest calmly in the assurance
that they will be vindicated and rewarded by Jehovah."
Then he, who created, strengthened, and intrusted me
with the mission of bringing back his people, Israel, into
loving accord with him, responded : " You are capable
of a greater service than the mere restoration of the
remnant of your kinsmen, the Israelites. I accordingly
appoint you to bring spiritual enlightenment to all
peoples, and a knowledge of my salvation to the ends of
the earth." ' Jehovah further declared to his servant,
now so heartily despised by mankind and the slave of
rulers : ' The time is yet coming when you shall
accomplish the work in which you now seem to have

88 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

failed. Then kings shall be eager to do you homage,
because I, who appointed you to your mission, am
faithful. Verily, I will not fail you, but will cause you
to establish a new covenant between me and my people,
and to bring about a glorious restoration of the exiles
now so widely scattered' (xlix. 1-13).

79. " Listen again to the testimony of the servant :
'Jehovah has given me the facility, which alone comes
from attentively heeding his teaching, so that I am
able to impart a message of help to those who need.
Daily, constantly he instructs me, and I have ever
eagerly listened and been ready to respond to the call
to service. Patiently have I submitted to persecution,
humiliation, and derision. Serenely confident that
Jehovah would help me, I faltered not; for I knew that
I should never be put to shame. He, who will vindicate
me, is at hand, so that no one can condemn me. In-
deed, complete destruction shall come upon those who
attempt it.* Such is the experience and testimony of
the true servant of Jehovah. Well do you who fear
the Lord, and are seeking amidst darkness for light,
heed and profit thereby (1. 4-10).

80. " Know also Jehovah's final testimony respecting
the character and work of his servant : ' Behold,
supreme success shall crown the wise efforts of my
servant, so that he shall be greatly exalted. Just as in
the past many were astounded because of the over-
whelming afflictions which were visited upon him, so
shall nations and the rulers of the earth stand rever-
entially before him, realizing in the light of his exalta-
tion what no one had suspected before ' (lii. 13-15).
Succeeding generations also shall look back upon his
work and exclaim : ' Who believed the prophetic

SERVICE PERFECTED THROUGH SUFFERING 89

revelation respecting the servant, and understood the
divine purpose which was being accomplished through
him ? Unattractive, despised, afflicted by disease,
avoided by his fellows as an outcast, we turned away
from him in horror. Deluded by the old theory of suf-
fering, we despised him. And yet, there is no doubt
that he was sick that we might be well ; this one, whom
we deemed cursed by God, was bearing our pains ; he
was wounded because "we had transgressed. The peace
which we enjoyed was secured through his punish-
ment. We had wandered far from Jehovah, doing our
own will, while upon him the Lord caused to fall the
consequences of our sins' (liii. 1-6). When perse-
cuted, this martyr servant of Jehovah voluntarily, sub-
missively, in silence endured, while tyranny, under the
guise of law, unjustly condemned him. Thus for the
sins of humanity he was prematurely and violently cut
off. Although absolutely innocent, even after death he
was entombed with criminals. And yet, this was no
mere accident, but in perfect accordance with the
divine will, for by being thus afflicted and by giving his
life as an offering for others' guilt, the servant was des'
tined to live immortally in the lives of his spiritual off-
spring and to realize the eternal purpose of Jehovah.
After his pain and trial is over, he shall enjoy the
consciousness of having made many righteous. His
shall be the glory of a mighty victor, because by humilia-
tion and a supreme self-sacrifice, he bore the sin and
successfully interceded for the guilty " (liii. 7-12).

81. No one will deny that the character of the
servant of Jehovah, as portrayed in these sections,
presents many perplexing questions. The first one
usually asked is: "Who was this unique servant of

90 THE BABYLONIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Jehovah ? " Surely the prophet could not have meant
to identify himself with that servant; nor did any
prophet who had preceded him, even the great Jere-
miah, do more than suggest, by character and experi-
ence, certain outlines of the portrait. Much less can
it be the Jewish people as a whole of which he is
speaking; indeed, it is repeatedly stated that one of
the chief aims in the mission of the servant is to re-
store the remnant of Israel to their true relations with
Jehovah (xlii. 6 ; xlix. 5, 6). Even the faithful few
within the nation, who heard and heeded the words of
their prophets, cannot be the original of the picture
before us. But we may further ask, "Was the prophet
necessarily describing a definite person or groups of
individuals ? In practical human experience, the
presentation of an ideal usually long precedes its
realization. The Hebrew prophets were constantly
drawing new sketches of a perfect ruler and political
state, although the best the world had yet seen were
imperfect in comparison. They continued to present
new ideals, because, being wise teachers, they recog-
nized that the only way to lead humanity to rise
above its low standards, was by holding up before it
the higher which had been revealed to them. The
great prophet of the exile was in this respect no ex-
ception. By the most effective means at his command,
he was endeavoring to influence his fellow-exiles, and
especially the more faithful, to strive themselves to be
true servants of Jehovah. In one suggestive passage,
after presenting most graphically the experience of the
servant, he turns to those of his readers " who fear the
Lord " and urges them to learn from the experience of
the servant the lesson of submission and fidelity (1. 10).

THE REALIZATION OF THE IDEAL OF SERVICE 01

82. Like all the prophets who caught glimpses of
the perfection, ultimately destined in accordance with
the divine plan to succeed existing imperfection, he
was obliged to look to the future for the fulfilment of
his supernatural ideal. It is obvious that he did not
foresee that fulfilment as do we who stand in the
full light of history. Like the architect of a great
mediaeval cathedral, he saw only in imagination the
marvellous creation which he outlined. It was his
privilege to indicate the processes by which it was to
be reared, but not to know personally the men and
forces who, in succeeding ages, were to make the divine
plan a material reality. As we follow the history
of Judaism, we find a partial realization, in the ex-
periences and work of the faithful few, who resisted
the temptations offered to the Jews to forget their
nationality and to enjoy the opportunities offered by
the land of their adoption, and who went back to join
their poverty-stricken kinsmen in rebuilding, amidst
persecutions and distress, the city of sacred memories.
It is interesting to note that the builders of the second
temple publicly styled themselves " the servants of the
God of heaven and earth" (Ezra v. 11), for the term
suggests a familiarity with the message of the great
prophet. By their voluntary self-sacrifice they did
the work which their less devoted countrymen spurned,
and revived that community which became the reposi-
tory of God's supreme revelation to the human race.
In time, too, Judaism began, as a body, to recognize
its prophetic mission to humanity, and to seek to
lead the heathen to a knowledge of the one true God.
Their attainment of the ideal, it must be confessed,
was incomplete and partial compared with its fulfil-

92 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

ment in the character and work of the great teacher
of Nazareth, who, both as prophet and martyr, com-
pletely realized and eclipsed the sublime portrait of
the suffering servant of Jehovah. Alone sinless, he
stood before humanity as its sin-bearer, transforming
the hard heart of mankind by the irresistible influ-
ence of a love expressed in voluntary and complete
self-sacrifice. In the light of history, Christianity
has rightly recognized in him the supreme agent for
the realization of the divine plan so marvellously pre-
sented by the unknown prophet of the exile ; but until
that divine plan takes final form in the kingdom of
God on earth, the ideal of the servant of Jehovah will
continue (as Paul clearly realized ; see Acts xiii. 47)
to call men to offer themselves willingly, completely,
for the uplifting of the human race.

THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF
THE BABYLONIAN EXILE

83. While the Babylonian exile was the briefest,
it was also in many ways the most important period
in the life of the Jewish people. It was more than a
crisis; it represented a fundamental transformation
in the political, social, and religious character of the
race. The struggling community which ultimately
centred about Jerusalem, had in reality little in com-
mon with the nation to which Jeremiah prophesied
a few decades before. The ancient Hebrew state had
proved in many ways a failure. Its leaders had been
as blind to the higher religious truths presented by
the prophets, as they were to their sagacious political
counsels. From the vantage ground of the exile, the
more enlightened recognized with shame that the fate
which had overtaken their nation was well merited.
It had sinned; for, according to the meaning of the
expressive Hebrew word for sin, it "had missed the
mark " which had been set before it by its inspired
teachers. The wreck of the ancient state cleared the
way for the construction of the new. Naturally in
the reconstruction, the architects sought to eliminate
all that had proved worthless. The exile demon-
strated that the Jewish people could maintain their

94 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

racial integrity without political organization, and
that the religion of Jehovah was not dependent upon
the monarchy. In the eyes of those who labored for
and participated in the revival, the ancient kings and
their advisers had with few exceptions traduced their
nation, and were, therefore, set aside as useless.
Ezekiel and his fellow-workers anticipated the change,
which subsequent circumstances enforced, and devoted
themselves to formulating the constitution of a purely
ecclesiastical state. In the place of the monarchy
rose the hierarchy. The old military and royal aris-
tocracy also vanished, and instead appeared a priestly
nobility, with the high priest at its head. Israel be-
came literally "a kingdom of priests and a holy na-
tion " (Ex. xix. 6). The radical change in the
external organization of the Jewish race was but an
index of the deeper fact that its energies had been
turned into entirely different channels. Ritual and
religion, not politics, commanded the attention of its
leaders.

84. In the calm and leisure of the exile, even the
masses found time to meditate and to listen to the
messages of their prophetic teachers. Torn from
their old associations, they no longer felt the spell
of the high places and heathen customs, consecrated
by the usage of centuries. The advantages of the
new situation were on the side of the progressive
prophetic party. The reformation of Josiah had
practically failed in Judah ; but during the exile the
principles proclaimed by the pre-exilic prophets won
the day. A few remnants of the old idolatry sur-
vived in Canaan, but otherwise the ancient heathen
gods ceased to attra<;;i:. them The victory of the

THE RELIGIOUS INFLUENCES OF THE EXILE 95

prophets was the more complete because they had
consistently foretold the approach of the exile, so
that when it came, it furnished a testimonial to the
truth of their words which even the masses, who must
see and toucli before believing, appreciated. Later,
the liberation by Cyrus, which they had long pre-
dicted, still farther established the prophets' author-
ity. The exiles, crushed by the calamity which had
overtaken them, were also in a condition to receive
the stern, uncompromising messages of their spiritual
guides. Since they regarded the misfortunes which
overwhelmed them as the punishment of their nation's
guilt, they loathed more and more the sins of the
past, and welcomed with eagerness anything which
promised to bring absolution and reconciliation with
Jehovah. Unconsciously they must have been in-
fluenced also by the examjjle of their Babylonian
masters, who were constantly offering propitiatory
sacrifices to their deities. The result was that, from
the period of the exile on, atoning ofierings and
prayers for forgiveness assume a far more important
place among the Jews. Henceforth the ruling
passion with the faithful was the desire to regain
their lost national and individual purit}'.

85. Finally, in Babylon the Jews freed themselves
not only from idolatry, but also from the half-heathen
conception of Jehovah, vv'hich placed liim nearly on
an equality with the gods of the other nations, and
restricted his influence to Canaan. Such a belief had
sul'liced for the Hebrews while they lived undisturbed
among the secluded hills of Palestine, but when
Jehovah's people bowed low in the dust before the
Babylonians, who attributed their victories to the

96 THE BABYLONIAN PEKIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

intercession of other gods, the popular conception of
Jehovah was likewise cast to earth. The inspired
prophets, however, had anticipated this crisis and
were prepared to turn the eyes of the people from the
fallen Jehovah of their imagining to the God who
rules supreme in the universe. At this time the
religion of the Jewish people became pure monothe-
ism. Absorbed among races more powerful and more
highly civilized than they, the Jews were forced to
admit that they were only one of the weak families
of the earth. The experience was painful, but valu-
able. It not only broadened their conception of Jeho-
vah's character, but also led them to recognize their
complete dependence upon him. They saw for the
first time that they were unique among the nations
simply because of their unique relation to the God of
the universe. That relation, in turn, was the result
of no worthy action on their part, but simply of Jeho-
vah's choice. Thus was begotten in the minds of the
thoughtful that attitude of genuine humility which
comes from appreciating facts as they are, and which
is the necessary pre-requisite of true development and
service.

86. As these simple but important truths gradually
impressed themselves upon their consciousness, the
attitude of the exiles to the great heathen world about
them changed. No longer could they ignore their
neighbors, or merely consider them when they dis-
turbed the peace of Israel. Beginning with the period
of the exile, the nations figure prominently in the
utterances of the prophets. From the same epoch
dates the rise of a broad religious philosophy of his-
tory. The nations, drawn together by force, began

THE NEW CONCEPTION OF THE RACES MISSION 97

dimly to recognize that they belonged to one family;
while certain inspired Jews grasped the greater truth
that one Father stood at the head of that family, and
that Cyrus was Jehovah's anointed as truly as was
Jehoiakin. Hence it became impossible for them to
regard the heathen merely as objects of divine ven-
geance. Instead of constantly brooding upon their
own wrongs, they began to think of Jehovah's rela-
tion to the peoples about them, and then of the role
which they, as his chosen people, were called to enact
in the realizing of the divine purpose in human his-
tory. Thus in the mind of the great unknown
prophet of the exile, the heathen world figured as a
vast missionary field and the Jews as Jehovah's chosen
messengers, to proclaim abroad his name. It was
difficult for him to abandon the old hope of a tem-
poral world kingdom with the Jewish people at its
head, but in his best moments he realized and taught
that, not by the sword nor by force, was the rule of
Jehovah to be made universal, but by the self-deny-
ing service of his despised yet faithful countrymen.
Himself afflicted and the apostle to the oppressed, he
learned to appreciate the value of suffering, volunta-
rily endured, as a transforming influence in the life
of the sufferer, and as the most powerful conceivable
force in the redemption of sinful mankind. In his
ideal of the suffering servant of Jehovah, he taught
his kinsmen that, in the hour of their greatest humil-
iation, it was possible for them to conquer the world
by loving sacrifice.

87. His ideal was too exalted for his contempora-
ries fully to understand, much less to appreciate. In
the slow-moving Orient, a nation is not re-born in a

98 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

day. To most of his readers a teaching which made
service through suffering the weapon whereby the
world was to be conquered, seemed only folly. His
message, however, was true, and it was a significant
moment in human history when it found lodgment in
a human heart and expression from the lips of a man.
Henceforth, it was destined to attract mankind more
and more until the truth became an objective reality
in the character and work of the great teacher of
Nazareth. Thus during that half century when the
Jewish race was pinioned hand and foot, mighty
changes were going on within its throbbing heart.
Then those ideas found full expression which were
destined to shape and control its future. The tor-
tures of the prison house also tested and brought each
individual into a prominence, unknown before. The
exile proved, as Amos predicted (Am. ix. 9), a sifting
process, for it effectually separated the faint-hearted
and sceptical from the brave and true. Many — per-
haps the majority — were found wanting ; but those
who endured the ordeal and remained faithful were
devoted to the worship of the Jehovah of the prophets
with a passionate zeal, which was in striking con-
trast to the popular indifference that daunted pre-
exilic prophets like Isaiah and Jeremiah. Bound
together, not by political bonds, but by common suf-
fering and common faith, the loyal few proved the
nucleus out of which, during the succeeding centuries,
grew the Jewish church.

PART II

THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH
HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF
THE PERIOD

88. The record of the life of the Jewish people
during the two centuries following the conquest of
Babylon by Cyrus in 539 b. c. is found in a great
variety of writings, chief among which are the Books
of Ezra and Nehemiah. Originally, in the Jewish
canon, they together constituted one book, and their
striking points of similarity leave no doubt that they
are from the hand of the same author. Furthermore,
a comparison of their marked peculiarities with those
of the Books of Chronicles demonstrates that these
four books constitute one connected narrative, written
in the same style and from the same unique point of
view. The close connection between the two main
divisions of this history is also indicated by the fact
that the opening verses of Ezra-Nehemiah (i. 1-3*)
are the same as the closing section of Chronicles
(xxxvi. 22-23). The characteristics of the author,
who is commonly designated as the chronicler, are
well known (sect. 255; see also II. sects. 7-11).
He was an ecclesiastic rather than an historian. His
primary aim in writing was to emphasize the institu-
tional side of Israel's history. He lived in an age
which idealized the past. Like his contemporaries,
he unconsciously read the institutions and conditions

102 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

of his own clay into the earlier and more primitive
periods, since he did not fully realize that Israel had
enjoyed a progressive religious development, extend-
ing through many centuries. The result is that the
original contributions of the chronicler arc of value
to the discriminating historian, chiefly as they reveal
the conditions of the later time.

89. In determining the date at which he lived, we
note that he refers to the "days of Nehemiah and
Ezra " (Neh. xii. 26, 47) as if they belonged to the
distant past. Unlike the older writers, whom he
quotes, he describes Cyrus and his successors as
"kings of Persia," Avhich he would not have done if
the Persian empire was still the one dominant power
in southwestern Asia (Ezra i. 1, 2, 8; iii. 7; com-
pare the usage in an older passage which he quotes,
V. 13-vi, 3). In Nehemiah xii. 11, 22, he mentions
Jaddua, who was high priest until 331 b. c, and in
the twenty-second verse of the same chapter he speaks
of Darius the Persian, who must be Darius Codoman-
nus, the last king of the great empire founded by
Cyrus. His ignorance of the exact order of the ear-
lier Persian kings (compare Ezra iv.) likewise points
to a late date. Certainly he did not live before the
Greek period. The first half of the third century,
B. c, furnishes the most probable background for his
work.

90. Living as he did, centuries after most of the
events which he records transpired, the question as to
what was the nature of the sources from which he
gained his data becomes exceedingly important.
Hitherto this subject has been somewhat overlooked
by scholars; but within the last few years it has

EAKLIKU SOURCES USED BY THK CHUONICLER 103

received the attention which it deserves (see Appen
dix III.). Fortunately, like most ancient historians,
he frequently cites, with little or no change, from the
earlier records at his command. In Ezra iv. 8 to vi.
18 arc found two such quotations. Instead of translat-
ing them into Hebrew, in which the rest of his book
is written, he retains the original Ai-amaic in which
he found them. From the time of the exile, Aiamaic
became the language of official communication be-
tween the Semitic subjects in the Persian empire;
during the last century of the Persian period it gradu-
ally became the common language of Palestine, so
that the Aramaic document, from which the chron-
icler quotes, may well have been written only a few
generations after the events which it records occurred.
That it was written some time during the Persian
period is established by the fact that, unlike the sec-
tions originating with the chronicler, it refers to
Persian monarchs, such as Darius, as the king, with-
out the addition "of Persia." The chronicler evi-
dently introduced the first section, iv. 8-23, into its
present context to explain why the Imilding of the
temple was not begun immediately after permission
was granted by Cyrus, for the twenty-fourth verse of
chapter iv., as well as v. 1, 2, which connect the two
citations, and which arc from his hand, refer only to
the temple; while the first passage thus introduced
is dated from the reign of Artaxerxes, and relates to
the building, not of the temple, but of the walls. In
verse 12 it is definitely stated that the walls had
been finished and the foundations repaired. The
statements of the officials in Samaria may have been
somewhat exaggerated, but the incident finds its most

104 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

complete historical setting in the reign of Artaxerxes
L, when the great work of Nehemiah in rebuilding
the walls was nearly accomplished. Restored to this
setting, so clearly indicated by the passage itself, it
furnishes valuable facts supplementing the Nehemiah
history.

91. The other quotation, v. 3 to vi. 14, may have
been taken from the first part of the same collection
of Aramaic documents, recording the official relations
between the Jewish colony and the Persian govern-
ment. It tells of an incident in connection with the
building of the temple during the reign of Darius.
While the Jewish rather than the Persian point of
view is apparent in the form in which the imperial
decrees are reported (compare vi. 9, 12), there is no
reason to doubt that the Judean paraphrase has faith-
fully preserved the chief historical facts. The statis-
tical and ecclesiastical notices contained in vi. 15-
22 are expressed in the language of the chronicler.
Whether his source was an earlier document or a
tradition current in his day cannot be determined.
The fact that the king of Assyria is regarded as still
the overlord of Palestine points to a very late date,
when the memory of conditions obtaining in the Per-
sian period had become indistinct. The account of
the observation of the passover suggests the chroni-
cler's well-known tendency to describe such ceremo-
nials as they were conducted in his own time.

92. Chapters i. and iii. are recognized by all as
the work of the chronicler. The fundamental facts
presented in them — the permission from Cyrus to
rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, the appointment of
Sheshbazzar as governor of Judah, and the return of

CHRONICLER'S CONCEPTION OF THE HISTORY 105

some of the vessels of the sanctuary — are closely
parallel with those suggested by the quotation from
the Aramaic document (v. 3 to vi. 14). The varia-
tions — as, for example, the role of a devout worship-
per of Jehovah, which is assigned to Cyrus, the size
and details of the list of sacred vessels returned to
the Jews, the account of the immediate institution of
elaborate services at Jerusalem (compare especially
iii. 3-5), and the prominence given to the priests and
Levites-— are all distinctly characteristic of the
chronicler and of his time. Furthermore, the picture
which they present of conditions in Jerusalem differs
widely from that contained in the oldest sources,
the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah (see sect.
119); the differences again are those which distin-
guish the age of the chronicler from that of Zerub-
babel. The same is true of iv. 1-6. The prophets,
who inspired the temple building, make no reference
to the opposition of the people of the land, but plainly
declare that the long delay in the work was due to
the selfish neglect of the Jews themselves (Hag. i. 2-
11). The language of the section is certainly that of
the chronicler. In his da}'^, when Samaritan opposi-
tion was so bitter, it was but natural that he should
regard this as the cause of a delay which seemed to
him otherwise inexplicable. Hence Ezra i., iii., and
iv. 1-6 represent only the chronicler's conception of
the first two decades of the Persian period. This
conception was based upon the testimony of the
Aramaic document and the Books of Haggai and
Zechariah, and was naturally modified by his peculiar
point of view and by traditions then current.

93. An examination of the genealogical list pre

106 THE PEllSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

served in Ezra ii., and its parallel in Nehemiah vii.,
reveals conclusive evidence that in its present form it
is also from the chronicler. His love for minute
genealogical tables, which became a characteristic of
later Judaism, is shared by almost no other Old Tes-
tament writer. In the list, the priests, the singers,
the porters, and the Nethinim, in which he was espe-
cially interested, are introduced in his usual order,
and receive a major part of the attention (Ezra ii.
36-58). The clan designated as "the children of Sol-
omon's servants " is mentioned only by him. Although
their order and historical setting are entirely difierent,
there are too many repetitions in this list of the names
in I. Chronicles ix. 10-34 and Nehemiah xi. 3-36 to
be explained as a mere coincidence. The Hebrew
student also recognizes in the unusual order in which
the compound numbers are written another peculiarity
of the chronicler. In the first part of his list (Ezra
ii. 3-35) it is probable that he cites from an earlier
census. The question of the date of this census can
best be treated in connection with the history, and is,
therefore, reserved for later consideration (sects. 117-
119, 214, 215). The aim of the chronicler in pre-
senting this genealogical list twice in his narrative
was evidently to emphasize his thesis that the Judean
state was revived, not by the ignorant, idolatrous Jews
who were left behind, but wholly by those who re-
turned from the East. To this end he introduces it
just before the building of the temple, and then again
in connection with the restoration of the walls of
Jerusalem (Neh. vii.).

94. The latter part of the Book of Ezra is devoted
to an account of the mission of Ezra. Chapter vii.

THE SOURCES OF THE EZRA NARRATIVES 107

1-10 is an introduction from the hand of the chroni-
cler. As usual, he begins with a genealogical list.
He makes Ezra the son of Seraiah, the chief priest
put to death at Riblah by the Babylonians at least one
hundred and thirty years before (II. Kings xxv. 18,
21). If the term " son " is used in the sense common
in late Jewish genealogies, of "descendant of," it at
least suggests that tradition had not preserved the
names of Ezra's immediate ancestors. The chronicler
describes him in the language of the later age as " a
ready scribe in the law of Moses." The decree in vii.
11-2G can hardly, in its present form, be from the
hand of Ezra. Like the Cyrus decree in chapter i.,
it has at least been freely retouched by some one
deeply imbued with the Jewish, legalistic spirit. The
fact that it is in Aramaic, however, suggests that it
was based upon an Aramaic original.

95. In the sections vii. 27 to viii. 34 and ix. 1-15
the first person is suddenly introduced. This has
usually been regarded as conclusive evidence that
these passages represent direct citations from a
memoir of Ezra. An American scholar (Torrey — The
Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah)
has recently shown, by a detailed study of the section,
that it abounds from beginning to end in the peculiar
words, idioms, and ideas of the chronicler. This
fact alone, however, hardly justifies his inference that
the story of Ezra is simply the creation of the same
hand. Certainly, if anywhere a close similarity of
style and thought arc to be expected, it is in the
writings of Ezra and of his followers who lived in the
legal atmosphere generated by the movement which
he represented. It is much nearer the truth to say

105 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTOUY

that the chronicler is a later disciple of Ezra. Hence
the similarity between the literary products of the
two men confirm rather than disprove the authenticity
of the sections. It is also a well-known fact that the
chronicler, in transcribing, constantly introduces his
own peculiarities of style. In the light of these con-
siderations there is still good ground for believing
that the passages before us are free citations from a
memoir coming from Ezra himself.

96. The remaining sections of the book are in the
third person, and bear on their face indisputable
evidence that in their present form they come from
the same school of thought as the Ezra memoir and
the writings of the chronicler. Since the time of the
editor of I. Esdras, who placed Nehemiah viii. imme-
diately after Ezra x., it has been generally recognized
that the sections contained in Nehemiah viii. to x.
are another part of the narrative preserved in Ezra vii.
to X. Many rearrangements have been suggested, but
the one which alone removes the insuperable difficulties
involved in the present order, and gives a connected
and consistent history, is that presented by Professor
Torrey. He makes the reconstructed order Ezra vii.,
viii., Nehemiah vii. 70 to viii. 18, Ezra ix., x., Nehe-
miah ix., X. (Composition and Historical Value of
Ezra-Nehemiah, pp. 29-34). A satisfactory explana-
tion of the present disordered arrangement is found in
the characteristic desire of the chronicler to assign to
the work of Ezra, the great priestly reformer, a posi-
tion of priority with reference to that of the layman
Nehemiah. To this end he transferred the account of
Ezra's expedition and of the preliminary reform tu
a position before the citation from the memoirs of

ORIGINAL ORDER OF THE EZRA NARRATIVES 109

Nehemiah, just as he placed the census of the returned
(Ezra ii.) before the account of the building of the
temple, and introduced the narrative regarding the in-
terruption of the building of the walls during the
reign of Artaxerxes (Ezra iv. 8-23), to explain why
the temple was not built during the reign of Cyrus.
He may possibly have been guided in the present re-
arrangement by the tradition that Ezra's expedition
was in the seventh year of a certain Artaxerxes (Ezra
vii. 8), whom he naturally concluded was the same as
the one under whom Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of
Jerusalem, or in the absence of distinct testimony he
may have introduced the present date to establish
Ezra's priority to Nehemiah (compare sects. 187,
188). The record of the great reformation, however,
stands in its true chronological order after the account
of the work of Nehemiah. The present extremely dis-
connected arrangement of these sections, which are in
style and theme a unit, suggests that he was dealing
with documents which he found already written. If
he himself be regarded as their author, it is necessary
to resort to the less probable hypothesis that the pres-
ent remarkable disarrangement is due to some later
copyist. The exact nature of the source which the
chronicler reconstructed so freely can only be con-
jectured. It may well have been the Levitical Book
of Chronicles (literally, "The Words of the Days")
to which he elsewhere refers (Neh. xii. 23). In the
archives of the temple some records were certainly
kept of the great reform movement which revolution-
ized the character of its services. The style and point
of view of such records would be closely analogous, if
they did not, indeed, impart their peculiarities to the

110 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

writings of the chronicler. There is good reason,
therefore, for concluding that the source from which
he gleaned the important data respecting Ezra and
the action of the Great Assembly, is substantially
reliable. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact
that the data are in harmony with the testimony of
the independent sources.

97. Nehemiah i. to vi. contains literal quotations
from the personal memoirs of Nehemiah. The vocab-
ulary, style, and point of view are entirely different
from those which characterize other parts of the book.
The list in chapter iii. alone suggests the work of the
chronicler, and even here the Nehemiah memoir prob-
ably furnished the chief data; or else they are from
authentic and detailed traditions. The same source
may be traced in vii. 1-4, and its logical continuation
xi. 1, 2. The remainder of chapter xi. and the first
part of chapter xii. (verses 1-26) consist of long gene-
alogical lists edited by the chronicler (compare in
detail I. Chr. ix. ; Josh. xv. ), but probably, in part,
founded upon earlier records, preserved in the temple
archives, to one of which he refers (" The Book of the
Days;" xii. 23). The Nehemiah memoir reappears
in xii. 31, 32, prefaced by an introduction (xii. 27-30)
and followed by an insertion (verses 33-36) in which
the chronicler attributes to the priests, the Levites,
and the singers the prominent place which he consid-
ered to be their due in the dedication of the walls.
The citation from the Nehemiah memoir in verses 31
and 32 find their original continuation in verses 37-
40, and possibly in verse 43, which, unlike the inser-
tions of the chronicler, are in the first person, and in
thought and style closely resemble Nehemiah's other

THE CITATIONS FROM NEHEMIAH'S MEMOIRS 111

writings. The remainder of the chapter is clearly
from the hand of the editor,

98. The short passage xiii. 1-3 evidently does not
belong in its present context. Its affinities are all
with the Ezra narrative. The remainder of chapter
xiii. concludes the citations from the Nehemiah
memoirs. Its vocabulary and style indicate that it
is not a direct quotation, for its language is, in part,
that of the chronicler. At the same time, it contains
many of Nehemiah's marked literary peculiarities.
The deeds which it records, and the manner and spirit
in which they are performed, are characteristic of no
other man of the period than the builder of the walls
of Jerusalem. The section, therefore, is apparently
a summary of the latter part of the Nehemiah memoir
which the chronicler doubtless deemed too long to be
reproduced in full. Its historical value is practically
equal to that of section i.-vi., which is one of the
most important and reliable historical sources in the
Old Testament.

99. The fragmentary and often uncertain record
of Ezra-Nehemiah is supplemented and rectified by
the testimony of certain contemporary witnesses.
Chief among these are the prophets, Haggai and Zech-
ariah, who prophesied in connection with the building
of the temple. The brief epitomes of their sermons,
p-rcserved in the books bearing their names, arc care-
fully dated so that they present most exact information.

100. A vivid picture of conditions within the Jew-
ish community is also furnished by the little book
which bears the title " Malachi " (my messenger),
This title was probably taken from the first verse of
the third chapter (where the word occurs), and can

112 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

hardly be the name of the prophet. Since he bitterly
attacks the religious authorities and prevailing con-
ditions, it is highly probable that the prophecy was
originally issued anonymously. Its brief superscrip-
tion contains no suggestion as to its date. Certainly
it is much later than Zechariah's prophecy, for the
temple has long been built, and both people and
priests have begun to grow careless and corrupt in
performing its services (i.). A bold scepticism has
begun to find expression, The same evils are present
that aroused the indignation of Nehemiah (with ii. 10
compare Neh. v. 1-5). The distinction between the
priests and Levites, as established by the Priestly
Code, is unknown. The law of Deuteronomy is still
in force (ii. 1-9). Evidently the great priestly refor-
mation recorded in Nehemiah x. had not yet taken
place. The impulse toward reform, however, is
strongly marked. Earnestly the prophet exhorts the
people to ally themselves with the party of the right-
eous (iii. 16-18). The wall of separation is already
being built about the true Israel. The unknown
prophet was, therefore, one of the many messengers
who arose not long before the rebuilding of the walls
of Jerusalem under Nehemiah in 445 b. c, and who by
their faithful labors prepared the way for the later
reformation.

101. In the closing chapters of the Book of Isaiah
is also found a collection of prophecies coming from
the anonymous co-workers of the author of Malachi.
They were appropriately appended to the writings of
the great prophet of the exile, because, although none
of them attain to the same purity and exaltation of
style, they abound in the siimc ideas, showing that

DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF ISAIAH LVI. TO LXII. 113

their authors were close students of his prophecies.
Marked differences in teaching and in point of view,
as well as in style, suggest that several different
writers are here represented. For their use as an his-
torical source, their date is the chief question. From
the internal evidence this can be answered with com-
parative certainty. In chapters Ivi, to Ixii. the temple
has already been rebuilt, and the altar service is in
full progress (Ivi. 5-7). The designation "holy
mountain," which is applied in late psalms to Jerusa-
lem, as the site of the sanctuary, appears frequently
(Ivi. 7; Ivii. 13). The problems considered are those
of the restored Jewish community. Many Jews have
returned; but Ivi. 8 answers the common expectation:
"The Lord God who has gathered the outcasts of Israel
saith, yet will I gather others to him [Israel] beside
his own that are gathered." The same evils within
the community which were attacked by the author of
Malachi (iii. 1-5) call forth the denunciation of the
prophets (Ivi. 9-12; Ivii. 1-2; Iviii. 6, 7; lix. 2-8).
Chapter Ivii. 3-13'' is a vivid portrayal of the abom-
inable practices of the hostile foes of the Jewish col-
ony. Many of the waste places are not yet rebuilt
(Iviii, 12; Ixi. 4). A deep-seated discouragement in
the presence of obstacles and persecution has weak-
ened popular faith in the inherited hopes of the nation
(lix. 1, 9; compare Mai. ii. 17). At the same time a
faithful few were looking for the God-sent messcngci-
who would re-establish a new covenant between Jeho-
vah and his people (lix. 20, 21; compare Mai. iii. 1).
The noble ideal of service presented by the great
prophet of the exile is again held up before the people
(Ixi. 1-3). The need of a fundamental reform is forci-

114 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

b]y presented, and the delay of the promised redemp-
tion explained by it (lix. 3-15: Ixi. 8). The age is
kindred to that of Nehemiah; but in some of the pas-
sages the fervent hope is expressed that the walls
of Jerusalem will speedily be built, indicating that
Nehemiah has not yet appeared in Jerusalem (Iviii.
12; Ix. 10). These chapters, therefore, reveal condi-
tions within the Jewish community during the half
century preceding the advent of the great pioneer
reformer.

102. The background of the remaining four chapters
(Ixiii. to Ixvi.) is quite different. The short section
Ixiii. 1-6 is a prophecy of divine vengeance to be exe-
cuted upon the Edomites. Here, as before, those in-
veterate foes of the Jews figure as a type of the hostile
heathen world. It is therefore a message of deliver-
ance to the Jewish race. Since the thought is so
general, and one which was often expressed in late
Jewish literature, it is impossible to date the passage
with any degree of certainty. It may well voice the
hopes of the community after the great reform of
Ezra. The psalm of trust and supplication contained
in Ixiii. 7 to Ixiv. was written after a terrible calamity
had overtaken Jerusalem. " Our city is a desolation
and our holy and beautiful house, where our fathers
praised thee, is burned with fire ; and our pleasant
things are laid Avaste" (Ixiv. 10, 11). Only two
occasions in early Jewish history seem to furnish a
satisfactory background. The first is the destruction
of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. ; the other is the partial
destruction and pillaging of Jerusalem by the army
of Artaxerxes III. (Ochus) during the closing years of
the Persian period. The language, the ideas, and the

DATE OF ISAIAH LXV. AND LXVI. 115

expectations of the passage, as well as its position in
the Book of Isaiah, all point conclusively to the later
date.

103. Chapters Ixv. and Ixvi. consist of a series of
loosely connected passages which introduce us to
the hopes and hostilities of the Jews during the'
last century of Persian rule. The first part of the
sixty-fifth chapter, as well as the related passages,
Ixvi. 3, 4, 17, suggest the nature of those half heathen
practices which led the stricter Jews to exclude the
Samaritans from the temple at Jerusalem, The latter
part of chapter Ixv. and Ixvi, voice the expectations
of a general return and exaltation of the Jewish race
which filled the hearts of the faithful after the refor-
mation of Nehemiah and Ezra had been instituted.
The same general hopes of a speedy downfall of
hostile world-powers, to be followed by the long de-
layed vindication of Jehovah's people (xxvi. 20-21 ;
xxvii. 1), characterize chapters xxiv. to xxvii. of the
Book of Isaiah, The ideas as well as the style of this
remarkable section are entirely foreign to those of
Isaiah, the son of Amoz. Representatives of the Jew-
ish race are scattered to the uttermost parts of the
earth (xxiv. 14-16 ; xxvii. 12, 13). The reign of the
written law has begun (xxiv. 5). The hope of a
general resurrection of the dead for the first time finds
clear expression in Jewish literature (xxvi. 19). The
present moment was for the Jews one of sadness ;
but already they seem to see the agents of their
deliverance approaching (xxvi. 20, 21 ; xxvii.). The
last two decades of Persian rule furnish the most
satisfactory historical background for these chapters ;
since then the Jewish community was visited with

116 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

bitter persecutions at the hands of the Persians, while
the corrupt empire began to show evidence of its
approaching dissolution, before the victorious advance
of the Greek.

104. Were we better informed respecting the details
of the life of the Jews during the century following
the great priestly reformation, we should probably be
able to assign an exact date to the brief prophecy of
Joel, the son of Pethuel. Like all the prophets of the
later age, his outlook is broad and general. He still
expects a complete restoration of the scattered mem-
bers of his race (iii. 1). This is to be followed by an
overwhelming judgment upon all the foes of Jehovah's
people and by the glorification of Jerusalem (iii.)« Un-
like the prophets of the days of Nehemiah, Joel finds
nothing to criticise in the life of the community. The
temple is the centre of its activity. The priestly refor-
mation has evidently been firmly established. The allu-
sion to strangers passing through the land may refer
to the hostile march of the armies of Ochus, but the
general picture which the prophecy presents is peace-
ful. The occasion of the prophecy is simply the ap-
pearance of a great swarm of locusts. Judah has no
more grievous complaint against the nations than that
they have traded unjustly in Jewish captives (iii. 2-8).
The Greeks figure, not as advancing conquerors, but
as slave-traders (iii. 6). Hence the prophecy may
with considerable confidence be assigned to the open-
ing decades of the fourth century B. c, when peace
and prosperity followed the institution of the Priestly
Law.

105. Two other Old Testament books, Ruth and
Jonah, afford new points of view for studying the

DATE OF THE BOOKS OF JONAH AND RUTH 117

thought of the period. Although so different, they
both deal with the question, whether or not Judaism
should be exclusive and expel from its midst all
foreign elements and assume toward the encompassing
heathen world an attitude of uncompromising hostility.
The hot discussion of the question was first opened
at Jerusalem in the days of Nehemiah, and practically
answered in the affirmative by the reformation insti-
tuted under the direction of Ezra. The presence of
Aramaisms in the Book of Jonah, which otherwise is
characterized by its good Hebrew, points to the latter
part of the Persian or the earlier part of the Greek
period as the time of its composition. While the
Book of Ruth is famous for the classical beauty and
simplicity of its style, it contains certain Aramaic
idioms which also proclaim its post-exilic origin. Al-
though the story may rest upon authentic tradition,
it idealizes, after the fashion of post-exilic writers, the
semi-barbarous period of the Judges which forms its
historical background. The genealogical list at the
close of the book also strongly suggests the age
of Ezra, which was characterized by its antiquarian
tastes.

106. Unquestionably the most baffling of all the
vexed problems which confront the student of Old
Testament literature is the date of the Psalms. The
problem is doubly complicated, first because the histori-
cal allusions are so rare and indefinite, and secondly
because we are so ignorant respecting the details of
many of the periods from which they come. The
superscriptions also afford little assistance, for most
of them were obviously added by later scribes, who
were in the habit of giving an early date to all anony-

118 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

luuus writings and of associating them with the names
of men famous in antiquity. A great majority of the
psalms, like the proverbs, were originally anonymous,
for they simply voiced common human experience and
were written for the immediate use of the temple or
of the community. Poetry certainly was one of the
earliest forms of literary composition among the
Hebrews, and frequent references are found to music
in connection with worship in early times ; but the
language, ideas, and historical allusions contained in
the psalms which have been preserved support the
conclusion that a large proportion of them come from
the centuries following the exile. The psalms, like the
Priestly Law, represent the fruitage of prophecy. Con-
ditions during and after the exile were particularly
favorable for the production of lyric poetry. The
Book of Lamentations and the half lyrical writings of
the authors of Isaiah xl. to Ixvi. are significant illus-
trations of this fact. In Babylon also the Jews prob-
ably became familiar with the penitential psalms of
their conquerors, many of which resemble very closely
those of the Hebrew Psalter. If the exile gave the
first strong impetus to psalm-writing, the Persian
period fostered it, and must be regarded as the back-
ground of a large number of the psalms in our present
collection. In this form the repressed feelings of the
faithful found expression. Their disappointments,
their longings, their hatreds, as well as their joys,
were all voiced in psalms. Song service also formed
an increasingly important element in the worship of
the second temple, and therefore created a great
demand for liturgical literature. The dedication of
the temple, the rebuilding of the walls, the institution

WRITINGS OF THE GREEK HISTORIANS 119

of the Priestly Law, and the persecutions of Ochus,
each called forth psalms which reveal the inner life of
the race and which will be studied in connection with
the events themselves.

107. In addition to the histories of Josephus and
the ancient fragments preserved by the Church Fathers,
which throw some direct light upon the life of the
Jewish people, the period is brilliantly illuminated by
the writings of the Greeks. The relations between
Greece and Persia were so intimate that their mingled
life constitutes the real background of Jewish history
during this epoch. Since it was the golden age of
Greek thought, we are far better informed respecting
the background than we are regarding the details of
Judah's history. The absence in the writings of the
Greeks of any definite facts regarding the personal life
of the Jews is not in tlie least surprising when we
fully realize how little they came into contact with
each other during the Persian period. The Greeks
were known to the Jews at this time only as a distant
people or as pirates (Isa. Ixvi. 19 ; Joel iii. G). It is
not strange, therefore, that Herodotus was not ac-
quainted with the name of that peculiar people " who
practise circumcision" (ii. 104). The inscriptions of
Cyrus, and especially the great Behistun Inscription,
in which Darius tells of the mighty revolutions which
convulsed the empire at the beginning of his reign,
also supplement our knowledge of Persian history
at a most important crisis in the life of the Jewish
race.

THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY
OF CYEUS

108. In October of the year 538 b. c. Cyrus at last
turned his victorious armies towards the tottering
capital of southwestern Asia. His base of operation
was Mesopotamia, the fertile territory between the
upper waters of the Tigris and Euphrates, which he
had apparently conquered in 547 b. c. (Nab. -Cyrus
Chr. i. 16-18). Persian intrigue, favored by the
resentment and suspicion aroused among the Baby-
lonians by the strange conduct of their king Naboni-
dus (see sect. 60), had prepared the way for an easy
conquest. On the northern borders of Babylonia,
beside a certain river, a battle was fought between
the Persians and Babylonians. The army of the lat-
ter was defeated, and Nabonidus fied. A few days
later, the north Babylonian town of Sippar surren-
dered without resistance to Gobryas, the commander
of the forces of Cyrus. Within two days more (about
October 10th) the Persian general was in possession
of Babylon. As the chronicle distinctly states, the
gates of the city were opened to the Persians without
a battle (ii. 8-16). The only resistance, if any, was
offered by the garrison occupying the great temple
within the walls. In the clear light of the inscrip-
tions, it is evident that the elaborate tale of Herodo-

THE CAPTUKE OE BABYLON 121

tus to the effect that Cyrus turned the waters of the
Euphrates into the great basin made by Nebuchad-
rezzar and entered the city while its inhabitants
were so engaged in a feast that they neglected to
close the water gates, has been given a wrong setting.
It must refer rather to the second capture of Babylon
by Darius about twenty years later.

1U9. The inscription of Cyrus states that Naboni-
dus was among the captives. According to the Greek
traditions he was banished to Carmania. About two
weeks after its capture by his army, Cyrus made his
triumphant entrance (about October 24th) into Baby-
lon. Then the hopes, which had led the inhabitants
to throw themselves upon his mercy, were not disap-
pointed. " Peace he gave to the town. Peace he pro-
claimed to all the Babylonians" (Nab. -Cyrus Chr. ii.
19, 20). Zealously espousing the cause of the religion
of the conquered, he carefully restored to their sacred
sites the images of the gods which had been trans-
ported to Babylon by Nabonidus. In the remarkable
cylinder, which comes from Cyrus himself, he expa-
tiates at length upon his clemency toward his new
subjects and upon his devotion to their gods. Great
precautions were taken that wrong should be done to
none, and that individual rights should be respected.
The fortifications of Babylon, which under Nabonidus
had been allowed to fall into partial decay, were
repaired. The temples of the gods of Babylon were
restored and embellished. Repeatedly and unre-
servedly Cyrus proclaimed himself and his son Cam-
byses, whom he associated with himself as king of
Babylon, to be devoted worshippers of Marduk, Bel,
and Nebo, the gods of his new subjects (Cyrus Cyl.

122 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

33-36). Indeed he introduces into his inscription a
message, which he claims to have received from the
great Marduk, directed to " Cyrus, who reveres him "
(lines 27, 28). Any monotheistic tendencies which
the conqueror of Babylon may have had, evidently did
not exert a very potent influence in determining the
nature of his public acts. The inscriptions reveal,
not only the supreme skill of Cyrus as a diplomat, but
also the nature of the policy which governed his rela-
tions with subject peoples. It was the antithesis of
that of the Assyrians and Babylonians who had en-
deavored to establish their supremacy by crushing the
nations under them so completely that all opposition
was impossible; for Cyrus, by acts of clemency and
toleration, appealed to the gratitude and loyalty of
the conquered. It was in the practical development
of this policy that he and his immediate successors
ever figured as the nominal worshippers, as well as
the generous patrons, of the gods of the nations under
their rule.

110. It was, therefore, with real joy that the
princes of the western cities and provinces, formerly
tributary to Babylon, hastened to send their ambassa-
dors to kiss the feet of this new master in token of
submission. Equally significant, in the light which
it sheds upon Jewish history, is the statement of
Cyrus, which follows the account of the reception
given these ambassadors : " The gods, whose sanctu-
aries from of old had lain in ruins, I brought back
again to their dwelling places and caused them to re-
side there forever. All of the citizens of these lands
I assembled, and I restored them to their homes "
(Cyrus Cyl. 31-32). The most natural inference to

PERMISSION TO REBUILD THE TEMPLE 123

be drawn from this passage is that general permission
was given to all exiles found in his newly conquered
province to return to their native lands, taking with
them the booty stripped from their temples by the
avaricious Babylonians.

111. To the Jews, as well as to their neighbors,
Cyrus proved a mighty deliverer, for to them all the
same general concessions were undoubtedly granted.
In carrying out the details of the policy, which the
great conqueror so plainly outlines, special enact-
ments were also required. It is therefore more than
probable that a decree, relating especially to the
Jewish people, was the original of the one which the
chronicler cites in Ezra vi. 3-5 from the older Ara-
maic document, and which purports to be a citation
from the state records found in Ecbatana during the
reign of Darius: "In the first year of Cyrus the king
[of Babylon], Cyrus the king made a decree: 'Con-
cerning the house of God at Jerusalem, let the house
be builded, the place where they offer sacrifices, and
let the foundations thereof be strongly laid ; the height
thereof sixty cubits and the breadth sixty cubits, with
three rows of stones and a row of new timber: and let
the expenses be given out of the king's house: and
also let the gold and silver vessels of the house of
God, which Nebuchadrezzar took forth out of the
temple which is at Jerusalem, and brought unto
Babylon, be restored and brought again into the
temple which is at Jerusalem, every one to its place,
and you shall put them in the house of God. ' " The
influence of the Jewish thought and form of expres-
sion is plainly evident, but in general it is in har-
mony with the knuwn decrees of Cyrus.

124 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

112. The same Aramaic document which the chron-
icler has quoted, with little if any change, in v. 13-16,
states that Cyrus instituted measures for the restora-
tion of the Jewish temple. To a certain Sheshbazzar,
whom the great king appointed governor of Judah,
were intrusted the vessels of gold and silver found by
Cyrus in Babylon, where they had been carried by
Nebuchadrezzar from the former temple at Jerusalem.
Although the narrative is late, its testimony is sub-
stantiated by the fact that Cyrus in his inscriptions
distinctly states that he devoted his attention to re-
storing the idols found in Babylon to their original
temples. In the absence of idols, the sacred vessels
from Jehovah's temple would most naturally be re-
turned. Undoubtedly the acts of Cyrus were prompted
by politic motives. His general policy of conciliation
has already been noted. In the case of the Jews,
aside from the possibility that he recognized in their
religion a cult kindred to that of the Persians, there
was an added reason for their being special objects of
his royal favor. Egypt was the third and last of those
great empires which had sought by joining forces to
check him at the beginning of his career of conquest.
Already he was contemplating the conquest of Egypt,
which his son Cambyses carried into execution. To
accomplish this project successfully, the loyal adher-
ence of the states of Palestine was essential. Thus
the old rivalry between the East and the West again
became a determining factor in the history of the
Jews. As has already been noted (sect. 23), the reli-
gious faith of both the Samaritans and the Jews in
Canaan centred about the ruined site of the temple
at Jerusalem, as about no other shrine. If the long-

THE CONSTRUCTIVE POLICY OE CYRUS 125

ing to see the temple rebuilt was as intense among
the exiles in Babylon, as is suggested by their writ-
ings, it must have beon still stronger among the
"remnant in the land." No action on the part of
Cyrus, therefore, was better calculated to command
the grateful loyalty of a strategically important body
of his subjects than to figure as a patron of their
revered sanctuary.

113. Incidentally such a policy would also power-
fully attract the large body of Jewish refugees in
Egypt. It is a noticeable fact that the oldest version
of the decree of Cyrus respecting the rebuilding of the
temple makes no reference to the return of the Jews
in Babylon, but considers only the Jews living in
the province of Judah (Ezra vi. 3). The Persian
monarch was seeking to solve a political not a racial
problem. The policy whereby he attempted to undo
the desolation wrought by Babylonian armies, and to
cement into a united whole even the extreme prov-
inces of his empire, was most commendable. The
restoration of the Jewish race, as the great unknown
prophet of the exile clearly proclaimed, depended only
upon whether or not its individual members were
ready to make personal interests secondary to those
of their race and religion. The political barriers
had been completely swept away ; the exiles were at
perfect liberty to return, indeed there is good reason
to believe that Cyrus would have welcomed a gen-
eral influx of people into the territory of central
Canaan. The real question of the age is, Did the
Jews, and especially those in Babylon, improve their
opportunity ?

THE KEVIVAL OP THE JEWISH COIVIMUNITY IN
PALESTESTE

114. The widely -accepted tradition of the imme-
diate return of a large body of Jews from Babylon
rests solely on the doubtful testimony of the chron-
icler. Living two or three centuries later, when the
popular memory of those distant events was very
shadowy, it was but natural that he should think that
the foundations of that temple which he revered so
highly, were laid by loyal exiles who returned for the
purpose, instead of by those who remained behind,
whom he, with his generation, intensely despised.
The hopes so frequently expressed in the prophecies
contained in Isaiah xl. to Iv., of another exodus into
Canaan, undoubtedly encouraged him to entertain a
theory so acceptable to him (compare the language of
Ezra i.).

115. A closer study, however, of Isaiah xl. to Iv.
indicates that the attitude of his fellow-exiles toward
a return chilled the prophetic enthusiasm of the author
and aroused grave doubts in his mind whether they
would respond when the opportunity came. Repeat-
edly he chided them for their obstinacy (xlvi. 12;
xlviii. 4). Above all, he lamented the lack of a
leader to rally them. "There is none to guide her

REASONS WHY THE EXILES DID NOT RETURN 127

among all the sons whom she hath brought forth ;
neither is there any that taketh her by the hand "
(li. 18). If portions of chapters xl. to Iv. were writ-
ten a little after the capture of Babylon, then 1. 2
Yoices the disappointment which filled the soul of
Jehovah's messenger: "Wherefore when I came was
there no man ? When I called, was there none to
answer ? Is my hand shortened at all that I could not
redeem ? or had I no power to deliver ? " It requires
little imagination to appreciate the reasons which
deterred the exiles from returning. The long, dan-
gerous journey across the desert, which they or their
fathers had made as captives under the guidance of
their Babylonian captors, was in itself enough to
appall the bravest. Palestine, with its desolate ruins
and treacherous foes, offered far more terrors than
attractions. Their brethren who remained behind
were repeatedly declared by Jeremiah and Ezekiel to
be far inferior to those who were carried away, and
their role in post-exilic history furnishes no reasons
for changing this estimate.

116. On the other hand, their homes and friends,
all that was dear to them except their native land
itself — and that was still desolate — bound them to
the country of their adoption. Under the rule of
Cyrus, any restrictions which before may have limited
them were removed, and they were free to enjoy, on
an equality with the Babylonians, the opportunities
and pleasures offered by the rich valley of the
Euphrates. As a result of their own choice, the exile
for most of them never ended. True to their national
instincts, tney continued to live in colonies by them
selves, retaining their social organization, their cua

128 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

toms, and their religion, constituting so many
individual units in the great Persian empire. The
recent excavations at Nippur have unearthed a wealth
of cuneiform tablets, from the reigns of Artaxerxes and
Darius, bearing many familiar Jewish names, such as
Samson (Samshami), Nathanael (Natan-ili), Shiraeon
(Shamakkunu), Gedaliah (Gadaliama), and Menahem
(Minakh-Khimmu). Traces of the presence of a large
Jewish colony living in Nippur long after the Chris-
tian era have also been found. Babylonia, as is well
known, immediately after the beginning of the present
era, continued to be recognized as one of the three
most important centres of Judaism. From this point
the Jews rapidly spread to Ecbatana, Susa, and other
great cities of the Persian empire. For the next cen-
tury, in wealth and intelligence, and probably also in
numbers, they certainly far surpassed their kinsmen
in Judah. Although for a variety of reasons they
refused to return in person, they were by no means all
apostates to the faith of their fathers. Their interest
still centred about Jerusalem, and they were ever
ready to assist by their gifts the work of national re-
vival. When in time conditions became more unfavor-
able in the East, or more favorable in Judah, many of
their descendants improved the opportunity to return.
117. Aside from the setting given to them by the
chronicler, there is nothing to support the conclusion
that the list in Ezra ii. and its parallel, Nehcmiah
vii., contain the census of those who returned together,
immediately after 538 b. c. According to its super-
scription, the census purports to include those found
in the province of Judah who had returned from Baby-
lon. It is not distinctly stated when they returned,

DATE OF THE CENSUS OF EZRA II. 129

but this must be inferred from the list of the leaders
which immediately follows. The names of Zerub-
babel and Joshua, whom we know were in Jerusalem
at least by 520 b. c, stand first. Then follows that of
Nehemiah, who is, in all probability, the Nehemiah
who in 445 b. c. returned, bringing back a retinue of
servants and some loyal patriots like himself. Next
in the list, found in the Book of Nehemiah, follows
the name of Azariah, which in the Hebrew is practi-
cally identical with Ezra. This name originally was,
in all probability, that of the priest who was asso-
ciated so closely with Nehemiah. He, according to
Ezra viii. 1-20, led back exiles enlisted from differ-
ent clans, whose names correspond throughout very
closely with those in the lists before us. The name
"Seraiah," found in the corresponding passage, Ezra
ii. 2, may be due to the mistake of a copyist or of
the chronicler, who had in mind Ezra vii. 1, where
Seraiah is mentioned as the father of Ezra. Among
the names of other leaders, who, from their order in
the context, it is to be inferred, led back companies of
exiles, subsequently, to the age of Nehemiah and Ezra,
appears that of Mordecai, derived from the name of
the Babylonian god Marduk. It also reappears in the
Book of Esther as the name of a prominent Jew of the
Persian period. At least one of the names in the list,
Bigvai, is generally recognized as of Persian origin,
being derived from Baga, god. Obviously a Persian
name would not be given to a Hebrew chieftain until
Persian influence had been paramount in the land of
the exile for a generation at least. The fact that this
non-Hebrew name is also borne by a tribe numbering
over two thousand (Ezra ii. 14), as well as that the

130 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

name of Joshua the priest has become the designa-
tion of a priestly tribe, numbering nine hundred and
seventy-three (Ezra ii. 36), all strongly suggest that
the census reported in these lists was taken late in
the Persian period.

118. This conclusion is confirmed by the character
of the lists themselves. A large proportion of the
citizens of the province of Judah are classified accord-
ing to the towns which they inhabit (see Ezra ii. 20-
29, 33-34; compare Nehemiah iii.), being designated
as the " sons " of Gibeon or of Bethlehem or of
Jericho, or else as the " men " of Michmash or of
Bethel. Since it is a well-established fact (sect.
215) that these nineteen towns were certainly not all
in possession of the Jews before the latter part of the
Persian period, the inference is obvious that the census
was taken nearer the time of Alexander the Great than
that of Cyrus. As has been shown, the long list of
the priests, singers, porters, Nethinim, and the chil-
dren of Solomon's servants is, in its present form,
from the chronicler and, if based upon an earlier list,
points to a period when the temple service and equip-
ment was much more highly developed than even in
the days of Nehemiah (compare Neh. i. to vi. ; also
chronicler's list, Neh. xii.).

119. Obviously, therefore, the present lists throw
little light upon the number and character of those
who returned immediately after 538 b. c. That they
were few and unimportant is also evident from the tes-
timony of our only contemporary records, the prophe-
cies of Haggai and Zechariah. Surely about forty
thousand could not have returned at this time with-
out receiving the slightest reference in either of these

EVIDENCE AGAINST A RETURN FROM BABYLON 131

prophecies, which portray so vividly conditions within
the Jewish community about 520 b. c. Not only is
there no reference to anything suggesting a general
return, but the prophets constantly address their audi-
ences as "the people of the land" (Hag. ii. 4; Zech.
vii. 5), or as "the people who have been left" (Hag.
1. 12, 14; ii. 2; Zech. viii. 6, 11, 12). Thus they
refer to them in the same terms as Jeremiah did to
those who remained with him in Judah after the first
captivity (Jer. xlii. 2, 15, 19; xliii. 5; xliv. 7, 12,
14). A few generations later, when a deputation
visited Nehemiah at Susa, his inquiry was not: "How
are the returned ? " but, " What is the condition of the
Jews in Judah who escaped, who were left behind from
the captivity ? " The reply of the men, who had come
direct from Palestine, is also conclusive evidence that
there had been as yet no general return of the Jews from
Babylon (Neh. i. 3). The community to which we are
introduced through the Aramaic document in Ezra, as
well as through the prophecies of Haggai and Zecha-
riah, and the memoirs of Nehemiah, is small, poor,
and struggling. Zechariah, in 520 b. a, regarded the
years that had followed the great victory of Cyrus as
discouraging for Jerusalem and the cities of Judah
as the half century that had preceded. For seventy
years the shadow of Jehovah's displeasure had rested
upon them, and there had been no rift to lighten their
gloom (i. 12). If half of forty thousand loyal Jews
returned from Babylon in 537 b. c, such words as
these would have been impossible. Like the great
prophet of the exile, Zechariah still urges: "Ho,
Zion, escape thou that dwellest with the daughter of
Babylon" (ii. 7). The general return of the exiles

132 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

is yet in the future. Incredulous as are the prophet's
hearers, " the people who have remained in the land, "
he declares : " Thus saith the Lord : Behold, I will
save my people from the east country, and from the
west country ; and I will bring them and they shall
dwell in the midst of Jerusalem " (viii. 7, 8). Then
he trusts that the barren city and the encircling towns
will again be inhabited and prosperous (vii. 7).

120. At the same time the evidence does not pre-
clude but rather supports the conclusion that some of
the Jewish exiles in tlie East before long availed them-
selves of the permission of Cyrus to return from Baby-
lon and so had a part in the building of the temple.
The first governor of Judah, Sheshbazzar, whom the
chronicler designates as the " prince of Judah " and
seems to identify as a son of the captive Jewish king
Jehoiakin, and therefore as an uncle of Zerubbabel
(I. Chrs. iii. 16-19), probably took some Jews with
him in his retinue. His successor, Zerubbabel the son
of Shealtiel, and the grandson of Jehoiakin, was un-
doubtedly born in Babylon. " Begotten in Babylon "
is the most probable meaning of his name. Joshua,
who belonged to the leading priestly family, must have
been a descendant of one of the large number of temple
priests who, together with the royal captives, were
carried to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar. Each of these
leaders, as the list in Ezra ii. (Neh. vii.) suggests, must
have brought some of their brethren to assist them as
they returned to enter upon their duties at Jerusalem.
Zechariah also refers to " those of the captivity ; " and
gives the names of three men, Heldai, Tobijah, and
Jedaiah, who had recently come from Babylon, bring-
ing silver and gold, presumably as a contribution from

PERSONNEL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY 133

the Jews remaining there, toward the building of the
temple. Together these little bands of Jews, who
returned at d liferent times during the fifteen or twenty
years following the revolutionizing victory of Cyrus,
constituted such a small part of the colony in Judah
that the prophets in preaching to the people could
properly ignore them. At the same time the intellect-
ual and religious influence which they exerted, was
undoubtedly far greater than their numbers.

121. In the light of the conditions which existed in
Palestine during the earlier days of the exile, it is clear
that, as Haggai and Zechariah imply, the community
which they addressed consisted almost entirely of
those Jews, Calebites and Jerahmeelites (sect. 22),
who had been left behind in 586 b. c.^ and of those
who had fled to the lands immediately adjacent to
Palestine. When Sheshbazzar was made governor of
Judah, and the benign policy of Cyrus became known,
undoubtedly many more Jews who had taken refuge
among the surrounding nations, and who were eagerly
awaiting a favorable opportunity to return, rallied to
his standard. Egypt certainly contained thousands of
such exiles, who were in closest communication with
their brethren in Palestine, and who were only a few
days' journey from the land of their nativity (sects.
24, 25). Since they had not been carried into exile,
they would naturally be reckoned as " the people of
the land " or as " the people who had been left
behind."

122. The testimony of these cumulative facts fur
nishes the true starting point for the appreciation of
the history of the revived Jewish community during
the next two centuries. The possibilities presented

134 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH lUSTORT

by the great unknown prophet of the exile were only
partially realized. Jehovah, through his " Messiah,"
Cyrus, prepared the way ; a certain number improved
the opportunity ; but the majority of those in Babylon
were, as their enlightened prophet feared, unequal to
the sacrifice. The growth of the comraunity in Judah,
after it received its first accessions, was gradual, and
its life proved to be a long, painful struggle. The
term " Revival " describes the real facts better than
either " Restoration " or " Return ; " for no sudden
transformation signalized the fortunes of the little
Jewish colony in Judah immediately after 538 B. c.
Darius I., not Cyrus, reorganized the Persian empire.
Only in time did the Jews of Palestine realize fully
what a marvellous change had come over their political
horizon. Judging from later usage, as well as from
the testimony of the chronicler, from the first they
were allowed to have over them a governor of their
own race. The more just and kindly rule of Persia
gave them new opportunities for development. With
a recognized leader, they were in a position better
to defend themselves against their neighboring foes.
Their hearts were doubtless also gladdened by the
appearance of bands of refugees returning from Egypt.
At times also they were inspired with hopes of a com-
plete national restoration by the return of exiles from
distant Babylon, laden with gifts for their poor kins-
men in Judah (Zech. vi. 9-15). Above all, these
returning exiles brought the rich fruitage of the higher
religious life which they had experienced in the East.
Thus there are good grounds for believing that at this
early period the Jews of Babylon began to exercise
upon their kinsmen in Palestine that powerful religious

CONDITIONS IN JUDAII BETWEEN 538 AND 520 B.C. 135

influence which was destined in time radically to
transform the character of the Judean community.

123. Already we have seen that, during the period
of the Babylonian exile, a rude altar had been built,
and solemn services were performed on the site of the
ruined temple. The Cyrus decree, which must have
been issued about 538 b. c, reads: "Concerning the
house of God at Jerusalem, let the house be buildcd,
the place where they offer sacrifices, and let its foun-
dations be strongly laid." The prophet Haggai also
refers to the system of sacrifices which was in force
long before active work was begun on the rebuilding
of the house of the Lord (ii. 14). Since its founda-
tion was formally laid in 520 b. c, as a result of the
preaching of Haggai, it is difficult to trace much defi-
nite religious progress during the first decade and a
half of the Persian period. Possibly the form of lay-
ing a foundation of the temple was gone through with
under the direction of Sheshbazzar, soon after 538
B. c, so as to satisfy the conditions of the decree of
Cyrus. It is also reasonable to conclude with the
chronicler that the zealous Jews who returned from
Babylon established henceforth a simple but more
regular service on the sacred site (Ezra iii. ; compare
Hag. ii. 10-16; Zech. vii.); and that they probably
made some preparations for the rebuilding of the
temple. In one section of the Aramaic document, it
is claimed by the contemporaries of Haggai that it
had been building since the conquest of Cyrus (Ezra
V. 16). In the light of the context, however, and of
Haggai 's plain assertion that before 520 b. c. not one
stone had been laid upon another (ii. 15), the statement
appears to have been made to avert the dangers of

136 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the moment. The reasons why really nothing had
been accomplished were probably, not so much because
of the opposition of " the people of the land " (as the
chronicler suggests in Ezra iv. 1-6), for, until the time
of Nehemiah, the Samaritans at least were allowed to
worship with the Jews at Jerusalem (see sects. 146,
205), but, as is clearly stated by Haggai, they were be-
cause the little community was still desperately weak,
both in resources and influence. It was but natural
that, as soon as Cyrus granted them permission, they
should devote themselves first to building better houses
which would protect themselves and their families
from the inclement climate of Palestine. In barren
Judah this task required considerable time, for the
returned refugees at least were obliged to begin as
pioneers, and those who had remained were pitiably
destitute. They were dependent upon the soil for
subsistence, and in those opening years their labors
bore little fruit. About 527 b. c. the armies of Persia
began to march through Palestine to Egypt, and upon
the Jews undoubtedly fell in part the burden of their
support. Sadly discouraging seemed the contrast be-
tween the glowing promises of the great prophet of the
exile and the dark reality. Memories of the glories
of the past temple still lingered in their minds, and
they could not decide to rear such an insignificant
structure as the materials at their command alone
made possible. "The time has not come for the
Lord's house to be built " was the commonly accepted
conclusion. Not until 520 B. c. did the man arise to
proclaim to them that " now is the acceptable day of
the Lord."

THE EEBFILDING OF THE TEIVEPLE AKD THE
SEEMONS OF HAGGAI

124. In 529 b. c. Cyrus, the founder of the Persian
empire, died. The chief event in the reign of his
son, and successor, Cambyses, was the conquest of
Egypt, which was completed in 525 b. c. By his
almost insane acts of cruelty the new king alienated
his subjects and drove them to rebellion. When in
522 (or in 521) b. c. he set out to return from Egypt
to his capital, news came that a certain Gaumata,
known to the Greeks as Gomates, the Magian, had
announced himself to be the brother Bardes, whom
Cambyses had caused to be secretly slain, and that he
had attracted to his standard a majority of the people
in the empire. Although in command of a well-
trained army, Cambyses, when he had returned as
far as Hamath in Syria, preferred to take his own life
rather than contest the throne with the impostor.

125. Left without an open rival, Gaumata, by
granting popular concessions and by establishing a
system of terrorization, succeeded in maintaining his
authority for a few months (Behistun Inscript. i. 12).
In the autumn of 521 b. c. the Persian nobles formed
a conspiracy and slew the impostor. The leader of
the conspirators was Darius, who claimed to be a de-
scendant, through a parallel branch of the royal family

138 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

of the Achseinenidae from which Cyrus had come.
He was at once elected by his colleagues to the vacant
throne. His first act was to strengthen his position
by marrying Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus. H he
was to rule supreme over the entire Persian empire,
ability even greater than that of its founder was de-
manded, for the slain Gaumata begot a brood of false
pretenders, and his death was the signal for revolt in
many parts of the empire. In Susiana a certain
Athrina led a rebellion which was quickly put down,
only to be followed a little later by another in the
same province. A more formidable revolt was that of
the Babylonians headed by Nidintubel, who assumed
the popular title of Nebuchadrezzar HI. While Darius
was personally engaged in subduing the Babylo-
nians, a Phraortes appeared among the Medes, who
took the historic name of Cyaxares, and among the
Persians arose another pseudo-Bardes, both of whom
commanded large followings. In the summer of 520
B. c. Babylon was captured by Darius, and he was then
able to give his personal attention to subduing the
Medes. The Babylonians soon revolted again under
the leadership of another pretender, who also assumed
the name of Nebuchadrezzar III. During this period
of chaos, many of the more distant provinces improved
the occasion to throw off the Persian yoke. Against
such odds the ultimate success of the youthful Darius
must have seemed very questionable. That the integ-
rity of the Persian empire, composed as it was of het-
erogeneous elements only imperfectly organized, could
be maintained, was exceedingly doubtful. Not until
the spring of 519 B. c. did it become evident that
Darius was master of the situation.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE CRISES IN THE EAST 139

126. It was no mere coincidence that the prophets
Haggai and Zechariah came forward with their ex-
hortations and predictions in the autumn of 520 B. c,
when each message which came from the East told of
a new rebellion and greater political confusion, so that
the Persian empire seemed about to be torn to shreds.
Almost every earlier prophecy which has been pre-
served was called forth by some political or social
crisis. Those of Haggai and Zechariah are no excep-
tions. For more than two centuries the political life
of Judah had been determined by the influence which
proceeded from beyond the Euphrates. A large pro-
portion of the Jewish race was still found in the valley
of the great rivers. It would have been strange in-
deed, if the feelings of the struggling community in
Palestine had not been powerfully affected by the
mighty convulsions which were then shaking the
world.

127. Not a few reflections of these great world-
movements are found in the prophecies of Haggai and
Zechariah. Haggai, for example, declares that Jeho-
vah will soon shake the heavens and the earth and the
sea and the dry land and the nations (ii. 6-9). In a
second message he repeats the thought and adds that,
"Jehovah will overthrow the throne of kingdoms and
will destroy the strength of the kingdoms of the na-
tions ; and will overthrow the chariots and those that
ride them; and the horses and their riders shall come
down, every one by the sword of his brother." A
more vivid reflection of the impressions which the
waves of revolution sweeping over the Persian empire
made upon the receptive mind of the prophet, can not
be imagined. Haggai's colleague, Zechariah, also

140 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEvflSH HISTORY

looks beyond the boundaries of Judah to read her
fate. The angel who delivers to them his message,
comes " from walking to and fro through the earth "
(i. 11). Already he beholds the four smiths who are
to destroy the horns of the nations which have scat-
tered Judah (i. 18-21). His exhortation to the Jews
in Babylon to escape, suggests that he regarded the
moment as peculiarly opportune (ii. 7). Invi. 1-8 the
prophet directs the eyes of his readers toward the great
political movements which were agitating the world.

128. Undoubtedly the startling events which were
transpiring near the centre of the Persian empire had
also aroused the prophets' hearers. The apathy which
had paralyzed the poor Jewish community was at last
shaken. Action begets action. A new era seemed
about to open. Poor crops and drought, which were
ever regarded by the Jews as clear evidence of Jeho-
vah's displeasure (see Amos iv. 4-11; I. Kings xviii.),
had already appealed to the consciences of the more
thoughtful (Hag. i. 6, 9-11; ii. 16, 17). Conditions
were at last ripe for the building of the temple. All
that was needed was for some one to take the ini-
tiative. The degenerate house of David, with the
exception of Josiah, had shown little energy during the
latter days of the Judean kingdom, and less religious
zeal. Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabcl give no evidence of
being exceptions to the rule. It was simply because he
was the legal heir to the throne of Judah that at this
critical epoch the eyes of the more ambitious Jews were
fixed upon Zerubbabcl. The great actions of the past
were performed at the instigation of the prophets, and
it was most fitting that an earnest prophet of Jehovah
should be the one to arouse both leaders and people.

THE FIRST APPEAL OF HAGGAI 141

129. Haggai wisely selected for his appeal the first
day of the sixth month (September, 520 b. c), when
the people were assembled to celebrate the feast of the
new moon. One fails to find in the prophecies of
Haggai the literary beauty and originality of his
predecessors; but they are characterized by a cer-
tain directness and practicability befitting a situation
which called not for rhetoric, but for action. When
he first stood before the assembled people his message
was: "Zerubbabel the governor and Joshua the high
priest, leaders of the Jewish community, do not listen
to the words of this discouraged and apathetic people,
when they say, ' The time has not yet come to build the
temple.' Consider, men of Judah, whether it is right
for you to enjoy your own comfortable homes while
you allow the house of Jehovah to lie in ruins. Medi-
tate and you will clearly perceive that Jehovah has
sent you these poor crops and hard times to show his
displeasure at your conduct and to arouse you to ac-
tion. His command to you is: Go up to the hill
country and secure wood and build the temple accord-
ing to your means, and you can be assured that I will
be pleased therewith and will be glorified in the evi-
dence of my people's fidelity " (i. 2-8).

130. The response on the part of the people was
immediate and hearty. By the twenty-fourth of the
sixth month the work was instituted. Since after the
exile the Jews adopted the Babylonian system of reck-
oning time, and in 520 b. c. the Babylonian year
seems to have begun on the first of May, the building
of the second temple was commenced in October.
Haggai, who was the moving spirit in all the work,
promptly assured the people : " Since you have listened

142 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

to Jehovah's command, he is with you in your under-
takings " (i. 13). A month later, when the people
showed signs of discouragement, he delivered to them
at the Feast of Tabernacles another cheering message :
" Do some of you, who saw the first temple in its glory,
disparage this humble structure which we are rearing ?
Be courageous, O leaders and people ! Jehovah, who
led your forefathers, a nation of serfs, from Egypt and
covenanted to care for and guide you, is still working
in your midst. Indeed, he will soon revolutionize
existing political conditions. The heathen nations,
which now oppress you, shall come bringing their
treasures to beautify this humble sanctuary, so that
its glory shall far exceed that of the former temple.
Then, instead of the present discord, Jehovah will
give to this city perfect peace " (ii. 3-9).

131. It was in the following month (December)
that Zechariah is first reported to have appeared before
the people, possibly at another moment of discourage-
ment, calling them to duty, assuring them of Jehovah's
co-operation, and fortifying his words with familiar
teachings and illustrations drawn from the writings of
earlier prophets and from the past experience of their
race (i. 1-6). Under the inspiration of these two
prophets the preparation for the building of the temple
slowly progressed, until late in December, 520 b. c,
the foundation was laid (Ezra v. 2; Hag. ii. 18). With
the Assyrians and Babylonians such a ceremony was
solemnly celebrated. Whether the Jews imitated their
former masters so far as to place within the corner-
stone inscriptions describing the work and immor-
talizing the names of Zerubbabel and Joshua, is an
interesting question. Haggai certainly improved the

LAYING OF THE rOUNDATIOX OF THE TEMPLE 143

occasion to deliver two more sermons. The first was
addressed to the people. Turning to some priests, he
inquires: "If the skirt of one of you, who is bearing
consecrated flesh, touch ordinary food, will it become
holy?" Of course they answer, "No." "Or if one
profaned by contact with a dead body touch any of
these things, will they not become unclean ? " As the
priests answer, "Yes," he applies the illustration: "So
are this people, both in their deeds and in their offer-
ing, unclean, vitiated as they have been by their sel-
fishness, and consecrated by no true sacrifice. By
failure of crops, blasting, mildew, and destructive hail-
storms, Jehovah has endeavored to impress this truth
upon you. But now that the foundation of the temple
is laid, all is changed. Henceforth he will bless you
with prosperity. And concerning you, Zerubbabel,
Jehovah declares that in the coming overthrow of the
heathen powers, he has chosen you to perform a pecu-
liar service for him, and therefore, as a king treasures
his signet ring, so will he protect and cherish you "
(ii. 6-23).

THE HOPES AND DISCOUEAGEMENTS OF THE TEMPLE-
BUILDEKS

132. No more addresses of Haggai are recorded, but
in February, 519 B. c, two months after the laying of
the foundation of the temple, Zechariah presented a
series of visions, or, more properly, allegories, intended
to inspire hope in the hearts of the people. Although
the two prophets were one in purpose, their methods
of teaching present striking contrasts. The difference
is partially explained by the fact that, while Haggai
was a simple layman (Hag. ii. 11), Zechariah was by
birth a priest. The chronicler suggests that he was,
during the high priesthood of Joshua, at the head of
the priestly tribe of Iddo (Neh. xii. 4, 16). In his
opening address he manifests the characteristic priestly
reverence for the past history and literature of his
race. Like Ezekiel, whom he resembles in so many
ways, he was a prophet in spirit and aim; but in the
form in which he announced his message, he reveals
his priestly training. Following the example of the
priest-prophet of the exile, he preferred the obscure
apocalyptic style to the plain statement. Possibly the
fear that his teaching might be regarded with suspi-
cion, if reported to the Persian satrap, also influenced
him so to express his ideas that they would be intel.

ZECHARIAH'S MESSAGES OF ENCOURAGEMENT 145

ligible only to his countrymen. It is significant that
the date of his first vision corresponds with that at
which Darius first succeeded in repressing the more
formidable rebellions which had been convulsing the
empire. The angel who spoke to the prophet reports
that " all the earth sitteth still, and is at rest " (i. 11).
The hopes of the downfall of the world-powers and the
speedy inauguration of the Messianic kingdom, which
had found expression in Haggai's predictions, uttered
four months before, and which had stirred the Jewish
community into activity, seemed blighted. The people
felt that, although in beginning to build the temple
they had done their part, Jehovah had failed them,
for Jerusalem's exaltation seemed more distant than
ever before. Their faith and energies relaxed accord-
ingly. There was sore need of a new prophetic
message.

133. In his first vision Zechariah is informed by
the angelic messengers that, although the nations are
at rest, and there are no signs on the horizon of a
speedy deliverance for Jerusalem, Jehovah's interest
in his beloved city is not abated. Already he has
returned to take up his abode in his restored temple,
and he will yet comfort and bring prosperity to his
land (i. 8-17). In the second vision the prophet pict-
ures, in his allegory of the four smiths, those who will
destroy all the nations which have scattered Judali
(i. 18-21). In the succeeding vision he sees one going
forth to measure Jerusalem with a view to rebuilding
it on its old foundations. Soon an angel interrupts
him with the glad assurance that so great will be the
population of Jerusalem that no walls will encircle it,
but, instead, Jehovah himself will be a wall of fire

146 THE PERSTAX PEP»IOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

about it and its glory within. It requires little imag-
ination to hear the bitter complaint of the people be-
cause their city is still without walls and apparently
neglected. True prophet that he was, he chided them
because their expectations of what Jehovah would do
for them were material and circumscribed; and pro-
ceeded to urge the Jews in Babylon to escape from
the rebellious city, now doomed by Jehovah to de-
struction, and to find refuge within Zion, blessed and
guarded by his protecting presence, and destined to
become the centre of his universal kingdom.

134. As Zechariah fixed his eyes upon conditions
within Jerusalem, there arose before him a vision of
Joshua the high priest, charged by the adversary with
the sins of the priesthood and of the community which
he represented. Then the prophet heard Jehovah
absolve Joshua of the sins with which he was polluted,
and appoint him to the care of his temple, on condi-
tion that he prove faithful to his trust. The solemn
consecration and instalment of the priestly family are
accompanied by a reiteration of the promise of free
forgiveness to the people, of Jehovah's continued care
for the service of his sanctuary, and of the advent of
his Messianic servant, whom Jeremiah had designated
as the " sprout " (Jer. xxiii. 5). The next vision also
stands in close connection with the institution of the
temple service ; for its chief symbol is that of the
candlestick, representing the restored temple and its
service, which are to be supported by the two anointed
ones (" sons of oil "), Zerubbabel and Joshua, the heads
of the civil and religious organization. Already
Ezekiel had advanced the same thought in his program
of the restored temple (sect. 48).

THE CROWNING OF ZERUBBABEL AS KING 147

135. In his last vision the prophet returns to the
consideration of the political outlook. In imagination
he beholds Jehovah's messengers of vengeance going
forth to the north against Babylon and Persia, and
to the south against Edom and Egypt, to destroy the
world-powers which oppose the realization of his pur-
pose. The details of this world- judgment are indefi-
nite. The old martial spirit of the race has disap-
peared. The prophet is a man of peace. The central
truth which he proclaims is that Jehovah rules in
human affairs, and in his own good way he will put
down the wrong and vindicate the right. Haggai and
Zechariah evidently hoped to behold with their own
eyes the exaltation of their race. The atmosphere was
tense with expectation. Nations were rising and fall-
ing almost in a day. The fact that they had been per-
mitted to begin the rebuilding of their temple seemed
in itself a miracle. It was but natural that they should
regard it as an earnest of still greater glory. This
hope found expression in a command which came to
Zechariah, probably immediately after the last vision.
Unfortunately the text has been changed by later
editors. The main ideas, however, are clear. He
was ordered to make, from the gold and silver which
had been sent by the Jews in Babylon, a crown,
and place it on the head of Zerubbabcl. The mean-
ing of the act, in the light of ancient Hebrew usage,
was unmistakable, and the prophet's words removed
all doubt: "The builder of Jehovah's temple shall
bear the glory and sit and rule upon his throne; and
there shall be a priest (Joshua) on his right hand,
and there will be a counsel of peace between the two
of them." His message al&o throws much light upon

148 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the hopes cherished by those to whom he spoke. It
was but natural that they should crave political liberty.
Other peoples had for a time succeeded in throwing off
the yoke of Persia, and in placing the crown upon
princes of their own blood. Jehovah was omnipotent.
His people had atoned for the sin which had dethroned
the house of David. Now, indeed, they were doing
his will. Surely from their point of view independ-
ence under Zerubbabel, the hereditary heir of the
throne of Judah, was not beyond expectation.

136. Fortunate were the people, if they were influ-
enced by the peaceful spirit of Zechariah to leave the
fulfilment of their aspirations to Jehovah, for the future
brought them no independence under their hereditary
prince. For the details of their disillusionment we are
left to conjecture ; the fact alone is preserved that at
the moment when the crown was held out over the
head of Zerubbabel, he, and with him the Davidic
family, disappear forever from public life. When the
fragmentary records next throw their flickering light
upon the Jewish community, the descendants of Joshua
the high priest have absorbed nearly all of the civil,
as well as the ecclesiastical, authority resident in the
community in Judah.

137. The Aramaic document quoted by the chronicler
supplements the facts presented by Zechariah. When
the work on the temple had progressed so far that the
timbers were being placed on the foundation (Ezra v.
8), and therefore several weeks, if not months, after
the formal laying of the foundation-stone, Tattenai
(in the Greek version, Sisinnes), the Persian satrap of
the trans-Euphrates province, with his officials visited
Jerusalem on their tour of inspection. Undoubtedly a

FINAL DEPOSAL OF THE DAVIDIC FAMILY 14f)

report of the unwonted activity of the Jewish commu-
nity was the cause of their formal visit. The empire
had been torn by so many revolts that any unusual act
was viewed with great suspicion. In the course of the
investigation, the elders of the Jews claimed that they
were merely rebuilding the ancient sanctuary, and in so
doing were acting in accord with an earlier decree of
Cyrus, authorizing its construction. They further
suggested that the royal archives be searched, that the
truth of their words might be substantiated. Fortu-
nately, Darius I., as his inscriptions, discovered in Egypt
and Asia Minor, demonstrate, was, like Cyrus, disposed
to patronize the temples of the peoples under his rule.
A knowledge of this fact may have have influenced the
Persian satrap not to interfere with the work at Jerusa-
lem until he had received instructions from the great
king. The presence of the satrap, and the cloud of
suspicion which rested upon the Jewish community
until their claim was substantiated by the discovery at
Ecbatana of the Cyrus decree, was sufficient to dispel
all secret hopes of elevating Zerubbabel to the position
of independent kingship. If the purport of the preach-
ing of Haggai and Zechariah became known to the
Persian officials, doubtless steps were at once taken to
remove Zerubbabel from his position as governor.
Zechariah's early prediction, that Zerubbabel would be
allowed to participate in the completion of the temple
(iv. 9), suggests that his tenure of office was none too
secure. That his authority was but slight is apparent
from the prophet's words (iv. 6^, 7). If not at once,
probably in the general reorganization of the empire,
which was soon instituted by Darius, the family of
David was quietly set aside.

150 THE PERSIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

138. Although in divine providence, the temporal
hopes of the Jews were unfulfilled, they were permitted,
unhindered, to complete their temple. It is noticeable
that in the latest sermons of Zechariah, dating from
the latter part of the year 518 B. c, both the apocalyp-
tic language and all references to Zerubbabel and to a
temporal kingship disappear. Plain, earnest exhorta-
tion and promises of a universal kingdom of God take
their place (vii, ; viii). Evidently the temple was so
far completed that certain of its services had been
instituted. This fact gave rise to the natural question
as to whether the fast appointed in the fifth month, in
commemoration of the destruction of Jerusalem and of
the temple, should continue to be observed. The sub-
ject was formally laid before the priests and prophets of
the city by a visiting deputation. Zechariah answered
the question in the true spirit of a prophet rather than
that of a priest, by asking what the motives were which
prompted the fasts observed in the exile. Was it to
serve Jehovah or to gratify their own desires ? If for
the latter cause, the sooner the selfish forms were dis-
continued the better. Now that the revived community
was entering upon a new life, the real question was,
Were they going to avoid the mistakes of the old
Hebrew state and offer God not empty forms but deeds
of justice, mercy, and kindness, which represent the
demands of the original prophetic torah. Their future
was intrusted to their own keeping, and depended upon
their own conduct. The foundations had already been
laid for a glorious state. Jehovah was ready to co-oper-
ate in every way. If they but proved true to their
opportunity, their noblest aspirations would be more
than realized. Peace at last would come to the afflicted

THE COMPLETION OF THE TEMPLE 151

Jerusalem, so that men and women would live to a
ripe old age. The mournful fasts of the past would
become joyful feasts. Above all, the day was coming
when many people and powerful nations would make
pilgrimages to Jerusalem to worship Jehovah. Then
would the despised Jew be courted by foreigners eager
to learn of the true God,

139. According to the chronicler, the temple was
completed in March of the year 516 b. c. Undoubtedly
the act was celebrated by the offering of sacrifice and
by appropriate ceremonies. It must have called forth
songs of thanksgiving, some of which have probably
been preserved in our Psalter. Psalm xlvii. expresses
the exultation which the little community naturally
felt when their work was done. Their feeling, like
that of Zechariah at this time, is voiced in the couplet
(verse 8):

God reigneth over the nations :
God sitteth upon his holy throne.

140. The historical importance of the rebuilding of
the temple can not be overestimated. Judaism again
had a home. The thought, so often expressed in the
prophecy of Zechariah, that Jehovah had returned to
dwell in their midst, was a source of joy and hope,
not only to the Jews in Judah, but also to all mem-
bers of the race, wherever they were. Now that daily
sacrifices were offered for their nation, they felt with
relief that at last the burden of national guilt which
oppressed them, was removed. Again, they could
raise their heads in the presence of the nations. The
temple also proved a strong bond keeping alive in the
heart of every Jew the sense of racial unity, thus bind-

152 THE PERSIAN 'Period of Jewish history

ing together all the scattered members of the nation.
It also gave a definite form to their religious develop-
ment. Exalted far above all other institutions, the
sanctuary and its service commanded the attention of
the most able spirits in the dispersion, where the ten-
dency toward ritualism, so strong during the Babylo-
nian period, now carried all before it. The result
was, that from the first, in their eyes, the humble
structure, reared by the struggling community, far
eclipsed in importance the more imposing temple of
Solomon. In time they also imparted their deep rev-
erence to the Jews of Palestine, so that its prestige
completely overshadowed all other religious institu-
tions in Judah.

THE SEVENTY YEARS OP SILENCE FOLLOWING THE
BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE

141. Concerning the life of the Jewish community
after the completion of the temple in 516, until the
appearance of Nehemiah in 445 b. c, the chronicler
says not a word. The silence is as significant as that
with which the Hebrew historians pass over the long
reactionary reign of Manasseh. The two epochs have
not a little in common. Each was preceded by a brief
period of intense popular and prophetic activity, dur-
ing which expectations of an immediate and glorious
exaltation of their nation stirred all hearts. Mankind
had not yet learned the lesson of patience, so that
when the coming years brought no fulfilment, hopes
were succeeded by the bitterness of disillusionment.
The Messianic predictions of the prophets seemed but
empty dreams to men bowed down under a foreign
yoke. They lost faith, not only in the predictions, but
also in the God of their prophets. That their feelings
found bitter expression is evident from the extracts of
contemporary sermons preserved in Isaiah Ivi. to Ixii.,
as well as in the Book of Malachi.

142. The political status of the Judean community
was not perilous, but only hopelessly discouraging to
men who were longing for independence. After

154 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Darius succeeded in quelling the many rebellions
which disturbed the opening years of his reign, he
devoted himself to organizing his vast empire. It was
divided into provinces, over each of which were ap-
pointed a satrap or governor, a commander-in-chief
of its forces, and a secretary, who were directly re-
sponsible to the king for the discharge of their respec-
tive duties. Royal judges and inspectors were also
sent out to right grievances and to anticipate possible
uprisings. Members of the royal family were usually
appointed to the more important satrapies. By these
regulations the king was able to exercise an absolute
control over the entire empire. The system was so
perfectly organized that the Persian state continued to
exist long after the reigning family had become weak
and degenerate. To the smaller nations the rule
established by Darius was a great blessing, compared
with that of the Babylonians which it supplanted.

143. In theory, at least, equal rights were accorded
by the Persians to all subject peoples. As long as
they paid their allotted taxes, they were assured peace
and the privilege of worshipping their gods without
molestation. Only under the powerful arm of Persia
would it have been possible for the weak Jewish col-
ony to have survived in the midst of strong and malig-
nant foes eager to destroy it. As a matter of fact, its
very insignificance protected it. Wars agitated dif-
ferent parts of the great empire, but made little im-
pression on the Jewish community. During the reign
of Darius I. the Hellespont was bridged and Persian
armies invaded Europe. If the news of the battle of
Marathon reached the Jews in Palestine, it only in-
tensified their helpless discontent. The rebellion of

POLITICAL EVENTS IN THE PERSIAN EMPIRE 155

Egypt in 486 b. c. undoubtedly aroused their interest,
for, not only was it at their doors, but Egypt was
also one of the lands of the Jewish dispersion. Soon
they saw from their western headlands the armies of
Xerxes, who at this time succeeded his father Darius
on the Persian throne, marching to suppress the great
uprising. A few years later came the fatal insurrec-
tion in Babylon which led to the practical destruction
of the mighty metropolis. Whether or not any of the
Jews who had found a home there were influenced by
this calamity to return to Judah is an interesting but
unanswered question. In the vast array which Xerxes
summoned from all parts of his empire, for the purpose
of crushing the Greeks, the levy from the province of
Syria was included; but, if Jews were in its ranks,
they were too few and unimportant to be referred to
in the lists. Persian prestige in Europe fell at Ther-
mopylae and Salamis before Greek skill and courage,
but in southwestern Asia the Great King continued to
be the one recognized authority.

144. In 464 b. c. the weak, degenerate Xerxes was
assassinated and his third son, Artaxerxes I., who is
distinguished by the title Longimanus, succeeded him.
The new ruler came to the throne as the result of pal-
ace intrigues. In later tradition he has the reputa-
tion of having been good-natured but weak, and ruled
by the favorites of his court and harem. Caprice, not
justice, henceforth determined the policy of the great
empire. The weakness of the central authority occa-
sioned numerous revolts. Chief of these was the one
in Egypt about 460 b, c, led by a certain Inarus. It
was put down by Megabyzus, the satrap of Syria, who
then found himself strong enough for several years

156 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

successfully to defy the Great King himself. Finally
Artaxerxes was forced to make terms with the rebel.
Whether or not the Jews were involved in this rebel-
lion is not stated. Probably their weakness saved
them from seriously compromising themselves.

145. While the mighty conflicts between the East
and the West, between the Persian and the Greek,
were going on, the attention of the Jews in Palestine
vras fixed upon their own petty contests and problems.
The most discouraging element was that their life was
barren and insignificant. The rule of Persia con-
demned them to a treadmill existence. Their political
responsibilities ended when they had paid to greedy
tax-collectors " the tribute, custom, and tolls " due the
Persian king (Ezra iv. 13, 20; vii. 24), and had sat-
isfied the exactions of their local governor, and of the
train of servants who accompanied him. Nehemiah's
statement (Neh. v. 15) indicates that these were sup-
ported at the expense of the community by direct
levies of provisions as well as of money. The arro-
ffance with which even the slaves connected with the
court of the governor lorded over the Jews was espe-
cially galling. They, in whose ears were still ringing
the glorious predictions of their prophets, were re-
pressed and constantly subjected to petty annoyances.

146. Of all the remnants of the nations of Palestine
the Jews were the weakest and most generally hated.
Brotherly love had been, from time immemorial, a
virtue almost unknown among the peoples of that
Canaanitish world. If their assailants had been re-
moved from them by long distances, instead of by a
few miles, the position of the Jews would not have
been so intolerable. As it was, they were closely

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE JEWS AND SAMARITANS 157

encircled by a ring of treacherous, merciless foes. On
the west were the descendants of their hereditary
enemies, the Philistines. On the north were the half
heathenish Samaritans. The final rupture with them
did not come, however, until after the building of the
walls of Jerusalem and the institution of the strict
priestly law. There is evidence that those of the
Samaritans who desired, continued to worship at the
Jerusalem sanctuary, as they had since the days of
Josiah ; but the old hostility between the northerners
and the southerners had not been entirely extinguished
by the disasters which had overtaken the two peoples.
The foreign blood and heathen customs of the Samari-
tans also made a congenial union between them and
the stricter Jews impossible. Isaiah Ivii. 3-12 in all
probability expresses the conservative Jewish esti-
mate of the Samaritans during the period under con-
sideration. In taunting terms their half heathen
origin is flung at them by the prophet. They are con-
demned for their lewd heathen rites, practised, as of
old, under the green trees, for the sacrifice of their
children in the deep, rocky valleys, and for the wor-
ship of alien gods on "a high and lofty mountain,"
which is probably to be identified with Mount Gerizim.
What especially arouses the prophet are the jeering
words and scornful tone with which they speak of the
struggling Jewish community. They are the same as
those which characterize the mocking address with
which Sanballat the Horonite, a representative Samari-
tan, greeted the efforts of the Jews to rebuild the walls
of Jerusalem under the direction of Nehemiah : " What
do these feeble Jews ? " (Neh. iv. 2). Isaiah Ivii. 9
apparently contains an allusion to a deputation sent

158 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

by these lukewarm friends of the Jewish colony to
the Great King, whereby with the free use of gifts and
lies they sought to gain some advantage for themselves,
at the expense of their kinsmen in the south. The
reason why the open rupture between the Jews and
Samaritans did not come before the time of Nehemiah
was simply because the Jewish community was too
weak, and because the conservatives within it had no
energetic leader.

147. On the east were the Ammonites, represented
in the days of Nehemiah by a prince whose name was
Toljiah. There is evidence that they, like the Edomites,
had been partially driven from their old homes by
the Arabians, and had profited by the destruction of the
northern kingdom to move westward and occupy the
fertile Hebrew territory on the east of the Jordan (Jer.
xl. 14; xli. 10), so that now thoy were near neighbors
of the Jews. On the south, in possession of Hebron,
and occupying many ancient Judean cities, which they
had seized soon after the destruction of Jerusalem
(sect. 22), were the most hated foes of all, the Edom-
ites. The author of the Book of Malachi refers to
their expulsion from their own territory by the Ara-
bians (Nabataeans), who invaded Edom from the south,
and to their vain hopes of recovering their desolate land
(Mai. i. 2-4). Associated with the Edomites, and ever
pressing and harassing the "feeble Jews," were the
same Arabian tribes which from dim antiquity until
the present have never failed, when not resisted by a
strong local government, to gain a foothold in Pales-
tine. Some of them may also have been descendants
of the Arabian colony which Sargon in the eighth cen-
tury settled in Samaria (II. sect. 105). The Jews,

EXTENT OF THE PROVINCE OF JUDAH 159

therefore, "were obliged, during these depressing years,
constantly and against great odds, to contend for their
native soil against the encroachments, the covert
attacks, and the intrigues of crafty, treacherous foes ;
for while the Persian rule insured the integrity of the
different peoples under it, it did not prevent frequent
wai^s among them, especially when the central govern-
ment became weak.

148. The territory held by the Jews, and known as
the Persian sub-province of Judah, represented only a
fraction of the old southern Hebrew kingdom. Its
extent is indicated by the references contained in the
third chapter of Nehemiah, which describes the build-
ing of the walls of Jerusalem. At the most, it ex-
tended only five miles to the north of the capital city.
If the most probable interpretation of verse 7 be
adopted, the town of Mizpah (about three and one half
miles northwest of Jerusalem), although inhabited
by some loyal Jews, belonged not to Judah but to the
province of Syria. Jericho was the most eastern and
Bethzur, about thirteen miles southwest of Jerusalem,
was the most southern town. On the west the prov-
ince included the mountain villages of Zanoah and
Keilah. In all it was less than twenty miles in length
from north to south, and about the same in width.
It comprised the least desirable territory of Palestine.
With the exception of the land in the vicinity of
Jericho, the eastern half was barren and uninhabitable.
Few springs, and almost no streams, were to be found
within the entire province, so that at the best it was
capable of supjjorting only a sparse and poverty-
stricken population.

149. The position of the Jews was still more pain

160 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

ful and discouraging because Jerusalem, the site of
their sanctuary and their natural place of refuge and
defence, was almost depopulated (Neh. vii. 4), and
open to the sudden attacks of their foes. Their first
thought after laying the foundation of the temple was
to rebuild the walls about Jerusalem (Zech. ii. 4, 5) ;
but for a variety of reasons they were deterred from
undertaking the great task. Although the statement
has frequently been made by recent write'rs, who
would assign Ezra iv. 8-23 to the period, there is
no conclusive evidence that the Jews ventured to place
one stone upon another before 445 b. c. The prayer
which Nehemiah uttered after he learned from his
kinsmen that "the remnant that are left of the cap-
tivity there in the province are in great affliction and
reproach, " and that " the wall of Jerusalem was broken
down and its gates burned with fire," suggests that
it was no recent calamity to which they referred, but
the disastrous blow dealt their nation by Nebuchad-
rezzar (Neh. i. 5-11). His surprise and sorrow were
called forth by the revelation of how discouraging
conditions within and without the community reall}'
were. It also indicates how little connection there was
at this time between the Jews of the East and West.
The spirit of Nehemiah's address to the people on his
arrival at Jerusalem was : " Come, at last let us build
the fallen walls that we may no longer be an object of
reproach as we have been during these long years " (ii.
17). The details of the building of the temple reveal
the fact that within the community there was neither
the requisite resources nor energy for the much more
difficult work of building the walls. This is strik-
ingly confirmed by the sneering words of Sanballat

THE FOES WITHIN AND WITHOUT JUDAH IHl

(Neh. iv. 2). Even Nehemiah, with the authority at
his command, would not have succeeded if he had not
been a man of transcendent ability. As has already
been remarked, the rebuilding of the temple was a
work which the Persian authorities would not only
permit, but favor, for it tended to foster the spirit of
contentment and loyalty. The fortifying of such a nat-
urally strong city as Jerusalem, however, would at
once have been regarded as an act of rebellion against
the Great King. This was precisely the interpreta-
tion which was placed upon the work of Nehemiah by
the princes of Palestine (Neh. ii. 19). The experi-
ences ot Nehemiah also demonstrate how bitter and
almost irresistible would have been the opposition of
the hostile i. Mghbors of the Jews, even though the
attempt had b 'n made with the full consent of the
Persian king.

150. These facts enable us to understand and to
sympathize with the -community in Judah during these
seventy years of disillusionment and discouragement.
When we also recall that the colony was largely made
up of the weaker remnants of the Jewish race, we can
at least regard their faults with charity. The con-
tentious, selfish, belittling atmosphere of Palestine
was not calculated to develop broad, noble characters.
No great national achievement and no great crisis
aroused their patriotism or inspired their faith. The
result was that the Jewish community was afflicted
by those social evils which have always been the curse
of the Orient. Its rulers, who should have guarded
it from the foes which like "beasts of the forest
came to devour, " are described as " blind and without
knowledge, dumb clogs that cannot bark, dreaming,

162 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

lying down, loving to slumber; yea, greedy dogs that
can never have enough ; who say, ' Come, I will bring
wine, and we will carouse with strong drink ; and to-
morrow shall be as this day, beyond all measure great ' "
(Isa. Ivi. 9-12). Nehemiah condemned them to their
face for " exacting usury from their brothers and for
selling them into slavery " (Neh. v. 1-12). The author
of Malachi charges certain of them with " oppressing
the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless,
and for defrauding foreigners, resident among them "
(iii. 5). Even the high priests were prominent offend-
ers. The civic life of the Jews was little better than
that of their enemies. Injustice, lawlessness, deceit,
treachery, and false swearing characterized their rela-
tions with each other as well as with their neighbors
(Mai. ii. 10; iii. 5; Isa. lix. 3-15).

151. As might be expected, their religious life was
equally degenerate. The services of the temple were
kept up, but the people did not hesitate to cheat Jeho-
vah by bringing to him as offerings those animals
" which had died a violent death, and the lame and the
sick " (Mai. i. 13). Worst of all, the priests encour-
aged the people in their impiety, and offered to their
divine King what they would never have thought of
tendering to their Persian governor (Mai. i. 8). As
the result of their laziness and indifference, they neg-
lected to instruct the people respecting their duty, so
that the entire ceremonial service was corrupt and
contemptible in the sight of God (Mai. ii. 8, 9). They
also failed to pay their tithes, so that the worship of
the temple was in danger of being abandoned for lack
of financial support (Mai. iii. 8).

152. Still more insidious and deadly dangers threat-

SCEPTICAL TENDENCIES WITHIN THE COMMUNITY 163

ened to extinguish the life of the Jewish state, since
for the first time in the history of their race a defiant
scepticism found open expression. The priests of th&
temple complained : " What a weariness is all this
round of sacrifices?" (Mai. i. 13). The bitter cry:
" What evidence is there that Jehovah has loved us ? '*
could not be ignored by the prophets (Mai. i. 2-5).
Some, having lost all faith in Jehovah, were raising
the question which was treated so sublimely by the
author of the Book of Job : " What is the use of serv-
ing God ? what profit has come to us for all our fast-
ing, our prayers, our lamentations and humiliation ?
The man who defies God, and is self-sufficient, and
seeks only his own selfish ends by fair means or foul,
is the one who is happy and enjoys prosperity. One
may defy God with impunity. What is the advantage
of fearing him as the prophets and sages have taught ? "
(Mai. iii. 14, 15). The declaration was also made
openly that it was all the same whether a man did
right or wrong, at least God in no way showed his
approval or disapproval of good or evil conduct (Mai.
ii. 17).

153. In the psalms of this period, those who made
these sceptical assertions are styled "the scorners."
They seem to have been greatly in the majority, and
to have numbered among their ranks not only the
dissolute, oppressive, evil heads of the community, but
also many of the leading priests. One of the results
of this sceptical attitude was the disregard of the dis-
tinction between the worshippers of Jehovah and those
of heathen gods. The interests of peace, as well as of
trade, prompted the leaders of the weak, unpopular
Jewish community to make protective alliances with

164 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the nations surrounding them. The prevailing method
of sealing such an alliance in the old Oriental world
was by marriage. The temptation was a strong one,
and the religious sentiment, which should have enabled
them to resist it, was weak. When Nehemiah arrived,
he found that many, including the priestly family, had
yielded to it. Eliashib, the chief priest of the temple,
was allied by marriage both with Tobiah the Ammon-
ite and with Sanballat the Horonite (Neh. xiii. 5, 28).
False prophets were also present, who supported the
leaders in their apostasy (Neh. vi. 10-14). The con-
dition of the Jewish colony was, indeed, pitiable and
well-nigh hopeless. It was weak and persecuted; it
had lost hope ; it had lost character ; it had lost cour-
age ; and finally it had lost almost all its faith in Jeho-
vah, and was threatened with absorption among the
heathen peoples which encircled it.

154. The one saving element, aside from the faith
of the Jews who had remained in the dispersion, was
the small but earnest party of faithful Puritans, who
still cherished all that the community as a whole had
lost. By the author of the Book of Malachi they are
called " the righteous " and " they who feared the
Lord " (iii. 16, 18). In the psalms they are variously
styled " the pious, " " the just, " " the meek, " or " the
poor and needy." As these terms suggest, they did
not belong to the rich and influential classes ; nor were
they popular with the community at large, for their
piety was a constant protest against its pet sins. Per-
secution at the hands of their worldly brethren was for
them a common experience. Many passages in the
psalms of the period voice their woes :

PERSECUTION OF THE RIGHTEOUS 165

They that hate me without cause are more than the hairs
of my head.

They that would cut me oif, being mine enemies wrong-
fully, are mighty.

I am become a stranger unto my brethren,

And an alien unto my mother's children.

They that sit in the gate talk of me ;

And I am the song of the drunkards.^

Evidently they were the victims of the oppression,
the injustice, and treachery of the rich and ruling
classes, whom the prophets of the period, as well as
Nehemiah, so harshly condemn. The psalms reveal
the intensity of the animosity between the two parties
(see especially Ixix. 22-28; xxxv.). The meek were
the reproach of their adversaries because their afflic-
tions were regarded, in accordance with the old dogma
of proportionate rewards, as indubitable evidence that
they had committed grievous crimes. The sense of
sin well-nigh crushed them (li.)- Passionately and
oft they prayed :

Let me not be ashamed,

For I put my trust in thee ;

Let integrity and uprightness preserve me.

For I wait on thee.*

The experiences of the hero of the Book of Job were
those of the party of the " righteous." Although they
seemed to be condemned by God as well as by their
fellow-men, their trust in Jehovah's fidelity and love
likewise rose triumphant and strong above their agony
of doubt and despair. Thus, while the Jewish com-

1 Ixix. 4, 8, 12 ; compare Ps. xxii.; xxv. ; xxxiL

2 xxv. 20, 21.

166 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

munity as a whole had sadly degenerated, there was
within it a group of " those who feared the Lord " who
were drawn closely together by common hopes and
afflictions (Mai. iii. 16). They were the ones who
prayed most earnestly that the walls might, in God's
good pleasure, be rebuilt, and they were the ones who
deplored most deeply that the services of the temple
were being neglected (Ps. li. 18, 19). By their fidelity
and suffering they preserved the faith in Jehovah,
inherited by their race, during the critical years pre-
ceding the advent of Nehemiah, and stood ready to
unite in raising the standard of reform, when circum-
stances were favorable, and when the Lord " should
send his messenger, who would prepare his way before
him" (Mai. iii. 1).

THE KEBUTLDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEiHAH

155. At the most critical time in the history of the
Jewish community in Palestine, a messenger of the
Lord appeared, who, by his patriotic, nnselfish action,
turned the currents of its life into higher and nobler
channels. It was probably the result of no mere
chance, that a deputation of Jews from Palestine, with
a relative of the king's cup-bearer at their head, were
found in Susa, the distant capital of the Persian
empire. Fortunately the man to whom they appealed,
was lacking neither in energy nor in influence nor in
devotion to his race. Nehemiah, the youthful son of
Hacaliah, was one of the noblest representatives of
Judaism in the East. Although reared far from his
native land, and surrounded by the corrupting influences
of the Persian capital and court, his fidelity to the
God and laws of his fathers contrasted most favor-
ably with that of his kinsmen who lived under the
shadow of the temple. At the same time he was
gifted with a tact and executive ability which enabled
him to win a high place of honor and responsibility
in the presence of the Great King.

156. The Jewish chronology of the Persian period
must forever remain in some doubt because three
rulers bearing the name of Artaxerxes and three

108 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

hearing the name of Darius sat at different times on
the throne of Persia ; and the biblical writers never
distinguish between them. The absence both in the
memoirs of Nehemiah and in the Aramaic document
(Ezra iv. 7-23), of any of those titles whereby Artax-
erxes II. and III. were designated, perhaps suggests
that the master of Nehemiah was Artaxerxes I. This
inference is further confirmed by his reputation for
being especially susceptible to the influence of the
favorites in his court. The queen who "was sitting
beside him" (significantly referred to in Neh. ii. 6)
was in all probability the queen-mother Amestris,
whose influence over her son was paramount. Accord-
ing to Nehemiah xii. 10, the Eliashib who continued to
occupy tlie position of high priest in Jerusalem in the
thirty-second year of the reign of Artaxerxes (Neh.
xiii. 4, 28), was a grandson of Joshua, under whose
administration the temple was rebuilt in 520 b. c.
A grandson of Joshua would naturally be living during
the reign of Artaxerxes I. ; but the thirty-second year
of the second king who bore this name was a century
and a half after the completion of the temple, so that
it is highly improbable, if not impossible, that Eliashib
was then alive. On the other hand there is nothing
except certain contradictory statements of Josephus to
suggest that the king referred to was any other than
Artaxerxes I. (464-424 b. c).

157. The manner in which permission to rebuild
the walls of Jerusalem was gained, is characteristic of
the Persian court of the period. To Nehemiah, a Jew
of the dispersion, who knew Jerusalem chiefly through
the idealizing memories of his ancestors, a faithful
portrayal of the actual conditions existing there natu-

NEHEMIAH'S COMMISSION AS GOVERNOR 169

rally brought a severe shock. Oriental that he was,
he gave expression to his feelings in fasting and
lamentation. Ferveni;!)' he prayed to Jehovah, ac-
knowledging the burden of guilt which he, in common
with all the pious of his race, felt still rested upon
them because of the sins of their forefathers. Fortu-
nately his prayer did not end with merely a general
petition. Without hesitation he assumed the responsi-
bility to his race, entailed by his comparatively exalted
position as cup-bearer to the king, and besought divine
aid in the difficult task which he set before himself.
Three months he waited for a favorable occasion. It
came in the first month (March-April) of the year
445 B. c. As he was serving in the royal presence,
Artaxerxes detected a trace of sadness in the counte-
nance of his trusty servant. His inquiry as to the
reason gave Nehemiah his supreme opportunity to
appeal to the well-known kind-heartedness of the king.
In the language of a courtier, but in a simple, straight
forward manner, he told the king of the pitiable
condition of Jerusalem, " the city of his fathers' sep-
ulchres." Artaxerxes, who could not tolerate sorrow
in his presence, was moved to pity rather than anger,
and asked the young Jew to make known his request.
Strengthened by a prayer for help, Nehemiah petitioned
for royal authority to rebuild the ruined city. The
caprice of the moment inclined Artaxerxes to do a
favor which cost him nothing but the temporary
absence of one of his cup-bearers. A limited leave
of absence was granted to Nehemiali, and he was
appointed governor of Judah with full authority to
rebuild Jerusalem. At his request, Artaxerxes pro-
vided him with royal passports addressed to the

170 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

officials of the trans-Euphrates province, and with
orders to the keeper of the royal forest, Asaph (whose
name indicates that he also was a Jew), to furnish the
timber necessary for the repair of the gates and walls
of the city.

158. Apparently without delay, Nehemiah set out,
attended by an escort of cavalry, detailed by the king,
and also with a considerable following of patriotic
Jews, who like himself were intent upon transforming
conditions in Jerusalem (Ezra ii. 2 ; iv. 12 ; Neh, ii.).
Over the great post-roads built by Darius, the journey
was probably accomplished within a month. Arriving
at Jerusalem, he devoted the first few days to studying
conditions there. For the difficult task which lay
before him, he fortunately possessed the qualifications
of an experienced courtier as well as the ability of a
man accustomed to command. The obstacles which
confronted him within the community were even
greater than those which were thrown in his way by
the avowed foes of the colony. His personal sympa-
thies were with the small and weak party of tlie " poor
and needy ; " while the resources with which the city
must be repaired, were at the command of the leaders
and the rich, who for most part belonged to the party
of " the scorners." Even though he was proving him-
self their savior, he soon found that he was the victim
of their treachery. Fortunately, with personal wealth
at his command, he was able to relieve the community
from the odious exactions to which it had hitherto
been subjected for the support of the governor and his
retinue (v. 14). From the first he also entertained at
his table in royal fashion one hundred and fifty of the
leading men of Jerusalem and of the outlying towns,

NEHEMIAH'S PLAN OF OPERATION 171

in addition to the guests who came from time to time
from the heathen nations about (v. 17, 18). In the
poor, struggling Jewish state, nothing was better calcu-
lated to disarm hostile criticism and insure the popu-
larity of the new governor and his measures than the
policy which Nehemiah pursued.

159. He did not, however, trust the details of his
work to others. On the night of the third day after
his arrival, with a few of his followers, and without
the knowledge of the resident Jews, he personally
inspected the state of the walls. Going out by the
valley gate to the southwest of the city, he went along
the southern wall to the fountain gate and the king's
pool. Here he found the narrow valley of the Kidron
so choked with rubbish that he was obliged to leave
behind tiie animal upon which he was riding, and to
proceed along the east side of the city on foot. Hav-
ing satisfied himself concerning the magnitude of the
task before him, he called an assembly of the priests,
the nobles, the representatives of the different towns,
and the able-bodied workmen. In a stirring address,
he called their attention to the unprotected condition
of the city, and urged them to arise and build, that
their inactivity might no longer give their foes an
occasion for bitter taunts. He aroused their wavering
faith in Jehovah's help by calling attention to the
remarkable concessions which the Great King had
already granted to him. In the circumstances it is
not surprising that they voted unanimously to begin
at once the work of rebuilding.

160. His plan of operation illustrates the rare
tact and executive ability of Nehemiah. Realizing
that, if the work was to be effective, the entire wall

172 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

must be built at once, and that to accomplish this all
the energies of the community must be enlisted, he
threw the responsibility upon the different groups in
the community, and appealed to the spirit of mutual
emulation and personal interest, as well as to the
patriotism of the political body as a whole. To this
end he divided the work into different sections. The
rebuilding of the sheep gate at the north of the temple
area, where the animals for sacrifice were led into
the city, he intrusted to the priests. The men from
Jericho were held responsible for the building of the
protecting towers on the north of the city. To promi-
nent nobles and their families were assigned sections
of the walls. Certain tribes also assumed the responsi-
bility of completing other divisions of the work. Even
the more important guilds, as, for example, that of
the goldsmiths, were represented in the distribution.
Many private individuals were allowed to repair the
wall opposite their own houses. In this way the lazy,
wrangling community was suddenly transformed into
an intensely active working body. It is reported that
of all the groups of workmen represented, the nobles
from Tekoa alone did not faithfully discharge the
task laid upon them by Nehemiah.

161 The constant danger of attack soon nerved all
to put forth the most strenuous efforts. At first their
foes, headed by Sanballat the Horonite, who probably
came from Beth-horon, located in the territory of
Samaria, Tobiah, who seems to have been the Persian
official head of the Ammonites, and Gashmu (or
Geshem), an Arabian, only jeered at the suggestion
that the Jews would succeed in fortifying the ancient
capital. Superlative contempt and probably a sneer

THREATS OF THE NEIGHBORS OF THE JEWS 173

at the attitude of the party of the " meek " arc expressed
in the words of Sanballat : " Do these weak and lazy-
Jews think that all that is necessary is for them to
gather together and propitiate their God by sacrifice,
and that then, out of these charred ruins, walls will
rise in a day ? " " Yes, a fox leaping upon any wall
which they will rear, would be able to tumble it over,"
was the equally scornful rejoinder of Tobiah. Their
words aroused the hot anger of Nehemiah, and called
forth from him a bitter prayer for vengeance. At the
same time the implied menace impelled the workmen
to redouble their exertions, so that in an incredibly
short time the breaches in the walls were nearly
closed.

162. Then the scorn of their neighbors, the Samari-
tans, the Arabians, the Ammonites, and the inhabitants
of the Philistine town of Ashdod, was changed to alarm,
for they recognized that a new spirit had been infused
into the Jewish community, which hitherto they had
found an easy prey. Accordingly they conspired to-
gether to make a sudden and overwhelming attack
upon the workmen and to destroy the results of their
labors. The formation of such a general league could
not, however, be kept secret. Through those residing
in the outlying towns, news came of the threatening
attack. A panic seized the Jews, who for more than
a century and a half had learned only the lesson of
helpless submission. Messengers also came from the
towns of Mizpah, Jericho, Tekoa, and other villages,
demanding that the contingents which they had de-
puted to build the walls of Jerusalem be sent back at
once to defend their own possessions. The work would
forthwith have been abandoned, had not Nehemiah

174 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

proved equal to the crisis. First, arming the people
and placing the men in front of their wives and chil-
dren, he appealed to their faith in Jehovah, and urged
them to fight for their homes and their families. The
report that the weak-kneed Jews were preparing to
make a desperate defence daunted the zeal of the
confederates.

163. Although the threatened attack never came,
the possibility of it was ever present. Nehemiah was
compelled to organize his forces on a military basis,
and in so doing showed himself as able a general as
he was a courtier. The work was resumed, but each
man had his weapons ready at hand. At night none
were allowed to leave the city. Nehemiah divided his
immediate following into two companies, the one to
relieve those who were exhausted in the work, and the
other to stand constantly in arms. Day and night,
neither they nor their devoted commander laid them
aside ; while the rest toiled from sunrise until dark-
ness. Orders were also issued that the people rally
to repulse the enemy at any point, wherever the alarm
was sounded by the trumpeter, who never left the side
of Nehemiah. Under the pressure of constant danger,
the work progressed with marvellous rapidity, until
before many weeks the line of the walls was com-
j)lete, although the doors had not yet been set in the
gates.

164. When the facts were reported to Sanballat and
Gashmu, they changed their tactics and sought to
effect a compromise. They first proposed a con-
ference at one of the villages of the plain of Ono,
northwest of Jerusalem, on the southwestern borders
of Samaria. The experienced Persian courtier at once

CONSPIRACIES AGAINST NEHEMIAH 175

suspected a plot to gain possession of his person.
There certainly had been nothing in the previous atti-
tude of his foes to inspire confidence in the honesty of
their purpose. It was indeed an unpleasant experi-
ence for them to be flatly told that they " had no
longer any right in Jerusalem " (Neh. ii. 20) ; but
Nehemiah was carrying through a religious policy
which gave no opportunity for compromise, and there-
fore he sent back the curt reply that he was employed
on a far more important work, and had no time for
conference. When, after repeated attempts, their
efforts to shake his purpose and remove him by treach-
ery failed, they endeavored to implicate him in treason
against the Persian government. With this end in
view, they sent to him an open letter referring to the
current report that in building the walls of Jerusalem
he and the Jews contemplated making him king.
They also charged Nehemiah with having induced cer-
tain prophets to proclaim him king of Judah. Since the
report would ultimately reach the ears of the Great
King, they intimated that they would be glad to take
council with him that they might organize a success-
ful conspiracy. Some of the over-zealous Jcrnsaleni
prophets may have hailed Nehemiah as a Messianic
deliverer, and thus have furnished a certain foundation
for the charge, although there is little doubt that the
proposals of Sanballat and his associates were made in
sarcasm. Nehemiah contented himself with simply
denying their malevolent assertions.

165. The last plot against himself which Nehemiah
reports, was the most insidious of all. One of the rec-
ognized prophets of Jerusalem, Shemaiah ben Delaiah,
in the privacy of his own house declared to Nehemiah

176 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

that a plot against his life had been divinely revealed
to him. Apparently in all honesty, he urged the gov-
ernor to take refuge at night within the temple from
his would-be assassins. To have done so would have
destroyed forever his influence in Jerusalem. For-
tunately Nehemiah's sense of honor, as well as his
reverence for the sanctity of the temple, saved him.
" Should a man of my character and position flee ?
Should I, a layman, enter the holy sanctuary to save
my life ? Most assuredly I will not," was his indig-
nant reply. Subsequent developments demonstrated
that Shemaiah, together with other prophets and a
certain prophetess by the name of Noadiah, had been
hired by Tobiah and Sanballat to betray the cour-
ageous governor. Although many of the most promi-
nent men in Jerusalem were related by marriage, and
so were in closest communication with these unprin-
cipled foes of Nehemiah, he stoutly refused to listen to
their suggestions of a compromise ; and so escaped
from all the meshes which they cast about him. In
the face of secret opposition, he pushed the work of
restoration so rapidly that about the first of Septem-
ber, 445 B. c, the walls were completed. The period
of fifty-two days, in which he states that the great
undertaking was accomplished, would seem incredibly
short, were it not for the fact that the walls had been
only partially destroyed, that the energies of the colony
were thoroughly enlisted, that the cause for haste was
most strenuous, and above all that the man who directed
the work was as gifted as he was devout.

166. The walls were finished none too soon. We
are not surprised to learn from the Aramaic document
(Ezra iv. 8-23) that, even before the work was entirely

PERSIAN DECREE STOPPING THE WORK 177

completed, the Persian officials resident in Samaria,
probably at the instigation of Sanballat and Tobiah,
who thus carried out the threat which they made to
Nehemiah (Xeh. vi. 7), sent to Artaxerxes a report of
the work being done by the Jews. The servants of the
Great King may have felt, as they claim (Ezra iv. 14),
that they were only faithfully discharging their duties ;
but, if so, they were sadly misled by the malicious
slanders of Sanballat and Tobiah. Their report as-
serted that the aim of the Jews in building the walls
of Jerusalem was rebellion, and that if the work which
had already progressed so far should be allowed to
reach completion without royal interference, " they
would not pay tribute, custom, or toll, and that in the
end it would prove harmful to the interest of the
king." They also called attention to the bad reputa-
tion for rebellion borne in the past by the Jews, and
especially by the inhabitants of Jerusalem. In con-
clusion, they asserted as their united opinion, that
if the king did not quickly put a stop to the work
he would entirely lose his trans-Euphrates province.
Nothing was better calculated to arouse the fears and
anger of Artaxerxes than the points which they em-
phasized, for the memory of the successful revolt of
Megabyzus, at the head of the same province, was still
fresh in his mind. The mere suggestion of a danger
that a similar humiliating experience might be repeated,
called forth the most strenuous orders from the king
to stop at once the building of the walls.

167. The Persian officials, for obvious reasons, did not
mention the name of Nehemiah in their report. It is
possible that Artaxerxes did not associate the work of
the Jews with the concession which he had given to his

ITS THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

cup-bearer, as the result of the generous impulse of a
moment. If he did, tlie fears and suspicions aroused
by the report of his officials only led him to regret his
kindness. When the royal decree came, the Persian
officers at Samaria lost no time in carrying it into
effect by force ; but at the end of the time required to
communicate with the king, Jerusalem was encircled
with walls, and the Jews were in a position to accept
the terms of the royal decree, which gave authority to
stop all buildings but none to destroy the work already
done. One cannot refrain from wondering whether
Nehemiah's extreme haste was not prompted in part
by the fear that there would be some such capricious
change of policy, as soon as he left the Persian court.
Apparently, a personal presentation of the facts
re-established his good relations with Artaxerxes, so
that he did not deem the incident worthy of recording
in his memoirs, or if he did mention it, the chronicler,
in his work of epitomizing and harmonizing, failed to
quote it, since, for reasons of his own, he gave the
incident a different setting (sect. 90).

168. In vii. 1-4 of his memoirs, Nehemiah states,
however, that when the gates as well as the walls were
completed, he placed the city in the charge of two men,
his kinsman Hanani, and Hananiah, the commander of
the castle, a faithful and God-fearing Jew. This act
and the detailed commands which he issued for the
regulation of tlie city, strongly suggest that he was
making preparations for his departure. His statement
in V. 14, that his appointment as governor continued
twelve years, does not necessarily imply that the
greater part of that time was spent in Jerusalem.
On the other hand, the condition upon which he was

THE REPEOPLING OF JERUSALEM 179

allowed to leave the Persian court was that he would
return after a set time, presumably long enough to
complete the rebuilding of the city of his fathers. In
xiii. 6, he distinctly states that he had been away from
Jerusalem during the period when the innovations
which aroused his indignation were introduced. The
character of these changes indicates that his absence
extended through several years.

169. Nchemiah's regulations for the defence of Jeru-
salem indicate that he anticipated no abatement in the
hostility of its foes. The city gates were not to be
opened until the middle of the forenoon. Then they
were to be strongly guarded. At night they were to be
securely barred, while the different sections of the walls
were to be watched by those residing near them. Even
with these strenuous precautions, the city was still in
danger, for the restored walls had been built in the
days of its greatest prosperity, so that their length and
the space wliich they enclosed, were great. No
general return had yet brought back thousands of loyal
Jews, so that the inhabitants of the sacred city were
too few to defend it properly (vii. 4). Henceforth the
rulers of the community were induced to dwell in Jeru-
salem. To complete tlie fall quota, it also was neces-
sary to select by lot one tenth of all the Jewish
population resident outside Jerusalem and to bring
them into the city. Those who freely volunteered,
enjoyed the gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. Far
different from the hopes of the great exilic prophet
was the prosaic manner in which Zion again became
inhabited ; but Nehemiah, for the first time since its
destruction, laid the foundations for a stable develop-
ment.

180 TliE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

170. Before Nehemiah returned to Susa, and proba
blj before the adverse decree came from Artaxerxes,
the walls were solemnly rededicated. The chronicler,
in connection with his extracts from Nehemiah's
account of the joyful occasion (Neh. xii. 31, 32,
37-40), has given his conception of the event, wherein
the classes most prominent in his day, — the priests,
the Levites, the singers (and even Ezra the scribe), —
are introduced as the chief actors ; while Nehemiah
and the civil rulers are relegated to the background.
Fortunately, in the fragment quoted from his memoir,
Nehemiah has given a vivid picture of the unique
celebration. He first assembled the people and the
princes at the valley gate at the southwest corner of the
city, the most distant point from the temple. Then
lie divided them into two companies, each of which pro-
ceeded in opposite directions, following the wall, and,
as they went, giving thanks to Jehovah for prosper-
ing the work. " One, under Hoshaiah and half of the
princes of Judah, went eastward upon the wall towards
the dung gate and by the fountain gate, and straight
before them they went up along the stairs of the city of
David even to the water gate on the east side of the
city " (compare map facing page 172) and on to the open
space by the gate of the guard before the temple. The
second company, followed by Nehemiah, proceeded
along the other half of the city walls, " past the tower
of the furnaces to the broad wall, and past the gate of
Ephraim, the gate of the old wall, the fish gate, the
towers of Hananel and Hammeah, and the sheep gate
to the gate of the guard." There before the temple the
two companies met and stood, uniting their voices in
loud songs of thanksgiving ; while probably from the

THE REDEDICATION OF THE WALLS 181

porch and interior of the temple came the solemn chant
of the priests and ministers of the sanctuary. " Then
they offered great sacrifices that day and rejoiced ; for
God had made them rejoice with great joy ; and the
women also and the cliildren rejoiced, so that the joy
of Jerusalem was heard even afar off " (xii. 43). Well
might they rejoice, for, after more than two centuries
of shame and discouragement, the Jews again could
securely dwell under the shadow of their temple and
sing:

Our feet are standing within thy gates, Jerusalem,
Jerusalem, that art builded as a city that is 'lompact
together.^

The subsequent development of Judaism rested Upon
the noble work of the great layman. Truly did ''^us
the son of Sirach declare :

The memorial of Nehemiah is great ;

Who raised up for us the walls that were fallen

And set up the gates and bars,

And raised up our homes again.*

1 Ps. cxxii. 2, 3, 8 Ecclus. xlix. IS.

PEELIAHNAEY EEFORM MEASURES

171. The importance of the rebuilding of the walla
and of the repopulation of Jerusalem cannot be over-
estimated, for without this preliminary work the polit-
ical and religious future of the Jewish colony was
almost hopeless. A fundamental reform in the char-
acter and practices of the community was still abso-
lutely demanded before it could worthily represent
either the Jewish race as a whole or the Jehovah
which it formally acknowledged (compare sects. 150
to 154). With the exception of the faithful few, the
sweeping charge of one of their prophets was true ;
the meml)ers of the little state were thoroughly de-
praved (Isa. lix. 1-8). Prophets were still found to
denounce existing evils and to urge reform ; but ap-
])arently they were obliged to shield themselves from
malignant persecution behind anonymous writings.
Many of the righteous were cherishing in secret the
hope that Jehovah would speedily send his messenger
of the covenant, who would suddenly come to the
temple to purify, as with a refiner's fire and fuller's
soap, the sons of Levi and the services of the sanctu-
ary, and many were even hoping that Jehovah himself
would appear to condemn the prevalent heathen prac-
tices, the false swearing and the oppression of the help-
less by the strong (Mai. iii. 1-5).

CHECKING UNJUST EXACTIONS 1S3

172. In Nehemiah, the party of the righteous and
the cause of social and religious purity found an effec-
tive champion. Fortuuately, with his authority and in
view of his services to the community, he was able to
command, as well as to exhort. Apparently, while the
walls of Jerusalem were still being built, the wrongs
of the masses found expression (Neh. v.). Under the
unjust rule of the leaders of the community, as a
result of the prevalent system of exacting usury, the
common people had been forced not only to mortgage
their fields and crops, but also to sell their sons and
daughters into shameful slavery to the nobles and to
tlie rich, in order to meet the Persian tax and to get
food with which to live. When Nehemiah learned the
real state of affairs, he called a general assembly of
the people, and turned upon the heartless oppressors
in hot indignation. He first called their attention to
the example set by himself and those who had re-
turned with him, in ransoming, as far as their means
permitted, their brethren who had for one reason or
another been sold to the heathen. He also appealed
to their sense of shame, by pointing out how, by their
despicable conduct, they were making their state an
object of reproach in the eyes of the heathen foes who
surrounded them. To these charges the culprits could
make no reply. Then he proposed that they all, he
and his followers, as well as the leaders in the com-
munity, cease to ask any interest from their needy
fellow-countrymen. At his command, the leaders of
the people consented to restore at once the fields, the
vineyards, and the houses which they had taken from
their poorer brethren, and to remit all exactions. To
insure the fulfilment of the promise, Nehemiah ad-

184 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

ministered to them a solemn oath in the presence of
the priests, and called down a curse of expatriation
and divine judgment upon any one who sliould prove
faithless to his covenant. " And all the congregation
said, 'Amen,' and praised the Lord."

173. Thus the radical reform, which was destined
to transform the life of the community, began beside
the half builded walls and under the direction of the
patriot Nehemiah. Tlic precedents which he then
established, were later embodied in that collection of
laws known as the Priestly Code (sect. 201). The
earliest Israelitish law provided for the selling into
slavery of a Hebrew son or daughter by the parent
(Ex. xxi. 2-6). The Deuteronomic law reasserted the
earlier, only extending more favorable terms to the
male slave (xv. 12-18). The action of the leaders
of the Judean community was, therefore, strictly legal,
for Deuteronomy was still the code which governed
them. Nehemiah and those who had returned from
the dispersion were, however, beginning to recognize
a higher principle of brotherly love. That principle
and the precedent established by Nehemiah are ex-
pressed in the Priestly Code (Lev. xxv. 39-41), which
emphatically enacts that no Hebrew shall be made
a " bondservant." Similarly, in the older laws of
Exodus xxii. 25 and Deuteronomy xxiii. 19-20, which
were recognized by the community, it is forbidden to
take interest on a loan to a fellow Israelite. Accord-
ing to their standards, the conduct of the leaders in
demanding interest was indefensible ; but Nehemiah
and his followers, in accepting it on ordinary loans,
were following the custom which, for practical reasons,
was becoming common among the Jews of the disper-

THE DANGER OF HEATHEN MARRIAGES 185

sion,and which was later adopted by those in Palestine
(Matt. XXV. 27). What Nehemiali attacked was the
exacting of interest from those in distress. This prin-
ciple again is precisely what is emphasized in the
Priestly Code (Lev. xxv. 35-37). The fact that it
alone prohibits the taking of interest from "the brother
who has become poor," implies that it was permitted in
ordinary business relations.

174. In other matters, Nehemiali, imbued Avith the
stricter ideals of the Jews of the East, proved the
pioneer of that priestly reformation which ultimately
revolutionized the character of Palestinian Judaism.
The question of the attitude of the community toward
the heathen and the half-heathen peoples, who pressed
it closely on every side, was so vital and insistent that
he could not ignore it. Already the little Judean state
was divided over it into two bitterly contending parties.
The ruling party, the rich, the nobles, and the priestly
aristocracy, as we have seen (sect. 153), advocated
alliances and intermarriage with their heathen neigh-
bors, and consequently extended to them the cour-
tesies of the temple (Neh. xiii. 4, 5), thereby virtually
acknowledging the equality of the heathen religions
with that of Jehovah. The danger of this position
is obvious. If the unique revelation vouchsafed to
the Jews was to be transmitted to mankind, it must
be by members of the Jewish race. The temple and
those who rallied about it were the keystone which
preserved the integrity of the scattered people. Under
the Persian rule, political distinctions meant little ;
the influences which kept intact the Judean commu-
nity were those of common blood-kinship and of re-
ligion. If the former was weakened by intermarriage

186 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

with foreigners, and the latter by the further intro-
duction of heathen ideas and customs, the absorption
of the weak group of Jews by the stronger and more
aggressive communities about them was inevitable.
Certainly the religious life of the Palestinian commu-
nity was at too low an ebb to survive the assimilation
of many more heathen elements.

175. Only a few enlightened men in Judah, the
sturdy Puritans, appreciated the danger. As a matter
of fact, the Jews of Palestine, who were subject to
the temptation, did not realize its real significance
nearly as clearly as did those of the dispersion. The
constant horror of being absorbed into the great
heathen world, in the midst of which they found them-
selves, led the latter to guard most jealously the purity
of their blood and their religion. The peril was too
great to admit of a broad tolerance toward all mankind ;
therefore they devoted their energies to building about
themselves a wall which would not only keep the Gen-
tile out, but would also keep the Jew true to his race
and his religion. Unattractive as was that high wall
of separation, it undoubtedly saved Judaism from the
mighty assaults of heathenism which were directed
against it during the next four centuries. Like the
great structures of the past, it was the work of many
hands, and grew slowly through the ages,

176. Nehemiah's memoirs indicate the prominent
part which he took in building this, as well as the wall
of stone, which was required befo.re exclusive measures
could be instituted. It is suggestive that there is no
evidence that, during the first period of his governor-
ship, he directly opposed the practice of intermarrying,
and of making alliance with the heathen people, which

ATTITUDE TOWAKD HEATHEN MARRIAGES 187

had beoome so common in Judah. They were dis-
tasteful to him simply because they weakened the
loyalty of the nobles and priests, who were the chief
culprits. If he had at first openly declared his opposi-
tion to the principle of foreign marriages, the friends
of Tobiah the Ammonite would not have dared per-
sistently to speak to him of the good deeds of this
heathen prince. Their aim was clearly not to over-
rule the principles of the wise governor, but to re-
move the personal antipathy which lie felt toward
a treacherous enemy (Neh. vi. 17-19), Twelve years
later, however, when Nehemiah again, in 432 b. c,
returned to Jerusalem, his attitude toward foreign
marriages was entirely different. He recognized more
clearly than before the dangers of the practice, and
the twelve years spent in contact with the stricter
Jews of the East had crystallized his principles. The
only events which he records in connection with his
second sojourn in Judah, are the measures which he
instituted with the aim of purifying the external re-
ligious life of the community. To his horror, he found
that a large room, connected with the temple, in which
consecrated offerings and sacred vessels had formerly
been stored, had been set aside by Eliashib the chief
priest for the use of Tobiah the Ammonite, his rela-
tive by marriage. Indignantly the zealous governor
threw out the })Ossessions of the heathen prince.
After the room had been cleansed, he caused the
vessels and offerings to be restored to their place
(Neh. xiii. 4-9).

177. He also discovered, during this visit or later,
that many of the Jews (especially those living in the
southwestern towns of Judah) had taken as wives

188 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

women of Ashdod, Ammsn, and Moab. The children
who were born as the fruit of these mixed marriages
naturally spoke a mixed dialect. This fact impressed
upon Nehemiah's mind most forcibly the dangers of
the practice. His usual energy and righteous anger
found immediate expression. Personally he went to
work to remove the evil. By expressive word and
blow, after the manner of Orientals, he assailed the
offenders, and made them swear by Jehovah that they
would not allow their children to intermarry with
foreigners. To impress upon them the danger of their
course, he appealed to no law, but to the well-known
disastrous effects of such acts upon the character of the
great King Solomon. Nehemiah refused absolutely to
listen to the defence of those who favored foreign mar-
riages, and openly declared that it was a sin against God
(xiii. 23-27). Undoubtedly, many and specious argu-
ments were urged by the advocates of this lax practice.
The story of Ruth the Moabitess, the ancestress of
their illustrious King David, contained one of the
many prominent precedents to which they were able to
appeal. They also could point triumphantly to the
example of their present rulers and priests.

178. Having put his hands to the plough, it was not
Nehemiah's wont to turn back. The influence and
position of some of the offenders did not daunt him.
He did not hesitate to expel in time even the grandson
of the high priest Eliashib from Jerusalem, because
he had married the daughter of Sanballat (xiii. 28).
Such a sweeping revolution as this represented, could
not be permanently effected in a day, so that it is not
surprising that to other hands was left the completion
of the work ; but only one man of this period was

REFORMS IN SABBATH OBSERVANCE 189

strong enough to institute it, and that was Nehemiah.
It is fortunate that the chronicler, whose natural ten-
dency was to exalt the priest Ezra at the expense of
the equally devout laymen, has preserved in his incom-
plete citations the record of this fact. The oath of the
people at the Great Assembly, recorded in Nehemiah
X., was an almost verbal reiteration of the one which
they had made to Nehemiah (compare x. 30 and
xiii. 25'^).

179. By other forcible acts this energetic pioneer of
reform enforced in Judah the higher ideals of the Jews
of the dispersion, and in so doing established precedents
which became the basis of the great reformation. In
Judah the institution of the Sabbath, which was so
?iighly esteemed by the Jews of the exile (compare
eect. 36), was laxly observed. In certain parts of the
country the governor found the people doing their ordi-
nary agricultural work on that day ; the peasants also
brought wine, grapes, figs, and different kinds of mer-
chandise to Jerusalem. Traders from Tyre came with
fish and other provisions on the Sabbath, that they
might find a ready market for their goods, when the
people were at leisure to buy. Nehemiah first repri-
manded the rulers of Judah for allowing a state of
affairs to continue which had brought divine vengeance
upon their nation in the past, and which would again
incur the displeasure of Jehovah. Having preached to
them as a prophet, he gave command, as governor, that
the gates be closed, as the evening of the Sabbath
approached, and that they should not be opened until
the day was past. Not trusting the local authorities,
he sent some of his servants to see that no merchants
were admitted into the city on that day. When cer-

190 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

tain hucksters came repeatedly and stayed during the
night of the Sabbath just outside the walls, the gov-
ernor himself warned them away so effectually that
they never came again. To insure the permanence of
his reform, he commanded certain Levites to prepare
themselves and go regularly to the gates, and prevent
anything from entering to destroy the sanctity of the
Sabbath (Neh. xiii. 15-22). By these enactments
Nehemiah encircled the sacred city with another high
wall, separating it from the heathen world without.
The second obligation assumed by the people at the
Great Assembly : " If the peoples of the land bring
merchandise, or any provisions on the Sabbath day to
sell, we will not buy of them on the Sabbath or on a
holy day" (Neh. x. 31), was a formal acceptance of the
principle enforced by him.

180. Nehemiah also gave his personal attention to
purifying the services of the temple, and to rectifying
those abuses which had brought the sanctuary into
such ill repute (see sect. 151). He found that the
Levites did not receive their appointed portions, so
that they and the singers had been obliged to leave
the temple in order to support themselves by tilling
the soil. After denouncing the representatives of the
people for allowing the service of the sanctuary to be
thus neglected, he summoned all the Levites. At his
command the people brought in the tithe of their corn
and wine and oil to the place where they were stored.
To secure their fair distribution, Nehemiah appointed
four treasurers to take charge of them. Shelemiah,
who was probably tlie father of the Hananiah who
assisted in building the walls (iii. 30), represented the
priests. The second member was Zadok the scribe,

REFORMS IN THE TEMPLE ORGANIZATION 191

probably a priest (compare Neh. iii. 29; vii. 40), who
belonged to that body of literati destined soon to
become the most influential class in Jewish circles.
Pediah seems to have represented the Levites proper,
and Ilanun, who, according to the chronicler, was one
of the sons of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17 ; xii. 35), represented
the singers. Upon these reliable men, Nehemiah laid
the responsibility of distributing equably to their breth-
ren the tithes which were brought for them.

181. This new regulation marked an important de-
parture from the prevailing laws, the defects of which
it was intended to remedy. Deuteronomy enacted that
the people, taking the tithe of their corn and wine and
oil, should come up to the temple and use it to pro-
vide a great feast, of which they and their households
should partake. Generous charity to the poor Levite,
especially every third year, was enjoined, but the
amount of the gift depended entirely upon the liber-
ality of the donor, and no provisions were made for
the equal distribution of what was thus given (xiv.
22-28 ; xxvi. 12-15). Nehemiah's plan recognized
the need of better regulations, but did not anticipate
the enactments of the Priestly Code, wliich became the
basis of the law adopted by the Great Assembly. Ac-
cording to the later system, the tithes were collected
by the Levites and brought to the temple ; then a tithe
of the tithes was handed over by them to the priests,
" the sons of Aaron " (Neh. x. 37-39 ; Num. xviii. 24-
28). Nehemiah further adds, in the closing extract
from his memoir, that he laid down specific rules re-
specting the distribution of the Avork of the priests and
of the Levites. He also appointed certain times when
the wood-offerings for the altar and the first fruits

192 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

should be brought into the temple. Unfortunately, he
gives no details, but there is little doubt that these
much-needed regulations were the basis of the two
corresponding articles in the covenant recorded in
Nehemiah x. (verses 34, 35).

182. Thus the true relation of Nehemiah's work to
the Great Assembly becomes clear. In the light of
the facts already studied, it is hardly necessary to cite
further evidence to show that the formation of the
true " Israel " (" Israel " being the term employed in
the later times to postulate the claim of the Jews to be
the chosen people of Jehovah), and the acceptance
of the solemn covenant by the congregation did not
precede, but followed the reforms of Nehemiah. On
the hypothesis that the Great Assembly preceded 432
B. c, Nehemiah's absolute silence respecting it is, to
say the least, inexplicable. He knows nothing of the
^rue " Israel " in Palestine, which was created by the
fusion of the faithful who returned from the disper-
sion and those who separated themselves from the
people of the land and subscribed to the new Priestly
Law. If the Great Assembly preceded the events re-
corded in Nehemiah xiii., Nehemiah's regulations, and
especially those respecting the distribution of the tithes
to the Levites, were entirely unnecessary and even
reactionary ; or else the priestly reformation, usually
associated with the names of Ezra and Nehemiah, and
dated about 445 b. c, had proved a practical failure,
a conclusion which is absolutely disproved by the char-
acter of later Judaism. On the other hand, as lias
been noted repeatedly, Nehemiah's acts all give the
impression of being pioneer reform measures, consti-
tuting a most natural and necessary prelude to the

HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF NEHEMIAH'S WORK lO')

action of the Great Assembl}'. It is a striking fact
that all but one of the articles subscribed to by that
body, according to the record (Neh. x.), are suggested
by Nehemiah's reforms.

183. Our study of the character of the Judean com-
munity has demonstrated conclusively that the chief
impetus to reform must come from without. That
it did actually come from the Jews of the East is con-
firmed by all the traditions relating to the subject. In
the light of conditions in Judah before the advent of
Nehemiah, however, it is impossible to believe that all
that was necessary to influence the Jews of Palestine
to give up customs and religious practices cherished
for centuries, to reform fundamentally their social and
religious practices, to expel from their homes many
beloved wives and children, and to subscribe almost
unanimously to a new code, was that a deputation of
Jews from the East visit them with the new law in
their hands, read it in their presence, and then forth-
with convene a Great Assembly for the purpose of
promulgating it. The herculean task was one which
required, not a week, but years to accomplish. It
called for the consecrated service, not of one man, but
of many. There is abundant evidence that there were
many faithful prophets and priests within and without
the community who joined in the work (compare Isa.
Ivi. to Ixii. and Mai. i.-ii.) ; but the one who alone
possessed at the same time the authority, the pres-
tige, the energy, the tact, and the devotion, was the
illustrious layman, Nehemiah. Without his important
services, it is difficult to conceive how the great trans-
formation could have been accomplished. The tradi-
tion, preserved in the second Book of Maccabees (i.

194 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

18-36), that he, and not Ezra, restored the true ser-
vice of the temple, is not without foundation. It is
significant that, with the one exception of the tradi-
tion preserved by the chronicler, in the writings of the
next two or three centuries the name of Nehemiah is
immortalized, while that of Ezra is ignored. To the
pioneer who conquers the soil, more than to the one
who reaps the fruit, is rightly due the higher honor.
When Nehemiah had completed his many sided work,
the Judean community was for the first time in its
history ready to give heed to the law book which Ezra
and the consecrated Jews of the dispersion brought
in their hands.

THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA's EXPEDITION

184. Radical reform measures always call for the
formation of new laws, so as to insure the permanence
of the new order. Tlius the reformation of Josiah in
621 B. c. was sealed by the Book of the Covenant, pre-
served in our present Book of Deuteronomy. If the
principles which guided the actors in that important
movement had not been put into the form of written
laws, they certainly would not have continued to in-
fluence the Jewish race as powerfully as they did, long
after the exile had loosed all the moorings which
bound it to its past. Similarly, Nehemiah's revolu-
tionizing measures not only prepared the way for a new
and revised code, but also made it absolutely necessary.
While hitherto the Jews in Judah had contented them-
selves with the Deuteronomic law, now conditions, new
experiences, and new revelations had led the Jews
of the dispersion, like Ezekiel, freely to revise and
extend the old system, so that a new, in the sense of
an expanded, law was gradually taking form. How
far Nehemiah was influenced in his reform work by
a familiarity with the laws already formulated by the
Jews in the East, and how far in turn the precedents
wliich he established, became the basis of the laws
themselves, are questions which can never be answered

196 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

with certainty. We do know that his attitude towards
the conditions in Judah changed most radically during
the decade spent in. the East after his first visit to
Jerusalem (compare sect. 176). On the other hand,
most of his reforms were such as would be suggested
to a fertile and devout mind by the conditions them-
selves. Evidently he was not attempting to introduce
an esoteric system devised by priests who were igno-
rant of the needs with which they were dealing. The
Priestly Code itself also reveals familiarity with con-
ditions in Judah, as well as with the Jews in the dis-
persion. The most natural conclusion to be drawn
from the facts is that Nehemiah took with him to
Judah at least a knowledge of the principles and
practices obtaining among his brethren in the East ;
and that, in turn, the reforms which he effected, guided
those who gave the final form to the system of laws
which was gradually being developed.

185. Unfortunately, the sources of information re-
garding tlie institution of the new, revised code are
not nearly as detailed or reliable as those which record
the building of the walls of Jerusalem. The tradition
preserved by the chronicler associates it with the names
of both Nehemiah and Ezra. As we have seen, the
extracts in Ezra vii. to x. originally formed part of tlie
same narrative which is contained in Nehemiah vii. 70
to X. 39, and their separation, and the assignment of
Ezra's expedition to the seventh year of Artaxerxes,
apparently represent an attempt on the part of the
chronicler to give Ezra, the priest and scribe, the pre-
cedence before Nehemiah, the layman (sect. 96), and
possibly also to convey the impression that the walls
of Jerusalem were built largely by the hands of re-

EVIDENCE THAT EZRA FOLLOWED NEHEMIAH 197

turned exiles, or else they are due to a later disarrange-
ment of the text. In the light of the conditions in
Judah before the building of the walls of Jerusalem
by Nehemiah, and before his reforms begun in 432 b. c,
the expedition of Ezra recorded in Ezra vii. to x. was
not only highly improbable but practically impossible.
Even those who continue to assign it to the year
458 B. c. are obliged to adduce the hypothesis that it
was a complete failure, although the narrative itself
states that it was the opposite. The entire absence
of the slightest references in Nehemiah's memoirs,
where they would surely be expected, to the expedi-
tion, and to the strenuous reform measures of Ezra,
can be explained only on the hypothesis that they
were later than 432 b. c. Not one of the prominent
men who returned with Ezra (Ezra viii.) is mentioned
by Nehemiah, although, if they were already in Jeru-
salem, they would naturally have been his most ardent
supporters. After the institution of Ezra's exclusive
measures, which were accepted almost unanimously
by the community (Ezra ix. ; x.), the practice of inter-
marrying with foreigners, which continued unrestricted
until Nehemiah opposed it during his second visit to
Jerusalem, is also inexplicable.

186. On the other hand, the evidence that Ezra's ex-
pedition took place at a period subsequent to 432 b. c. is
cumulative and reasonably conclusive. In Ezra's prayer
(Ezra ix. 9), he gives thanks that the wall of Jerusalem
has been rebuilt and Judah's defences restored. He
found the sacred city not depopulated, as Nehemiah
found it in 445 b. c, but strong and blessed with many
inhabitants. His surprise and horror that the people
had not yet completely separated themselves from the

198 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

foreign population presupposes Nehemiali's exclusive
measures (Ezra ix. 1-3). Tlie man who rebuilt their
fallen walls, for the first time since the beginning of
the exile, brought the Jews of Palestine into close
and sympathetic touch with those of the dispersion,
and paved the way for an expedition such as that led
by Ezra. Nehemiah's work in fortifying their ruined
capital, and again establishing their prestige, also for
the first time, aroused in the hearts of the poor Pales-
tinian Jews a feeling of deep gratitude toward their
brothers in the East. His reforms likewise prepared
them for still more sweeping ones emanating from the
same source. His work in turn aroused the interest
of the Jews of the dispersion in their kindred in
Judah. When Jerusalem was encircled by walls, it
again became, for the first time since 586 b. c, a
safe and attractive abode for its returning sons
and daughters. The reforms which he introduced into
the rude, shiftless, half-heathen community in Judah
promised, if enforced, to convert it into a body with
which the more cultured and devout Jews of the
East could live in harmony. Judah presented at last
an inviting missionary field, which appealed — when
in time the real conditions became generally known —
to the religious zeal, as well as to the patriotism, of the
more favored Jews beyond its limits. The desire to
re-establish the true Israel in the ancient territory,
and about the sacred temple, grew so strong that it
impelled many during the next half century to turn
their faces toward Jerusalem, that by their presence,
as well as their influence, they might support the cause
of pure religion. Also during the earlier part of the
reign of Artaxerxes I., the satrap Megabyzus was the

DATE OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 199

real ruler of Syria, and the province was regarded with
great suspicion by the king (sect. 144) ; but, thanks to
the diplomacy of Neliemiah, the attitude of the court
at Susa toward the Jews had now changed. The mani-
fest weakness and corruption of the great Persian empire
also inspired many of them with the hope that in the
time of its approaching dissolution the little Judean
state might again attain to independence, if not to
world-power (see Isa. xxiv, to xxvii.).

187. One of the first, largest, and most zealous of
these bands of returning exiles was led by Ezra. The
exact date of his expedition, and of the Great Assembly
which followed in the next year, cannot be determined
with certainty from the material at our command. It
has been suggested that the statement of the chron-
icler in Ezra vii. 8, that Ezra made his expedition in
the seventh year of Artaxerxes, is due to his desire to
date Ezra before Nehemiah. Others maintain that it is
simply a mistake commonly made by copyists, and that
" thirty " has dropped out, so that it originally read
" the thirty-seventh year of the king," or 427 b. c. It
has also been strongly urged by a conservative Dutch
scholar (Yan Hoonacker, Nouvelles Etudes sur la
liestauration Juive, 270-277), that the reigning Ar-
taxerxes was the second Persian ruler bearing that
name, and that therefore " the seventh year of the
king " was 398 B. c. Since the chronicler and the
Jewish writers of the Greek period were ignorant even
of the order of the Persian monarchs (see Ezra iv. ;
Dan. V. 31 ; ix. 1 ; x. 1), it was most natural that they
should be unable to distinguish between different rulers
of the same name.

188. The internal evidence which must determine

200 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the choice between these three possible lijpotheses, is
unfortunately not very definite. If the " Jehohanan
the son of Eliashib " to whose room in the temple Ezra
retired after addressing the people (Ezra x. 6) was the
grandson of Eliashib, who was high priest in 445 and
432 B. c. (compare Neh. xii. 22, 23), and if, as is less
certain, Jehohanan (or Johanan) was high priest when
Ezra visited Jerusalem, the latest date (398 b. c.) is
practically established. Furthermore, if the four treas-
urers (two priests and two Levites), to whom Ezra
and his followers delivered the contributions which
they bought for the temple, occupied the offices created
by Nehemiah in 432 b. c. (sect. 180), the reference would
also suggest the latest date for the expedition, for the
men originally appointed by the governor had all been
succeeded by others (Ezra viii. 33). At the head of the
commission, however, was Mereraoth,the son of Uriah,
who was especially prominent in building the walls in
445 B. c. (Neh. iii. 4, 21). It is possible, but not
probable, that he continued to occupy high positions
in public life for half a century (398 b. c), so that his
appearance here strongly favors an earlier date than
398 B. c. Similarly, Malchijah of the tribe of Harim
(as well as others whose identification is not so cer-
tain), who assisted in the work of 445 b. c, was among
those who covenanted after the arrival of Ezra to put
away his wife (Ezra x. 31 ; Neh. iii. 11). The lax
practices in regard to foreign marriages which aroused
Ezra's astonishment and indignation, indicate on the
other hand that several years at least had passed since
Nehemiah instituted his first vigorous crusade against
the more culpable offenders. The fact alone is estab-
lished that some time during the latter part of the fifth

SIGNIFICANCE OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 201

or in the opening years of the fourth century b. c.
(between 430 and 397), probably in 397, the new code
was instituted in Judah which gave the community
the distinctive character which it bore in later times.

189. In the light of the preceding studies, it is pos-
sible to appreciate the real significance of the expedi-
tion led by Ezra. It was the culmination of centuries
of development. It represented the supreme contri-
bution of the Jews of the East to their kinsmen in
Palestine. Its aim was completely to bridge the gulf
which hitherto had yawned between them, and to real-
ize on the sacred soil of Judah the ideals of their
earlier prophets and of their later priests. Its program
was a law expressive of the ritualistic tendency of the
age, and adapted to the new circumstances in which
the Jewish race found itself. Its leader was repre-
sentative of the movement. The chronicler traces his
genealogy through the chief Judean priestly family
back to Aaron, and describes him as " a ready scribe
in the law of Moses which the Lord the God of Israel
had given." During the earlier days of the Hebrew
kingdom the " scribe " was the royal secretary or
chancellor of state (I. 123). Before the exile, how-
ever, the term began to be applied to those who devoted
themselves to studying and editing the earlier writings
and especially the law. Jeremiah complained bitterly
that his people were ignorant of the will of Jehovah,
because " the false pen of the scribes had made of it
falsehood" (viii. 7, 8). Amidst the peculiar condi-
tions and needs of the dispersion, the priests, having
no temple for which to care, became ministers of the
law, carefully studying, arranging, and interpreting it.
Their pent-up energies found expression in the zeal

202 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

with which they guarded it, and insisted that all their
race should faithfully observe its injunctions. It was
to them the final and complete expression of the divine
will. To refuse to obey it was to defy Jehovah him-
self. So many of the roots of the law were found in
the dim past, and so imperceptibly had the great struc-
ture grown, that the traditions which assigned it as a
whole to the earliest days of their national history and
to Moses, the greatest personality of that period, were
accepted unquestioningly. Hence it enjoyed the sanc-
tion, not only of Jehovah, but of the hallowed past,
whose authority was recognized in this later age as
almost divine. To men like Ezra, the knowledge that
the services of the temple at Jerusalem were not con-
ducted in accordance with " the sacred law of Moses,"
and that Jehovah's holy shrine was constantly polluted
by the presence of priests and laymen who were un-
clean according to the Priestly Code, was intolerable.

190. Since the aim of Ezra's expedition was not politi-
cal, but religious, it was not difficult to secure royal per-
mission to return to Jerusalem (Ezra vii. 27, 28). The
potent influence of the loyal and sympathetic Nchemiah
may hav^e secured certain special concessions, as is
suggested by the version of the royal decree preserved
in Ezra vii. 11-26. There is no evidence, however, that
in his reform work Ezra appealed to any other authority
than that of the law which he bore in his hand. The
leader himself came from the province of Babylon, the
original centre of Judaism in the East ; but the names
borne by the different groups of Jews which followed
him indicate that tliey were enlisted widely from the
different lands of tlie dispersion. In view of the sec-
ondary position which was assigned to the Levites ia

HISTORY OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION 203

the Priestly Code, it is not strange that none at first
rallied to his standard. Moreover, the priests of the
temple at Jerusalem, not those of the ancient high
places, were carried to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar, so
that there were probably few Levites in the East.
Only thirty-eight could finally be found to return. In
all, about fifteen hundred men, representing six or
seven thousand souls, joined Ezra at the assembling
place beside the river Ahava, probably one of the small
streams or canals flowing into the Euphrates about one
hundred and twenty-five miles northwest of Babylon.
The great majority of the Jews who could not them-
selves return shared in the restoration of " Israel " to
Palestine by contributing rich presents to the temple.
According to the Ezra narrative, the gifts of the
Persian king and his court, together with those of the
Jews, amounted to six hundred and fifty talents of
silver, a hundred of gold, and a thousand darics, besides
many large vessels of gold and silver. Since the value
of the contributions aggregates over four million dollars,
these numbers, like many handed down by the chroni-
cler (compare especially those in the Books of Chronicles
with the corresponding ones in the Books of Kings), may
have grown in transmission.

191. When the returning patriots had fasted, after
the custom of the faithful Jews of the dispersion, and
besought Jehovah's protecting care, they set out about
the first of April on their long wearisome march.
Since the journey was made during the heat of summer,
it was necessary to make an extensive detour to the
north to avoid the Arabian desert, and to travel verv
slowly, so that four months and a half were required to
traverse the eight or nine hundred miles. Jerusalem

204 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

was reached in August, and, after a rest of three days,
the rich gifts, which during the journey had been
intrusted to a commission of prominent priests and
Levites, were formally turned over to the treasurers of
the temple. The returned exiles also presented appro-
priate offerings to Jehovah in behalf of " all Israel,"
which they had come back to restore ; for their first
task was to establish the services of the temple on a
basis in keeping with its dignity as the central shrine
of the nation, and in harmony with the more elaborate
demands of the Priestly Law, which they recognized.
In addition to the valuable gifts which the returning
Jews brought with them, Nehemiah, as the representa-
tive of the Persian government (Neh. vii. 70; viii. 9),
contributed for this purpose a thousand golden darics,
fifty vessels, and five hundred and thirty priests'
garments. Some of the heads of the tribes in the
Judean community, emulating his example, gave
liberally money, gold, and silver. Even the common
people caught from the returned pilgrims the spirit of
generosity and self-sacrifice in behalf of their religion,
and swelled the endowment fund of the temple by their
gifts of gold and silver and priests' garments. Their
petty jealousies and meannesses were forgotten, as they
mingled their gifts before Jehovah's altar. The sense
of common blood, of common religion, and of common
service again bound together the Jews of Judah and of
the East, and prepared the way for the more revolution-
ary reform work.

THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRIESTLY LAW

192. The first two months after the arrival of Ezra's
expedition at Jerusalem were devoted to regulating
the service, and to completing necessary repairs on the
temple. Quarters were also assigned to the priests, the
Levites, and the minor officials of the sanctuary who
had returned. Many of them found homes in the
towns outside Jerusalem (Neh. vii. 73). The laymen,
with their families, also sought suitable places in
which to settle. The external restoration of " all
Israel " had begun. In the eyes of the priestly
reformers, however, everything yet remained to be
done. The character of the native community must
be radically changed before a complete amalgamation
could be effected. Probably these first two months
were spent in studying conditions and in quiet mis-
sionary work among the people. The burning zeal of
the six or seven thousand who had left their homes,
and had come to Judah as the apostles of " the law of
Moses," could not fail to communicate its leavening in-
fluence to their more ignorant and apathetic brethren.

193. On the feast of the new moon, the first day of
the seventh month, celebrated ever after by the Jews
as the feast of trumpets or day of holy convocation
(Lev. xxiii. 23-25; Num. xxix. 1-6), the people were

206 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

assembled from all parts of the land to the open space
near the water gate on the eastern side of Jerusalem.
At their request, Ezra brought " the book of the law of
Moses." Taking his place on a wooden pulpit con-
structed for the purpose, and having given thanks, he
publicly read the law to them, while attendant Levites
explained it. When the native Jews understood the
content of the new law, they were filled with dismay,
and gave expression to their feelings in cries of lamen-
tation ; for they appreciated in part what sweeping
changes it would introduce into their life, and how con-
trary to it were their present practices. Nehemiah
appears to liave actively co-operated in this movement
which represented the culmination of his earlier work.
If we had his complete memoirs, instead of an extract
from a priestly narrative, the sympathies of which are
all with Ezra, we would probably find that he took a
prominent part in the great reformation. At this
critical time, both he and Ezra wisely disarmed the
fears of the people, and urged them to observe the day
as they were wont, with feasting and by sending gifts
to the needy in their midst (Deut. xvi. 14).

194. On the second day the leaders of the com-
munity and their priests and Levites came to Ezra
for further instruction in regard to the details of the
new law. Among other commands, they found one
which enjoined that " the children of Israel should
dwell in booths in the feast of the seventh month, and
that they should publish and proclaim it in all their
cities and in Jerusalem " (Neh. viii. 14, 15). The pas-
sage in question was evidently the twenty -third chapter
of Leviticus. Following out its injunctions, the Feast
of Tabernacles was faithfully observed, beginning with

INTERPRETATION AND APPLICATION OF THE LAW 207

the fifteenth day of the month, and closing with the
holy convocation on the twenty-second (Lev. xxiii.
38-39 ; Neh. viii. 18). Each day Ezra improved the
favorable opportunity to read and to impress upon the
people the commands of the new code ; while those
who had returned with him from the exile set an
example before the native Jews as to how the feast
should properly be observed (Neh. viii. 17). The en-
tire assembly was moved by a deep religious en-
thusiasm. During those eight days it experienced a
genuine revival. The self-sacrificing missionary zeal
of the reformers bore fruit. At last the self-centred
Jews of Palestine were also ready to make sacrifices.

195. When the preliminary work of instruction had
been completed, and the conscience of the community
had thus been aroused, certain of the leaders of the
people came to Ezra and confessed that many of the
people, and even some of their priests and Levites, had
failed to hold themselves aloof, as the new law en-
joined, from the contaminating influences of their
heathen neighbors, "the people of the land" (Ezra ix.
1). Many of the leading men in Judah had committed
the sin, against which Nehemiah had so earnestly
warned them (Neh. xiii. 27), and had married heathen
wives, and encouraged their sons to do the same.
Nothing was more calculated to arouse the horror of
a zealous Jew of the dispersion, like Ezra, than dis-
closures of this nature. He felt that the whole com-
munity and land were contaminated. Recognizing that
the evil was one which must be absolutely eliminated,
if "the true Israel was to be established," he opposed
it with all the strength of his intense nature. Unlike
Nehemiah, Ezra did not have the authority to com-

208 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

mand, but endeavored to appeal to the conscience of
the people. His prayers and exhortations finally so
impressed them that one of their number proposed
that they all solemnly covenant to put away their
foreign wives and the children born of these mar-
riages. Assured of their support, Ezra first made the
priests and Levites take the oath of separation. Then
the nobles and elders proclaimed an assembly of the
entire nation. Forfeiture of property and excommuni-
cation from the congregation was the penalty imposed
for non-appearance.

196. By these radical methods, a general represen-
tation of the people was secured. On the twentieth
day of the ninth month (January), they all assembled
in the open space before the temple. To Ezra's de-
mand that they separate themselves, and thus remove
the burden of guilt which rested upon them, they
acceded ; but the magnitude of the sacrifice involved,
and the torrents of rain which deluged them, for it
was the middle of the rainy season, dampened their
enthusiasm. Since the measure was one which called
for careful investigations, and demanded time, they
proposed that all who had married foreign wives be
required to come up to Jerusalem at appointed times,
with the elders and judges of their respective towns,
that their cases might be carefully considered. The
proposal was accepted, and Ezra was appointed at the
head of a commission to examine and superintend
the matter. Beginning on the fii-st day of the tenth
month (late in January), they did not complete their
work until the first day of tlie following year (March).
Painful as must have been the details of the execution
of this measure, which ruthlessly severed family ties,

CALLING THE GREAT ASSEMBLY 200

it is probable that under the watchful direction of the
stern Ezra it was faithfully enforced. One hundred
and thirteen men, who were found guilt}^, and who
submitted to the extreme penalty, are mentioned in
the list given in Ezra x.

197. When this preliminary work was completed,
and not before, was it possible publicly to institute
the new Priestly Law. On the twenty-fourth day of
the month in which the commission concluded its
labors, when '' tlie seed of Israel had separated them-
selves from all strangers" (Neh. ix. 1, 2.), Ezra and
his fellow-reformers were permitted to behold tlie
fruits of their year of unremitting toil. The way in
which the new law was introduced was characteristic
of the age. When Nehemiah wished to institute some
reform, he called an assembly of all the people, and
publicly presented the matter before them, and ex-
tracted a solemn oath of agreement (Neh. ii. 16-18 ;
V. 7, 12, 13; xiii. 25). Similarly, Ezra repeatedly
gathered all the people together (Neh. viii. 1 ; Ezra
X. 7-9, 12). At a later time, when Judah was threat-
ened by a locust plague, the first thought of the
prophet Joel was to call a solemn assembly (i. 14 ; ii.
15). The Jewish state was so small, and distances so
short, that it was not a difficult matter to assemble the
entire population. Three days were considered by the
leaders of the community amply sufficient to convene
all the men at Jerusalem (Ezra x. 9.)

198. The great reformation of Josiah, the influence
of which was still paramount in Judah, undoubtedly
established a precedent which guided the later
reformers (IT. Kings xxiii. 1-3). Since the power
formerly vested in the monarchy now resided in the

210 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

congregation of the people, the priestly reformation
was necessarily much more democratic than that of
621 B. c, and probably for that reason was more per-
manent. The new law was not forced upon them by
royal decree, but accepted by popular vote. The Great
Assembly was opened by the reading of the more im-
portant sections of the law, and then followed by a
popular confession of the sins of the community. The
character of the service was closely analogous to that
of the ordinary Jewish synagogue. Tbis fact is em-
phasized by the tradition of the " Great Synagogue,"
which originally was the later Jewish account of the
Great Assembly (compare Midrash to Ruth). Accord
ing to the Septuagint version, the long prayer, pre-
served in Nehemiah ix., in which Jehovah's care and
fidelity toward the people and their infidelity and sins
are reviewed, was delivered by Ezra. It fittingly in-
dicated the relation of the important act which they
were about to perform to the past history of their
race. As in the earlier prayer of Ezra (Ezra ix.),
the conceptions of that history, and the point of view
throughout, are those of the new priestly legislation.
After the preliminary services had been completed,
Nehemiah, the nobles and the representatives of the
lay, the priestly and the Levitical clans solemnly
covenanted to accept the new law, and, in token thereof,
subscribed their names. Then the assembly as a whole,
including those who had returned with Ezra, and all,
whether of Jewish descent or not, " who had separated
themselves from the peoples of the land unto the law
of God," together with their families, took an cath,
sealed by a curse upon the one who proved faithless
to it, that they would observe " the law of God which

HEGULATIONS ADOPTED AT THE GREAT ASSEMBLY lill

was given by Moses the servant of God " (Neh. x. 28,
29).

199. The chief articles in that law, as reported in
Nehemiah x., are : (1) To abstain from all intermar-
riage with heathen peoples ; (2) to abstain from buy-
ing and selling on the Sabbath or on a holy day ; (3)
to observe the commands respecting the Sabbatical
year ; (4) to pay a poll tax of one third of a shekel
to support the services at the temple ; (5) to provide
wood for the sacrifices at the temple in accordance
with the decision of the lot ; (6) to bring the first-
fruits and the first-born, as commanded, to the temple
for the support of the priests ; (T) to deliver the tithes
of the ground to the Levites, who in turn were to dis-
tribute them according to the law ; and (8), in general,
not to neglect to provide for the needs of the temple
service.

200. The trustworthiness of this brief report is
strikingly confirmed by the fact that each regulation
was intended to correct evils in the Judean com-
munity with which we have already become familiar
through the memoirs of Nehemiah and the writings
of contemporary prophets. There is good ground for
believing that the reformation affected the inner
spiritual as well as the external life of the com-
munity ; but it was natural that a tradition, probably
preserved among the records of the temple, should
refer only to objective reforms. The articles sub-
scribed to at the Great Assembly became at once the
constitution, both of Judaism and of the new temple
service. The first regulation was intended to separate
the Jews from the rest of mankind ; the second, in
enforcing the strict observance of the Sabbath, em-

212 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

phasized the same distinction ; the third aimed to
improve the social organization of the community ;
while the remaining five relate entirely to the sanc-
tuary, and their aim is to make its services more
elaborate and impressive, and, with this end in view,
to secure for the temple and its ministers an increased
and definite income.

201. The account of their work leaves no doubt that
Ezra and his fellow-reformers were guided by the body
of laws found chiefly in Exodus xxv. to xxxi. ; xxxiv.
29 to xl. 38, and the Books of Leviticus and Numbers,
which, is usually designated as the Priestly or Levitical
Code. In general, the prominence given to the services
of the temple, the accent placed upon the written law,
and the custom of reading the law at the Feast of
'tabernacles (see Lev. xxiii. 33-36) are all marked
characteristics of this system. Five out of the eight
regulations, while unknown to the earlier Deuteronomic,
are based upon the Priestly Code. The Pentateuch
contains no detailed enactments respecting the pro-
vision of wood for the sacrifices. The reference in
Nehemiah x. 34, *' As it is written in the law," is,
therefore, to a section in the Priestly Code which has
been lost, or to the traditional usage of the temple,
based perhaps upon Nehemiah's ruling (Neh. xiii. 31).

202. There is, on the other hand, evidence that at
the time of the Great Assembly the Priestly Code was
not quite complete. For example, the poll tax of one-
third of a shekel for the support of the temple service
was increased to one-half of a temple shekel (Ex. xxx.
11-16 ; xxxviii. 26 ; so in New Testament times). In
the covenant "^f the Great Assembly, reference is made
only to the tithe of the ground (Neh. x. 37 ; compare

CHARACTER OF THE NEW CODE 213

also xiii. 5), which, as in Deuteronomy xiv. 22-29, in-
cluded only the produce of the field ; but, according
to the later priestly legislation of Leviticus xxvii, BO-
SS, the people were commanded to bring not only the
tithe of the field, but also the tithe of the herd and
of the flock. Similarly, in Ezra's time, the day of
atonement was evidently not celebrated on the tenth
day of the memorable seventh month described in
Nehemiah viii. ; but, according to the law in Leviticus
xvi., and the usage of later Judaism, this day (the
tenth of the seventh month) was set aside for national
confession and atoning sacrifice. It soon became one
of the most important days in the religious calendar.
Thus the account of the Great Assembly introduces
us to the Jewish law still in the course of formation.
The long process, however, was nearly complete, for
the position given to the written torah at that time
soon led to the closing of the canon of the law.

20S. The new expanded code, like the system devised
by Ezekiel, aimed to make objective the principles of
the prophets. The majority of the Jews of Palestine
were so ignorant that, if they were to be led into the
way of holiness, that way must be very plain and the
guide-posts many. The old Hebrew prophets were
obliged to be content if a mere handful of disciples
listened to their message, while the mass of their
nation went on unheeding. The apostles of the ex-
panded law of Moses aimed to reach all, and to trans-
form the community. They succeeded where the
prophets had failed, partially because conditions were
more favorable. The political ambitions which dis-
tracted those to whom the earlier prophets spoke, were,
under the rule of Persia, impossible; the community

214 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

which the apostles of the law addressed, was a com-
pact social unit, not a large and heterogeneous nation ;
they were also powerfully supported hy the influence
and gifts of the great body of faithful Jews outside
of Judah ; and the tendency of the age, without as
well as within Judaism, was toward a ritualistic type
of religion. They succeeded also because the law
which they presented, was itself " a schoolmaster " to
whom the people had already learned to listen as
authoritative, and whose teachings were definite and
explicit. While the new code exalted the sanctuary,
and centred about it all the life of the community, it
also encircled the " true Israel," which included all
who subscribed to it, with impassable walls of separa-
tion, imparting to the little hierarchy that consistency
which made it an immovable rock where all about was
chaos. By the act of the Great Assembly, the union
of all faithful Jews, whether in Palestine or in the
distant lands of the dispersion, was effected. They
now acknowledged one system of laws, and felt that
they all had a part in the service of their common
sanctuary. At this time also the real centre of Jewish
religious thought was transferred from the East to
Judah. Henceforth the chief influences which moulded
Judaism came not from the Jews of the dispersion but
from those of Palestine. At last " the restoration "
was a reality.

THE sa:^iaeitan te:mple on mount geeizim

204. Two great monuments arose to commemorate
the success of the priestly reformation instituted under
the direction of Nehemiah and Ezra : The one was the
Jewish hierarchy ; and the other was the Samaritan
temple on Mount Gerizim, with the religious commu-
nity which grew up about it. The schism between the
two closely related communities was consummated
when the Priestly Law was adopted at Jerusalem,
but the action of the Great Assembly only precipi-
tated differences which were nearly as old as the
race. It was merely a reassertion on a religious basis
of the same ancient rivalry and mutual antago-
nism which led to the division of the united Hebrew
kingdom after the death of Solomon (11. sects. 18-21).
During the centuries of their independent national
existence, the Israelites and the Judeans had been sub-
jected to different influences and experiences which
had only widened the gulf that separated them. The
infusion of heathen blood which came through the
colonists introduced into the province of Samaria after
722 B. c. by the Assyrian kings (II. sect. 105), extended
it still farther : for, although the immigrants accepted
the religion of the land, they communicated to the
native Israelites many of their idolatrous customs.

216 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

205. Josiah's conquests and reform crusade left a
lasting impression upon the Samaritan people (II. Kings
xxiii. 15-20) ; henceforth Deuteronomj was the law
book of the northerners as well as of the Judeans, and
Jerusalem the one accredited sanctuary (Jer. xli. 5 ;
Zech. vii. 2) ; but many heathen ideas and customs
survived in the north, despite the sword of the zealous
reformer. There is evidence that in the evangelistic
spirit of the Deuteronomic reformation, the Jews en-
deavored, in the age of Nehemiah, to complete the con-
version of their northern kinsmen. In the account
which the chronicler gives of the reformation of Josiah
(TI. Chrs. XXX. 10, 11), he probably has in mind the
history of this later proselyting movement : " The mes-
sengers passed from city to city through the country of
Ephraim and Manasseh, even unto Zebulun ; but they
laughed them to scorn, and mocked them. Neverthe-
less certain ones of Asher and of Manasseh and of
Zebulun humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem."
A psalmist of the period mentions the princes of Zebu-
lun and Naphtali, together with those of Judah and
Benjamin (Ixviii. 27). Gradually and quietly, during
the last century of the Persian, and during the opening
years of the Greek period, was consummated that reli-
gious union between Galilee and Judea which was des-
tined to prove such an important factor in determining
the faith of humanity. Isaiah Ixv. 1, 2, apparently
refers to the failure of the same proselyting movement
in Samaria. In the name of Jehovah, the prophet de-
clares : " I allowed myself to be consulted by those who
asked not after me ; I was ready to be inquired of by
those who sought me not ; I said, Here am I, here
am I, to a nation which called not upon my name. I

CAUSES OF THE SAMARITAN SCHISM 217

spread out my hands to a rebellious people who walk
after their own purposes in the way which is not good "
(compare also Ixvi. 4).

206. The spirit of love, which conquers all things,
was not strong enough in the hearts of the Judeans,
and the religious customs of the Samaritans presented
too great variations to make a fusion of the two peoples
possible in an age when great stress was laid upon the
externals of religion. The Judean prophet accuses the
northerners of sacrificing as of old in groves, of burn-
ing incense upon bricks, of tarrying among the rock-
cut graves, probably that they might thereby have
inspired dreams, of eating swine's ficsh and other un-
clean meats, and of paying homage to the Syrian gods,
Fortune and Destiny (Ixv. 2-4, 11 ; Ixvi. 3 ; compare
sect. 146). The spirit of self-righteous Pharisaism
also was not confined to the Jews, for through the
words of the same prophet we can hear the Samar-
itans exclaiming : " Keep by yourself, do not come
near me, for I am holier than you " (Ixv. 5). Before
Nehemiah and Ezra inspired a deeper piety within the
Jews of Palestine, they were little better than their
northern brethren. It is not strange that the Samari-
tans refused to abandon their form of religion for that
of the despised Jews. According to the logic of num-
bers and strength, it was natural to expect that the
weaker would be absorbed by the stronger. Before
Nehemiah arrived, this solution of their political and
religious differences was by no means impossible. He
recognized, when he reached Jerusalem, that the Jews,
who were both morally and physically weak, were not
capable of assimilating the larger and more influential
community. He, accordingly, at once threw down the

218 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

gauntlet, by declaring that hereafter Sanballat and his
followers '' should have no portion, nor right, nor
memorial in Jerusalem " (Neh. ii. 20), and aroused
thereby their bitter opposition to his enterprise. He
it was, who, on personal and religious grounds, hast-
ened the schism.

207. The history of the detailed steps which led to
the final rupture is only obscurely written. Nehemiah's
memoirs indicate that Sanballat, the leader of the
Samaritans, made repeated and strenuous efforts to
renew their former relations with the Jews, and that
there were many prominent men in Jerusalem, includ-
ing both priests and prophets, who favored such a
union. Nehemiah, however, would listen to no com-
promise, and the influence of the Jews of the disper-
sion supported him in his position. In their eyes, the
Samaritans were hopelessly unclean. As that influ-
ence became more potent in Palestine, the possibilities
of union diminished. The expulsion from Jerusalem
by Nehemiah of the grandson of Eliashib the high
priest, because he would not put away his wife, the
daughter of Sanballat, marks an advanced stage in the
controversy (Neh. xiii. 28). Henceforth, it was char-
acterized — as are most contentions which concern the
externals of religion — by the greatest bitterness on
both sides. In Isaiah Ixv., the unknown prophet
intersperses his promises of future blessedness for
"Jehovah's servants, they of Judah," with dire pre-
dictions of destruction and misfortune to fall upon
" them who forget Jehovah's holy mountain " (verses
8-15).

208. "When the Jewish community solemnly ac-
cepted the new Priestly Code as its law, the Samaritans

FOUNDING OF THE SAMARITAN TEMrLE 219

recognized that they were forever exchided from the
Jerusalem temple, toward which the Book of Deute-
ronomy directed them as the one sacred site where
Jehovah could rightly be worshipped. Their condition
was in some respects analogous to that of their ances-
tors after their separation from the Judeans in 937 b. c.
The precedent then established guided them now. The
old sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel had been dese-
crated, and neither were easily accessible to the Samar-
itans. Therefore, they selected a site closely associated
in their traditions with the memory of their earliest
and most revered ancestors. Mount Gerizim, although
not the highest, is one of the two most prominent
peaks in the territory of Samaria. Its location, over-
hanging the ancient northern capital, Shechem, gave
it a position of great importance. Probably, since the
earliest period of Semitic settlement in Canaan, a
sacred shrine was to be found crowning the fertile
plateau on its eastern brow. There the Samaritan
people reared the temple which became the centre
of their religious life, and which soon rivalled the
older one at Jerusalem. Although the original struc-
ture was destroyed by John Hyrcanus about 130
B. c, the Samaritans have continued, even down to
the present day, to worship Jehovah on their holy
mountain.

209. According to Josephus (Ant. xi. 8, 2), the orig-
inal Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim was built by
Sanballat, that his son-in-law Manasseh, who had been
expelled from Jerusalem because of his marriage to
Nicaso, the daughter of the Samaritan prince, might
have a temple in which to minister. While the tradi-
tion, which preserves the names of the chief actors in

220 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

this important event, is probably historical, Josephus,
as is often his wont, because of his intense antipathy
to the Samaritans, has given a wrong setting to his
data. The priestly noble, Manasseh, was without
doubt the son-in-law of Sanballat, and the grandson
of the high priest Eliashib whom Nehemiah drove
from Judah. He was the son of Joiada, and there-
fore the brother of Johanan the high priest, and not
of Jaddua who succeeded Johanan (Neh. xii. 22), as
Josephus asserts. This late Jewish historian also
makes Sanballat a contemporary of Darius Codoman-
nus (336-330 b. c.) and of Alexander the Great, thus
dating the building of the Samaritan temple during
the last two decades of the Persian period. His testi-
mony, of course, has little weight when it is so flatly
contradicted by that of the contemporary record pre-
served in Nehemiah's memoirs. That Josephus is
manipulating his material is clearly indicated, not
only by the inconsistencies apparent in his story,
but also by the fact that, in his brief summary of
Nehemiah's narrative, he always omits the name of
Sanballat (Ant. xi. 5, 6-8). Inasmuch as he placed
Nehemiah's activity in the reign of Xerxes, he was
keen enough to realize that, although he made
Sanballat die in a ripe old age, the Samaritan prince
could not have been living both in the earlier part
of the fifth and also in the latter part of the fourth
century b. c.

210. If the source for Josephus' statement, that
Sanballat was given permission to build the Samaritan
temple by Darius, is reliable, the Persian king in ques-
tion was not the last, but the second who bore that
name and who reigned from 424 to 404 b. c. Possibly

DATE OF THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE 221

the error of Josephus arose because he made the
common mistake of confusing these two monarchs.
Johanan, the brother of Manasseh, was probably the
same into whose room in the temple Ezra retired
when the final exclusive measures were introduced
(Ezra X. 6). This reference confirms the conclu-
sion that the building of the Samaritan temple fol-
lowed very soon after the Great Assembly. Joiada,
the father of the exiled priest, was high priest
during the last quarter of the fifth century. Nehe-
miah, at the most, could not have lived long after
the close of that century, so that his expulsion of
Manasseh, and the building of the Samaritan tem-
ple, must be dated not far from 400 B. c, possibly
during the closing years of the reign of Darius 11.
(424-404 B. c.) or immediately after 397 b. c.

211. In connection with his reference to the driv-
ing away of Manasseh, Nehemiah calls down a curse
upon certain ones, " because they had defiled the
priesthood and the covenant of the priesthood and of
the Levites." From this reference it is evident that
Manasseh was by no means the only one from the
ranks of the Jerusalem priests and Levites who
offended against the strict Priestly Law, which for-
bade marriages with foreigners. Ezra also found many
such offenders (Ezra x. 18-23). That they all con-
sented to put away their foreign wives is, on a priori
grounds, improbable, and Josephus confirms this con-
clusion, for he stoics that " many of the priests and
Levites of Jerusalem were entangled in such marriages ;
for they all revolted to Manasseh ; and Sanballat gave
them money and divided among them land to cultivate,
and also provided them with habitations " (Ant. xl

222 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

B, 2). This defection probably assumed larger pro-
portions than either Nehemiah or Josephus were
willing to admit. In a sense, both the Jewish and
Samaritan communities were benefited by it. De-
livered from the uncongenial and opposing elements
within its midst, the " true Israel " was free to devote
all its energies to living in accord with the new Priestly
Law. Emulation of their southern rivals, and the
building of the temple on Mount Gerizim, also aroused
a new religious zeal among the Samaritans. Although,
at certain points and on personal grounds, at variance
with the dominant party in Jerusalem, Manasseh and
his fellow-exiles had caught the spirit of reform and
appear to have been as ardent champions of the revised
Jewish code as were Nehemiah and Ezra. The re-
sult was that the Samaritans, instead of reverting to
heathenism, under the influence of their new priest-
hood, at once, or soon, adopted as their law the com-
pleted Jewish code, practically in the form in which
we have it to-day in the Pentateuch. This, together
with an abbreviated edition of the Book of Joshua,
has continued until the present to be their sacred
scriptures. It certainly is a source for regret that we
are acquainted with the work of these early Samaritan
reformers only through the chance references of hostile
Jewish historians. In the unprejudiced eyes of the
great Prophet of Nazareth, the type of religion which
they introduced, compared by no means unfavorably
with that which was found under the shadow of the
Jerusalem temple. In the bitter contest waged dur-
ing the succeeding centuries between the Jews and
Samaritans, it is certain that right was not entirely
with either side. Much of the intolerance and acer-

RELIGION AND CHARACTER OF THE SAMARITANS 223

bity which disfigured the character of later Judaism
was the result of these fierce struggles. Henceforth,
the worshippers on Mount Gerizim possess for the
student of Jewish history a powerful but negative
interest.

XII

THE LAST CENTUEY OF PERSIAN RULE

212. The years "which immediately followed the
Great Assembly were undoubtedly the happiest which
the Jews of Palestine had known since the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. While the institution
of strict, exclusive measures rendered their relations
with their neighbors more bitter than ever before, new
hopes filled their hearts. The consciousness that they
were faithfully observing the law of Jehovah, gave
them renewed confidence. They regarded the un-
wonted prosperity which they enjoyed as unquestion-
able evidence of his favor and an earnest of still
greater blessings. The same prophet who was so
bitter in his denunciations of the Samaritans, voiced,
in the name of Jehovah, the expectations which in-
spired his hearers : " I will rejoice in Jerusalem,
and joy in my people : and the voice of weeping shall
be no more heard in her, nor the voice of crying.
They shall not build, and another inhabit; they shall
not plant, and another eat : for as the days of a tree
shall be the days of my people, and mine elect shall
long enjoy the work of their hands. They shall not
labor in vain, nor bring forth for sudden trouble; for
they are a seed blessed of Jehovah, and tlieir offspring
shall remain with them " (Isa. Ixv, 18, 22, 23).

EVIDENCE OF A GENERAL RETURN TO JUDAH 225

213. A subsequent passage, probably from the same
author, refers to the birth of the " true Israel " and to
the return of the scattered Jews : " Who has heard
such a thing ? Who has seen such a thing ? Shall
a country be born in a day, or a nation be brought
forth at once ? As soon as Zion travailed, she brought
forth her children " (Isa. Ixvi. 8). There is evidence
that Ezra's expedition represents but one of several
groups of exiles who returned at this time. If the
rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem and the pre-
liminary reform of Nehemiah sufficed to attract six
or seven thousand Jews of the dispersion, the added
knowledge that " Zion had travailed," that the Priestly
Law had been proclaimed, and solemnly accepted in
Judah, must have attracted thousands more. At last
the religious atmosphere of Palestine was congenial
to the stricter Jews of the East, and the uninhabited
spaces within and without the walls of Jerusalem
invited colonists. The exclusive spirit which drove
Manasseh and his fellow-exiles from Jerusalem, drew
many zealous priests and laymen in their stead. Long
years of preparation had preceded, but, when the final
moment came, a " nation indeed was born in a day."

214. In the census, preserved in Ezra ii. and
Nehemiah vii., of " the children of the province who
went up out of captivity," the names of the majority
follow those of Nehemiah and Ezra (in Ezra ii. 2,
Seraiali). Since the names of the first four stand in
their I'elative chronological order, it is at least reason-
able to conclude that the same is true of the rest; in
which case these lists also testify that a majority of
those who returned did so after the Great Assembly.
Since it seems probable that only a comparatively

226 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

small number returned with Zerubbabel, Joshua, and
Nehemiah, and about six thousand with Ezra, at least
three-fourths of the varying totals given in tlie differ-
ent versions returned with the eight other leaders.
The names borne by some of the clans, as, for example,
"the children of Pahath-Moab " (children of the gov-
ernor of Moab), suggests that not all represented in
the census returned from Babylon. The lists may
even comprise all in Judah who accepted the new
Priestly Law, which had been brought by those " who
went up out of captivity," irrespective of whether or
not they or their ancestors had ever left Palestine.
This may be the significance of the general title,
" children of the province," which is used instead of
the " children of the captivity," by which the chronicler
always distinguishes the ^'eturned from resident Jews
(Ezra iv. 1 ; viii. 35).

215. An index of the date of this census is found
in the fact that many of " the children of the province "
were settled in towns which were not held by the Jews
when Nehemiah went to Judah in 444 b. c. (see map
opposite page 158). The extension of Jewish territory
thus indicated, is toward the north and northwest, and
includes such debatable towns as Geba, Michmash,
Bethel, Ai, Kiriath-jearim, Chephira, Lydda, Hadid,
and Ono, lying on the southern borders of Samaria.
This extension corresponds exactly with that which
Josephus and the first Book of Maccabees declare
took place during the years following the advent of
Nehemiah and Ezra. By the beginning of the Macca-
bean period. Bethel, Beth-horon,and Timnath Pharathon
are no longer Samaritan but Judean cities (I. Mac. ix.
50; Jos. Ant. xiii. 1, 8). The Jewish population on

CONDITIONS FAVORABLE FOR A RETURN 227

the plain of Ono (compare Neh. vi. 2) liad also in-
creased to such an extent that in 145 b. c. the Jews
demanded that the toparchy of Lydda, as well as those
of Apharema (Ephraim) and Ramathaim, be trans-
ferred to them by the Syrian king (I. Mac. xi. 28, 34 ;
Jos. Ant. xiii. 4, 9).

216. During the closing years of the Persian period,
and under the rule of the Ptolemies, the Jews in Pales-
tine were oppressed, and large numbers of them were
deported, especially to Egypt ; but during the long
reign of Artaxerxes 11. (Mnemon, 404-358 B. c), the
central government was so pitiably weak and inert
that the different states under its nominal control
were free to do very much as they pleased without
fear of interference. Hence the period of Judah's
expansion must have been, as already inferred on
other grounds, during the first half of the fourth
century. Its cause was evidently the return of large
numbers of Jews from the dispersion ; for the strict
policy of separation which was adopted at the Great
Assembly tended to diminish rather than increase
the native Jewish population. From this half cen-
tury, therefore, in all probability, came the census
of the lay population introduced by the chronicler in
Ezra ii. and Nehemiah vii. Then the influence of " the
returned " became dominant in Judah ; while the mixed
population which had remained in the land began to
fall into ill-repute, as their previous record and laxer
practices were viewed from the stricter point of view of
the Priestly Law ; so that then, for the first time, there
was a strong motive for taking and preserving such
a census. The same tendency to disparage the resident
and to assign all that was q:ood to the returned Jews

228 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

continued to develop until, as in the case of the chron-
icler, it distorted all the later conceptions of earlier
post-exilic history. The actual return of a few thou-
sand evidently inspired in the hearts of the Palestinian
Jews hopes of a complete restoration of their race.
Fervently and often they prayed:

Save us, Lord our God,
And gather us from among the nations,
To give thanks unto thy holy name,
And to find our pride in thy praise.^

Another psalmist, looking back upon this bright epoch
from out of the shadows which darkened the succeed-
ing years, exclaimed :

When the Lord brought back those that returned to Zion,

We were like unto them that dream.

Then were our mouths filled with laughter.

And our tongues with singing :

Then said they among the nations,

The Lord hath done a great thing for them.

The Lord hath done a great thing for us j

We are glad.^

217. During the long reign of Artaxerxes II., the
supine weakness of the Persian rule, which had given
the Jews their opportunity for expansion, brought upon
them a new danger. As so often in the liistory of the
Hebrew people, it came from the land of the Nile.
Tachos, the native king of Egypt, which had for nearly
half a century successfully defied the authority of the
Great King, about 361 B. c. advanced into Syria on his

1 Pa. cvi. 47. * Ps. cxxvi. 1-3.

KEIGN OF ARTAXERXES III. (OCHUS) 229

waj to attack Artaxerxes. The Phcenicians had joined
his cause, and he had begun the siege of certain Syrian
towns, when he was suddenly obliged to return to
Egypt to put down threatening insurrections. Mean-
time, the aged Artaxerxes died in the year 358 b. c,
and the Persian throne was seized by his younger son
Ochus, who is known as Artaxerxes III. He proved
as shrewd and energetic as he was unscrupulous and
cruel. His reign was the bloodiest in Persian history.
His accession was marked by the wholesale murder of
all the members of the royal family who might in any
■way endanger the continuance of his rule. At the
same time, he did more to revive the tottering empire
than any other monarch since Darius I. Instead of
trusting to his generals, he in person conducted the
more important campaigns. Egypt naturally demanded
his first attention. The reigning Egyptian king
Nectanebus, however, with the aid of Greek generals
and mercenaries, about 350 B. c, completely defeated
the vast army of Ochus.

218. This signal defeat early in his reign encour-
aged the subjects of Ochus in many parts of the empire
to revolt. Probably at the instigation of the Egyptians,
the Phoenicians, led by the town of Sidon, also raised
the standard of rebellion. The Persian soldiers within
their territory were massacred. Insurrections in other
parts of his empire prevented Ochus from immediately
crushing the uprising, so that it soon assumed large
proportions. Tennes, the Sidonian king, supported by
a large body of Greek mercenaries sent by his ally, the
victorious king of Egypt, defeated two of the Persian
satraps sent against him, and for a time delivered the
province of Syria from Persian rule. By 346 B. c.

230 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Oclius succeeded in collecting another large army
(estimated by the Greek historians at 330,000) and
advanced against Sidon. Its king, thereupon, betrayed
his city and allies into the hands of the Persians. In
keeping with his usual treacherous policy, Ochus repaid
the perfidy of Tennes by murdering him, and by slay-
ing the principal citizens of Sidon who came to plead
for clemency. The remainder, preferring death by
their own hands to the mercy of this bloodthirsty-
Oriental despot, shut themselves within their homes,
and then burned them over their heads. It is reported
that in this manner forty thousand perished. After
having reduced to ruins the centre of rebellion in
Syria, Ochus advanced with his main army to the con-
quest of Egypt, which he completed by 343 b. c.

219. The part which the Jews took in this great
uprising, and the fate which overtook them, like cer-
tain other unpleasant events in their history, are only
obscurely recorded by their historians. The narrative
of the chronicler stops abruptly with the institution of
the Priestly Law, and Josephus is almost equally silent.
He does, however, associate with the name of " Bagoas,
the general of another Artaxerxes," an enslavement of
the Jewish people and a pollution of their temple (Ant.
xi. 7, 1). This general was evidently identical with the
eunuch Bagoses, one of the three Persian commanders
of Ochus (Artaxerxes III.) in the great Syro-Egyptian
campaign. He it was who later slew his master
and became the virtual ruler of the empire. The
cause which Josephus assigns for the severe visitation
upon the Jews, was the murder by the high priest John
(Johanan of Nehemiah xii. 22, 23), of his brother
Jesus, for whom the Persian courtier had promised to

REBELLION OF THE JEWS AND ITS PUNISHMENT 231

secure the high-priesthood. Since the crime was com-
mitted within the sacred precincts of the temple,
Josephus traces the misfortunes which overtook his
race at this time to the divine displeasure aroused by
the act. The characters of the high priests of the
period were such that the story is by no means incred-
ible ; but the judgment which the Persians visited
upon the Jewish community was out of all propor-
tion to the cause assigned. The tradition related by
Josephus preserves the facts that the Jews were en-
slaved, that their temple was polluted, that their
punishment continued through many years (seven ac-
cording to Ant. xi. 7, 1), that Bagoses was a prominent
agent in inflicting it, and that it was regarded as a
divine judgment for sins which had been committed.

220. Certain independent references in the writings
of the non-Jewish historians sujjplcment tlie writings
of Josephus, and suggest the true cause of the calam-
ities which befell the Jewish community. They present
few details. The fact, however, is established that
the Jews were involved in the rebellion against the
Persians, and that they were the victims of the same
bloody vengeance that Ochus visited upon the Phoeni-
cians and Egyptians. It is also recorded that Jericho
was captured and destroyed, and that a part of the
Jewish people were transported to the province of
Hyrcania, located on the south of the Caspian sea
(Solinus XXXV. 6; Syncellus i. 486). The basis of
the Book of Judith is not improbably also a late tradi-
tion concerning the suppression of the Syrian insur-
rection by Ochus. The name of Holofernes, the leader
of the hostile forces in this grotesquely distorted tale,
may be identified with that of Olophernes, one of the

232 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

generals who figured prominently in the same Syro-
Egyptian campaign (Diodorus xxxi. 19, 28). In
referring to the same period, the author of the nine-
tieth chapter of the Book of Enoch (verses 74, 75),
declares, in his quaint symbolism, that " the eyes of the
sheep [Jews] were blinded so that they saw not. As
a consequence, they were given over in large numbers
for destruction, and were trampled underfoot and
devoured. And the Lord of the sheep remained un-
moved until all the sheep were dispersed over the field
and mingled with the beasts " (their heathen foes).

221. The actual course of events suggested by these
general, but mutually confirmatory allusions seems to
have been as follows : during the first half of the fifth
century B. c. the Jewish community grew to such an
extent, both in numbers and strength, that its insig-
nificance no longer delivered it from threatening
political complications. The old aspirations for inde-
pendence and world-wide rule were also again kindled
in the hearts of the Jews. The brutal cruelty and
tyranny of Ochus destroyed all gratitude which they
may have felt toward the Persians, and instead aroused
only intense hatred and loathing. In their eyes, the
Persian monarch and his equally unprincipled advisers
represented the arch enemies of Jehovah and of his
kingdom. On the other hand, the Jews felt, even as
King Josiah when he attacked the mighty host of Necho
on the disastrous field of Megiddo (II. sect. 190), that,
by their zealous reforms and faithful service, they had
won Jehovah's favor, and that he was under obligation
not to allow them to fall before their enemies. The
third chapter of the Book of Joel, which comes from
this period of peace and prosperity, expresses this feel-

FALSE HOPES OF THE JEWS 233

ing : " Proclaim this among the nations ; sanctify war ;
stir up the mighty men ; let all the men of war draw
near, let them come up. Beat your ploughshares into
swords, and your pruning-hooks into spears: let the
weak say, I am strong" (verses 9 and 10). The
prophet then challenges the mighty nations to advance
to the conflict. He has no doubt of the issue. Jehovah
will judge the nations, and use his omnipotent power
to punish their guilt, while " he will be a refuge unto
his people and a stronghold to the children of Israel."
When this day of Jehovah, which the prophet's con-
temporaries hoped was near, arrived, Jerusalem would
be recognized by all as holy, and "there should no
strangers pass through her any more." With these
expectations before their eyes, it is easy to appreciate
the reasons which led the Jews to join in defying
Persia. To have refused also might have meant de-
struction at the hands of their more powerful neigh-
bors in Palestine.

222. The entire province of Syria appears to have
been compromised, and when the common cause was
betrayed and lost the Jews shared the consequences.
What these were may be learned from a study of
the awful vengeance which Ochus visited upon the
Phoenicians and Egyptians. Thousands were slain,
cities destroyed, temples spoiled, and mercy shown to
none. Since many of the Jews were deported, it is
evident that the wrath of Ochus rested as heavily upon
them as upon their neighbors. Although the historians
refer only to the capture of Jericho, Jerusalem must
have suffered a still worse fate, for, like Sennacherib,
centuries before (II. sect. 152), Ochus, as he advanced
to conquer Egypt, would never have left such a natural

234 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

stronghold to be a menace in his rear. There is little
doubt, in the light of the independent but confirmatory
evidence, that at this, the time of their second captiv-
ity, the holy city and its sanctuary were again despoiled
and nearly destroyed. Whether the one detailed to
accomplish this work was Olophernes or Bagoses, we
may be assured that it was characterized by the great-
est cruelty and vindictiveness.

223. While the biblical historians pass over these
events with a silence which is exceedingly suggestive,
the prophets and psalmists, who experienced their hor-
rors, frequently refer to them. Isaiah Ixiii. 7 to Ixiv.
12, as has been shown (sect. 102), without much doubt
come from this trying epoch. The first part of the
section consists of a review of the crises in Israel's past
history when Jehovah delivered his people and con-
cludes with a cry almost of reproach, because he has
" made them to err from his ways " and because he
apparently pays no heed to the overwhelming misfor-
tunes which have befallen them. " His sanctuary,
which his holy people (a term begotten by the Great
Assembly) possessed but a little while, their adversa-
ries have trodden down" (Ixiii. 18). They bitterly
complain that " Zion has become a wilderness, Jerusa-
lem a desolation. Our holy and beautiful house, where
our fathers praised thee, is burned with fire ; and all
our pleasant things are laid waste " (Ixiv. 10, 11). The
entire passage is wonderfully suggestive of what the
feelings of the communit}^ were in the presence of the
great calamity. Most painful of all was the sense of
having been forsaken by Jehovah. They had trusted
that he would deliver them, but they had been dis-
appointed. Their woes they regarded as evidence that

THE POLLUTION OE THE TEMPLE 235

they had sinned in his sight. They who had prided
themselves upon tlie strict observance of his laws were
polluted and unclean. The old problem of the Book of
Job was now the problem, not merely of a few faithful
ones, but of the community as a whole. Like the hero
of that great drama, they besought Jehovah by some
miraculous interference to deliver them from their
calamities and to vindicate their innocence.

224. The seventy-fourth and seventy-ninth psalms,
which reflect precisely the same historical background
as the passages in Isaiah, complete these pictures of
disaster and despair. Since Judah at this time was
pre-eminently a religious community, and since the
motives which prompted its revolt against Ochus were
also chiefly religious, the wrath of the Persians was
visited especially upon the temple and the places of
worship. In the light of these psalms it is possible to
follow the dissolute and pitiless soldiers of Ochus as
they entered the solemn assembly of the Jewish people,
uttering rude jeers and heaping insults upon the
gathered worshippers. Within the precincts of the
temple, they set up their hated standards, and then with
axes and hammers began the work of demolition.
Soon the highly prized carving and ornaments of the
sacred structure were in ruins. By fire they completed
its destruction (Ixxiv. 3-7). Not content with polluting
the holy shrine with their vile presence, they strewed it
and Jerusalem with the dead bodies of the faithful.
Truly could it be said of the mercenaries of Ochus, that
" they shed blood like water " (Ixxix. 2, 3). After the
temple and Jerusalem had been laid waste, they turned
their attention to the synagogues of the land. Without
exception, they were burned to the ground (Ixxiv, 8 ;

236 THE PERSIxVN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

compare Isa. Ixiv. 10). Through the same psahns, we
can hear the sigh of the prisoners, some condemned to
death, and some to deportation to a distant land
(Ixxix. 11).

225. The psalmists, as well as the prophets, were
overwhelmed with fear that " Jehovah had cast off his
people" (Ixxiv. 1). Their sense of being deserted was
intensified by the "scorn and derision of those who
were round about" (Ixxix. 4). Not only did they
pray for vengeance upon their persecutors, but also
that " the revenging of the blood of Jehovah's servants
which' is shed might be known among the heathen"
(Ixxix. 10). The reproach of their neighbors was even
harder to bear than actual persecution (Ixxix. 12, 13).
The loyal work of Nehemiah in reviving their national
strength seemed undone. Again the Jews were the
prey of their ever-present foes, whose hostility had
been intensified by the exclusive attitude of the Jeru-
salem community. The Jewish literature of the few
remaining years of the Persian period is filled with pas-
sionate prayers for a speedy deliverance from oppres-
sion and wrong, and for vengeance upon their merciless
foes (compare Ps. xciv. ; Isa. xxiv. to xxvii.). In
all probability the main sections of the Book of Job
(iii. to xxxi. and xxxviii. 1 to xlii. 6) were written at
this time. Taking the familiar story of Job (Ezek. xiv.
14 ; Job i., ii., and xlii. 4-17) which taught the time-
honored dogma that righteousness, after it had been
tested and found true, will bring its speedy and pro-
portionate reward, the author presented in the experi-
ences of the hero the new and more painful aspects of
the old problem. The questions which he thus treats,
are of universal human interest; but no Jew of the

MESSAGE OF THE BOOK OF JOB 237

period would fail to recognize in the revised story of the
patriarch Job the portrait of the true Israel, created by
the reformation of Nehemiah and Ezra. Although
observing most punctiliously all the demands of
Jehovah's law, the Jewish community, like the Job of
the poetical sections, had been overtaken, for some
unknown reason, by a series of overwhelming calamities,
which had stripped it of all that it held dear : material
prosperity, physical wellbeing, and beloved children.
While conscious of its own innocence, it was the object
of the taunts of its neighbors, who, like all the members
of that ancient world, could see in misfortune only the
punishment of sin (compare even John ix. 1-3).
Faithfully and dramatically, the great prophet-sage
presents, in the dialogue between Job and his friends,
all the anguish and doubts that distracted the heart of
Judaism at this crisis in its history. Sometimes he
uses almost the very words of contemporary prophets
and psalmists. He does not stop, however, with merely
presenting the problem in its new aspect, and with show-
ing that the old doctrine of proportionate rewards is
sometimes false. He has a positive message, and this
he reveals in chapters xxxviii. to xlii, 6. In its first
anguish, and as it considered its own woes, the nation
doubted Jehovah's justice and love. The prophet-sage
can adduce no conclusive proof of that which he
believes, but with inspired tact he urges his nation to
take a broader view of Jehovah's rule in the universe,
to recognize how circumscribed is man's outlook, to note
what infinite power and wisdom is revealed in the realm
of nature, and, having done this, to be silent in the pres-
ence of the Eternal and to trust his wisdom and justice.
226. The messages of such inspired teachers as the

238 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

author of the Book of Job saved the faith of Judaism
at this great crisis ; but it is not surprising that they
welcomed the prospect of the speedy dissolution of the
corrupt Persian empire (Jos. Against Ap. i. 22), and
that they hoped that the victorious advance of Alexander
represented the beginning of the era in which Jehovah
would " turn the world upside down " and punish the
arrogant foes of his people and vindicate his righteous
ones (Isa. xxiv.). When the Greek rule brought little
relief, many Palestinian Jews improved the opportunity
to turn their backs upon Judah, with all its discom-
forts, and to find new homes in Egypt and northern
Syria (sects. 271, 272) ; but the faithful who remained
behind were still inspired with hopes of final deliver-
ance and national exaltation. Meantime they clung
to the law of Jehovah, which was the source both of
their persecution and their joy, with the energy of
despair. Tbe temple and its services were the load-
stone which attracted and held them.

A day in thy courts is better than a thousand.

I had rather be a doorkeeper in the house of the Lord

Than dwell in the tents of wickedness/

expressed the feeling of those zealots who remained
in the land of Palestine. Thus the last century of
Persian rule witnessed the return to Palestine of
many faithful Jews, the institution of the Priestly
Law, the temporary realization of long cherished
hopes, the second great overthrow of the Jewish state,
and the pollution of the temple. During this period,
usually regarded as uneventful, both Samaritanism and
Judaism were born and nearly attained to their full
stature.

^Ixxxiv. 10.

XIII

THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE-
HELLENISTIC JUDAISM

227. In the light of the peculiar conditions and ex-
periences which were the lot of the Jewish race
during the Persian period and the short half century
preceding, it is possible to understand the unique
politico-religious organism which is designated as
Judaism. An historical review of this period is also
the key to the intelligent appreciation of that miracle
of succeeding ages which we behold with our own
eyes in the Jews of to-day ; for the character of the
Jewish church, which so stoutly resisted the alien in-
fluences following in the train of Alexander's conquests,
has been only slightly modified during the intervening
centuries. Although the fact is often ignored, nothing
is more obvious than that the type of religious and
social life which centred about the second temple was
radically different from that which was to be found
in the land of Canaan in the days of Isaiah the son
of Amoz. Ancient Hebrew life was free and joyous ;
the sense of Jehovah's immediate presence was strong.
In the petty things of daily existence, as well as in
matters of national concern, he was constantly con-
sulted through prophets and priests ; sacrifice offered
in person by the worshippers at the many local

240 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEV/ISH HISTORY

shrines scattered throughout the land was a com-
mon method of communing with him ; while he him-
self was popularly regarded as a tribal God, well
pleased with his chosen people.

228. With Judaism all was changed. The reform
of Josiah, based on the Book of Deuteronomy, marked
the beginning of that transformation ; for it de-
clared that the nation had sinned grievously against
Jehovah, and presented a written law as a divine
guide-book for the people. The tendency which pro-
duced Judaism — the tendency to embody Jehovah's
revelation of his will in a system of precepts intended
to regulate both belief and conduct, and so to make
religion a law — was strongly developed before the
exile. The principles and the purposes also which
actuated the men who were instrumental in forming
Judaism, were those of the pre-exilic prophets ; but
the remarkable conditions which favored, indeed forced
its growth, appear in the two centuries and a half
which followed the first destruction of Jerusalem.
They may with profit be briefly recapitulated. The
overthrow of the Judean state, not only left the Jews
free for four centuries to devote all their time and
energies to religion, but also made it necessary for
them radically to reconstruct the external form of
their religious life so that it might exist without the
political organization which hitherto had been its main
support. Tlie literary habits and above all the intense
religious zeal of their conquerors, tlie Babylonians, un-
doubtedly influenced them. The dazzling spectacle of
lordly temples and of a wealthy influential priesthood
also could not have failed, indirectly at least, to foster
the tendency toward ritualism, already strong within

INFLUENCES WHICH CREATED JUDAISM 241

the hearts of the exiles. At the same time the feel-
ings of doubt and uncertainty which seized them, as
they viewed the ruins of their beloved city and nation,
and recognized that many of the articles of popular
faith which they had accepted unquestioningly must
be abandoned, led them to turn as a final refuge to
the externals of religion. To them, as to many tried
souls in all ages, it was a great relief to be able to
follow implicitly the dictates of a system which with
authority pointed out plainly and in detail the way
of duty. If the ignorant masses of the Jewish race
were to be delivered from the temptations presented
by the heathen cults with which they were thrown
into close contact, religion must be made objective.
Especially was this true of the Jews who remained
behind in Judah. The Priestly Code represented the
efforts of faithful priests and scribes to meet the
varied needs of their race. The smallness and com-
pactness of the Jewish community in Palestine, the
liberal religious policy of the Persians, and the noble
work of Nehemiah, all favored the efforts of the zealous
reformers who instituted the new system. The malig-
nant opposition of their neighbors forced the Jews
to draw together the more closely. The sympathy,
the reverence, and the contributions of their loyal
brothers beyond the bounds of Judah upheld and en-
couraged them. The dissenting Samaritan community
drew away all who were not ready to swear allegiance
to the written law. Persecutions only intensified the
loyalty of the Jews to a system for which many of
their number had died. The furnace of affliction in
which Judaism was cast, burned so fiercely and long
that it is not strange that it has successfully resisted

242 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the many disintegrating forces to whicli it has heen
subjected.

229. When Nebuchadrezzar dealt the final blow to
the tottering Hebrew monarchy, he prepared the way
for the growth of the Jewish hierarchy. Hitherto tlie
priesthood had been dependent upon the throne for
patronage and support ; but henceforth the little polit-
ical authority retained by the Jews was gradually
transferred to the priesthood. True, Ezekiel intro-
duced a civil ruler into his ideal state, but the power
of his prince was limited to collecting the revenues
necessary for the support of the temple. Jews, like
Zerubbabel and Nehemiah, occasionally appointed by
the Persian monarchs as governors of Judah, were
only shadowy spectres of the ancient Hebrew king.
Many who claimed direct descent from David and the
ancient Judean kings were found, but there is no evi-
dence that their birth gave them a position of prestige
(I. Chrs. iii.). In the first half of the Persian period,
the heads of the different tribal and town organiza-
tions still regulated the local affairs of the community.
Nehemiah also recognized in them the leaders of the
commonwealth, but side by side with them he found
a priestly aristocracy which was beginning to over-
shadow them. As the prestige of the temple grew,
the influence of the priesthood increased proportion-
ally ; while that of the civil nobility waned. After
the establishment of the hierarchy through the institu-
tion of the Priestly Code, both religious and civil
functions were again wholly centred in one person,
only now the priest had absorbed all remnants of the
powc* once exercised by his royal patron ; while in
ancient Israel the king, as head of the nation, was

THE FUNCTIONS OF THE HIGH PRIEST 243

originally its high priest as well. Then the state was
the church ; now the church was the state.

230. Whether or not the Persian government rec-
ognized the authority of the Jewish high priest is
uncertain. A passage in Josephus suggests that it
did (Ant. xi. 8, 3). According to the Priestly Code,
he was to be given complete control of the people.
By the beginning of the Greek period, the only limita-
tions to his power .were the dictates of the foreign
rulers to whom the Jews were subject, and the will of
the masses to whom the high priest usually deferred.
Like the kings of old, he was anointed, wore the purple
and a crown, and enjoyed royal honors ; while the
representatives of the old secular nobility were as-
signed a humble place in his petty ecclesiastical court.
Also like the ancient Israelitish kings, he represented
the nation before Jehovah. He alone entered the holy
of holies. He alone of all the priests wore the ephod
with the Urim and Thummim, and he it was who
offered the great sin-offering of the people before the
Lord on the day of atonement (Lev. xvi.).

231. Under the high priest was a carefully graded
corps of temple ministers whose respective duties are
minutely defined in the Priestly Code. Naturally, the
members of his family not only shared the honors of
their head, but were also assigned the most desirable
offices, so that they soon constituted the ruling aris-
tocracy, and in time coalesced into a distinct party,
known in later times as that of the Sadducees, the
descendants of Zadok who was placed by Solomon in
charge of the Jerusalem temple (I. sect. 142). Fol-
lowing the tendency which first found clear expression
in the writings of Ezekiel (see sect. 47), the Priestly

244 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Code drew a sharp line of distinction between the
priests and the Levites. It traced the lineage of those
priests whom it recognized as legitimate back to the
family of Aaron. As an historical fact, thej were
the direct or traditional descendants of " the priests,
the Levites, the sons of Zadok " (Ezek. xliv. 15) who
ministered at the pre-exilic Jerusalem temple. By
the beginning of the Greek pe.iod, they were divided
into twenty-four classes or courses. At a later time,
at least each class in rotation served at the temple
for one week. According to the chronicler, the priests
constituted a large proportion of the total population
of the community. In the census contained in Ezra ii.,
they numbered four thousand, two hundred and eighty-
nine.

232. The chief duties of the priests consisted in
presenting before Jehovah the various offerings which
constituted the essential part of the temple ritual,
for they alone were qualified according to the Priestly
Code to perform this service. In their life and person,
they were under obligation to exemplify the sanctity
of their task and the holiness of the God whom
they served. Any physical infirmity permanently
disqualified them. As they entered upon the office
(probably at the age of twenty), they were solemnly
consecrated for their work by means of ablutions,
sacrifices and public anointing. Henceforth, the tast-
ing of wine, shaving their head or beard, or the doing
of any act which would render them ceremonially
unclean, was absolutely forbidden them. Obviously
the idea that the entire nation was a holy nation of
priests (Ex. xix. 6) underlies the institution of the
priesthood, but in time holiness was so strictly defined

POSITION AND DT:TIES OF THE LEVITES 245

in the terms of ceremonial cleanliness that the mass
of the people, in consequence of their ordinary occu-
pations, were disqualified. Hence the priests were re-
quired worthily to represent the people before Jehovah,
and at the same time to guard his sanctuary from
profanation.

233. In the hierarchy, the Levites were the servants
of the priests and of the sanctuary. According to the
Priestly Code, they were given to the priests as a pos-
session by the people in exchange for the first born
of each Israelitish family, who belonged to Jehovah
(Num. iii.). As a matter of fact, in earlier times priests
and Levites together constituted the tribe of Levi.
Those who were later designated as Levites were the
descendants of the priests who had ministered at the
high places outside Jerusalem, which were discounte-
nanced and destroyed at the time of Josiah's reforma-
tion. Ezekiel plainly declared that although they shall
be given a place at the Jerusalem temple, their posi-
tion shall be a menial one, because in the past they
encouraged the people in what he and his generation
regarded as gross apostasy (xliv. 10-14). In this re-
spect his program was carried out. They were strictly
excluded from the first positions of honor and responsi-
bility ; they were not allowed to enter the inner sanct-
uary nor to approach the altar. The more unpleasant
tasks were assigned to them, such as cleaning the
temple, caring for the sacred vessels, preparation of
the showbread, and the opening and closing of the
doors. Before the preliminary reforms of Nehemiah
were instituted (Neh. xiii. 10-14), their means of sup-
port were very uncertain. It is not surprising that at
first very few Levites reported at the temple. Only

246 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

with much difficulty did Ezra persuade thirty-eight
to return with him in his expedition. In the census
contained in Ezra ii., there are found only seventy-
four, as compared with over four thousand priests.
Nohemiah's reforms and the institution of the Priesth'"
Code insured to the Levites a definite income and cer-
tain rights and privileges, so that from that time on
their numbers appear to have rapidly increased,
especially as the singers and doorkeepers were later
added to their ranks.

234. The chronicler distinguished three distinct
classes of Levites : (1) those who were assigned to
the general service of the temple ; (2) the snigers or
temple-musicians ; and (3) the doorkeepers (I. Chrs.
ix. 24-26 ; xxiii. 5). It is interesting to note that early
in the Greek period, the temple-singers were classified
as Levites. Although there are references to song and
music in connection with the ritual before the exile,
there is no direct evidence that it was given over to an
order distinct from the general body of worshippers.
Song, to the accompaniment of instruments played by
the singers, constituted such an essential part of the
ritual of the second temple that a special class of
officials gradually grew up who attained to an even
more prominent position than the regular Levites.
The chronicler considered them so important a part
of the temple corps that he attributed their original
appointment to Samuel and David. According to him,
they were divided into three tribes or guilds, bear-
ing tlie names of Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun or Ethan
(L Chrs. xvi. 41 ; xxv. 1, 6 ; II. Chrs. v. 12 ; xx. 19).
In tlie older census of Ezra ii., only one guild, that of
Asaph, is mentioned ; while in the succeeding century

THE DUTIES OF THE TEMPLE-SINGERS 247

the temple-choirs were greatly increased. The super-
scriptions of certain psahns suggest that, like all
minstrels of antiquity, they not only sang but often
composed the words of their songs. Thus, for example.
Psalms 1. and Ixxix. are assigned to the sons of
Asaph, Ixxxix. to Ethan, and xliy. to xlix. to the sons
of Korah. The latter guild appears to have been sub-
ordinated by the chronicler in his general classification
to that of Heman (I. Chrs. vi. 33-37). He further
states that the singers received fixed salaries (Neh. xi.
23), and, like the priests, were divided by lot into
twenty-four courses, each bearing assumed names
like, " I have magnified " and " I have exalted help "
(I. Chrs. XXV. 8-31). These groups probably in turn
participated in the public service, uniting on the great
feast days or whenever the psalms (of which several
examples have been preserved in the Psalter), con-
taining strophies and antistrophies, were chanted.
The general body of worshippers appears also, as
of old, to have participated in the song-service (Ps.
xxvii. 6).

235. Repeated references in the Books of Ezra and
Nehemiah indicate that at the close of the Persian
period still another group of servants were associated
■with the temple. They are designated as the Nethinim,
" the given," and the children of Solomon's servants
(Ezra ii. 43-58). Three hundred and ninety-two are
represented in the census of Ezra ii. As their names
suggest, and as later tradition asserts, they were prul)-
ably the descendants of slaves who had originally been
presented to the temple (compare Ezek. xliv. 7-9).
To them were undoubtedly assigned the most menial
duties. Being virtually possessions of the temple, they

248 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

occupied permanent quarters close to the sacred pre
cincts (Neh. ili. 26, 31 ; xi. 21).

236. The same conditions which moulded Judaism
called into existence a new type of religious teachers,
the scribes. Their influence steadily increased as that
of the prophets waned, so that at the close of the
Persian period they were rapidly becoming the domi-
nant intellectual leaders in the Jewish church. By
the beginning of the Greek period, they were organized
into guilds for the pursuit of their work (I. Chrs. ii.
55). To them were due, not only the development of
the Priestly Code, and the final editing of the Hexateuch
and the prophetical writings, but also the interpreta-
tion and further expansion of the ceremonial system
by means of the traditional oral law. Theirs was the
work which is recognized in the comparatively late
tradition respecting the " Great Synagogue." Their
activity did not cease with editing, interpreting, and
expanding the law ; since their aim was to influence
their fellow Jews, they also devoted tlieir attention to
its practical application. They proved far more zeal-
ous champions of it than the priests themselves. The
scribes first began the general education of the masses.
Under their thorough tutelage, the Jewish race as a
whole became intimately acquainted with the details of
their law.

237. The work of the scribes was greatly facilitated
by the institution of the synagogue. As has been
noted, it grew out of the practical needs of the Jews
in the dispersion (sect. 37) ; but with the institution
of the Priestly Code, it became an absolute necessity in
Judah also. Without its popular instruction respect-
ing the detailed demands of the law, the success of the

ORIGIN AND AIM OF THE SYNAGOGUE SERVICE 249

sweeping reforms introduced by Nehemiah and Ezra
would have been impossible. Deprived of the privilege
of personally participating even in private sacrifices,
the common people also required some other channel
through which to give individual expression to their
religious feelings. The synagogue belonged to them,
and its service was as democratic as that of the temple
was exclusive. Instruction, however, not worship, was
the main aim in its organization. Popular ignorance of
the law was no longer tolerated ; hence just such oppor-
tunities as it offered were demanded. The collections of
the sacred writings by the scribes furnished the material
for use in the synagogue, and the prevailingly reveren-
tial attitude toward the teachings of the past provided
the incentive for study. Although the chronicler does
not use the word synagogue in the account which he
gives of the preliminaries of the institution of the
Priestly Code, he presents a picture of a synagogue
service which is remarkably similar to those of later
times. It included prayer, reading of the law and
its interpretation. Thus it is not only extremely
probable but practically certain that the large body
of zealous Jews who returned to Palestine in the
wake of the reformation of Nehemiah and Ezra,
brought with them from the lands of the dispersion
the institution of the synagogue. This conclusion is
further confirmed by the reference in Psalm Ixxiv. 8 :
" They have burned up the synagogues of God in the
land," which finds its background in the cruel revenge
visited upon the Jews by the bloodthirsty soldiers of
Ochus.

238. Obviously, life under the law during the centu-
ries immediately following the great priestly reforma-

250 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

tion was not, as is sometimes considered, a burden, but
a joy. The early scribes were not the enslavers of the
people, but instead consecrated, zealous, efficient teach-
ers who by their faithful instruction pointed out to the
masses the way of righteousness, and gave to the forms
of worship a meaning which they had never before
possessed. The new demands made by the law upon
the time and resources of the Jews only gave to their
life, which would otherwise have been exceedingly bar-
ren, a definite content. The temple with its solemn
worship, its songs, and its impressive sacrifices to atone
for the sins of the nation, the frequently recurring
feasts, commemorating important national and reli-
gious events in their past history, and the democratic
atmosphere of the synagogue, with its free discussion
and constant instruction, imparted to their religious
life a variety which was most welcome. While the
Jews were ruled by foreign masters, the law had no
rival ; hence it was able to command all their energies.
At the same time it gave the glad assurance to its
devotees that they could by their efforts attain to
righteousness. Thus the oppressive sense of national
sin, which since the beginning of the Babylonian exile
had saddened and crushed the faithful members of the
race, at last was partially removed, and the nation and
individual rejoiced in the possibility of winning God's
favor. The deep popular love for the law finds joyous
expression in many of the psalms :

How lovely are thy tabernacles, Lord of Hosts !
My soul longs, yea, even pines for the courts of the
Lord.i

1 Ixxxir. 1, 2.

POPULAR LOVE FOR THE LAW 251

Blessed are they whose way is blameless,

"Who walk in the law of the Lord.

Give me understanding that I may keep thy law,

That I may observe it with my whole heart.

Make me to go in the path of thy commandments,

For therein do I delight.

Oh how love I thy law,

It is my meditation all the day.^

To the great majority, the observation of the com-
mands of the law was a glad privilege, and in faithful
obedience to that which to them was the will of God,
they doubtless enjoyed a rich blessing.

1 cxix. 1,34,35,97.

XIV

THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM

239. The psalms reveal the real depth and breadth
of the religious life of pre-Hellenistic Judaism. In
them, as well as in the law, the great truths proclaimed
by the earlier prophets lived and moulded the character
and faith of the race. They also show how intimate
was the communion between the individual and Jehovah.
If the ordinary Jew could not sacrifice upon the great
altar at Jerusalem, he could at any time present before
the divine throne his offering of praise and his fervent
petitions for forgiveness or help. Both public and
private prayer were exceedingly common. In the
presence of an impending calamity, the prophet Joel
urges the priests to " weep between the porch and the
altar," and to pray that Jehovah will spare and deliver
his people (Joel ii. 17). Psalm xxvi. 12 speaks of
publicly praising God in the congregations (probably
in the synagogue services). The Psalter contains
prayers voicing both the supplications of the com-
munity and of the individual. Although debarred
from performing certain rites in the temple, it is ob-
vious that in the Jewish church the individual enjoyed
a prominence unknown before the exile. His responsi-
bilities were also increased, as his knowledge of the
demands and content of the law expanded. The com-

INFLUENCE OF FOREIGN RELIGIONS 253

bination of stately ritual, of song-service, of public
and private prayer, and of the thorough instruction
of the synagogue produced on the whole a healthful
and attractive type of religious life ; at least it was far
in advance of that which it superseded in Judah.

240. In considering the peculiar forms and tenets
of Judaism, the question naturally arises, How far
were they the result of foreign influences ? The op-
portunities for the exertion of those influences were
legion. Judaism gradually assumed form during the
centuries when the most intelligent and active members
of the race were brought into personal and continued
contact with the dominant peoples of the age. From
the Jews of the dispersion also came the movement
which culminated in the establishment of the hierarchy
and the rule of the law. Since in every other respect,
their habits were moulded and transformed by their
new environment, it would have been strange indeed
if their religious life was entirely unaffected. The
first two sources of possible influence, Egypt and
Babylonia, have already been partially considered.
Their most important effect upon the faith of the
Jews was negative ; their gross polytheism confirmed
the monotheistic tendencies of those who were loyal
to their religion. At the same time their highly de-
veloped ritualism and their priestly hierarchies must
have unconsciously influenced the exiles in both the
East and the West to regard ceremonialism as the
natural and true expression of religion.

241. The most powerful external religious influences,
however, came from the Persians. The fact that the
great prophet of the exile hailed Cyrus as Jehovah's
Messiah suggests the attitude of the more advanced

254 THE PEKSIAN PEKIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Jewish leaders toward the conquerors of Babylon and
the liberators of the Jews. The chronicler represents
the earlier Persian kings as recognizing Jehovah
(Ezra i. 2). Certainly there were more striking re-
semblances between the religious beliefs of the Per-
sians and of the Jews than between those of any other
ancient peoples. Both were originally proclaimed by
prophets, and both laid emphasis on moral acts ; both
declared one God to be the supreme object of worship ;
according to both it was unlawful to make an image
of the deity ; both grew more and more intolerant
toward the gods of other peoples. In their develop-
ment, the two cults presented striking points of simi-
larity. While both were originally prophetic, at about
the same date they became ecclesiastical religions, with
a complex priestly code which was regarded as given
verbally to the respective founders of the two faiths,
Zarathustra (Zoroaster of the Greek historians) and
Moses. In many details the two systems were similar.
For example, ceremonial cleanliness was arbitrarily
defined ; contact with certain animals or with a dead
body brought defilement, and one of the most strenu-
ous commands of the law was to avoid all such cere-
monial impurity. These tendencies certainly cannot
be fairly claimed to have been imparted directly from
one religion to the other, because they were found in
germ in both long before the two came into contact.
At the same time, it is reasonable to believe that the
example of their Persian masters, whom the Jews at
first esteemed so highly and with whom those in the
East came into intimate relations (for example, the
great reformer Nehcmiah), fostered and, possibly in
certain details, guided the development of the move-

GROWTH OF TIIIC 13EIJEF IN IMMORTALITY 255

ment -oliich produced Judaism. Similarly, the custom
of meeting at different places for the reading of sacred
books, for prayer, and for the sinking of songs, which
among tlie Jews grew into the synagogue service, was
common among the followers of Zarathustra.

242. Some of the characteristic tenets of Judaism
have been traced by certain scholars directly to the
Persian religion. It is an established fact that the be-
lief in the resurrection and future rewards for the
righteous and wicked was generally accepted by the
generation to whom Zarathustra preached. Among
the Jews, it did not find expression until after the
exile and at first only sporadically. Persian influ-
ence, in all probability, favored its growth ; but the
destruction of the ancient Hebrew state, the immortality
of which had contented earlier generations, and the
new prominence thereby given to the individual opened
the religious consciousness of the Jewish race to this
great truth. The author of the Book of Malachi speaks
of " a book of remembrance which was written be-
fore the Lord for them that feared him and thought
upon his name " (iii. 16), The author of the Book
of Job was eagerly groping in this direction, and had
almost found the clear light (xiv. 12-15; xix. 25-27).
A prophet, probably writing near the close of the
Persian period, and speaking of the saints in the Jewish
community, boldly declares : " Your dead shall live •
my dead bodies shall rise. Awake and sing, dwellers
in the dust : for a dew of light is your dew and the
earth shall produce the shades " (Isa. xxvi. 19). Cer-
tain of the psalmists avow the same faith ; but its
general acceptance did not come all at once nor in one
century, as might be expected if it were a direct im

256 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

portation from Persia, but gradually. Bj the begin-
ning of the Maccabean period, many — perhaps the
majority — of the Jews believed in the resurrection
of the dead, but even then, as is well known, the
conservative Sadducean party continued stubbornly to
reject it.

243. It is also a suggestive fact that their concep-
tion of the functions and character of the angelic
messengers rapidly enlarged during the period when
the Jews came into closest contact with the Persians,
whose religion postulated the existence of a host of
heavenly beings who carried out the will of the deity.
Again, the Persian influence was probably only indirect,
for the Hebrew belief in angels long antedated the
exile. The added prominence given to them in the
writings of such prophets as Ezekiel and Zechariah
was undoubtedly due to the fact that, as Jehovah was
then regarded as more exalted and farther removed
from man, messengers w^ere required to perform his
will on earth and to communicate between him and his
people. Later Judaism conceived of a highly developed
hierarchy of angels (compare the beginning of the con-
ception in the Book of Zechariah and its full develop-
ment in Daniel and Enoch). Although the names
given to these heavenly beings are of Hebrew origin,
the many close points of similarity to the Persian
system suggest a more direct influence. Especially
is this conclusion confirmed when we find that one of
the names of an evil angel (Asmodeus — ^^shma-doeva)
has been adopted from the Persian into Jewish thought
(Book of Tobit).

244. Still another striking illustration of the truth
that " orerms which lav hidden in Judaism were fertil-

GROWTH OF THE BELIEF IX SATAN 257

ized by contact with the Persian religion " is found
in the growing belief in a personal spirit of evil who
is hostile to Jehovah and, to a certain extent, indepen-
dent of him. This represented a wide departure from
early Hebrew thought. Such a late writer as the
great prophet of the exile distinctly asserted in the
name of Jehovah : " I form the light and create dark-
ness : I make peace and create evil : I am the Lord
that doeth all these things " (Isa. xlv. 7). Hereto-
fore the teachers of his race had assumed this truth.
Its assertion suggests that it had been called in ques-
tion either by contact with the Persians, who saw in
the universe a constant struggle between Ahura Mazda
(Ormuzd), the spirit of good, and Angra-Mainyus
(Ahriman), the spirit of evil, and their hosts of fol-
lowers, divine and human, or else the prophet found the
idea in the minds of his fellow-exiles. Such an expla-
nation of evil was most natural, and the belief in evil
as well as good spirits was common in early Semitic
religions. The Hebrew germ is found in I. Kings xxii.
19-23, where a prophet in the days of Ahab vividly
presents a scene from the councils of Jehovah, in
which a certain spirit volunteers and is commissioned
to be a lying spirit in the mouth of Ahab's prophets,
that thereby the king may be deceived. In the vision
of Zechariah contained in the third chapter of his
prophecy, there appears to accuse Joshua, the high
priest, an angel who bears for the first time in Jewish
literature the title, " Satan," the "Adversary." He is
obviously a regularly accredited official of heaven whose
duty it is to present before Jehovah's tribunal the
charges against mankind ; but, as his title and Jeho-
vah's rebuke suggest, he is, if not actually hostile

17 ..

258 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

toward mankind, at least lacking in the divine spirit of
charity. In the dramatic prologue to the Book of Job,
" Satan " is still the title of a trusted official ; but his
attitude is more clearly antagonistic toward mankind,
for he skilfully devises methods whereby the righteous
Job may be led to commit sin. The adversary has be-
come a tempter. The chronicler strikingly illustrates
the remarkable development of this belief in the personi-
fication of evil, for in his reproduction of the original
passage in II. Samuel xxiv. 1, which reads : "Again
the anger of the Loi'd was kindled against Israel and
he moved David against them, saying. Go, number
Israel and Judah," he reads : " Satan stood up against
Israel and moved David to number Israel " (I. Chrs.
xxi. 1). When Satan next emerges into prominence
in Jewish literature, he is a distinct personality, at
enmity with Jehovah and righteousness, gifted with
power almost equal to that of God himself, and sur-
rounded by a hierarchy of evil spirits, correspond-
ing to the spirits of light who do the will of the
Lord.

245. The defects and evils in Judaism were plainly
revealed in later times, when they were exaggerated, and
especially when they were brought into strong contrast
with the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. The tendency
to substitute ceremonial for genuine righteousness, and
to ask, not what is right, but what does the law say, was
by no means a new one in Israel's history (compare
Am. iv. 4, 5; V. 22-24; Mi. vi. 6-8). Some of the
apparently meaningless distinctions between animals
clean and unclean represent survivals from the heathen
past. Certain of the laws of ceremonial purity were
both absurd and harmful, for they branded as unclean

SPIRITUAL LIFE REFLECTED IN THE PSALMS 259

the humble toilers of Judah ; while those who possessed
wealth and leisure, so that they could live in strict
accord with the demands of the law, gained a false and
odious sense of their own righteousness. This in many
cases became mere hypocrisy. The great pi-ivileges
and income granted to the priestly class by the law
often tended to make them all the more grasping. The
words witli which Jeremiah condemned the corrupt
priesthood of his day, in time became doubly appro-
priate : " Is this house which is called by my name
become a den of robbers in your eyes ?" (vii. 11).

246. The psalms which voice the better conscience
of Judaism indicate, however, that there were many
who retained a true estimate of the relative importance
of moral and ceremonial righteousness. Through them
the messages of the prophets live again. Since the
prophecies were regularly read in the synagogues,
extreme ceremonialism could never sweep all before it.
Beautifully the author of Psalm xv. indicates the true
requirements for admission to Jehovah's holy temple :
upright conduct, purity of purpose, freedom from such
vices as slander and treachery, antagonism to evil, love
of the right, unswerving integrity, generosity toward the
needy, and impartial justice. Repeatedly the psalmists
emphasize the truth so subversive to extreme
ritualism :

For thou delightest not in sacrifice, —

Else would I offer it ;

Thou hast no pleasure in burnt offerings.

The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit,

A broken and a contrite heart,

God, thou dost not despise.^

^ li. 16, 17 ; compare xl. 6.

260 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

The breadth of vision of the author of Psalm 1., who
evidently lived when formalism was beginning to chill
the heart of Judaism, is amazing :

I do not reproach you for your sacrifices j

Nor for your burnt offerings,

Which are continually before me.

I wish no bullocks out of your house,

Nor he-goats out of your folds.

For every beast of the forest is mine,

And the cattle upon a thousand hills.

Whoso offers the sacrifice of thanksgiving

Glorifies me ;

And to him who orders his way aright

Will I show the salvation of God.^

247. With these songs on their lips, the Jews could
never be entirely lulled to sleep by a ritual. Glori
ous hopes of national vindication and exaltation also
inspired and united them. The psalms and prophecies
of the period are full of Messianic predictions ; but the
real danger was that their national ideals would become
selfish and sordid. The great prophet of the exile had
proclaimed that they had been chosen by Jehovah that
they might be his witnesses to the world. Plainly he
showed them that their true glory was to be found in
voluntary self-sacrifice. The moment they recognized
that Jehovah was not merely a tribal God, but the
supreme Ruler of the universe, their responsibility
to tlie nations of the world confronted them. " Tliere
is but one God and Israel is his prophet " was the
logical watchword of Judaism. Not only the great
prophet of the exile, but also his immediate successors

1 1. 8-10. 23.

THE JEWISH ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGNERS 261

appreciated the missionary responsibilities of their race.
Zechariah declared : " Many nations shall join them-
selves to the Lord in that day, and shall be my people "
(ii. 11*). In one of his latest sermons, he announced the
divine purpose still more plainly : " It shall come to pass
that as you were a curse among the nations, house of
Judah and house of Israel, so will I save you and you
shall be a blessing " (viii. 13). His closing words
proclaim that " many peoples and strong nations shall
come to seek the Lord of hosts in Jerusalem and to en-
treat the favor of the Lord. Thus saith the Lord of
hosts : * In those days ten men shall take hold, out of
all the languages of the nations, shall even take hold
of the skirt of him that is a Jew, saying, We will go
with you, for we have heard that God is with you'" (viii.
22, 23). The psalms contain many passages in which
the universal character of Jehovah's kingdom is plainly
declared (for example, Ixvii. ; Ixxxvi. 9; Ixxxvii. 4, 6 ;
cii. 15-22). There is clear evidence that during the
first century of the Persian period the Jewish commu-
nity received many foreigners into its midst. The
author of Isaiah Ivi. 3-8 undoubtedly expresses the
attitude of at least the more progressive Jews of
Palestine. He assures the strangers who had united
with the community that they need not fear that
Jehovah would separate them from his people. All
who love the Lord, faithfully serve him, observe the
Sabbath and the terms of his covenant, shall be freely
admitted to the services of the temple, and their offer-
ings accepted, since Jehovah's " house shall be called a
house of prayer for all peoples." He adds that it is
Jehovah's purpose to gather others to him besides hia
own that are gathered.

262 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

248. The reasons why this early proselyting move-
ment ended abruptly have already been considered
(sects. 206). The trouble was primarily with the
Judean community itself ; it was not able to assimilate
many heathen elements with impunity. Contrary to
their later attitude, the Jews of the dispersion dur-
ing the Persian period were much more strenuously
opposed to admitting foreigners into their ranks than
those in Palestine. The result was that, when their
influence became dominant in Judah through the insti-
tution of the Priestly Code, the rest of the world was
practically excluded by the high wall of separation
which was reared. The door of Judaism, however, was
not entirely closed to the outside world. The clause in
the older Deuteronomic law which admitted the
descendants of the Egyptians in the third generation,
and even the hated Edomites, was not erased (xxiii. 7,
8). In the Priestly Code " the strangers who sojourn
among them" are subject to the same laws and enjoy
the same social and religious privileges as the Jews
themselves (Lev. xvii. 8, 10, 12, 13 ; Num. ix. 14).
Evidently in all these passages the reference is to the
proselytes who have conformed to all the requirements
of the Jewish law, and have in turn been fully adopted
by the community. Exodus xii. 48 plainly states that
all such, who submit to the rite of circumcision, shall
be on a perfect equality with the native born Jews.
Through this narrow door came the thousands of pros-
elytes who were attracted to Judaism during the Roman
period.

249. During the two centuries following the institu-
tion of the Priestly Code, any earlier impulses toward
proselyting were stifled. Within their high wall of

THI<] MESSAGE OF THE BOOK OF JONAH 263

separation, the Jews, intent on following the details of
their law, almost forgot that Jehovah was God not
merely of their nation, but of the nations. Hatred,
begotten by the wrongs which they had suffered from the
lieathen, took the place of missionary zeal. When they
thought of their neighbors, it was to pray for their
speedy destruction rather than for their salvation. Self-
righteous, because they considered that they alone were
observing the law of God, they regarded the rest of the
human family as unclean. The bitter struggles of those
trying centuries were not calculated to arouse a deep
love for the peoples with whom they came into contact.
250. Only a few inspired souls kept before their
eyes the real mission of their race and the true
character of the kingdom of God. Occasionally, a
psalmist echoed the noble ideals of the earlier
prophets ; but the author of the marvellous little
Book of Jonah alone fully appreciated and clearly
pointed out to his race how inconsistent and con-
temptible was their attitude toward the rest of man-
kind, who like themselves were the objects of Jehovah's
unbounded love. He appears to have taken the out-
lines of a popular story, associated with the name of
Jonah the son of Amittai, a prophet who during the
reign of Jeroboam U. predicted Israel's victory over
her foes (II. sect. 79), to illustrate his inspired, but to
his contemporaries exceedingly unpalatable message.
He also employs the imagery of a well-known Semitic
myth of a great sea-monster which in Hebrew prophetic
typology represents the world-powers which prey upon
the weaker nations, and especially upon Israel (Isa.
xxvii. 1). Like the Great Teacher, the prophet freely
recasts these elements, gleaned from the popular con-

264 THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

sciousness, into the form of a parable, replete with
deep spiritual truth. Its application is obvious, and
was doubly so to his contemporaries, who were familiar
with its imagery.

251. Jonah is a perfect type of narrow Judaism
during the period under consideration. Perversely
blind is Jehovah's servant whom he has sent. He is
ready to do anything rather then execute Jehovah's
command to preach to the enemies of his race. As
he clearly declares, his reason for fleeing from the
land of Israel was not because he feared the Ninevites,
but because he was afraid that they would listen to
his message of warning. If they did so, he knew that
Jehovah was " a gracious God and full of compassion,
slow to anger and plenteous in mercy," and that when
they repented he would not destroy them (iv. 2).
Like the Jewish race, he stood in a unique relation to
Jehovah, and in unfavorable contrast to the representa-
tives of heathendom, who according to their light are
pictured as faithfully serving the gods whom they
knew. The repentance of the Ninevites and their
forgiveness by Jehovah recall the words of the author
of the Book of Malachi, who, in condemning the mean-
ness of the Jews toward their God, declared that "from
the east to the west Jehovah's name was great among
the Gentiles, and that in every place incense and a pure
oblation are offered to his name " (i. 11). To a Jew,
the manner in which Jonah turned from Jehovah, and
sought refuge from him on the troubled sea, would
suggest the mad, perverse conduct of his Hebrew fore-
fathers, who likewise turned from Jehovah and sought
to escape his inexorable command on the perilous sea
of Oriental politics. Similarly, the great fish which

THE PARABLE OF JONAH 265

rose out of that sea to devour, and at the same time, in
God's providence, to preserve his servant, would at once
recall their experiences in Babylon. A prophet of the
exile had already employed the same figure in refer-
ring to the fate of his people : " Nebuchadrezzar the
king of Babylon has devoured me and crushed me . . .
he has swallowed me up like a great sea-monster,
filling his maw from my delights, he has cast me out "
( Jer. li. 34). In the following verses (44, 45), Jehovah
replies to the lament of the exiled nation : " I will
punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring out of his
mouth that which he has swallowed. . . . My people,
go out of the midst of her." Like Jonah, the Jews, dis-
ciplined and instructed by their experience, recognized
(as the words of the great prophet of the exile indicate)
Jehovah's call to proclaim his message to the heathen
world. Jonah's brief words of warning, presented
under compulsion, and his contemptible complaining,
because Jehovah had spared the foes of his race, and
because some petty discomforts had come to him, com-
plete this uniquely remarkable sketch of Hebrew and
Jewish history.

252. With the Jews, the parable was a favorite method
of presenting truth, but in simplicity, in graphicness,
and in fidelity to human character and motives, the
picture painted by the unknown author of this little
book is comparable only to those flashed before the
eyes of the humble Galileans by him who " spoke in
parables." The prophecy abounds in rich truths which
only those who have stumbled over the miraculous
coloring of the story have failed to appreciate. The
more important are : (1) God is infinitely more loving
and compassionate than his people would make him ;

266 THE PEKSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

(2) He is ready to pardon all, irrespective of race, who
sincerely crave his mercy ; (3) the Jewish people were
trained and commissioned to proclaim his will to the
nations ; (4) refusal to carry out his divine purpose
will bring certain judgment, although he will ever be
ready to forgive and restore his prophet-nation, when-
ever defiance is changed to penitence. The subsequent
history of the Jews strikingly illustrates this last
principle. Too late, they awoke to their duty and oppor-
tunity. Race-pride, unbending ceremonialism, narrow-
ness, and inertness in many of its parts, made the
earnest and in many ways noble attempt of Judaism
in the Roman period to proselyte the world a tragic
failure, except that it prepared the way for the con-
quests of Christianity.

, 253. The characteristic of pre-Hellenistic Judaism
which most impresses itself is its many-sidedness.
The whole was a strange bundle of contradictions.
While the Jews conceived of Jehovah as a universal
God, they acted as though he was only a tribal deity,
jealously guarding their race, and hostile to the rest
of mankind ; while they declared that he was the
Creator and Ruler of the whole universe, and God of
the heavens, they proclaimed that sacrifice could be
presented to him only on the sacred temple mount ;
while they sang, " Thou hast no pleasure in burnt
offering," they devoted their best energies to keeping
up an elaborate sacrificial system ; while they taught
that Jehovah was morally righteous, and demanded
the same quality in his people, they gave their chief
attention to observing the often grotesque laws of
ceremonialism ; while they regarded him as the source
alike of all good and evil, they entertained a grow-

THE INCONSISTENCIES OF JUDAISM 267

ing belief in a personal prince of evil, antagonistic
to Jehovah and in a sense independent of him; while
they believed that God's richest blessings were moral
and spiritual, the chief hopes which they cherished,
were that they might behold the overthrow of their
foes and the establishment of a temporal kingdom
in which they themselves would rule over the nations.
These striking inconsistencies were the natural con-
sequence of the fact that Judaism drew its ideas
from many different sources and ages, and was itself
the product of a great variety of forces. It was the
repository of much heathen rubbish, as well as of the
most precious religious truth revealed to the human
race. The crying need of Judaism and of mankind
was not for the temporal Messiah of popular expecta-
tion, but for one divinely gifted and commissioned to
bring order out of this chaos, to distinguish between
the gold and the dross, to unite the true and the
eternal into a consistent system, and, above all, to
impart to the whole the breath of life. Until, in
God's good providence, that Anointed One was sent,
Judaism, sometimes at the cost of its life blood, faith-
fully guarded the treasures intrusted to its keeping.

PART III

THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH
HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE

254. The conquest of Palestine by Alexander in
332 B. c, inaugurated the Greek period of Jewish
history ; but its close is not so definitely marked. If
it be made to include those centuries when Greek
language, customs, and ideas were the dominant foreign
influences in Jewish life, it would extend beyond the
beginning of the Christian century. If its limit be
decided on political grounds, there is still opportunity
for a difference of opinion, for the Jews did not all
at once and finally throw off the yoke of Alexander's
successors. The year 165 b. c, which marks the third
great victory of the Jews over their former Syrian
masters, and the rededication of the temple, has been
adopted as the limit of the Greek and the beginning
of the Maccabean period. Many times later, the Jews
fell a prey to Syrian armies, and were forced tem-
porarily to acknowledge the rule of the Seleucids ;
but the victories of 165 B. c. secured for them per-
manently the most coveted fruits of independence,
and turned back the wave of Greek influence, which
hitherto had threatened to engulf everything distinc-
tively Jewish. Henceforth, there was never wanting
a well-organized native party in Judah which defied,
by force of arms and wi+h increasing success, the

272 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

claims of Syria. In 165 B. c, the Maccabean kingdom
was born, and therefore then the Maccabean period
properly begins.

255. Respecting the first century and a half of the
Greek period, the Jewish historians are almost silent.
Josephus alone has preserved a few traditions. The
inner life and thought of the Judean community is
reflected in three distinctly different types of Old
Testament books. It was during this period that the
chronicler (between 800 and 250 b. c, compare sects.
88, 89) wrote his ecclesiastical history of the Hebrew
nation contained in I. and II. Chronicles and Ezra-
Nehemiah. If he naively read into the earlier epochs
the conditions and current traditions of his own times,
his work thereby becomes a most valuable historical
source for this period regarding which light is so
much needed. The desire to deceive was so foreign
to him that he leaves no doubt respecting his late
point of view. For example, in describing Solomon's
sanctuary, he often has in mind the second temple.
Its services are far more elaborate than those of the
shrine described in Samuel-Kings. One of its gates
even bears the Persian name " Parlar " (I. Chrs. xxvi.
18). It is interesting to note that in his earnest zeal
to trace to the sacred past tlie origin of those institu-
tions which he and his generation cherished and revered
so highly, he performed a far greater service than if
he had merely realized his ideal to write a second his-
tory of ancient Israel. His significant omissions, as
well as his revision of the older histories contained in
Samuel-Kings, also vividly reveal the different stand-
ards of the later age in which he lived.

256. The marked differences in language, ideas, and

DATE OF ZECHARIAH IX. TO XIV. 273

allusions between the first eight and the last six
chapters of the book which at present bears the name
of the Zechariah who with Haggai encouraged his
countrymen to rebuild their ruined temple, have led
scholars generally to recognize in them the work of
different hands. The date of the unknown writer, or
possibly writers, of the last six chapters is one of the
complicated problems of the Old Testament. At first
glance, the references to Ephraim, Damascus, Assyria,
and Egypt (ix.) point to some period before the
exile when these kingdoms still existed. Certainly
the centuries of Babylonian and Persian rule furnish
no satisfactory background. After the division of
Alexander's empire, however, Judah became the bone
of contention between the Ptolemies of Egypt and the
Seleucids of Syria. By the Jews, who in the later
days lived so much in the past, the names of the old
foes of their race, Egypt and Assyria, were used to
designate these, their new oppressors (compare Isa.
xxvii. 13 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 8). Similarly, Ephraim and
Israel were the terms applied to the Jewish community,
" the true Israel," which represented the old Hebrew
state. The many direct and indirect quotations from
the pre-exilic and exilic prophets indicate that the
present chapters were written in the late Jewish period,
when the Jews began to study closely their sacred
scriptures. The promise in ix. 8, that " no oppressor
shall pass through them any more," recalls the same
promise in Joel iii. 17. The vagueness and apocaly]>
tic tone of the predictions are also characteristic of
the declining days of prophecy. The distinct refer-
ence to the Greeks, not as a distant nation, as in the
Book of Joel, but as foes already in conflict with the

274 THE GREEK TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Jews (ix. 13), confirms the conclusion that the wars
and dissensions alluded to in these chapters were
those which came to the Jews between the years 320
and 240 B. c, when the Ptolemies and Seleucids were
each fighting for the rulership over the distracted
Jewish community. Our ignorance of the details of
these contests makes it impossible to identify the
historical allusions. The sections, however, are sad
and undoubtedly true revelations of the intense hatred
and scorn with which the Jews regarded the degener-
ate foes who destroyed their peace. The fact that
they are found in the collection of the prophecies and
not, like the Book of Daniel, among " the Sacred Writ-
ings," fixes their date before 200 b. c.

257. The same hostile attitude toward the Gentiles,
and the same joy at the thought of their destruction,
are reflected in the Book of Esther. Although the
historical background of the story which it contains
is the Persian, it probably comes from some Jew,
living in the latter part of the Greek (or possibly the
Maccabean) period. He is dependent upon later tra-
dition for his knowledge of conditions in the Persian
empire. He is unfamiliar with the fact that in the
Persian court the reigning queen was always chosen
from one of six noble families. Between the seventh
and twelfth years of the reign of Xerxes, according to
Herodotus, Amestris was queen. The marked dra-
matic character of the narrative, the surprisingly large
numbers slain by the Jews during a period when the
attitude of the Persians toward them was con-
spicuously friendly (compare the later expeditions of
Nehemiah and Ezra), and the evident aim to glorify
the Jews has led many to classify this book as one of

HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE BOOK OF ESTHER 275

the romances, like the Books of Tobit and Judith,
with which later Jewish writers delighted and inspired
their countrymen. Ezra ii. 1 refers to a certain
Mordecai, who led back to Palestine, after Nehemiah,
a band of faithful Jews. It is exceedingly probable
that the story rests upon certain historical facts which
have been exaggerated or distorted in transmission.
The chronicler and the son of Sirach ignore the events
related in the book. Its great popularity with later
Jews is due to its intense nationalistic feeling, and to
the fact that it gives the traditional origin of the most
secular of the Jewish feasts, that of Purim. This
feast is first mentioned in II. Maccabees xv. 36, as the
day of Mordecai, in connection with the victory of the
Jews over Nicanor. Although the authority is late,
the natural inference is that the feast of Purim was
known at least early in the Maccabean period, and its
origin was traced to the incidents related in the Book
of Esther. If this be true, the latter part of the Greek
period is reasonably well established as its date.

258. From the same period, probably, comes the
strange mingling of Jewish and Greek thought known
as the Book of Ecclesiastes. Its peculiar vocabulary
and awkward, broken constructions proclaim that it
was written when Hebrew was becoming an unfamiliar
tongue to the Jews. The implication in the opening
chapter, that it is the work of Solomon, is but one of
the many illustrations of the tendency of later Judaism
to attribute all literary productions to famous charac-
ters who lived centuries before (compare the very lato
" "Wisdom of Solomon " and the " Psalter of Solomon ").
The book shows many marks of later revision. Th(3
author of the original sections was evidently born and

276 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

educated as a Jew, but had lost the strong faith of
earlier generations, and had none of the enthusiasm
for the law which filled the hearts of his race in the
century or two following the institution of the Priestly
Code. The fragments of Greek philosophy which he
had absorbed, had fundamentally altered his original
beliefs. The dispiriting influences of the age in which
he lived, and his own experiences, had driven him to
the pessimistical conclusion that " all is vanity." Like
the Sadducean party, to which he would undoubtedly
have belonged if it had already taken definite form in
his day, his creed consisted chiefly in negations. Un-
fortunately, his indefinite historical allusions do not
establish his exact date. Certainly he could not have
lived before Greek thought had for a considerable
period exerted its powerful influence upon the intensely
conservative Jewish mind. Hence a date earlier than
about 250 b. c. is impossible. The closing years of
the rule of the Ptolemies in many ways furnish the
most satisfactory background. The other possible
period is the reign of Herod the Great (which has
recently been strongly urged by Professor Cheyne in
his " Jewish Religious Life after the Exile"). It must,
however, be seriously questioned whether or not such
a late book could have gained admission into the canon
of the Old Testament, and especially a book of the
character of Ecclesiastes. Still more time was re-
quired for the repeated revisions to which it has
obviously been subjected, and these must have ante-
dated its formal approval as canonical, near the close
of the first Christian century (Mishna, ladaim iii. 5).
259. From the same school of wisdom-thought, but
from a much more hopeful point of view, comes the

THE PROVERBS OF THE SON OF SIRACH 277

apocryphal book, Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom of
Sirach. It is the only book of this period which is
definitely dated. The superscription states that the
present complete Greek version was translated by the
author's grandson, who came to Egypt in the thirty-
eighth year of Euergetes, who must be the second ruler
of Egypt to bear that name, since the first reigned only
twenty -five years. This was therefore in 132 b. c, and
Jesus the son of Sirach, the grandfather, must have
written between 200 and 175 b. c. In 1. 1, Sirach
speaks of Simeon, the son of Onias, who is probably to
be identified with Simeon II., high priest during the
first part of the second century b. c. Recently, a large
fragment of the original Hebrew edition, corresponding
to cliapters xxxix. 15 to xlix. 1 of the Greek, has
been discovered, and made accessible to Hebrew stu-
dents (Cowley and Neubauer — The Original Hebrew
of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus). The discovery is un-
doubtedly the most important which has been made
for years in the Old Testament field. It shows, in
the first place, that the Greek translation was very
free. The original Hebrew approximates closely to the
classical models of which the author was a careful
student. He was familiar with the Pentateuch and
both the "earlier" and the "later" prophets, from
Joshua to Malachi. This gives definite grounds for
concluding that the prophetic canon was completed
as early as 200 b. c. Naturally the son of Sirach
quotes most from the kindred wisdom-books : Job and
Proverbs. His style closely resembles certain of the
psalms, and his book closes with a psalm. The gen-
eral testimony of the work is, not that the Psalter was
then complete, but rather still in the process of forma-

278 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

tioii. Several of the psalms themselves contain internal
evidence that they come from the Greek period, and
therefore may be counted as one of its historical
sources.

2G0. The merciless persecutions of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and the valiant and successful resistance of
the Jews, which filled the closing years of the Greek
period with stirring events, called forth a large volume
of Hterature. The apocalyptic type, which was ex-
ceedingly popular with the later Jews, was the most
common. The prophets, who wished to encourage
and strengthen their afflicted countrymen, no longer
preached to them by word of mouth and simple direct
siatement, as did Isaiah and Jeremiah, but presented
their messages in the form of visions and predictions,
abounding in mysterious figures and symbolism, and
usually placed in the mouth of some saint of the past.
The number of these writings which have been preserved
out of the undoubtedly greater body which has been
lost, is surprisingly large. They all testify that if the
prophets had not altogether been " expelled from the
land," they had at least begun to be " ashamed every
one of his vision when he prophesied" (Zech. xiii. 2, 4),
and to seek to give it authority by associating it with
a name revered by his generation.

261. The noblest representative of this different type
of prophecy is the Book of Daniel. Its position in the
latest group of the Hebrew canon, " the Sacred Writ-
ings," at once suggests that it was written too late to
find a place in the prophetic canon. Its omission in
the otherwise complete list of the prophetic books
given by the son of Sirach, is equally significant. This
external evidence that it was written after 200 B. a

DATE OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL 279

is confirmed by the testimony of the language, part
of it (ii. 4'' to vii. 28) even being written in Aramaic.
The Aramaic also is not that employed by the Jews in
the East, as would naturally be expected in the light of
the narrative, but the peculiar type in use in Palestine.
In the passages which purport to antedate the estab-
lishment of the empire of Cyrus, a large number of
Persian words is found ; while at least three of Greek
origin appear in the book. The point of view of the
author is not that of the Babylonian, nor of the Persian,
but of the Greek period. For example, Belshazzar,
who must historically be identified with Belsharuzur,
the son of the usurper Nabonidus, the last ruler of
Babylon, is designated as the last king of Babylon
and the son of Nebuchadrezzar (v. 2, 11, 13, 18, 22).
Darius, who organized the Persian empire, and not
Cyrus, is regarded as the successor of Belshazzar and
the first conqueror of Babylon (v. 31 ; vi. ; ix. 1 ; xi. 1).
This confusion in regard to the perplexing details of
early Babylonian and Persian history is exactly parallel
to what has already been noted in other writers of the
Greek period (sect. 80). Other minor inconsistencies
are found, and possess a positive value because they
assist in fixing the true historical setting of this won-
derful book. Its theological ideas likewise point to a
date late in the Greek period. The exact circum-
stances of its composition may be determined with
reasonable certainty. The predictions focus the atten-
tion not upon the return from Babylon, nor upon any
of the important events which characterize the Persian
and the earlier part of the Greek period, but upon the
crises in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. He is
evidently represented by the little horn of chapter

280 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

eight. Chapter eleven, after giving a brief summary
of the events following the conquest of Alexander,
devotes verses 21 to 45 to a minute description of the
I'eign of Antiochus. The persecutions which the Jews
experienced at his hands are also the background of
the promises contained in chapter twelve (compare
verses 7, 11-13). The history presented in the Book
of Daniel in the form of prediction, becomes more and
more detailed as it advances to these persecutions, and
after their horrors are fully described, it suddenly
ceases, and certain general Messianic promises alone
are given, which it is impossible to identify with any
known historical events. These facts all point to
the conclusion that the book, with its examples of
heroic and successful defiance to the commands of
tyrannical human potentates, when they were contrary
to those of Jehovah, with its glorious promises of
divine deliverance for the persecuted and discouraged
people, was written when the persecutions were at
their height. There are no definite references to armed
resistance, nor to the dedication of the temple ; Jehovah
is expected personally to deliver his people, and forth-
with to institute his Messianic kingdom. Therefore
it is not probable that the book was written after the
great victories of Judas, and the establishment of the
temple service in December, 165 b. c. The period
between 167 and the beginning of 165 B. c. is conse-
quently established with considerable certainty as its
date (compare sect. 308). This conclusion at once
gives to the great messages of the book a new signifi-
cance, and a supreme historical value, for its testimony
respecting the closing years of the Greek period is that
of a contemporary. At the same time, the probability

THE EARLIER SECTIONS OF THE BOOK OF ENOCH 281

is not precluded that the narratives of the first six
chapters rest upon a traditional basis, and that Daniel
was an historical personage, and not the pure creation
of Jewish imagination.

262. Closely related in character and content to the
Book of Daniel is the Book of Enoch. Both are fre-
quently quoted by the New Testament writers and the
Church Fathers. The Book of Enoch consists of a
collection of apocalyptic writings coming from different
dates and authors. These represent fragments of a
voluminous literature which was put forth during the
Greek, Maccabean, and Roman periods in the name of
the antediluvian of whom tradition declared : " He
walked with God." In later Jewish thought, Enoch
became the father of the apocalyptic, as did Moses of
the legal literature. The present book was probably
not edited until about the beginning of the Christian
era; but two sections, chapters i. to xxxvi. and Ixxxiii.
to xc, reflect the Jewish thought of the latter part of
the Greek period. In Ixxxiii. to xc, the general point
of view is that of the author of the Book of Daniel.
It refers symbolically to the persecutions of Antiochus ;
but is a little later than the Book of Daniel, for it
speaks of the armed and successful resistance of the
Maccabean family (xc. 6). It also anticipates after
these victories the speedy establishment of the Messianic
kingdom. Its date, therefore, is about 1G5 B. c. These
chapters make use of the other section i. to xxxvi. ;
but the latter knows nothing of the persecutions of
Antiochus, and are written from a different point of
view ; hence their date must Ije somewhat earlier than
168 B. c.

263. The events of the last decade of the Greek

282 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

period (175-165 b. c.) are described in detail in the
first four chapters of I. Maccabees. From certain
references, it is evident that the author of this remark-
ably vivid and on the whole exact history wrote dur-
ing the earlier part of the first century B. c. He was
therefore removed only two or three generations from
ihe events recorded. He probably also had before him
short notices written not long after the great uprising.
His interests are those of orthodox Judaism; but in his
temperate statements, in his careful chronological and
geographical notes, and in his attention to details, he
exhibits for almost the first time in Jewish history
the true instincts of a modern historian. In all tliese
respects, his history is much superior to that contained
in II. Maccabees, which covers the period from 175 to
160 B. c. When the order of events differs, that of
the first book must in general be regarded as the more
reliable. The interest in II. Maccabees is religious
rather than purely historical, and the supernatural ele-
ment is much more prominent. As is definitely stated
in ii. 24-32, it is an epitomization (with the exception
of the letters in chapters i. and ii.) of a much earlier
work written by Jason of Cyrene, who probably lived
about 160 B. c, had access to earlier authorities, and
apparently was not acquainted with I. Maccabees. The
two books, therefore, represent independent sources and
furnish many mutually supplemental facts.

264. In his " Antiquities," Josephus has preserved
certain later and largely legendary traditions respect-
ing Alexander's relations to the Jews. The impossible
account of the translation of the Hebrew scriptures
into Greek purports to be a direct citation from the
writings of Aristcas, a Greek official of Ptolemy II.

THE WRITINGS OF JOSEPHUS 283

(Philadelphus). The real author, however, must have
been a Jew who probably lived during the closing years
of the rule of the Ptolemies. The clear picture which
he incidentally gives of conditions in Judah and
Jerusalem, is intended to glorify his nation. It is
nevertheless valuable because it is largely the result
of personal observation. In his polemical treatise
"Against Apion," he likewise quotes from a writing
purporting to come from the Alexandrian Greek phi-
losopher and historian, Hecataeus, who was a contempo-
rary of Alexander the Great. In reality, its autlior was
probably a Jew, living in the third century b. c, who
employed as the basis of his tract the statements of
Hecataeus. The incidental historical data thus pre-
sented may, therefore, be regarded as partially reliable.
In his treatment of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes,
Josephus depends almost entirely upon I. Maccabees.
His meagre history of the Greek period is supple-
mented by those of the Greek writers. Polybius in
book xxvi. and Diodorus in book xix. of their histories
vividly describe the character and reign of the arch
persecutor of the Jews. In the histories which record
the conquests of Alexander, and the reigns of his suc-
cessors, is presented in detail the setting of the picture
of the Greek period which it is possible to reconstruct
with the varied but not altogether satisfactory materials
at our command.

THE CONQUESTS OP ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OP
THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCHiS

265. At last the longed-for upheaval came, and the
vast Persian empire, which in the period of its decay
had become the object of Jewish hatred (compare Isa.
xxiv. to xxvii.), fell in ruins before the victorious
armies of Alexander. To the Jews, who were ignorant
of the real weakness of Persia and of the careful
preparations which had long been going on in Mace-
donia under the sagacious guidance of Philip, the
appearance of Alexander was a most marvellous
spectacle. A year of active campaigning in Asia
Minor, culminating in the sweeping victory over Darius
at Issus in 333 B. c, and, lo, he was knocking loudly at
the gates of Syria. Triumphantly, he swept down the
eastern coast of the Mediterranean, conquering north-
ern Syria without serious opposition, gathering fabulous
spoils from the rich city of Damascus, and meeting his
iirst serious opposition at the great trading city of
Tyre. Since his first purpose was to secure the com-
mercial and naval command of tlie Mediterranean, he
did not pass on until he had captured this well-nigh
impregnable fortress, even though it required an active
siege of seven months. The only other formidable
opposition came from the city of Gaza, which fell after
making a most stubborn defence.

THE VICTORIOUS ADVANCE OF ALEXANDER 285

266. The traditions preserved by Josephus indicate
that the Samaritans, in keeping with their usual policy,
hastened to pay homage to Alexander while he was
besieging Tyre (Ant. xi. 8, 4). Soon after he sent to
the high priest at Jerusalem a demand for auxiliaries,
provisions, tribute, and allegiance. Remembering the
awful judgment which had followed their recent defec-
tion from Persia (sect. 221), the Jews were naturally
very slow to acknowledge anotlier master. Although
the short section contained in Zechariah ix, 1-8 may
possibly come from a slightly later date, it finds its
most satisfactory setting at this time. It pictures
exactly Alexander's victorious advance down tlie
valley of the Orontes, the capture of Damascus, the
submission of the coast cities, and predicts, as did
the old Hebrew prophets when the Assyrian armies
advanced along the same route, the conquest and
destruction of Tyre, who " has built her a fortress,
and heaped up silver like dust, and gold like the dirt
of the streets." It also predicts the downfall of the
Philistine cities, and closes with the assurance that
Jehovah " will encamp as a guard about his house, so
that none shall pass by or return."

267. The capture of Gaza and the other cities of the
Philistine plain influenced the Jews to accede to the
demands of Alexander, and to swear a ready allegiance
to him. Tbe tradition that he visited Jerusalem at
this time, and was miraculously influenced by a dream
to spare the Jews, and to grant them many special
privileges, reveals all the characteristics of a late tale
intended to glorify the Jewish race (Ant. xi. 8, 4, 5).
His ambitions and plans for the conquest of Egypt
left him no time to turn aside for such an insignificant

286 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

community as that at Jerusalem. Even the conquest
of an important city like Damascus he deputed to one
of his generals. Jerusalem probably at this time, as
in the earlier days of its history, escaped by simply
submitting, because the conqueror was eager to
advance into Egypt. The slowness of the Jews in
throwing off the Persian yoke commended rather than
condemned them in the eyes of Alexander. The
original demands for provisions, auxiliaries, and the
same tribute as had been paid to Persia were doubt-
less enforced. Repeated references in the writings of
Josephus (Against Ap. i. 22) suggest that henceforth
Jews were regularly found in Alexander's armies.
This confirms the statement that many accompanied
him in his wars (Jos. Ant. xi. 8, 5). They can, how-
ever, hardly have been enrolled from the better classes.
The fact that large numbers of the Jewish race were
scattered throughout the lands which Alexander hoped
to conquer, and that, while industrious and intelligent,
they felt no attachment to the existing governments,
may well have influenced him to grant them certain
religious privileges, even as he did the Egyptians and
Babylonians, with a view to securing tlieir loyal sup-
port. Certainly in Alexandria, where his policy found
clearest expression, he conceded to them special civil
and religious rights. The suggestion has also been
made that because of their close connection with each
other, he wished to employ them as guides and in-
formers in the lands which he hoped to conquer.

268. Under Alexander, there was little immediate
change in the life of the Jewish community in Pales-
tine. It made no difference to the Jews whether they
paid tribute to Persia or Macedonia. Jaddua the

THE CITY OF ALEX^V^'DKIA 287

high priest continued to direct local affairs, subject to
the Greek governor who resided at Samaria. While
Alexander was in Egypt, Andromachus, whom he
placed over the province of Casio-Syria, was murdered
by the Samaritans (Quintus Curtius iv. 5, 8). In
punishment, a part of their territory (according to a
late tradition) was given to their foes the Jews, who
were thus enabled to extend their narrow limits
northward. A Macedonian colony was established at
Samaria, many of the inhabitants of which had been
either slain or banished for their crime.

269. The subjugation of Egypt was easily and
quickly accomplished by Alexander, since he found
there no genuine attachment to Persia. His great
work during his brief sojourn in Egypt was the found-
ing of the city which bore his name. The destruction
of Tyre prepared the way for Alexandria's commercial
greatness. Located on the sea, with Lake Mareotis in
its rear, it was easily defended. Provided with a
superb harbor, connected with the Nile by a canal,
and without a formidable rival, it enjoyed a practical
monopoly of the ti'ade of the East. It was laid out
by the architect of the temple of Diana. Built at
royal expense, it was one of the most beautiful cities
of antiquity. Its population consisted of Egyptians,
Greeks, and Jews. Each occupied separate quarters.
The Jews lived together in the northeastern part of
the city, and their quarter was surrounded with walls.
"Within these, they lived in accordance with their
l)cculiar laws, and were ruled and represented by one
of their number who bore the title of Alabarch.
Alexander's wise policy soon attracted many there,
and under the Ptolemies their numbers were still

288 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

further increased, so that Alexandria soon became the
second greatest Jewish centre in tlie world.

270. From Egypt, Alexander set out in 331 b. c.
to complete the conquest of the Persian empire. At
Arbela, he fought in the same year the decisive battle
which broke forever the power of Darius. During the
next seven years, he extended his rule to the Oxus and
Indus. Before he had consolidated his vast empire,
he died in 323 b. c, leaving no heir to succeed him.
Perhaps the most remarkable fact in his marvellous
history is the permanence of his suddenly acquired
conquests. The explanation is found in the superiority
of Greek valor, arms, and culture to that of the East,
in the servile attitude of the peoples conquered, in
the military ability of the generals who succeeded
Alexander, in the fact that, instead of destroying the
nations which he vanquished, he endeavored by liberal
concessions to win their loyalty, and above all because
he built Greek cities and introduced Greek colonists
and customs throughout the entire empire. The
Orient is naturally imitative ; and Hellenistic culture
became fashionable. The result was that it transfused
and transformed the life of the peoples of southwestern
Asia and Egypt. Greece was ti-ansported to the East,
and each Hellenistic city exerted a wide leavening
influence. Palestine was powerfully affected. The
coast cities of Gaza, Ashdod, Askelon, Joppa, Appolonia,
and Ptolemais soon became centres of Greek popula-
tion and rule. In addition to Samaria, many of the
east-Jordan towns — Hippos, Gadara, Pella, Gerasa,
and Philadelphia — were colonized and Hellenized by
Alexander's veterans. Thus, from the beginning of the
Greek period, the Jewish community in Palestine was

THE CAPTUEE OF JERUSALEM BY PTOLEMY 289

closely encircled b}- a ring of Hellenistic towns. The
conquests of Alexander suddenly brought the two
great currents of ancient thought and culture into
closest contact. The real history of human civilization
during the succeeding centuries is the record of the
conflicts and the final fusion of the permanent ele-
ments in each.

271. The successors of Alexander inherited his inor-
dinate ambitions and weaknesses, but few of his re-
deeming virtues. The fusion of eastern and western
blood and civilization magnified the vices of both.
The subject peoples were the prey of the conflicts
which soon sprang up between Alexander's generals.
Palestine, being the main highway between Asia and
Africa, again became the bone of contention between
the great powers of the East and the West. Peace
was not to be secured even by servile submission.
The first attack was made about 320 b. c, by Ptolemy
I. (Soter), son of Lagus, who after the death of
Alexander had established his rule over Egypt. Ap-
parently at this time, according to the tradition pre-
served by Josephus (Ant. xii. 1 ; Against Ap. i. 22),
Jerusalem was captured by a sudden attack on the
Sabbath, because the Jews refused to fight on that
day, The resistance of the Jews and Samaritans gave
Ptolemy an excuse for carrying many of them to
Egypt. They were taken from the country districts,
as v.-ell as from the larger towns. Special induce-
ments were also held out by him which attracted still
others.

272. Compared with the barren hills of Judah, ex-
posed to constant attack from relentless, treacherous
foes, Egypt under the rule of Ptolemy, with its ricA

290 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

opportunities for the enjoyment of peace and wealth,
offered attractions which were well-nigh irresistible.
In the Greek period, " the flesh pots of Egypt " were
a sore temptation to the Jews, and became the
stronger as the Jewish colony there grew larger and
more influential. Ptolemy on the other hand, assisted
by only comparatively few Greeks, and confronted with
the problem of maintaining the rule over his rebellious
Egyptian subjects, wisely recognized in the Jews and
Samaritans his best allies. They were so thoroughly
denationalized that they were influenced by no political
motives other than loyalty to the master who would
treat them most generously. Their personal interests
all led them to unite with the Greeks, rather than with
the native Egyptians. In that age when fidelity was
a rare virtue, they could be trusted. Their ambitions
were modest. They were industrious, and possessed
a rare facility for adapting themselves to their environ-
ment. In the great commercial centres of Egypt, their
genius for trade found complete expression. Their ex-
ceptional morality secured for them many positions of
trust. They soon became the strongest pillar of the
Ptolemaic state ; and as the individual rulers became
weak and corrupt, the Jews came more and more into
prominence. Their lot, however, was not altogether
a peaceful one. The special favors which they enjoyed,
made them an object of intense hatred to the native
population. They were also thrown into close rela-
tions with the Samaritan colonists. The result was
that their racial antipathies found there more bitter
expression than in Palestine itself (Jos. Ant, xii. 1).
Frequent were the conflicts between the advocates of
Mount Zion and of Mount Gerizim.

CONTESTS FOR THE POSSESSION OF PALESTINE 291

273. During the closing years of the fourth century,
the rule of Palestine was hotly contested between
Ptolemy and his powerful rival Antigonus. About
315, the latter seized and held it, until, in a battle near
Gaza in 312 b. c, his son Demetrius was defeated by
the Egyptian forces. Josephus states, on the authority
of pseudo-Hecataeus (Against Ap. i. 22), that at this
time Ptolemy visited Jerusalem and persuaded many
Jews to go with him to Egypt. Among others, there
was a certain Hezekiah, a member of the high priestly
family, who enjoyed great respect among his people.
Palestine, however, was ceded on the following year to
Antigonus. After 306, when he assumed the title of
king, Ptolemy endeavored again to reconquer southern
Syria, but without much success, until Antigonus was
slain in the battle of Ipsus in 301 B. c. Then he gained
possession of Palestine, and his successors maintained
their authority, with only a few lapses, for nearly a
century. About 297 b, c, Demetrius invaded Palestine,
but his conquest was brief. The Seleucids, however,
who succeeded to the empire of Antigonus, never ceased
to assert their claim to it whenever they were especially
strong or the Ptolemies weak. Between the years 264
and 248 b. c, the tide of war seems to have rolled back
and forth through Palestine, bringing its horrors to
the Jews ; but history has preserved few details.
Daniel xi. 7-9 contains veiled allusions to these con-
flicts. On the whole, the eagerness of the Ptolemies
and Seleucids to possess Palestine led each to court
the Jews. Seleucus I., who founded Antioch about
300 b. c, extended many privileges to them with a
view to attracting them to his new capital. According
to Josephus (Ant. xii. 3, 1), he granted them equal

292 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

rights with the Macedonians and Greeks. That many
availed themselves of these opportunities is evinced
by the number of Jews found in later times in Antioch
and the cities of Asia Minor.

274. The first three Ptolemies proved, on the whole,
active and efficient rulers. They gradually extended
the bounds and influence of Egypt until, at the death
of Ptolemy III. (Euergetes) in 222 b. c, it included
not only Palestine and Coelo-Syria but also the more
important cities on the coast of the eastern Mediter-
ranean. Their rule was much more popular with the
Jews than that of the Seleucids. Ptolemy II. (Phila-
delphus) figures in Jewish tradition as the patron
of their temple and the ruler under whose direction
their scriptures were translated into Greek, as well as
the liberator of all Jewish captives in his realm (Jos.
Ant. xii. 2). His successor Euergetes is also accred-
ited, after a successful campaign in Syria, with having
offered rich sacrifices at the temple in Jerusalem (Jos.
Against Ap. ii. 5). The tribute demanded by the
Ptolemies does not appear to have been exorbitant ;
and, when it was regularly paid, the peoples of Palestine
were left free to manage their own affairs. This free-
dom exposed the Jews to the attacks of their hostile
neighbors. Josephus states that " at this time the
Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much
distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land and
carrying off slaves " (Ant. xii. 4, 1). A passing refer-
ence of the son of Sirach indicates that the ancient
feud with the Samaritans and Philistines was as bitter
as ever (Ecclus. 1. 25, 26.)

275. The story told by Josephus respecting Joseph
the tax-collector, sheds mucli light upon conditions

THE STORY OF JOSEPH THE TAX-COLLECTOR 293

within the Jewish community in Palestine. About
230 B, c, Onias II. the high priest refused for some
reason — probably at the instigation of the rival Syrian
power — to pay the annual tribute to Egypt. From
the account, it appears that this was surprisingly small,
being only twenty talents, while that of all Syria and
Phccnicia was eight thousand and later twice that
amount. Its collection also was left to the Jews them
selves, the high priest being held responsible for the
whole. The refusal of Onias brought an ambassador
of Ptolemy Euergetes to Jerusalem. His presence and
the threat that Judah might be settled with Egyptian
veterans naturally alarmed the Jews. Joseph, the
crafty and unscrupulous nephew of the high priest,
improved the opportunity to secure his appointment to
represent them at the Egyptian court. By simple
effrontery and intrigue, he ingratiated himself, first
with the Egyptian ambassador, and then with the king
and queen. Later, when the right of farming the taxes
of Ptolemy's Asiatic provinces was sold, as was cus-
tomary, at public auction, he bid twice as much as the
princes of Syria and Phoenicia. Although he had no
security to offer, his daring action and words so ap-
pealed to Euergetes that it was sold to him, and he
departed with an army of two thousand Egyptian sol-
diers to assist him in collecting the revenues. At first
the demands of this Jewish upstart were scornfully
refused ; but after he had put to death and confiscated
the property of certain of the leading men of Askelon
and Scythopolis who had resisted his authority, the
different provinces humbly submitted. For twenty-
three years, by force and intrigue, he held the position
of chief tax-collector, and as such was the virtual gov-

294 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

ernor of Syria and PhcEnicia. His extortions were so
notorious that the saying, " Joseph is stripping the
flesh from Syria and is leaving only the hones," be-
came one of the jokes of the Ptolemaic court. "While
he brought wealth to the Jews, his influence was most
pernicious. He himself was immoral, and readily
abandoned the faith of his fathers for the corrupt
practices of the Greeks. His sons followed in his
footsteps, and used their inherited wealth and influence
for the basest ends. His unjust extortions kindled
anew the antipathies of their neighbors toward the
Jews, and ultimately brought upon them a long train of
disasters.

276. The political decline of the Ptolemies began
with the accession of Ptolemy IV, (Philopator), at the
age of twenty-four. From the first, he led his profli-
gate and effeminate court in all excesses. He mani-
fested a supreme disregard for his own interests and
those of his subjects, and was ruled by intriguing
courtiers. The result was that Egypt's great prestige
suddenly vanished. Ptolemy's rival was Antiochus
HI., rightly designated " the Great," who came to the
throne of the Seleucids at the age of twenty-one (224
B. c). In him to a certain degree the ambitions and
energy of the great Alexander lived again. Confronted
by formidable conspiracies within his capital, he at
once turned his back upon them, and advanced to the
conquest of Syria and Palestine, which he must acquire
before his kingdom could be secure and complete. He
met with little opposition, except from some of the
walled cities like Gaza. Aided by the treachery of
Ptolemy's general, who betrayed the cities and forces
under his command, Antiochus, by 218 b. c, was mas-

CONQUEST OF PALESTINE BY ANTIOCHLS 295

ter of Syria and Palestine. In the following year,
however, Philopator inflicted upon him a crushing
defeat (Dan. xi. 12) at Raphia on the borders of Egypt,
and kept him out of Palestine for the next fifteen
years. After this victory, Philopator is said to have
visited Jerusalem, and to have attempted to enter the
temple. He was probably deterred by the outcries of
the people. The third Book of Maccabees associates
with his name the story of an attempt to exterminate
his Jewish subjects in Egypt. It is at least evident
that he alienated the affection of the Jews just at
the time when their fidelity was destined to be most
severely tested.

277. As soon as Philopator died in 205 b. c, leaving
his throne to his son, a child of five years, Antiochus
advanced into Palestine, and in 202 b. c. reconquered
it. An Egyptian army was sent under Scopas to
maintain the authority of Ptolemy ; but in a battle
near Paneion at the foot of Mount Hermon, it was
finally defeated in 198 b. c. by the forces of Antiochus.
The sufferings of the Jews at this time were extreme,
for they were the prey of both armies. Josephus com-
pares their lot to that of a ship tossed by the waves
on both sides (Ant. xii. 3, 3). Many were carried off
as slaves, and many more took refuge in flight (Jos.
Ant. xii. 3, 3-4). Some of them from the first em-
braced the cause of Antiochus, possibly hoping thereby
to secure greater independence ; but they were doomed
to disappointment, for Antiochus seized Palestine
" with destruction in his hand " (Dan. xi. 14-16).

278. In return, however, for the provision which
they furnished for his army and for their assistance
in expelling the Egyptian garrison from Jerusalem,

296 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Antiochiis undoubtedly granted them special privileges,
Josephus states that, inasmuch as Jerusalem had been
greatly depopulated by the ravages to which it had
been recently subjected, Antiochus offered certain in-
ducements intended to draw back those who had been
scattered abroad. Liberal appropriations were made
to defray the expenses of the temple service, and to
rebuild the sacred structure. The public officials of
the nation and the temple ministers were exempted
from the poll-tax, and the Judean community as a
whole relieved of all taxation for three years, until it
should recover its former population and resources,
and after that period was freed from one-third of its
former taxes. Freedom and restoration to their former
possessions were granted to all who had been sold
into slavery ; full religious liberty was also guaranteed
to the Jews, and the execution of the strict Jewish
law within Jerusalem was enforced by royal decree
(Ant. xii. 3, 3, 4). While the generosity of some of
these concessions arouses the suspicion that the Jewish
historian has idealized the facts, the statements accord
so closely with the situation to which they are assigned
that they must rest upon some authentic data. It
was certainly for the interests of Antiochus to win at
any cost the loyalty of the Jews. He also did not
manifest in his other acts the extremely mercenary
spirit of his successors, which would have made many
of the more important concessions impossible. Some
such acts as these alone explain the favor which he
enjoyed in the eyes of later Jews. He is also said to
have deported two thousand families of Jews from
Mesopotamia and Babylon, and to have settled them
in the rebellious provinces of Phrygia and Lydia tc

THE RULE OF THE SELEUCIDS 297

guard the royal interests. Lands, and the remission
of all taxes for ten years, and grain for seed, and food
sufficient to supply their immediate needs, Avere granted
them. Their civil and religious freedom was also care-
fully guarded. Evidently the Seleucids found the Jews
as useful subjects as did the Ptolemies.

279. Henceforth, Palestine never reverted to Egypt.
In 193 B. c, Antiochus nominally gave the taxes of
Coelo-Syria and Palestine as a dowry to his daughter
on her marriage to Ptolemy Y. (Epiphanes) ; but this
territory itself was firmly held by Syrian governors
and garrisons. In their change of masters, the Jews
gained little permanent advantage. Antiochus aimed
to build up an empire which would effectually check
the advance of the Romans in the East ; but at the great
battle of Magnesia in 190 b. c, he himself was forced
to bow before the new world-conquerors. Soon after,
while vainly endeavoring to replenish his treasury by
plundering the temple of Belus in Elymais, he was
slain (Dan. xi. 18, 19). The ambitions of his son and
successor Seleucus IV. (Philopator) were not for glory
and conquest, but for the means wherewith to gratify
his luxurious tastes, and to pay the tribute demanded
by Rome, whose powerful influence henceforth shaped
the politics of southwestern Asia.

280. His character and needs lend credence to the
story in II. Maccabees iii. concerning his attempt to
rob the temple at Jerusalem. He was incited to do
so by a traitorous Jew by the name of Simon, who had
once been the guardian of the temple, but had quar-
relled with Onias III. the high priest. In spite, he
informed Seleucus, through his governor Apollonius,
that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of untold sums

298 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

of money. The possibility of securing it led the king
to despatch his chancellor Heliodorus to Judea with
orders to remove it. Although the high priest as-
serted, in response to the inquiries of Heliodorus, that
the treasure was not great, and that it represented the
deposits of private individuals, its surrender was de-
manded. The possibility that the sanctity of their
temple would be violated, called forth from the entire
populace the most passionate protests. When Helio-
dorus entered the sanctuary to seize its treasures, ho
was confronted by an apparition which led him to turn
back in fright. Corrupt as were the Greeks at this
time, they had not learned to pillage temples without
experiencing a feeling of terror. The memory of the
fate of Antiochus the Great was still fresh. The atti-
tude of the excitable Jews, who would endure any-
thing except an affront to their religion, was enough
to intimidate braver men than were found in this
degenerate age. That Seleucus Philopator made some
such attempt to rob the Jews is confirmed by the fact
that the author of the Book of Daniel, who must have
been then living, refers to him as " one who shall
cause an exactor to pass through the glory of the
kingdom." The temple treasure was also saved from
spoliation at this time as the story in II. Maccabees
states, for it was carried off later by Antiochus Epiph-
ancs, who succeeded Seleucus in 176 b. c. His acces-
sion marks the beginning of the end of the Greek
period, for just when tyranny, injustice, treachery, and
degenerate heathenism seemed to have attained a com-
plete triumph, the best and bravest elements in Juda-
ism, which hitherto had remained silent, arose and
asserted themselves.

JEWISH LIFE IX EGYPT AND PALESTINE

281. The closing decade of the Greek period marks
the transition to a new era ; but the life and thought of
the preceding century and a half constitute a unit, and
may best be studied as such. The Persian period wit-
nessed the birth and development of Judaism, and the
Greek its testing. The one was comparatively peace-
ful, the other was disturbed by frequent and devastating
wars. Under Greek rule, great numbers of the Jews
were again dragged from the seclusion which many of
them had found in Palestine, and projected into the
main currents of the world's life. The tendency toward
centralization, wliich had been so strong during the last
century of the Persian period, was completely reversed.
By force and free choice the Jews were scattered more
widely than before, so that soon colonies of them were
found from the Indus almost to the Pillars of Hercules,
and from tlie Indian Ocean to the Black Sea. Those in
the East almost disappeared from history for a few
centuries ; while the new emigrants to Egypt, uniting
with those already there, in numbers probably exceeded
the Jews who remained behind in Palestine.

282. The Egyptian Jews of course took with them
copies of their sacred writings, and especially the law,
which they studied faithfully in their synagogues estab-

300 THE GREEK TEllIOD OF JEWISH lllSTOKY

lislied in the lands of the dispersion. They were so
near Jerusalem, that under the Ptolemies many of
them made frequent pilgrimages to Jerusalem to cele-
brate the great religious feasts. Each had the privilege
of contributing his yearly tax of about thirty cents for
the support of the temple. Although connection with
their kinsmen in Judah was exceedingly close, their
different pursuits, and the active intellectual atmos-
l^here, especially of Alexandria, where the majority of
them were found, and their intimate contact with Greek
life and thought, powerfully affected them, and produced
a much broader type of Judaism. Engaged as they
were in trade, they naturally adopted its language, which
was a dialect known as Hellenistic Greek. A famil-
iarity with this new tongue, which was a modified and
simplified form of classical Greek, opened to the Jews
for the first time the literary treasures of Hellas.
Before long in Egypt this new language completely
supplanted the ancient Hebrew, which even in Palestine
had almost ceased to be spoken. Consequently, a
century or two after the conquest of Alexander, the
demand for a translation of the Jewish scriptures into
Hellenistic Greek became imperative.

283. According to the late tradition associated with
the name of Aristeas, and recounted by Josephus (Ant.
xii. 2), it was made under the patronage of Ptolemy 11.
(Philadelphus), who wished thereby to show liis favor
to the Jews, and to secure a copy of their sacred writ-
ings for the great library at Alexandria. The stor}'-
states that he first purchased at an enormous expense
the freedom of all the Jewish slaves in Egypt, and then
that, at his request, Eleazer the high priest at Jerusa-
lem sent to him seventy-two learned Jews, six from

THE TRANSLATION OF THE SEPTUAGINT 301

each of the twelve tribes. On their arrival, every
facility was granted them for their work. After seventy-
two days they presented to the king a translation which
was admired alike by him and by the Jewish people.
The improbabilities of the tale are obvious. A complete
translation within the time given was practically
impossible. The scribes, not of Jerusalem, but of
Alexandria would at that date alone be familiar with
the Greek language. The translation itself, which
bears the title " The Scptuagint " (" the seventy"),
testifies by its peculiarities that it is the work of Alex-
andrian Jews. Different books were evidently trans-
lated by different men, and probably at different times.
The books of the law, which naturally received the
first attention, were translated much more literally and
carefully than those of the prophets. In some cases,
the translators did not grasp the meaning of the original
Hebrew, in others they employed a different Hebrew
text from the one now accepted, and in others they
translated freely, introducing variations ; while to
such late books as Esther and Daniel they added
long sections. The tradition, which assigns the
beginning of the work of translation to the reign of
Ptolemy II, (Philadelphus) about 250 B, c. is un-
doubtedly historical. Many of the Old Testament
books were not composed until much later, so that
probably all were not translated before the middle of
the next century at least. In 132 b. c, the grandson of
Jesus the son of Sirach was acquainted with a Greek
version of " the law, the prophets, and the other
writings." The law may well have appeared in Greek
before the close of the reign of Philadelphus. This
broad-minded king niav also have encouraged the Jews

302 THE grep:k period of Jewish history

in the task, the accomplishment of which was so
essential to the contentment of a large and important
body of his subjects.

284. As the variations between the original Hebrew
and the Greek text indicate, the translation was made,
not only for the use of the Jews, but also to commend
the Jewish race and religion to the Greek world.
Anthropomorphisms in the Hebrew original are often
eliminated. Many inconsistent dates and numbers are
altered, and an effort is made to explain obscurities.
The success and influence enjoyed by the Jews of
Egypt made them the object of bitter attack both by
Greek and native Egyptian writers. Tlie modern anti-
Semitic movement may be traced back to the Greek
period, and to the same real causes, commercial, politi-
cal, and religious, which produce it to-day. In his long
history of Egypt, written in Greek, the Egyptian priest
Manetho, who lived during the reign of Philadelphus,
introduced certain legends concerning the origin and
early history of the Jews which placed them in an un-
favorable light before the heathen world. Many other
writers followed the example of Manetho. The Jews
replied by counter-statements. The translation of their
histories and laws may have primarily been intended to
refute the false charges brought against them. A
certain Hellenistic Jew, Demetrius by name, about 215
B. c, also wrote a detailed history of the Jewish kings.
Others issued fantastic tales respecting their ancestors.
Then, when their foes rejected all writings obviously of
Jewish origin, they appealed to the earlier heathen
historians who had referred to them.

285. As the contest grew more heated, in order to
defend themselves and to gi\ c currency to tlieir ideas,

ArOLOGETlC LITEllATURE OF THE JEWS 303

the Jews took the liberty of expanding the original
writings of Greek historians, like Hecatasus (sect. 264),
who had spoken of them favorably. The deception in
some cases must have succeeded, for they issued a great
number of such writings, even putting verses into the
mouths of the most famous Greek poets, like ^schylus,
Sophocles, and Meander. Often the forgeries were very
skilful, genuine and spurious verses being artfully inter-
mingled. Later, they even introduced a Jewish
prophecy into the mouth of the heathen Sybil. These
devices, although not justified by the low standards
of the age, indicate to what an extent the Jews of the
dispersion became acquainted with Greek literature, and
were influenced by contact with its thought. Their
eagerness to commend their faith to the Greek world
foreshadowed the important proselyting movement
which found in Alexandria its chief centre. Their
forgeries were a practical admission that Jehovah spoke
through the great heathen poets as well as through
their prophets. Thus, as they were brought into more
intimate relations, the Jew and the Greek learned to
appreciate what was best in their respective religions,
and the way was prepared for their ultimate fusion in
Christianity. But before that fusion could be consum-
mated, Judaism must save itself from being engulfed by
its more powerful rival.

286. Jerusalem was the natural stronghold of Ju-
daism, and conditions there were entirely different
from those in its great outpost, Alexandria. The loose
rule of the Greeks, which left dependent states to rule
themselves, favored the extension of the civil authority
of the high priests. As local princes, they ruled over
the Judcan community, imposed taxes, made public

304 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

improvements, and represented the Jews at the courts
of Alexandria and Antioch. The needs of the situa-
tion, and the commands of the law, gave them great
influence. That many of them misused their power
is plainly indicated both by the proverbs and by the
stories coming from the period. The exceptions re-
ceive especial notice. Several lists of the names of
the different high priests have been preserved, but the
duration of their rule cannot be definitely determined,
since the testimony of the sources differs (Chronicon
Paschale ; G. Syncellus, Chronogr. and Canon).
Jaddua, who was high priest when Alexander con-
quered Palestine, lived until about 330 b. c. , Onias I.,
his successor, ruled until about 300, Simeon I. uutil
about 285, and his brother Eleazer until about 265.
Manassch and the brother of Simeon held the office
until about 240, when Simeon's son Onias II. became
high priest. About 225, lie was succeeded by Simeon
II., who ruled until about 195.

287. He is probably the famous Simon the Just,
who figures in Rabbinical tradition as a great teacher
and benefactor of his race. To him was attributed
the saying : "The world rests upon three things: the
law, worship, and good works" (Pirke-Abotli i. 2).
His contemporary, the son of Sirach, informs us that
he repaired the foundations and fortified the tcm[)le.
He also improved its water-supply, and fortified the
city of Jerusalem (Ecclus. 1. 1-4). These repairs
were undoubtedly much needed after Jerusalem had
been subjected to repeated sieges and assaults during
the destructive wars waged between the Seleucids and
the Ptolemies from 220 to 198 b. c. The Avoi-k of
Simon 11. was ])ossiblc because of the concessions

THE AYORK OF SIMON THE JUST 305

wliich Josephus reports were granted to the Jews by
Antiochus the Great after the final conquest of
Palestine in 198 b. c. (sect. 278). The liberal policy of
Antiochus, supported by the wise, energetic action
of Simon, seems to have revived the fortunes of the
Jewish community, and to have drawn back many who
had fled during the two preceding decades. Simon
himself was the object of popular affection and grati-
tude, for "he took thought for his people that they
should not fall" (Ecclus. 1. 4). Jesus the son of Sirach
can hardly find language strong enough to describe his
commanding mien as he performed his high priestly
duties, clad in his " robe of glory," attended by the
priests ; while all the people " fell down upon the earth
on their faces " and " the singers praised Jehovah with
their voices, until in the whole house there was made
sweet melody" (1. 5-18). We can also behold the
people " in prayer before him that is merciful," and
the beloved high priest, with outstretched hands, bless-
ing the assembled " congregation of the children of
Israel" (1.19-21). From such passages as this it is
possible to understand why their religion and ritual
had so great a hold upon the hearts of the Jews as it
did, and why the influence of the high priests was as
strong as it was.

288. In connection with the concessions granted by
Antiochus the Great, the first reference is made to the
Gerousia, or comicil of the elders (Jos. Ant. xii. 3, 3).
Undoubtedly heretofore each high priest had consulted
the heads of the families and prominent men of the
community before takiug important action; but hence-
forth they constitute an organized and recognized body,
the legislative and executive powers of which were

306 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

constantly increased. At this time also the scribes
of the temple and the sacred singers were recognized
as public officials, side by side with the senators and
priests, and as such exempted from taxation. The
genial son of Sirach, whose keen observations marvel-
lously reveal the life of his age, remarks that :

The wisdom of the scribe comes by opportunity of leisure :
And he that has little business shall become wise.^

He regards the other professions as necessary, but
that of the scribe by far the most honorable. The
scribes are the ones that are sought for in the council
of the people, they occupy the honorable seats in the
public assemblies, they act as judges and expound the
law, they are the teachers of the people, and they utter
wise parables (xxxviii. 24-34).

289, The same writer refers to the different pro-
fessions and occupations open to his fellow Jews who
did not possess the leisure and ability to become
scholars. Physicians are found, but they are evidently
regarded with suspicion by many. The advice offered
in regard to them by the son of Sirach is as amusing
as it is profound :

Honor your physician according to your need of him

with the honors due him ;
For verily the Lord hath created him.
The skill of a physician shall lift up his head ;
And in the sight of great men he shall be admired.
The Lord created medicines out of the earth ;
And a prudent man will have no disgust at them.
He that sins before his Maker,
Let him fall into the hands of the physician.*

^ xxxviil. 24. 2 xxxviii. 1, 3, 4, 15.

OCCUPATIONS OF THE PALESTINIAN JEWS 307

Apothecaries were also found to put up the prescrip-
tions of the men of medicine (xxxviii. 8). Among
those " who maintain the fabric of the workl, whose
prayer is the handiwork of their craft" (xxxviii. 25-
34) are mentioned those who hold the plough whose
" wakefulness is to give their heifers their fodder,"
artificers, master-workmen, engravers of signets, smiths
who " wrestle in the heat of their furnaces," and
potters who " are always anxiously sitting at their
work." While many other ancient nations despised
manual labor the Jews honored it.

Hate not laborious work :

Neither husbandry which the Most High hath ordained,*

was the motto in accordance with which they won a
living in barren Judah. In the Greek period the truth
of the statement that,

A merchant shall hardly keep from wrong-doing ;
And a huckster shall not be acquitted of sin,*

cannot be questioned.

290, Many of the old democratic ideas still obtained
in Palestine. The assembly of the people for the
consideration of public questions was still common.
Joseph the tax-collector was authorized by such an
assembly to represent the high priest and the Jewish
community at the court of the Ptolemies (sect. 275)
The son of Sirach repeatedly advises the rulers to
patronize the multitude that they may secure their
favor (iv. 7 ; xxxi. 23, 24). Even such a worthy man
as he did not entirely resist the great temptations of

1 vii. 15. - xxvi. 29.

r.08 THE GREEK rEllIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Ills ago to pander to the rich and influential (iv. 7).
Gold was potent in Judah, as well as in corrupt
Alexandria, and " presents and gifts blinded the eyes
of the wise " (viii. 2 ; xx. 29). As in the days before
tlie exile, judges perverted justice, and there was no
court of appeal. '' Poor men were a pasture for the
rich" (xiii. 2-20). It was a selfish, grasping age,
when might too often made right, and the cause of
the oppressed had few champions.

Bread, discipline, and work for a servant ;

Yoke and thong will bow the neck ;

And for an evil servant there are racks and torture

voiced the prevailing spirit of the day rather than :

If you have a servant treat hira as yourself.*

Judaism continued to present the most glaring con-
trasts both in individual character and teaching. It
produced such different types as Simon the Just and
Joseph the unprincipled tax-collector. On the one
hand, it had before its eyes the noble teachings and
examples of the past, and on the other the corruption,
the greed, and the injustice of its Greek masters.
Under the rule of the law, which emphasized ritual
rather than personal conduct, the most shameless deeds
were often tolerated. Prophets of the ancient type
were no longer found to denounce them, and thereby to
furnish the true corrective to the teachings of the
priests.

291. The pictures of Jewish home life which the
son of Sirach also gives, are certainly realistic.

1 xxxiii. 24, 26,31.

DOMESTIC RELATIONS OF THE JEWS 309

Men who were themselves ruled by an uncompromis-
ing law naturally ruled their families with a rod of
iron. " Stripes and correction are wisdom at every
season" (xxii. 6). Children were brought up on
the same principle that horses were broken to tlie
harness (xxx. 8). The frank comradeship between
father and son, which is one of the charms of tlie
Christian home, was regarded as dangerous :

Play with your son, and he will grieve you,

Laugh not with him, lest you have sorrow with him.

Give him no liberty in his youth

And beat him on his sides while he is a child,

Lest he grow stubborn, and be disobedient toward you.^

One wonders who deserves the most pity, the father
who is compelled by a false doctrine ever to play the
tyrant, or the child who is the victim. Daughters are
regarded as a constant care (xlii. 9-11). Happy,
trustful relations are known between husband and wife,
but not equality (xxvi. 1-4). "The beauty of a good
wife is the ordering of her husband's house " (xxvi. 16).
Evil wives are kept under lock and key (xlii. 6).
"When a man was tired of his wife, he could divorce
her (xxv. 26). Tlie majority of the women with
whom the son of Sirach was acquainted, appear to have
been quarrelsome, jealous of each other, given to gos-
sip, and in some cases addicted to drink and unchaste,
— the inevitable consequence of a false social system
(xxv. 16-26 ; xxvi. 5-12). As in the East to-day,
man was regarded as the only important member of
society, and women, children, and slaves, his chattels.
Consequently, men found their real companionship in

1 XXX. 9-12.

mo THE GREEK PERIOD OK JEWISH HISTORY

each other's society. With so little in their political
and domestic life to help and inspire them, it is not
strange that the period produced so few noble char-
acters. Their national memories, their law, their
sacred writings, and their temple service were the only
forces which upheld and inspired them.

DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF JEWISH THOUGHT

292. Even the dull monotony and the dreary out-
look of the Greek period did not entirely quench the
perennial hopefulness of the Jews. The national ex-
pectations, however, which found expression were
influenced by the narrowing, degenerate influences of
the age. The broad tolerance of the author of the
Book of Jonah found few apostles. Stung to fury by
the contempt and violence of the heathen, with whom
they had been brought into painful contact, they longed
for the destruction of their foes. The author of
Zechariah ix. to xiv. rejoices in the prospect of their
overthrow, which he regards as the necessary premise
to the exaltation of Jehovah's people. In the day of
judgment, which he hopes is near, the Jews, he de-
clares, instead of being the prey of the nations, will
divide the spoil. By his omnipotent power, Jehovah
will establish his rule over the Avorld. Then the flesh
of the nations, which have warred against Jerusalem,
shall rot away as they stand, — their eyes in their
sockets and their tongues in their mouths. The few
who survive, shall, like the Jews of the dispersion,
make annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem, and faithfully
observe the law. Plagues shall smite those who go
not up to keep the feast of tabernacles. A greater

312 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

contrast could not be imagined than is found bet Keen
these gory predictions, and the ideal of the suffering
servant of Jehovah who finds his true life in the
service of mankind. It is the difference between the
earlier prophetic teaching, and that of the prophet
Jonah, who is represented r.s sitting outside of Nineveh
complaining of God's mercy in sparing the ignorant
Ninevites (Jon. iv.). It finds expression in certain
psalms. It represents the attitude of perhaps a major-
ity of the Jewish race toward the hostile Gentile world
during the succeeding centuries. It voiced the feel-
ings and hopes of the nationalistic party who longed
for the day when Jehovah would " stir up your sons,
O Zion, against your sons, O Greece, and make his
people as the sword of a mighty man," that they might
drink tlie blood of their nation's enemies (Zech. ix. 13,
15). They were the ones who rallied about the sons
of Mattathias and were not content until, not only reli-
gious, but also political liberty was secured.

293. The character and w^ritings of the chronicler
reveal another and brighter side of Hellenistic Juda-
ism. Living in the glorious past of his nation, and
intent only upon the institutions of the ritual, he
cared little what the heathen might do, provided the
temple service was not interrupted. Life for him con-
sisted in conforming to the varied demands of the law
and in the worship of the sanctuary. To him cere-
monial details were much more important than the
rise and fall of the nations. He undoubtedly repre-
sented a large class in Judah. Their ideals were in-
deed narrow and temporal, and their conception of
religion by no means attractive ; bat it must be noted
that their faith was sincere, and that they were char

THE WORK OF THE WISE MEN OF ISKAEL 313

acterized by an intense moral earnestness and by a
complete consecration to their conception of duty. It
was not the dreamers who waited with folded hands
for Jehovah, by some miraculous act, to destroy the
foes of the true religion, but the type represented by
the chronicler, who firm!}' met and overcame the
repeated shocks and temptations which assailed their
nation during the Greek period. They were the stern
Puritans of their age, the lineal descendants of the
followers of Ezra, who stood unmoved while many
of broader culture bowed down before the gods of
Hellas.

294. Another distinct current of Jewish thought is
represented by Jesus the son of Sirach. He, like the
author of Ecclesiastes, belonged to that unobtrusive
but influential group of teachers known as the wise.
Already they were a familiar figure in Israel's history
(I. sect. 7). Side by side with the prophets and priests,
they had faithfully labored in their peculiar way for
the uplifting of the race (Jer. xviii. 18). The Book of
Proverbs, which has preserved many of their most
characteristic teachings, is the best testimonial to their
work. Not the nation but the individual, questions
not of public, but of private interest, commanded their
entire attention. While they lacked the inspiration
and exalted ideals of the prophets, they came closer
to the daily life of the people. When the prophetic
voices began to become indistinct, they continued to
break the bread of truth to the masses who came to
them for advice. They were the pastors and familiar
advisers of the community. Tlieir method of tcacli-
ing by proverbs and parables was exceedingly acco})t
able to the Oriental mind. The cxliortation :

314 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

Keglect not the discourse of the wise,
And be conversant with their proverbs ;
For of them you shall learn instruction,
And how to minister to great men,^

was undoubtedly heeded by the majority of the Jews,
Not without reason did the son of Sirach declare :

The wise man shall inherit confidence among his people,
And his name shall live forever.'

The universality of their teaching was a valuable
corrective to the narrowing tendencies of Judaism.
In many of their utterances, as well as in their method
and point of view, the wise anticipated the " One
greater than Solomon." Even though the son of
Sirach was greatly influenced by the spirit of his age
he taught that :

The mercy of man is upon his neighbor ;
But the mercy of the Lord is upon all flesh.*

He also prays Jehovah to send his fear upon all the
nations,

And let them know thee, as we also know thee,
That there is no God but only thou, God.*

Like the author of Zechariah ix. to xiv., however, he
regards the destruction of the enemies of his race as
necessary before Jehovah's universal kingdom can be
established (xxxvi. 7-10).

295. The son of Sirach lived when the wise man was
becoming a scribe. His use of proverbs, his broad

* Ecclus. viii. 8. ' xviii. 13.

* xxxvii. •20, * xxxvi. 2, 5.

THE FUSION or WISE MAX AND SCEIBE 315

outlook, and his consideration of the commonplace
affairs of life are all characteristic of the earlier wise ;
but the emphasis which he places upon the observa-
tion of the Jewish ceremonial law, is an element
foreign to the old wisdom-school which practically
ignored it. The law had reduced the successors of
those valiant defenders of personal righteousness, the
prophets, to a position of vassalage. It was not to be
expected that the wise would be able to withstand its
imperious demands. Jesus the son of Sirach, perhaps
referring to the struggles of the past between the
champions of practical and ceremonial righteousness,
declares :

A wise man will not hate the law ;

But he who is a hypocrite therein is as a ship in a storin.
A man of understanding will put his trust in the law;
And the law is faithful unto him, as when one asks at the
oracle.^

Like the prophets and scribes of his day, he holds up
the hands of the priests :

Fear the Lord and glorify his priest ;

And give him his portion, even as it is commanded you;

The first fruits of the trespass offering and the gift of the

shoulders,
And the sacrifice of sanctification, and the first fruits of

holy things.'

In his advice, he reveals the fusion of wise man and
scribe :

Let your converse be with the man of understanding ;
And let all your discourse be in the law of the Most High.*

1 xxxiii. 2, 3. i vii. 31. ^ ix. Ij.

316 THE GREEK I'ERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

He even identifies wisdom with the law :

All wisdom is the fear of the Lord ;

And in all wisdom is the doings of the law.^

In keeping with the tendency of his age, he makes
Moses the father of wisdom, as well as of the law (xxiv.).
Tlie ultimate victory of the scribe is foreshadowed,
for he does not hesitate to state that wisdom is of less
value than compliance with the law :

Better is one who has small understanding and fears,
Than who has much prudence and transgresses the law.'

Although in his writings the two fundamentally different
types of teaching appear, he evidently regarded the
identification of the wise man with the scribe as
complete :

The wisdom of the scribe comes by opportunity of leisure :
And he who has little business shall become wise.^

In the following verses (xxxviii. 33 ; xxxix. 1-11), he
presents a composite picture of the wise man-scribe
who enjoys the seat of honor in the public assembly,
who speaks in parables, who meditates on the law of
the Most High, and who at the same time investigates
the wisdom of all the ancients :

lie will seek out the hidden meaning of proverbs,

And be conversant in dark sayings of parables.

He will show forth the instruction which he has heen

taught,
And will glory in the law of the covenant of the Lord.*

1 xlx. 20. » xxxviii. 24.

* six. 24. ♦ xxxix. 3, 8.

ETHICAL STANDARDS OF THE SON OF SIRACH 317

Since the law was regarded by later Judaism as a
complete rule for human conduct, it was inevitable
that the wise man should become a scribe. Scribism
was greatly enriched by the fusion. Scattered through
all its later literature are fables, proverbs, and epigram-
matical sayings, the characteristic products, not of the
legal, but of the wisdom school.

296. The son of Sirach voices the aspirations of
the industrious middle class. Like his auditors, he
looks up to the rich and the rulers, and down upon the
poorer victims of the rich ; and withal is contented with
his lot (xxxi.). His morality is of the temperate tyoe.
His altruism is not a prominent quality. He, however,
emphasizes the necessity of being faithful at any cost
to the demands of friendship. Almsgiving is a duty
(iv. 1-6). Deeds of mercy toward those in need are
enjoined (xxix.). Several of his precepts recall those
of the author of Ecclesiastes :

Defraud not yourself of a good day ;

And let not the portion of a good desire pass you by.

Give, and take and beguile your soul ;

For there is no seeking of luxury in the grave.*

His love for banquets, with the accompaniment of
wine and music, is strong (xxxii. 3-5) ; but he urges,
on very utilitarian grounds, the necessity of strict
moderation, both in eating and drinking (xxxi. 19-30).
On the whole, he was a quiet, law-abiding citizen, a
good neighbor, and an honorable business man. The
aspirations of the nationalistic party did not appeal
to him strongly. With the chronicler, he revered the
law, not blindly, however, but because he recognized

» xiv. 14, 16.

318 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the reasonableness of its demands. His faith was that
of orthodox Judaism, for he draws the articles of his
creed from the past rather than the present. The
doctrine of rewards corresponding to conduct, he re-
iterates (ii. 8 ; xi. 17). The belief in Satan and per-
sonal immortality has not been introduced into his
confession. Such was Jesus the son of Sirach : a man
of keen perception, of considerable learning, of broad
culture, of strict integrity, and of a genuine, though
narrow religious faith, — a worthy representative of the
orthodox wisdom-school.

297. It was impossible that, during the long, dis-
couraging period of testing, all the disciples of Judaism
should retain the old faith intact. During a corre-
sponding season of depression preceding the advent of
Nehemiah and Ezra, scepticism had first found open
expression (sect. 152). The repeated calamities which
overtook the Jews in the Greek period shook their faith
in many of the fundamental doctrines of their religion.
The direct and indirect influence of the philosophical
thought of their Greek masters intensified the same
tendency. It was also natural that the wise, whose
outlook was the broadest, should be the most suscep-
tible to this influence. The Old Testament has pre-
served some of the cries of doubt that escaped at this
trying time from Jewish hearts. In the late appendix
to the Book of Proverbs are found the " Words of
Agur the son of Jakeh," in which he sadly confesses
that he has earnestly but unavailingly sought for God.
With a touch of irony, he complains that he must be
more obtuse than other men who profess to be so
well informed about the heavenly hierarchy. While
he doubts their claims, he longs to be able to question

THE SCEPTICAL WISDOM SCHOOL 319

some one gifted with divine omniscience who can
answer with authority all his inquiries respectinj^ the
real character of God (xxx. 1-4). The voice is that
of lionest scepticism, which the orthodox wise man
who added the verses immediately following was not
able to satisfy or silence.

298. Under the implication of Solomonic author-
ship, or at least by taking Solomon as its hero, a book
representing the heretical wisdom-school ultimately
found a place in the Old Testament canon. Later
writers also endeavored to make him a teacher of
current orthodoxy ; but the sceptical tendency of the
original author of the Book of Ecclesiastes is unmis-
takable. He has not lost all faith, for he still believes
that there is a God in the universe ; but he questions
almost everything else that the earlier Hebrews liad
held dear. The God of whom he conceives is omnip-
otent, inscrutable, far removed from the daily life of
man, and one who rules the universe according to an
unchanging, preordained plan (vi. 10; vii. 14; viii.
17). Like the Greek philosophers whose influence
his writings reveal, he forms his conception of tlie
deity from a study of human life and of natural phe-
nomena. If his age had not been utterly selfish and
sordid, his conclusions might have been different. As
it was, he found little evidence of divine love, and
much in the life which he studied in Palestine and
Egypt that suggested only injustice. The time-honored
dogma of proportionate rewards upon this eartli, lie
completely rejected. He saw the righteous man dying
in his righteousness, and an evil man living to a ripe
old age, apparently enjoying heaven's highest favor
(vii. 15 ; viii. 10}. The new doctrine of rewards after

320 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

death also brought no relief to his perplexity, for, like
the son of Sirach, he did not accept it. " Man has no
pre-eminence over the beasts. Who knows whether the
spirit of the sons of men goes upward and whether the
sph'it of the beast goes downward" (iii. 20, 21).
Even the law and the temple service gave him no joy-
He urged conformity to the demands of the law, lest
God should be angry and avenge the neglect (v. 4, 6).
No Messianic hope inspired and comforted him.
" Vanity, all is vanity " voiced his conclusions respect-
ing human existence. With such a cold, barren faith,
it is not strange that he had no higher advice to offer
than to fear God and live a temperate life, enjoying
the few fleeting pleasures which it afforded (iii. 12,
13 ; ix. 7-9) The possibility of obtaining true happi-
ness by losing one's life in service for others had never
occurred to him. When we consider, however, the
atmosphere in which he lived, our attitude toward him,
and the heretical wisdom-school which he represented,
is that of pity rather than of condemnation. It is also
easy to see through his eyes how little there was to
hold, not only the more worldly Jews, but also the
keener minds who recognized the futility of mere cere-
monialism from absolute scepticism, or, worse still,
from shameless hypocrisy.

299. During the comparatively quiet rule of the
Ptolemies, Greek ideas, customs, and morality had
been making peaceful conquests in Palestine. Their
own inherent attractiveness, and the fact that they
were supported by the authority of the dominant race,
cast a glamour about them which made the severe
religion of Jehovah, the simple customs and the
strict morality of the Jews, seem barren and provincial.

HELLENISTIC TENDENCIES IN JUDAISM 32 1

All the other peoples of Palestine, including the
Samaritans, had set the example by imitating their
conquerors, tiellenistic Greek was the language of
commerce and polite society. Greek literature was
widely studied. Greek manners were the standard
throughout southeastern Palestine. The conservative
son of Sirach speaks in high terms of a " concert of
music at a banquet of wine" (xxxii. 5, 6), which reveals
to what an extent Greek customs had been adopted
in Jerusalem itself. He also alludes to the graver of
signets who " sets his heart to preserve likeness in
portraiture " (xxxviii, 27), showing that Greek art was
intrenched under the very shadow of the temple, for
from the context it is clear that the artisans to whom
he refers, were not foreigners but Jews.

300. The danger that the Jews would be completely
Hellenized was the greater because only by adopting
Greek habits and ideas could one hope to secure great
wealth or political preferment. The story of Joseph
the tax-collector furnishes a good illustration of this
fact. His rapid rise in royal favor would have been
impossible had he not abandoned the traditions of his
race, and surpassed the courtiers of Alexandria in
intrigues. Later, whenever at the court, he was a
favorite guest at the drunken orgies of the reigning
Ptolemy, and was deterred by no scruples from partici-
pating in the shameless debauches. At one of these
ho is said to have contracted a violent passion for a
certain dancing gii-1 (Jos. Ant. xii. 4, 6). Jewish
tradition also reports that he introduced at Jerusalem
a modified form of the feast in honor of the Greek
god of wine, Dionysus. The warnings of the son of
Sirach against the seductions of public singers and

322 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

liarlots indicate that the corrupting influence of Greek
life had in his day penetrated the sacred city (ix. 2-9).
He also exhorts his disciples to prepare their souls for
temptation, and denounces those who are of fearful
hearts and who are trying " to go two ways " (ii. 1,
12). At the end of the Greek period, the number
who were trying " to go two ways " was great. It
included many who clung to the faith of their fathers,
but who were eager to embrace Greek ideas and
customs. Many of the members of the high priestly
family were found in the ranks of this Hellenizing
party. It also naturally included the growing "body
of apostates who were ready to abandon their religion
entirely, and eager to conceal their Jewish antecedents
in order that they might plunge into the dissipations
of Greek life. The wealthy and influential descend-
ants of Joseph (the Tobiada?) became the leaders of
this powerful party, which soon became strong enough
to contest for the rule of the community (Jos. Ant.
xii. 5, 1). They appear to have carried on an active
propaganda, urging that the best interests of the com-
munity demanded the tearing down of the wall of sepa-
ration between them and the nations (I. Mac. i. 11).
They might in time have been successful, if at this
crisis a great danger from without had not united in
its defence all true lovers of the law, irrespective of
their peculiar interests or affiliations. Out of the din
and conflict of the next few decades rose two or three
great parties which embodied in permanent form the
different currents of thought which found expression
in the Greek period.

THE STJPEEME CRISIS OP JUDAISM

301. Antiochus Epiphanes, who in 175 B. c. usurped
the throne of Syria, figures in the perspective of his-
tory as the unintentional savior of Judaism, for ho
delivered it by his attacks from the " foes of its own
household," and awakened it to new life and activity.
In the eyes of his Jewish subjects, he was a fierce,
merciless persecutor, delighting only in deeds of
treachery and bloodshed (Dan. viii. 23; xi. 21). Ac-
cording to the Greek historians, he was a restless,
energetic, arrogant, ill-balanced man, driven by ambi-
tion and caprice to undertake tasks beyond his power
to accomplish. He took a childish delight in show and
pomp. Moderation was unknown to him. So strange
was his action at times, that by many he was regarded
as insane. He was an ardent champion of everything
Greek. Under his rule Antioch was greatly beautified,
and made a centre of Hellenic leai-ning. Public build-
ings reared by him in Athens and many other Greek
cities testified to his love of personal display and of
art. The desire to extend the influence of Greece
throughout all his kingdom was natural ; and his fury,
when confronted by opposition, was what might be
expected from a passionate, undisciplined ruler, reared,
as he was at Rome, side by side with the dissolute

324 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

sons of the nobles who dominated the world. Sur-
rounded by flatterers and intriguers, and not gifted
with the power of understanding the peoples under him,
he was destined to commit a series of fatal blunders.

802. The treachery of certain of the Jews precipi-
tated the calamities which overtook their race. At
the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes, the high priest
Onias III. was in Antioch to answer the charge made
by the perfidious Simon of having saved the temple
treasure by deceiving Heliodorus, the royal messenger
(sect. 280). At the instigation of the Hellenistic party
at Jerusalem, which was led by the family of Joseph
the tax-collector, the faithful Onias was deposed, and
his brother Jason, who promised to pay into the Syrian
treasury a much larger tribute than he in return for the
high priesthood, and the privilege of farming the taxes
of Judea, was appointed by Antiochus, in his place (II.
Mac. iv. 3-8). By these means the Hellenistic faction
gained control of the temple, for Jason was in sym-
pathy with the most radical innovators. Counting
upon the support of Antiochus, and to win his favor,
they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem and introduced
Greek games. Young Jews flocked to the places of
public amusement ; even the priests, following the ex-
ample of their official head, neglected their duties in
the temple for the games of the palaestra (II. Mac. iv.
9-15). A passion for Greek costumes, Greek customs,
and Greek names seized the people. Large numbers
were enrolled as citizens of Antioch. Many even
endeavored to conceal the fact that they had been
circumcised. To the horror of the faithful, Hellenism
seemed to be carrying all before it. Jehovah and his
commands were being completely forgotten, and the

INTRIGUES OF THE JEWISH HIGH PRIESTS 325

end of Judaism appeared to be at hand. To demon
strate that he had left all the traditions of his race
behind, Jason sent a rich present for sacrifices in con-
nection with tlie great festival at Tyre in honor of the
god Hercules. The messengers, not being so far
paganized as their master, paid over the money to the
fund for the royal navy (II. Mac. iv. 18-20).

303. In 171 B. c, Jason was succeeded by a still
more unprincipled renegade. A certain Menelaus was
sent by the high priest to Antioch to represent him in
the court. Menelaus improved the opportunity to bid
a larger sum for the high priesthood, and accordingly
was appointed by Antiochus. The family of Joseph
supported the new appointee, who came from their
ranks; but the majority of the Jews preferred Jason.
At last, with the aid of Syrian soldiers, Menelaus drove
his rival into exile, and then began to plunder the
temple treasure in order to redeem his promise of
tribute to Antiochus. The aged ex-priest, Onias III.,
who dared to condemn this impiety, was treacherously
assassinated in his place of refuge near Antioch by an
agent of Menelaus (II. Mac. iv. 23-38). In Jerusalem,
the Jews, goaded to madness by his repeated robberies
of the temple, arose and killed Lysimachus, the repre-
sentative of Menelaus. They then despatched a depu-
tation to prefer charges before Antiochus at Tyre
against their shameless high priest. Again bribes
saved Menelaus, and brought upon the suitors for jus-
tice the death-penalty (11. Mac. iv. 43-50). Fortu-
nately for Judaism, by such acts as these the popular
passion for Hellenism was being rapidly cooled, and in
its stead there grew up an intense hatred for Antiochus
and his tool, Menelaus.

326 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

304. In 170 B. c, the Syrian king invaded Egypt and
vanquished the army of the reigning Ptolemy (Dan. xi.
25). While there, the report came that Antiochus was
dead. The former high priest Jason improved the
opportunity, with a small army of one thousand men,
to seize Jerusalem, and to shut up his rival Menelaus
in the citadel. Instead, however, of winning the favor
of the Jews by acts of clemency, to satisfy his inhuman
thirst for revenge, he put many of them to death.
Finding no real support within the city, and learning
that Antiochus was returning from Egypt, Jason again
fled, and after long wanderings died miserably (11.
Mac. V. 1-10). This unfortunate insurrection gave
Antiochus an excuse for venting his anger upon the
Jews. Marching directly to Jerusalem, he turned the
city over to his bloody soldiery with commands to slay
and spoil. No attempt appears to have been made to
distinguish between the innocent and guilty. No
mercy was shown to women and children. Many
were slain in the streets and in their homes. Many
more were dragged off to supply the already crowded
slave markets of the Mediterranean cities (II. Mac.
V. 11-15). Upon the unresisting people was heaped
still greater ignominy. Led by the vile Menelaus,
Antiochus entered the holy temple and pluudered its
treasury, bearing away (according to II. Mac. v. 21)
eighteen hundred talents of silver. The temple was
also stripped of its golden altar and candlestick, of its
sacred vessels and ornamentation. Jerusalem was left
in sackcloth and ashes (Dan. xi. 28 ; I. Mac. i. 20-28).

305. Henceforth the relations between Antiochus
and his Jewish subjects partook of the nature of a
personal feud. Their internal dissensions, their weak-

THE ATTEMPT TO HELLENIZE THE JEWS 327

ness, and their complete isolation from the rest of the
world alone restrained the Jews from open rebellion.
Antiochus, well aware of their secret hatred, regarded
their refusal to abandon their religion and to become
completely ITellenized, like the rest of his subjects, as
an act of rebellion. The existence of a large Greek
party at Jerusalem, and the misleading testimony of
Mcnelaus, who recognized that his only hope of main-
taining his position lay in the destruction of the loyal
Jewish party, encouraged Antiochus to believe that he
might yet succeed in exterminating the Jehovali cult.
His constant need of money also led hira to improve
every opportunity to rob his subjects. Accordingly,
when, in 168 b. c, he returned from his second Egyptian
campaign, completely baffled by the intervention of the
Romans, he visited his discontent upon the Jews (Dan.
xi. 29, 30). In his attempt to Hellenize them, he had
the sympathy of the heathen world. Tacitus states
that " Antiochus endeavored to root out the Jewish
superstition, but was hindered by a Parthian war from
reforming this vilest of people " (Hist. v. 8). Antiochus
was also encouraged and advised by the malicious
suggestions " of those who had forsaken the holy
covenant." A Syrian garrison, composed in part of
renegade Jews, under a barbarous Phrygian by the
name of Philip, was already established at Jerusalem
(H. Mac. v. 22). Antiochus also sent ApoUonius
with a large army to put an end to the worship of
Jehovah by exterminating all who remained faithful to
it, and by recolonizing Judea with Hellenized subjects.
Professing peace, ApoUonius fell upon the unresist-
ing inhabitants of Jerusalem, and slaughtered them
without pity (I. Mac. 29, 80 ; II. Mac. v. 24-26).

328 TPIE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

When the men who had escaped by flight had been
slain, the women and children were led away as slaves,
and the wealth of the city confiscated. While the
houses and walls of Jerusalem were torn dovrn, the
citadel of Acra, which overlooked the temple, was
strongly fortified and garrisoned with Syrians and
apostate Jews. It was also well supplied with arms
and provisions so as to endure a long seige. Hence-
forth, until it was captured by the Jews in 141 b. c, it
was the stronghold of Hellenism, and a constant men-
ace to the worship of Jehovah (I. Mac. i. 31-36).

306. The commands of Antiochus were executed
with a grim thoroughness and system. Having gained
control of the centre of Judaism, the temple was dis-
mantled and desecrated (Dan. xi. 31). With the
blood of Jewish victims was mingled that of unclean
animals sacrificed in despite of the Jewish law. On
the site of the great altar of Jehovah was set up, in
December, 168 b. c," the abomination of desolation," —
an altar to Olympian Zeus. Ten days later, sacrifices
were instituted upon it in which all the remaining
inhabitants of Jerusalem were obliged to participate.
Within the sacred precincts were soon practised all
the immoral customs so often associated in that degen-
erate age with a heathen shrine (I. Mac. i. 37, 54, 59 ;
II. Mac. vi. 2-5). Even Jehovah's sanctuary on Mount
Gerizim was transformed into a temple of Zeus (I. Mac.
i. 46 ; II. Mac. vi. 2). All sacrifice to Jehovah of
course ceased. By royal decree, the observation of the
Sabbath or of the sacred feasts, and practising the rite
of circumcision, were absolutely forbidden under penalty
of death. All copies of the law were destroyed.
Heathen altars and temples were erected throughout

EFFECTS OF THE PERSECUTIONS OF AXTIOCHUS 329

Judea, and everj Jew was compelled in public to sacri-
fice to idols, swine's flesh or that of some other unclean
beast, and to present conclusive evidence that he had
ceased to observe the laws of his fathers (I. Mac. i. 47-
49). On the occasion of the feast of Dionysus, every-
one was obliged to participate, marching in procession
crowned with wreaths of ivy (II. Mac. vi. 7).

307. At first the policy of Antiochus seemed to have
succeeded. By fire and the sword, he converted Jeru-
salem into a heathen city. To his standard resorted
hundreds of Jews who were bound to him body and
soul, for having once proved traitors to their religion
and race, they could never hope to be received again
within the ranks of the faithful. Henceforth, they
devoted themselves to betraying those who defied the
decrees of the king. Many more, terrified by the pros-
pect of torture and death, bowed before their perse-
cutors. Thousands fled to Egypt and the surrounding
countries, or else sought refuge in the many caves and
deserted regions in and about Judah (II. Mac. v. 27), pre-
ferring to endure the most awful privations rather than
give up their religion. Instead of crushing Judaism,
Antiochus soon discovered that his persecutions, like
an electric shock, had awakened a slumbering giant.
Hellenism had conquered all else, but now it was con-
fronted by an insignificant people whose spirit no human
power could break. Furious because of this unex-
pected opposition, Antiochus redoubled his persecutions.
Rather than admit his defeat, he was ready to make
Judea one vast cemetery. The example of the martyrs
for the law encouraged others to follow in their foot-
steps ; while the taste of their blood transformed their
persecutors into beasts. It was a brutal, heartless age,

330 THE PETJSIAN TERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

and many if not all of the traditions preserved in I.
and II. Maccabees may be regarded as true (compare
Dan. xi. 33-85). Women who had circumcised their
children were led about the city with their babies
hanging to their breasts, and were then cast headlong
from the wall (I. Mac. i. 60, 61 ; II. Mac. vi. 10).
Others, betrayed while observing the Sabbath in their
places of refuge, were burned to death. Men, like the
aged scribe Eleazer, calmly met a martyr's death by
scourging, rather than save themselves by seeming to
be unfaithful to the commands of the ceremonial law
(II. Mac. vi. 1 1-31). Women, whom the ancient Orient
ordinarily treated contemptuously, were given high
places in the list of immortals. A long story is told of a
mother who, forced to witness in succession the death by
the most horrible tortures of her seven sons, exhorted
them to the last not to apostatize, and then unflinch-
ingly went to her own death. The heroes of the faith
realized in part the ideal of service presented by the
great prophet of the exile, for by their voluntary self-
sacrifice they inspired the survivors to remain true to
the law. The fact that some of them, like the con-
temporary son of Sirach, had no fixed faith in a personal
immortality awaiting them, only magnifies the great-
ness of their devotion.

THE GEEAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM

308. At every crisis in the history of Israel, a
prophet arose to interpret its meaning, to encourage
the people, and to point out the way of duty ; but now
for a century or more the idea had been current that
the voice of the prophets had ceased (Ps. Ixxiv. 9 ;
Zech. xiii. 3-5). The extreme needs of the hour
influenced the author of the Book of Daniel to break
the long silence. He did not, however, have the courage
to speak in his own name. Although his message was
clad in strange and mysterious form (sect. 261), it
brought to the hearts of his fellow-sufferers, who were
familiar with the apocalyptic type of thought, the
much needed comfort and inspiration. The book con-
tains two distinct elements : personal narratives respect-
ing the prophet Daniel, and predictions placed in his
mouth ; but the same practical, immediate application
is apparent in each. To men confronted by the choice
between a horrible death, or apostasy to the law, the
hortatory significance of such thrilling stories as that of
Daniel and his comrades, who defied powerful heathen
monarchs in order not to defile themselves by eating
food ceremonially unclean (i.), or to worship idols (iii.),
or to omit the daily prayer (vi.), is obvious. Their
miraculous deliverance by Jehovah, as well as their

332 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

steadfastness, enforced the truths which the prophet
wished to teach. The fate which overtook the arro-
gant persecutors of the faithful in the past (v. 20-31)
was doubtless intended to assure the afflicted that
Antiochus Epiphanes would ultimately meet his just
deserts at the hand of Jehovah.

309. The predictions vary greatly in form, but their
messages are the same. Each presents a sublime phi-
losophy of history. They teach that every experience
of mankind, the rise and fall of nations, and the mis-
fortunes wiiich had befallen the Jewish race, were no
mere accidents, but all in accord with Jehovah's
eternal and unchanging purpose, which was thus re-
vealed to man. Now that the dominance of the powers
of evil had reached their height, the prophet felt that
the time when Jehovah would interfere and vindicate
his promises, by the destruction of his enemies and by
the exaltation of his faithful people, was near at hand.
The burning question was. How long before deliver-
ance will come ? Jeremiah's prophecy that the Jews
would be restored within seventy years furnishes the
author of the Book of Daniel his definite data (Dan. ix.
2). Since seventy actual years had not brought its
fulfilment, he reasons that seventy weeks of years
(490) must have been intended (ix. 24). According
to this reckoning, the deposition, or else the murder of
the last lawful high priest Onias III., " the anointed
one" (sects. 300, 301), marks the end of the sixty-
ninth (7+62+1) and the beginning of the seventieth or
last week of years (ix. 2G). The abolition of the
daily sacrifice came at the middle of this last week of
years, so that tlirec years and a half were to elapse
before the " end of the breaking in pieces of the power

THE MESSAGES OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL 333

of the holy people" (xii. 7, 11; vii. 25). With less
chronological detail, he reiterates in a series of visions
the inspiring message that the great heathen powers
— the Babylonian, Median, Persian, and, last of all,
the Greek — have had their day, and will speedily be
succeeded by the universal and everlasting kingdom
of the saints of the Most High (ii. ; vii,). Then,
*' many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth
shall awake ; some to everlasting life, and some to
everlasting shame and contempt. And the teachers
shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, and
they that have led many to righteousness as the stars
forever and ever " (xii. 2, 3).

310. It requires little imagination to understand
how great was the influence of these prophecies dur-
ing the supreme crisis of Judaism. The fact that the
different sections repeat the same general teachings,
and that each constitutes a complete unit, independent
of the others, suggests that they may have been issued
at different times and finally combined. In the form
of tracts, they probably circulated secretly among the
hunted fugitives. From the first, they appear to have
been eagerly accepted by the people as authoritative
(compare I. Mac. ii. 59, 60). Therein they found
plainly and unhesitatingly stated what they hoped,
but hardly dared believe. Although immediately suc-
ceeding years did not bring the complete fulfilment
of its detailed predictions, the essential teachings of
the marvellous book — the proclamation that God is
working in and through all history, that the right will
ultimately triumph and faithful service be rewarded —
became foundation stones in the faith of later Judaism
and Christianity.

334 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

311. The realm of religious ideas in which the
author of the Book of Daniel lived, and the hopes
which comforted the hearts of the martyrs, are also
clearly presented in chapters i. to xxxvi. and Ixxxiii.
to xc. of the Book of Enoch. The history of the world
from tlie creation to the Maccabean uprising is traced
in the form of a vision put in the mouth of Enoch, and
clad in the same mysterious symbolism as is found in
the Book of Daniel (Ixxxix. ; xc). Here again the
period of the uprising receives the chief attention.
After the final victory of Judas Maccaba3us, Jehovah
himself is to appear to condemn the wicked to punish-
ment in Gehenna, and to establish the new Jerusalem
(xc. 20-29). Then the scattered Jews and the righteous
dead are to be gathered to share in the kingdom of
God (xc. 31-36). If not a belief in personal immor-
tality, at least the hope in a bodily resurrection, and
in the speedy establishment on earth of Jehovah's
kingdom (compare Enoch xxii. ; xxv.), was a posses-
sion of many of the noble martyrs who defied the rage
of Antiochus (II. Mac. vii. 9, 11, 14, 23, 29, 36).

312. The merciless policy of Antiochus left no way
of escape for the faithful but by taking up the sword.
Their delay in so doing is only explained by their
habit of submission, which had been forming for
centuries, and by the apparently absolute hopelessness
of successfully defying, with a disorganized handful
of men, the still powerful Syrian empire. At last,
however, in the language of the Book of Enoch, " horns
grew upon the lambs," and they turned against the
birds of prey that attacked them (xc. 9-19). The
little town of Modein, among the limestone hills on
the Avestern edge of the central plateau of Palestine,

THE REVOLT LED BY xMATTATlHAS 335

near the narrow valley which leads from Bethhoron on
the heights to Lydda on the plain of Sharon below,
furnished the leader of the inevitable revolt. Here
dwelt in seclusion an aged priest of the order of
Joarib, by name Mattathias. He and his five stalwart
sons felt most keenly the wrongs and indignities which
had been heaped upon their race and religion. When
the Syrian ofScials visited the town of Modein, and
endeavored by promises of royal favor to influence him
to set the example by publicly presenting a heathen
sacrifice, the stern old priest bade defiance to the king's
command, and declared that even if they alone of all
their race remained faithful, he and his family would
never forsake "the law and the oi'dinances " (I. Mac.
ii. 1-22). The sight of an apostate Jew advancing to
sacrifice on the heathen altar aroused his hot indigna-
tion. Fired with zeal for the law, he slew both the
traitor and the royal officer, and then pulled down
the hated altar, calling upon all who were loyal to
tbe covenant to follow him. With his sons, he fled
into the mountains. Profiting by the awful experience
of a large body of fugitives who, because they refused
to defend themselves on the Sabbath, had been remorse-
lessly massacred by the Syrians, Mattathias and his
followers determined to fight whenever attacked (I.
Mac. ii. 23-41).

313. His energy and wisdom at once attracted to
his standard the pious (Chasids or Hasideans), "the
mighty men of Israel, every one who offered himself
willingly for the law" (I. Mac. ii. 42). The party of
the pious, which figure !n later history as the Pharisees,
came into existence during the years of Syrian perse-
cution, ami represented an intensely conservative I'C-

336 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

action against the prevalent Hellenizing influence
which was upheld by the secular party, known in later
time as the Sadduccan. The aim of the pious was to
preserve unchanged the law and traditions of their
race. In this respect they were the successors of the
earlier Puritans (sect, 293). In contrast to their op-
ponents, they also cherished in modified form the
Messianic hopes of their race. To these they added
the new belief in the resurrection. Thus, while they
were the conservatives and the zealots, they were also
in faith the progressives within Judaism. The scribes
were the natural leaders of the party of the pious ; but
the persecutions of Antiochus forced into its ranks all
who were zealous for the law : priests, Levites, and
laymen. It appears to have been organized before
Mattathias headed the revolt (I. Mac. ii. 42; iii. 13;
vii. 13). In all probability, he belonged to the new
party, for he and his sons were at first in perfect sym-
pathy with its aims, and in Mattathias and Judas the
pious found ideal leaders.

314. Their heroic struggle for religious liberty is a
familiar chapter of human history. At first only out-
laws hunted from place to place, Mattathias and his
followers devoted themselves to putting to death all
apostates whom they captured, to tearing down
heathen altars, and to instituting by force the rite of
circumcision, whenever it had been neglected. In
time, as they increased in numbers and experience,
they were able to strike open blows against the persecu-
tors of their race (II. Mac. viii. 1-7). The effect upon
the wavering Jews was most salutary, for with many
hope took the place of despair ; while others remained
loyal to the law, be»cause of fear of the swords in Jew-

THE VICTORIES OF JUDAS 337

ish hands (I. Mac. ii. 44-48). Within a few months,
the aged Mattathias died (in 167 b. c.) ; but he was
succeeded by his son Judas, who was called Maccabaeue,
'' the Hammerer," and from whom came the name by
which his family are popularly designated. He inher-
ited the courage and the devotion to the law which had
animated his father, and in addition was possessed of
an indomitable energy, a rare ability to command, and
skill as a strategist which has secured for him a first
place among the generals of the past.

315. The difficulties which confronted him were
seemingly overwhelming, but he soon had a fearless
little army at his command ; while his foes were only
paid mercenaries, well equipped with arms, but not with
courage nor with determination. The physical contour
of Judea was also favorable to the Jewish cause.
While the Syrian general ApoUonius was leading his
force from Samaria to put down the rebellion, he was
suddenly attacked by Judas and slain. His followers
who did not escape by flight, shared the same fate (I.
Mac. iii. 8-12). Henceforth, Judas wielded the captured
sword of ApoUonius, and his men armed themselves
with the weapons of the slain. Another larger Syrian
host under Seron, " the commander of the army of
Syria," was soon after attacked by Judas near his home
at Modein, as they were advancing into Judea through
the narrow pass of Bethhoron, and completely van-
quished (I. Mac. iii. 13-24).

31G. Fortunately for the Jews, the Syrian treasury
was depleted. To secure new resources, Antiochus
entered at this time (IGG b. c.) upon the disastrous
Parthian war in which he ultimately lost his life. He
left the task of suppressing the Jewish revolt to his

338 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

vice-regent Lysias. Instructed by previous disasters,
the most elaborate preparations were made to extermin-
ate completely the rebellious race (I. Mac. iii. 27-37).
An army of forty-seven thousand was despatched under
the command of three experienced generals, — Ptolemy,
Nicanor, and Gorgias. Anticipating certain victory, a
host of slave merchants accompanied the Syrian army
to be present at the great sale of Jewish captives.
"While the Syrians were encamped at Emmaus, on the
plain at the entrance of the hill country, Judas gathered
his followers at the historic stronghold of Mizpah, a
few miles northwest of Jerusalem. He had at his
command a small but fairly well armed and organized
army, inspired by deep religious faith and filled with
desperate courage, begotten by the knowledge that
defeat would be worse than death. All who might
quail at the critical moment were allowed to depart.
With marvellous skill, Judas marshalled his forces.
Learning that Gorgias, one of the Syrian generals, was
advancing with a strong detachment to attack him by
night at Mizpah, he advanced by another route directly
against the main body of the Syrian army at Emmaus.
Appealing to their faith and patriotism and enthusiasm,
he led his men in a sudden fierce onset which put the
entire hostile army to flight, and left him in possession
of the Syrian camp. Recalling his men from the
pursuit, Judas stood ready to meet the detachment
under Gorgias, as it returned from its futile pursuit of
the Jews. The sight of their burning camp, and of the
victorious army of Judas, unnerved the Syrians, and they
joined in the general rout (T. Mac. iii. 38 to iv. 25 ; II.
Mac. viii. 8-29). The spoil which fell into the hands
of the Jews was enormous, and enabled them to equip

THE REDEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE 339

themselves for the next great danger which threatened
them. In the autumn of 165 b. c, Ljsias himself led
a new and still larger array against the Jews. Avoid-
ing the fatal northern passes, he invaded Judea from
southern Canaan, which was held by the Edomites (sect.
22). At Bethzur, on the road from Hebron to Jerusa-
lem, a great battle was fought in which the small army
under Judas won another crowning victory, which
compelled Lysias to retire and leave the Jews for a
time unmolested (I. Mac. iv. 28-35).

317. After two years of almost constant fighting,
Judas and his associates, by their courage and zealous
devotion, had won the religious freedom for which they
had sacrificed all else. With mingled feelings of sad-
ness and joy, they turned to the sacred city to restore
the interrupted service of the temple. Renegade Jews
and hated Syrians still insulted them from the frowning
battlements of the citadel of Acra, which Judas was
unable to capture. While his soldiers guarded against
attack from the Syrian garrison, and the assembled
people lamented over the desolation of the sanctuary,
"blameless priests cleansed the holy place and bore out
the stones of defilement" (I. Mac. iv. 42, 43). The
desecrated stones of the great altar they laid aside " in
a convenient place until there should come a prophet to
give an answer concerning them " (I. Mac. iv. 46).
Then a new altar was built, the temple repaired and
furnished anew. On the twenty-fifth day of the ninth
month, December, 165 b. c, just three years after it had
been defiled by Antiochus, the temple was rededicated,
and its service reinstated. Universal joy filled all
hearts, and found expression in solemn sacrifices and
loud songs of praise. For eight days, they celebrated

340 THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH HISTORY

the great event, and decreed that ever after it should be
commemorated by a yearly feast (I. Mac. iv. 47-59).
The occasion was a memorable one in human history,
for it represented the triumph of religious faith and
devotion over material interests and brute force, and
declared to the heathen world that there was something
in the religion of Jehovah which distinguished it from
all others. For the Jews, it marked the close of a long
period of suppression and persecution, and inaugurated
another filled with national hopes and victories. The
four centuries between Zedekiah and Judas opened with
the destruction of the temple and the annihilation and
enslavement of the Hebrew nation. It ended appro-
priately with the reded ication of the temple, the re-
union of the Jewish people, and a foretaste of national
independence. During the intervening years, Judaism
was born, developed, tested, and not found wanting.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

THE NABONIDUS INSCRIPTION DESCRIBING THE
DESTRUCTION OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE

Recent excavations have unearthed an important in-
scription coming from the reign of Nabonidus, which con-
tains the first monumental account, thus far discovered, of
the overthrow of the Assyrian empire (in 606-5 b. c.) by
the combined attack of the northern hordes and the Baby-
lonians. It also records the first advent of the Umman-
Manda as an organized, united people.

The inscription has been published by Messerschmidt
in the Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft,
1896, I., 25. For convenient reference a translation is
herewith given :

He gave to him (Xabopolassar) a helper.
He furnished for him a confederate.
The king of the Umman-Manda,
Who had no equal,
5 He made subject
To his command,
He appointed for his aid.
Above and below,
Right and left
10 He overthrew, like the storm flood,
He took vengeance
For Babylon,

He increased the retribution (?).
The king of the Umman-Manda,

$44. APPENDIX I

The fearless,

Destroyed

The temples

Of the gods of Assyria

All together,
20 And the cities in the territory

Of Akkad,

Which to the king of

Akkad

Had been hostile

And to his help

Had not come.
25 He destroyed

Their sanctuaries.

Left nothing remaining.

Laid waste

Their cities,
30 Increased (the desolation),

Like the devastating hurricane.

Of that which belonged to the king of Babylon

Through the work of Marduk,

Whose revenge (?)
35 Is plundering,

He took no share.

To the sanctuaries

Of all the gods

He turned graciously.
40 He did not on a bed of rest

Lay himself down.

APPENDIX II

THE JERUSALEM OF NEHEMIAH

The minute description of the building of the walls by
Nehemiah contained in the third chapter of his memoirs,
furnishes the most complete data extant respecting the
location and general characteristics of Jerusalem. These
data are further confirmed and supplemented by the de-
tailed account of the dedication of the walls (Xeh. xii. 31,
37-40). The facts are doubly valuable because the walls
which Nehemiah restored were those of pre-exilic Jerusa-
lem. Thanks to the extensive excavations which have
been carried on under the direction of the Palestine Ex-
ploration Fund, the exact location of the southern wall has
been determined. The southern halves of the western
and eastern walls have been traced ; while their northern
courses are established with comparative certainty by the
contour of the hills on which Jerusalem stands. Only in
regard to the exact course of the northern wall is it
necessary to resort at certain points to conjecture.

Josephus states that in his day there were three walls
on the north. The oldest, which was probably the one
built in the days of Solomon, extended almost due east
from the present Jaffa gate (following the David street)
until it reached the temple mount, where it turned a right
angle to the north so as to include the sacred hill. The
second began at " the gate which they called Gennath "
(probably the Ephraim gate on the map opposite page 172)
which belonged to the first wall ; it only encircled tbe
northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the

346 APPENDIX II

tower of Antonia (Wars v. 4, 2). The third, which was
built by Agrippa, started from the tower Hippicus (near
the modern Jaffa gate) and followed the line of the
present northern wall.

The second northern wall was without much doubt the
one restored by Nehemiah, for there is no record of an-
other wall being built after his time until the third was
reared by Agrippa. On the other hand, it is suggested by
various Old Testament authorities that the ancient city of
Solomon was extended to the north by the later Jewish
kings, and that the new addition was called " the second
quarter" (11. Chrs. xxxiii. 14 ; II. Kings xv. 35; xxii. 14;
Zeph. i. 10). It appears to have included the upper Tyro-
poeon valley, which, because of its peculiar shape, was
called "the mortar" (Zeph. i. 11).

The order followed in the description of the rebuilding
of the walls by Nehemiah (iii.) is the reverse of that fol-
lowed by the second procession at the time of their dedi-
cation (xii. 38, 39). It begins with the sheep gate, which
was north of the temple, and approached from the Kidron
valley on the east through the deep ravine which origi
nally formed the northern boundary of the sacred area.
This valley is described by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 4, 2 ;
Wars i. 1, 3) and has been partially excavated (Pal. Ex.
Fund, Jerusalem Memoirs, 122-141) ; but to-day it is
almost entirely filled up with debris so that it is marked
only by a slight depression in which is located the pool of
Israel. The sheep gate was undoubtedly so named be-
cause at this point the people brought in their victims for
the temple sacrifice. Its reconstruction was appropriately
undertaken by the high priest and his associates, and after
its completion it was consecrated by them. At the upper
end of this ravine, where the temple mount was connected
with its northern continuation, was one of the most ex-
posed points about the city. Here stood the strong tower

APPENDIX II 347

of Hammeah (" the hundred ") and its twin the tower of
Hanunel. Without much doubt they stood on the site of
the Roman tower of Antonia and of the modern Turkish
barracks. Excavations to the north and south of this
point have revealed no traces of an ancient wall, while in
the foundations of the tower of Antonia are the rock cut-
tings and antique masonry of what may have been the
original wall (P.E.F., Jer. Mems. 127).

Descending the western slope of the temple hill, the
wall extended to the fish gate down in the upper Tyropceon
valley. This was the market quarter of the city (Zeph;
i. 10), and the gate in all probability was so named be-
cause it was near the booths of the fish-mongers, who, as
in Koman times, brought in from the sea of Galilee and
Joppa their attractive delicacies. Like the modern Dam-
ascus gate, it represented the northern exit of the import-
ant street, which, following within the city the Tyropoeon
valley from south to north, became without the walls the
direct highway leading to Samaria and Galilee.

Whether the wall described a curve or a straight line be-
tween the fish gate and the gate of the old (city or wall)
can not be determined because the land being comparatively
level admitted of either, and excavation here has been im-
possible owing to the fact that the city at this point is
thickly settled. The proportionately large number of
workmen assigned by Nehemiah to this section of the wall
indicates its strategic importance, for it was flanked by no
deep valleys, and therefore was a favorable point of attack.
The gate of the old (city or wall) was in all probability
the corner gate. This, according to the chronicler, was
provided by King TTzziah with a protecting tower (II. Chrs.
xxvi. 9). Possibly it was spoken of as the gate of the old
because it marked the end of the old and the beginning of
the shorter new wall, which, according to the natural
translation of the Hebrew text of Nehemiah iii. S^ (si^^p-

348 APPENDIX II

ported by the Septuagint and Vidgate), was then built be-
tween this point and the Ephraim gate, so that here part
of the territory included within pre-exilic Jerusalem was
left out. If, as is claimed by many, the last section of the
thirty-first chapter of Jeremiah is post-exilic, the thirty-
eighth and thirty-ninth verses corroborate the general
reconstruction suggested on the map (opposite page 172) :
"The city shall be built to the Lord from the tower of
Hananel unto the gate of the corner. And the measuring
line shall yet go out straight onwards unto the hill Gareb
and shall tuin about unto Goah." If the passage is exilic,
its testimony is still valuable, for it affirms that the city
which then lay in ruins would all of it again " be holy to
the Lord." The suggested reconstruction of the wall also
conforms to the physical contour of the native rock at this
point, which has been deeply buried by later deposits
(P.E.F., Jer. Mems. 285-292). This brings the wall to the
Ephraim gate, which was located in the northwestern
branch of the Tyropoeon valley.

South of the Ephraim gate, where the city was exposed
to attack from the west, it was protected by a double wall,
The remainder of the western wall has been traced along
the brow of the hill. The references in Nehemiah suggest
that the tower of the furnaces was found on the south-
western corner of the city near the gate which has recently
been disclosed by the excavations. The furnaces or ovens
which gave the name to the tower located there, whose
foundations had been unearthed, were in all probability
those used by the potters in baking their wares. That
their shops were located at this point down in the valley
of Hinnom just outside the gate, which from the fact was
earlier called the gate of the potsherds, is clearly indi-
cated by the references in Jeremiah xviii. 2-4 and xix.
1-6. Without much doubt, the tower was the one which
the chronicler states was built by Uzziah at the valley

APPENDIX II 340

gate when he fortified the corners of the city (II. Chrs.
xxvi. 9).

That the valley gate is identical with the one discovered
by Doctor Bliss at the southwestern corner of the ancient
city, and not with the one near the modern Jaffa gate, as
he suggests, is reasonably certain. The name itself is
much more appropriate for a gate situated far down in the
valley of Hinnom than for one up on the heights ; and the
names of the gates of Jerusalem were derived from their
use or from something near them. The minute descrip-
tions in Nehemiah are satisfied only by the first identifi-
cation. At the dedication of the temple, the two bands
started from the valley gate at the corner of the city oppo-
site the temple. The one band went to the right, along
the southern and eastern wall, while the other went to the
left, along the western and northern wall. The latter
went first above the tower of the furnaces (which must
therefore have been located in the valley), then, after pass-
ing along the broad wall, and then above the gate of
Ephraim (which must have been located in the slight de-
pression made by the northwestern branch of the Tyro-
poeon valley), went by the gate of the old wall and the fish
gate to the sheep gate. Also on the occasion of his mid-
night ride Nehemiah " went out by the valley gate toward
the dragon's well and to the dung gate " and the fountain
gate (ii. 13,14).

Furthermore, if Doctor Bliss's identification of the gate
in the valley of Hinnom with the dung gate be accepted,
Nehemiah made no provisions for the repair of the nine-
teen hundred feet of wall between that and the fountain
gate (iii. 14, 15) ; but if it be identified with the valley
gate the one thousand cubits of wall restored by the in-
habitants of Zanoah between the valley gate and the dung
gate (verse 13) conforms closely to the results of the act-
ual measurement of the distance between the southwest-

350 APPENDIX II

ern gate and the little gate discovered only a few feet
west of the fountain gate. The fact that no especial
group of workmen was assigned to the wall between these
gates finds its complete explanation in the fact that they
Avere so near to each other. Of the identity of the foun-
tain gate as the chief exit at the southern end of the city,
there can be no doubt ; while the object of the little gate,
which was only four feet ten inches in width, and too
near the large fountain gate, where the streets converged,
to be of use to the general public, is satisfactorily ex-
plained by the name, " dung gate." The execution of the
strict sanitary laws of the Pentateuch appears to have
made necessary a special gate through which refuse of the
city could be carried out. It is also interesting to note
that it occupied precisely the same position relative to
the ancient city as does the present dung gate to modern
Jerusalem .

Its position on the sloping side hill, and the fact that
it was in part cut out of the native rock, explain how one
gang of workmen sufficed to repair most of the southern
wall. The excavations have also given us a vivid concep-
tion of its character. On the southwest corner has been
found a tower base measuring about forty-five feet each
way, and rising twenty feet from an outer ledge of rock
(Bliss-Excavations at Jerusalem, 2-4). Between this and
the valley gate, there are numerous cuttings in the rock
which indicate that once it was the base of formidable for-
tifications. In places the natural rock has been so cut that
it rises to a sheer height of forty feet, with a shallower cut-
ting within. It thus constituted in itself an almost im-
pregnable wall. On the west side of the valley gate was
found the base of another tower, forty-three feet in length
on its face, and running back for a long distance.

The width of the ancient valley gate was only eight feet
ten inches on the outside, and somewhat greater on the in-

APPENDIX H 351

side. The thickness of the wall on the east of the gate
was nine feet. The lower sockets of the gate are still in
position (Bliss-E.J., 16-20). The worn pavement of the
ancient street which led to the fountain gate and the usual
drain beneath have also been uncovered.

Along the southern wall were found several buttressing
towers of different sizes and of unequal distances from
each other. The fountain gate — nine feet six inches in
width — was also guarded by towers.

Where the ancient wall crossed the lower Tyropoeon
valley from the fountain gate to the ascent of Ophel, it
was flanked on the outside with six buttresses, resting on
a base wall about twenty feet thick (Bliss-E.J., 97).
Along most of its course from the southwestern corner of
the temple area to the fountain gate, the main street,
which ran along the bottom of the Tyropoeon valley, has
been traced. Its width, varied from twenty-five to fifty
feet. It was paved and provided with a curb. Where the
ground ascended, there were broad, low, rock-cut steps
constructed like some of the modern Jerusalem streets, so
that they could be \ised by beast as well as by foot-pas-
sengers. Beneath the street was the great drain, which
probably followed it through its entire length from the
fish gate to the fountain gate. One street was found
branching to the west toward the Ephraim gate, but none
to the east. On the east side of the pool of Siloam, rock-
cut steps were found leading down to it and joining the
main street. The southern slope of Ophel between the
Tyropoeon street and the eastern wall was occupied by
the palace and public buildings. About the great pool
within the walls, and just north of the fountain gate, were
found the king's garden (Jer, xxxix. 4; Neh. iii. 15).
Close to the wall were the stairs which led up to Ophel
(Neh. iii. 15; xii. 37) of which the recent excavations
appear to have uncovered traces (Bliss-E.J. 176). Tf the

352 APPENDIX II

surface immediately north of the king's garden had been
carefully excavated, we might know the exact location of
the sepulchres of David and of the public building situated
there. The absence of any trace of a gate between this
tower and the fountain gate is in perfect harmony with
the descriptions of Nehemiah.

The water gate was just above this tower (Keh. iii. 26),
and was the most important eastern entrance to the city.
It was probably so named because from it the road led
down to Jerusalem's one perennial spring, — the present
Virgin's fount. It opened into the official quarter of the
city. In front of it, within the city, as before the Ephraim
gate and the modern Jaffa gate, was an open space where
the people assembled on public occasions (Neh. viii. 1, .16).
The horse gate was a short distance further north. The
reference in II. Kings xi. 16 indicates, as does its name,
that it was originally built as "the horses' entry to the
king's house." It marked the northern limit of the royal
buildings and the beginning of those which belonged to
the temple and the priests (Neh. iii. 27 ; Jer. xxxi. 40).

The gate of Hammiphkad was near the northeast cor»
ner of the city, east of the temple, and without much doubt
identical with the gate of the guard, where one of the
companies who took part in the dedication of the walls
paused before the sanctuary (Neh. xii. 39 ; compare II.
Kings xi. 6) . The shafts sunk by the Palestine Explora-
tion Fund uncovered a massive masonry wall forty-six
feet to the east of the present sanctuary wall, running
from the south to the north, and turning to the northwest
at the northern angle of the golden gate (P.E.F., Jer. INIems.
144). That this is the northeastern angle of the ancient
wall is confirmed by the configuration of the natural rock,
which descends suddenly at this point into the ravine to
the north, which leads up from the Kidron valley.

Inside the gate of the guard were found the bazaars at

APPENDIX II 353

xrhich the people coming from a distance couLl purchase
those things which were needful for their offerings ; and
here also dwelt a group of the Nethinini, who perhaps
took charge of the animals which were brought in for
sacrifice.

Combining the testimony of the biblical references with
the results of modern excavation, we are thus able to gain
a very definite conception of ancient Jerusalem. Although
it did not extend as far north, it reached so much farther
down into the valley to the south that its total area was
the same as that which is inclosed within the walls of the
modern town. Compared with our western cities, Jerusa-
lem was very small, for its greatest width was less than
three-quarters of a mile ; but, measured by Oriental stan-
dards, the city of Nehemiah was described as " wide and
large" (Neh. vii. 4).

APPENDIX III
BOOKS OF REFERENCE UPON JEWISH HISTORY

The new interest and importance now associated with
the exilic and post-exilic periods have already called forth
a number of monographs and articles which have made it
necessary at certain points to modify the conception of
the course of events presented in the histories of Ewald,
Stanley, Renan, Stade, and even in the more recent brief
sketches by Wellhausen, Klostermann, and Cornill. The
pioneer work has been done by the Dutch scholars. In
1890 Van Hoonacker in his Nehemie et Esdras first main-
tained that while Nehemiah's activity was during the
reign of Artaxerxes I., that of Ezra was under the rule of
Artaxerxes II. This conclusion he has reasserted in his
later works: Nehemie en Van 20 d'Artax. /., Esdras en
Van 7 d'Artax. II., 1892; Zorohabel et le Second. Temple,
1892 ; and Etxides sur la Resta^iratinn Juive apres VExil
de Bahylone, 1896. Kuenen in De Chronologie van het
Perzische Tijdvak, 1890 (translated in Gesammelte Ab-
handlungen, 1894), replied, defending the commonly ac-
cepted date of Ezra's expedition (458 b. c, before the
appearance of Nehemiah in Judah). While he practically
proved that Nehemiah must have gone to Jerusalem dur-
ing the reign of Artaxerxes I., his arguments in regard to
the date of Ezra are not so conclusive.

In 1893 appeared the Herstel van Israel hi het Perzische
Tijdvak (translated by Basedow, Die Wiederlierstellung
Israels, 1895) from the pen of the late lamented Professor
Kosters of Leiden in which, after carefully analyzing the

APPENDIX III 355

Books of Ezra and ISTeliemiah, he presented an array of
evidence supporting the conclusion that the true order of
the three great events in the Persian period were : (1)
the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem by Nehemiah,
(2) the work of Ezra, and (3) the general return of Jews
to Judah from Babylon ; while the temple was rebuilt
about 520 b. c, by the Jews who had been left behind in
Palestine.

Although this thesis, which is strongly supported by
its intrinsic reasonableness, as well as by the testimony
of the earliest sources, has since been subjected to the
most searching criticism, it has been only slightly modi-
tied. In his reply to Kosters {Die Ruckkehr der Jtiden aus
dem babylonischen Exil in Nachrichten d. Konifjl. Gesellsch.
d. Wissenschaften zu Gottingen 1895, p. 166-186), and in
his latest writings, Wellhausen, although nominally main-
taining — with not a little dogmatism — the current view,
is forced to make so great concessions that he practi-
cally admits the claim of the Leiden scholar that there
was no considerable return in 537 b. c. He also sug-
gests that the " seventh year " in Ezra vii. 8 read origi-
nally the " thirty-seventh " (the " thirty " having been
omitted by some copyist), so that Ezra's expedition
followed the rebuilding of the walls by Nehemiah.

The famous historian, Eduard Meyer, issued in 1896
his Entstehung des Jicdenthums, in which he throws much
new light upon the life and development of the Jewish
community during the Persian period. He skilfully
arrays all the arguments in favor of a slightly modified
form of the older view concerning the order of events ;
but in some cases he ignores and in others he fails to ex-
plain away the facts, which call for a new reconstruction.
Although in the main supporting his earlier positions,
the book was the object of a bitter attack by Professor
Wellhausen (Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1897, p. 89-

356 APPENDIX III

97), which elicited a counter-reply from Professor Meyer
(Julius Wellhausen und meine Schrift : Die EnfstehvMg des
JudenthumSy 1897). Unfortunately the personal and dog-
matic elements in these articles are so prominent that
little new light is shed upon the subjects under consider-
ation. Dr. Torrey gave a new turn to the discussion in
his monograph, The Composition and Historical Value of
Ezra-Nehemiah, 1896 ; for, after a scholarly critical analy-
sis of Ezra-Nehemiah, he comes in all seriousness to the
surprising conclusion "that, aside from the greater part
of Nehemiah 1-6, the book has no value whatever as
history," and that " the work of the chronicler, whatever
else may be said of it, certainly throws no light on the
history of the Jews in the Persian period" (p. 65). Dr.
Torrey's methods are purely those of literary criticism,
and in the thorough application of them he has made a
definite contribution to the knowledge of the origin of
Ezra-Nehemiah. Accepting his data, however, the his-
torical student must fundamentally question his con-
clusions, because they involve the unwarranted and
improbable assumption that later traditions, and es-
pecially those in regard to the post-exilic period with
which the chronicler and his first readers were familiar,
were absolutely untrustworthy.

While a few of the recent writers, like George Adam
Smith in The Book of the Twelve Prophets, 1898 (Vol. II.
p. 204-215). Piepenbring in his Jfistoire du Peuple
d'Israel, 1898, and Klostermanu in his Geschichte des
Volkes Israel, 1896, continue to hold to the older view of
a general return of Jews to Palestine from Babylon about
537 B. c, a growing number accept that of Kosters.
Thus, Sellin in his Seruhhabel, 1898, Marquart in his
Fundamente Israelitischer und Jiidischer Geschichte, 1896,
(p. 28-68), and Cheyne in his Jewish Religious Life after
the Exile, 1898, adopt the new view as the basis of their
treatment of the history.

APPENDIX III 357

In addition to the standard work by Driver, Tntroduc-
iton to the Literature of the Old Testament (6tli edition),
1898, English readers will welcome the translation, under
the author's direction, of Kautzsch's Outline of the History
of the Literature of the Old Testament, 1898.

The critical analysis of the closing chapters of the Book
of Isaiah has been greatly advanced within I'ecent years by
the fundamental work of Duhm in Das Buch Jesaia, 1892,
and by Cheyne in his Introduction to the Book of Isaiah,
1896. The results of Ley, presented in his Historische
Erldarung des xiveiten Theils des Jesaia, 1893, are sug-
gestive but will not command general acceptance. Of
great interpretative value is George Adam Smith's The
Book of Isaiah, Vol. II., 1890. The same is true of his
second volume of The Book of the Twelve Prophets, 1898,
which treats of the post-exilic prophets, presenting ad-
mirable introductions to each. The commentaries of
Bevan and Farrar on The Book of Daniel are the most
usefid. The recent book by Streane, The Age of the
Maccabees, 1898, besides having much excellent material
bearing on the literature of the Greek and Maccabean
period, contains an appendix (C) which presents in a
very complete form the conservative refutation of the
argument against the late date of Daniel.

Although our concept of the historical background is
somewhat different, the epoch-making works of Well-
hausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel, 1885, and of
Ivuenen, The Hexateiich, 188G, and the more recent work
of Addis, The Documents of the Hexateuch I., II., 1893-
1898, are valuable guides for the analysis of the books
which contain the Priestly Code which was the constitu-
tion of Judaism.

The Book of Enoch has been rendered easily accessible
to the English student by an admirable translation, pre-
faced with concise introductions and supplied with notes,

358 APPENDIX III

by Charles. The edition of the text of Herorlotus, with
notes and introductions by Sayce in his Ancient Empires
of the East, 1883, is very useful.

The Babylonian and Persian inscriptions hare been
made accessible to the public in the Records of the Past,
1892, and in the more carefully prepared Keilinschriftliche
Bibliothek, 1889-1896, edited by Schrader. Chiefly of
value because of his insight into the social and religious
life of the Jewish people is the recent Histoire du Peuple
d' Israel, 1898, by Piepenbring. Hunter's After the Exile,
I., XL, 1890, is a vivid, popular sketch of the century of
Jewish history following the conquest of Babylon by
Cyrus. The old view of the order of events of course is
the one followed. The first volume of SchUrer's The
Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, 1890, contains
a reliable summary of events during the latter part of
the Greek period. A revised and reconstructed edition
of this monumental work is now appearing in Germany.

A vital question in the history of Judaism is thoroughly
treated by Bertholet in Die Stellung der Israeliten und
der Juden zu den Fremden, 1896. In his Origines Judai*
cae, 1895, Cobb presents in attractive form many interest-
ing facts and theories respecting the origin of Jewish
institutions. The articles in Hastings's Dictionary of the
Bible, 1898, in Benzinger's Hebrdische Archdologie, 1894,
and in Nowack's Lehrbuch der Hebrdischen Archdologie,
1894, are concise and reliable.

The religious development of later Judaism is treated
from a broad point of view by Toy in his Judaism and
Christianity, 1890. The memorable work of Kuenen,
The Religion of Israel, 1883, is still full of suggestion,
especially in the treatment of the Persian and Greek
periods. Professor Cheyne has introduced a wealth of
material respecting the religious development of Judaism
into his Origin and Religious Contents of the Psalter, 1889.

APPENDIX III 359

His latest book, Jevnsh, Itdhjinns Life after the Exile,
1898, is in many ways the most imjiortant which has
yet been written upon the period, for it presents in popu-
lar form the results of a ripe scholarship, and is based
upon the new historical reconstruction. The Religion of
the Ancient Hebrews, 1893, by Montefiore is a brilliant
and scholarly treatment of the origin and growth of the
Jehovah religion from the point of view of modern pro-
gressive Judaism.

New light has been shed upon contemporary Jewish
history by the Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Ge-
schichte, 1889, by Winckler and 1897 by Rest. Mahaffy's
Greek Life and Thought, 1887, and The Empire of the
Ptolemies, 1895, and Droy sen's History of Hellenism give
realistic pictui-es of the background of Judaism in the
Greek period.

The results of the recent important excavations of the
Palestine Exploration Fund are presented to the public in
the carefully prepared volume by Dr. Bliss on Excava-
tions at Jerusalem, 1898.

At last the chronology of the Babylonian, Persian, and
Greek periods appears to have been definitely determined
through the thorough investigations of Mahler, presented
in Der Schaltcyclus der Babylonier (in Zeltschrlft fur
Assyriologie, ix. p. 42-61) and in the Denkschrlften der
Jcaiserlichen Akademie der W Issenschaften, 1895, Ixii. p.
641-664. They are confirmed alike by the historical data
and by the testimony of astronomy. Detailed questions
of chronology are treated by Kuenen ( Gesammelte Ahhand-
lungen, 1894, p. 212 ff.) and by Oppert (in Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, lii. 259-270,
compare Mahler in the same, p. 227-246).

BOOKS OF REFERENCE

Abbreviations.

DrLOTs .
SmOTJC

EnB . .
CornEAT

EeussGAT

KostWI .

MeyEJ . .

EwHI .

RePI . .

CornHPI

GrHJ .
SchJPTC

StGVI .
PiepHPI
TieleBAG

LITERATURE

Driver — Introduction to the Literature of

the Old Testament (6th edition), 1898.

W. R. Smith — The Old Testament in the

Jewish Church, 1892.
Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Cornill — Einleitung in das Alte Testament

(2te Aufl.), 1892.
Reuss — Geschichte des Alten Testaments,

1890.
Kosters — Wiederherstellung Israels in der

persischen Periode, 1895.
Meyer — Entstehung des Judenthums, 189G.

HISTORY

Ewald — History of Israel, V. (Eng, transl.

1885).
Renan — History of the People of Israel,

III., IV., 1895.
Cornill — History of the People of Israel,

1898.
Graetz — History of the Jews, I., 1891.
Schiirer — The Jewish People in the Time of

Jesus Christ, Div. I. I., II., Div. 11.

I.-III., 1890.
Stade — Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II.,

1888.
Piepenbring — Histoire du Peuple d'Israel,

1898.
Tiele — Babylonische-AssjriscLe Geschichte,

II., 1888.

BOOKS OF REFERENCE

36i

PROPHECY

Abbreviations.
SmBI. .
SmBTP .

CheynelBI

CornPI .

G. A. Smith — The Book of Isaiah, II., 1890.
G. A. Smith — The Book of the Twelve

Prophets, II., 1898.
Cheyne — Introduction to the Book of

Isaiah, 1895.
Comill — The Prophets of Israel, 1895.

RELIGION

CheyneJRL . . . Cheyne — Jewish Religious Life after the

Exile, 1898.
KuRI Kuenen — The Religion of Israel, II., III.,

1883.
MontRAH . . . Montefiore — The Religion of the Ancient

Hebrews, 1892.
SchultzOTT . . Schultz — Old Testament Theology, I., IL

(Eng. transl. 1892).

REFERENCES

Part L — THE BABYLONIAN PEKIOD OF
JEWISH HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD

II. Kgs. xxiv., XXV ; Isa. xiii. to xiv. 23 ; xl. to Iv. ; Jer. xxiv. ;
xxix. ; xliv. ; 1. 2 to li. 58 ; Ezekiel ; Obadiah ; Lamentations ;
Psalm cxxxvii. ; Daniel ; History of Susanna ; Bel and the
Dragon ; Book of Baruch ; DrLOJe 219-223, 236-246, 266-298,
318-321, 456-465; EuB viii. 828-30; xiii. 379-384, 751, 752;
CheynelBL 67-78, 121-128, 204-211, 237-310, 412-431 ; CornEAT
138-155, 169-171, 178-180, 244-248.

THE DISPERSIOX OF THE JEWS

KuRI IL 174-182; RePI IIL 282-308; GrHJ 313-316;
MontRAH 207-209 ; ReussGAT 422, 423.

Ill

THE CHARACTER AND CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN PALESTINE

AND EGYPT

SmBTPiL 177-184; GrHJ 317-328.

THE JEWISH EXILES IN BABYLON

SmBI IL 48-G8; CornllPI 145-148; KuRI IL 98-105;
PvfPIITT. 309-322; EwHI V. 1-19; GrHJ 329-332; MontRAH

REFERENCES 363

222-230; TieleBAG 11. 424-457, 485-610; StGVI II. 3-15;
ReussGAT 429, 430 ; riepHPI 438-444.

PERSONALITY AND WORK OF THE PRIEST-PROPHET EZEKIEL

SmOTJC 374-382; CornPI 115-124; KuRI II. 105-118;

GrHJ 332-334; RePI III. 323-360; MontRAH 238-259;

StGVI II. 15-18, 24-63; ReussGAT 431-440; PiepHPI
445-466.

THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF THE EXILE

KuRI II. 147-173 ; RePI III. 361-367 ; MontRAH 231-236 ;
CornEAT 131-133 ; StGVI II. 19-24, 63-67 ; ReussGAT 440-
445; PiepHPI 467-510.

VII

THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE BABYLONIAN RULE

KuRI II. 119-120 ; EwHI V. 33-41 ; CornPI 125-130 ; EnB
Ti. 752-753; xiii. 417; xviii. 564-566; RePI III. 368-373;
GrHJ 342-344; CornHPI 148-150; MontRAH 260-263; Tiele-
BAG II. 457-472.

VIII

THE MESSAGE OF THE GREAT PROPHET OF THE EXILE

SmBI 71-407; CoraPI 131-144; KuRI II. 121-141; EwHI
V. 41-47; RePI III. 390-422; GrHJ 344-349; SchultzOTT I.
311-320; MontRAH 264-280 ; StGVI II. 68-94.

364 REFERENCES

Part II. — THE PERSIAN PERIOD OF JEWISH
HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD

Ezra ; Nehemiah ; Ruth ; Haggai ; Zechariah ; Isa. xxiv. to
xxvii. ; Ivi. to Ixvi. ; Malachi ; Joel; Jonah; DrLOT® 1-69,
126-159, 307-313, 321-325, 34:3-346, 355-391, 408-435, 463-456;
EnB viii. 831,832; xi. 270, 271, 756-759; xiii. 704-706; xv.
313, 314; XX. 29-34; xxiv. 773, 774; SmOTJC 188-225;
CornEAT 174-176, 193-218, 229-237, 242, 243, 262-270;
MeyEJ 1-71.

THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON AND THE POLICY OF CYBU8

KuRI II. 141-147, 202-208 ; EnB xiii. 417 ; CornPI 145-149 ;
EwHI V. 47-52; GrHJ 349-353; RePI III. 373-389;
TieleBAGII. 472-484.

THE REVIVAL OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN PALESTINE

CheyneJRL 5-12 ; MontRAH 286-296; SmBTP 11. 198-220;
StGVI II. 98-112; KostWI 29-42 ; PiepHPI 511-521.

THE REBUILDING OF THE TEMPLE AND THE SERMONS OF
HAGGAI

SmBTP II. 225-252; KuRI H. 205-210; CornHPI 152-154;
EnB vi. 825, 826; xviii. 566-571; StGVI II. 113-123;
KostWI 1-29; MevEJ 79-80 ; ReussGAT 467-470.

REFERENCES 365

THE HOPES AND DISCOURAGEMKNTS OF THE TEMPLE
BUILDERS

SmBTP II. 255-328 ; KuRI II. 210-215 ; RePI IV. 30-44 ;
CheyneJRL 12-24; StGVI 11.123-128; ReussGAT 471, 472;
PiepHPI 522-528.

THE SEVENTY YEARS OF SILENCE FOLLOWING THE BUILDING
OF THE TEMPLE

SmBTP II. 331-372 ; KuRI II. 215-218 ; MontRAH 302-304 ;
StGVI II. 128-138; MeyEJ 105-130; ReussGAT 478-482;
PiepHPI 529-535.

VII

THE REBUILDING OF THE WALLS UNDER NEHEMIAH

KuRI II. 224-231, 234-239; EwHI V. 147-164; CornHPI
lGO-164; GrH J 372-378; RePI IV. 56-83; EnB xviii. 572-575;
CheyneJRL 36-50; StGVI II. 162-174; KostWI 42-50;
PiepHPI 545-552.

VIII

PRELIMINARY REFORM MEASURES

CheyneJRL 50-54, 64-69; StGVI I L 186-189; KostWI 64-73.

THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF EZRA'S EXPEDITION

CheyneJRL 54-58; EnB viii. 830, 831; RePI IV. 84-92 j
StGVI II. 139-141 ; KostWI 51-54 ; PiepHPI 536-544.

366 EEFERENCES

THE INSTITUTION OF TUE PRIESTLY LAW

KuRI II. 218-224, 231-234, 230-248, 286-291 ; RePI IV. 103-
114; CheyneJRL 58-64, 70-81,442-449; CornHPI 156-160,
164-166; EnB xiii. 418,419; xviii. 505-519 ; EwHI V. 165-172;
MontRAH 314-333; StGVI II. 141-160, 177-186; MeyEJ 199-
227 ; ReussGAT 485-492 ; PiepHPl 553-582.

THE SAMARITAN TEMPLE ON MOUNT GERIZIM

RePI IV, 130-135; CheyneJRL 24-35; CornHPI 166-168;
MontRAH 352, 353 ; StGVI II. 189-193; ReussGAT 493-495.

XII

THE LAST CENTURY OF PERSIAN RULE

SmOTJC 438-440; CheyneJRL 158-172; MontRAH 360, 361;
CornHPI 168-170; SrnBTP IL 375-388,418-430; EnB xi. 100-
104; xviii. 575-581; StGVI IL 194-196; KostWI 64-73;
PiepHPI 583-589, 611-615.

XIII

THE ORIGIN AND ORGANIZATION OF PRE-HELLENISTIC JUDAISM

KuRI IT. 249-286; SmOTJC 42-72, 359-367; MontRAH
383-395; StGVI II. 196-218; MeyEJ 130-190.

XIV

THE INNER LIFE AND FAITH OF JUDAISM

CheyneJRL 216-261; KuRI IIL 1-44; EwHI V. 192-206;
RePI IV. 136-160; SchultzOTT L 324-406; GrHI 402-406;
EnB xiii. 41.0-420; xiv. 487-489; xxiv. 820-823; MontRAH
338-342, 41.'^-542; SmBTP IL 493-541; StGVI II. 218-269;
MeyEJ 227-243 ; ReussGAT 524-539 ; PiepHPI 602-610.

REFERENX'ES 36:

Part III. — THE GREEK PERIOD OF JEWISH
HISTORY

THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND LITERATURE OF THE PERIOD

DrLO'P 347-355,465-540; SmOTJC 140-148; CoruPI 167-
169, 173-179; SmBTP II. 440-462; EuB v. 32-36; vi. 801-
807; vii. 624-626 ; viii. 560-561 ; xx. 29-34; xxiv. 774,775;
SchJPTC II., III. 6-14, 23-44 ; CornEAT 196-201, 248-262, 270.
278 ; ReussGAT 541-550.

THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER AND THE RULE OF THE
PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCID8

KuRI III. 63-68 ; EuB i. 480-485, 493, 494 ; xi. 104, 105 ; xiii.
420; xviii. 581-586; CoinllPI 170-174; RePI IV. 171-189;
SmBTP II. 439-446; GrHJ 411-419; EwHI V. 282-293;
StGVI II. 273-277, 309, 310 ; ReussGAT 551-559.

Ill

JEWISH LIFE IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE

KuRT III. 68, 69; RePI IV. 198-228, 237-245 ; EwHI Y. 225-
274: SmOTJC 73-129; MontRAH 363-370; StGVI II. 277-292 ;
PiepHPI 590-601.

DIFFERENT CURRENTS OF .JEWISH THOUGHT

KuRI III. 70-95; RePI IV. 246-265; EwHI 274-282;
CheyneJRL 126-158, 173-215; CoruIIPI 175-188; SmBTP H.
467^90; MontRAH 374-382 : Sch.IPTC [., I. 180-198; StGVI
II. 300-309; ReussGAT 560-581 ; PiepHPI 616-683.

368 REFERENCES

THE SUPREME CRISIS OF JUDAISM

KuRI III. 95-101; RePI IV. 266-276; EwHI V. 293-300;
GrHJ 433-458; CornHPI 188-192; SchJPTC I., 1.198-209;
StGVl 11. 311-322.

THE GREAT VICTORY OF JUDAISM

KuRI III. 101-114; RePI IV. 289-320; EwHI V. 302-312;
CornHPI 192-195; GrHJ 458-473; CornPI 173-177 ; SchJPTC
I. , I. 209-218 ; StGVI II. 322-343 ; ReussGAT 591-607 ; PiepHPI
706-719.

INDEXES

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

AcRA, citadel of, 328, 339.

Ahava, river, 203.

Ahura-Mazda, 257.

Alexander the Great, 220, 271, 284-

289.
Alexandria, 286-288, 300-30-1, 308.
Aniasis, 30, 31.
Ammonites, 25, 158, 173.
Angels, belief in, 145, 256, 257.
Antigonus, 291.
Antioch, 304, 323, 324.
Antiochus the Great, 294-298, 305.
Antioehus Epiphanes, 278, 298, 323-

325 ; persecutions of, 326-329, 332,

334, 336, 337, 339.
Apocal3'ptic literature, 46, 150, 273,

274, 278.
Apollonius, 297, 327, 337.
Arabians, 172, 173.
Aramaic languaf;:e, 103, 117, 279.
Arbela, battle of, 288.
Aristeas, 282,300.
Artaxerxes I., 155, 156, 168,177, 196-

201.
Artaxerxes II., 199, 227, 228.
Artaxerxes III. (Ochus), 229-235, 249.
Asaph, keeper of royal forests, 170.
Asaph, sons of, 191," 246, 247.
A.shdod, 173, 288.
Assembly, the popular, 208, 209.
Assembrv, the Great, 189-193, 199,

210-2 i 4, 227.
Assyrians, conquests of, 71, 72 ; their

overthrow, 343, 344.
Astyages, 74, 75.
Atoning sacrifices in exile, 44, 55, 95,

213.

Babylon, city of, 36, 37; home o\
the exiles, 34-44, 59-62; walls of,
75 ; corruption of, 76-78 ; fall of, 76,
77, 82; capture by Cyrus, 120, 121;
by Darius I., 121 ;"home of Ezra,202.

Babj'lonians, their treatment of vas-
sals, 17 ; literary activity, 60, 61 ;
worship, 60, 61 ; commercial ac-
tivity, 61 ; traditions, 63; gods, 69-
71; religious influence, 95,240,253;
calendar, 141.

Bagoses, 230, 231, 234.

Baruch, Book of, 13, 14.

Belsharuzur (Belshazzar), 71, 279.

Berosus, 14, 66.

Bethel, 130, 226.

Beth-horon, 172, 226, 335.

Bethlehem, 27, 130.

Bethzur, 159, 339.

Bigvai, 128, 130.

Book of Covenant, 57, 195.

Calkbites, 26, 133.

Cambyses, 121, 124,137.

Canon of the Old Testament, 65.

Census of the children of the province,
105, 106, 225-227.

Chasids, 3C5.

Chebar, 35.

Chronicler, author of the Book of
Ezra-Xchcmiah, 101 ; date of, 102,
272 ; sources o?", 103-105 ; his view of
post-exilic history, 105, 100, 254; his
census, 105, 106, 226, 227 ; his exalta-
tion of Ezra, 189, 194 ; his view of
pre-exilic history, 216, 258; bis point
of view, 272; his ideals, 312, 313.

372

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

Commerce, Jews in, 38, 39.

Otesias, 14, 74.

C\'axares, 73.

Cyrus, conqueror of the Medea, 4, 7,
74, 75; inscriptions of, 15, 16, 119;
origin of, 73, 74; policy of, 75; con-
quests of, 75, 76; mission of, 82;
Jehovah's Messiah, SO, '253; his
conquest of Babylon, 120, 121: his
treatment of the conquered, 121,
123; his decree respecting the Jews,
123, 149; motives prompting the
policy of, 124, 125; death of, 137.

Daniel, story of, 13, 39.

Daniel, Book of, Greek additions to,

13; date of, 278, 279; historical

value of, 13, 280, 281; messages of,

331-333.
Darius I., 137, 138, 149, 154, 170.
Darius II., 220.

David, house of, 140, 148, 149, 242.
Dedication of the temple, 142, 143.
Deutero-Isaiah, see Prophet of the

exile, the great.
Deuteronomy, laws of the Book of, 45,

54, 57, 112, 184, 191, 195, 212, 213,

216, 240, 262.
Dispersion, the Jewish, 17-19, 22.
Doubts of exiles in Babylon, 41, 42.

EcBATANA, 74, 123, 128, 149.
Ecclesiasticus, Book of, 276-278.
Ecclesiastes, Book of, 275, 276, 319,

320.
Edomites, 26, 158.
Egypt, Jews in, 19-22, 28-33; Jews

under Alexander, 285-287 ; Jews

under Ptolemy I., 289, 290 ; under

Ptolemies, 291-295.
Egyptians, their attitude toward Jews,

24, 29, 302, 303; their rebellions,

155, 229; under Ochus, 231, 233;

their religious influence, 253.
Elam, 73.
Eleazer, 300, 304.
Eliashib, high.priest, 168, 187, 188,

200, 220.
Emmaus, 338.

Enoch, Book of, 6, 281, 334.

Esther, Book of, 274, 275.

Evil-Merodach, 66, 67.

Exile, the Babylonian, condition ol
the Jews in, 34-44; institutions of,
43, 44; political significance of, 93,
94; religious significance of, 94-98.

Exiles, Jewish, in Babylon, 34-44;
hopes of, 76 ; the true mission of,
82, 83; their attitude toward re-
turning to Judah, 125-128.

Exodus, laws of, 184.

Ezekiel, prophet, as an author, 5, 6;
his predictions respecting Egyp-
tians, 32, 33; his education, 45, 47;
character of, 46; messages of, 48,
49 ; methods of, 49 ; predictions of,
53, 54 ; his program of the restored
state, 54-56, 64, 195, 242; impor-
tance of his program, 56-58.

Ezekiel, Book of, 5, 6, 56.

Ezra, the scribe, according to Ezra
vii., 109 ; leader of returning Jews,
129, 196-204; as a reformer, 180,
192, 194, 205-210.

Ezra, Book of, its relation to the
Books of Chronicles, 101 ; author of,
101, 102; date of author of, 102;
sources of, 103-105 ; source of v.
3 to vi. 14, 104; authorship of i.
and iii., 104, 105; date of ii., 105,
106, 128-132; date and authorship
of vii. to ix., 106-109.

Fasting, 43.

Galilee, its religious union with

Judah, 216.
Gashmu, 174.
Gaumata, 137, 138.
Gedaliah, 18, 24.

Gerizim, Mount, 215, 219-223, 328.
Gerousia, 305, 306.
Gorgias, 338.
Great Assembly, 190-193, 199, 209-

214, 215, 227^
Greeks in Egypt, 29-31; wars with

Persians, 154-156 ; in Palestine,

119, 274-289.

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

373

Greek culture, its strength, 288, 280 ;

its iniinence upon Jews, 3()0-.'303,

313, 318-322, 324, 325.
Greek Period, limits of, 271, 272, 299.

Haggai, 139, 141, 144.

Haggai, the Book of, 105, 111, 130.

Hebron, 158, 339.

Hecataeus, 283, 291,

Heliodorus, 298, 324.

Heman, sons of, 246, 247.

Herodotus, the historian, 14, 29, 30,

31, 32, 119.
High priest, in Ezekiel's program, 57,

94; in hierarchy, 242, 243; in Greek

period, 303-305.
Hinnom, 348, 349.
Holofernes, 231, 234.
Hophra, 30, 31, 32.

Idolatry, after exile, 217.

Immortality, belief in, 255, 256, 318,
320, 330.'

Inscriptions, the Babylonian, 15, 16.

Isaiah, Book of, composite authorship
of, 6, 7 ; authorship of xiii. 2 to
xiv. 23, 7 ; chaps, xl. to Iv. 7-
9 ; unity of xl. to Iv., 9; date of
xl. to Iv., 9-18; message of xl. to
Iv., 79-92; date of Ivi. to Ixii., 112-
114; Ixiii. to Ixvi., 114, 115; xxiv.
to xxvii., 115, 116.

Israel, the true, 192, 204-206, 214.

Israelites, descendants of the Northern,
53, 54.

Jaddua, 220, 286, 287, 304.

Jason of C}'rene, 282.

Jason the high priest, 324-326.

Jehohanan or Johanan, 200, 221, 230.

Jehoiachin, the Jewish king, 3, 17, 39,
41, 66, 132.

Jehovah, doubts respecting, 42, 163;
Ezekiel's conception of, 52 ; charac-
ter of, 81, 82; his care of his people,
82-84 ; new conceptions of, 95, 9G ,
universal fatherhood of, 97, 200 ;
his interest in his people, 145, 224;
his rule, 147; in Book of Job, 237;
in Ecclesiastes, 320; in Daniel, 333.

.Icrahineelites, 26, 133.

Jeremiah, in Egj'pt, 4, 20, 33; Lis
advice to the Babylonian exiles, 37,
38; his predictions, 76, 146; his
Messianic ideals, 84, 146; his esti-
mate of the Jews in Judah, 131.

Jeremiah, Book of, 4, 5.

Jericho, 130, 159, 172, 173, 231,233.

Jerusalem, destruction by Bab^'lonians,
23; during the exile, 124; centre
of hope, 128, 145, 151; its weak-
ness, 148, 149; its condition, ICO;
re-building of its walls, 169-178; its
defence, 178, 179 ; re-dedication of
its wails, 180, 181, 197; its destruc-
tion by Ochus, 230-234 ; its surren-
der to Alexander, 285, 286 ; its
capture by Ptolemy I., 289-291; its
repair by Simon, 304, 305; its
destruction by Antiochus, 326-329 ;
the city of Nehemiah, 345-353.

Jesus of Nazareth, 92, 222, 258.

Jewish community in Palestine, in 520
B. c, 131; its slow growth, 133-135;
its organization, 134 ; its religious
life, 135; its history, 136; its dis-
couragements, 153, 156, 160-1 02;
its foes, 156-159, 161, 173-175, 177,
221; its size, 159; its corruption,
162-166, 182 ; reforms of Nehemiah,
183-194, 198 ; reforms of Ezra, 205-
210; Samaritan antagonism, 215-
222 ; its hopes, 224, 225, 228; its in-
crease in numbers, 226, 228, 296;
under Ochus, 230-238; under the
law, 242-253; attitude toward
foreigners, 262-266; under Alexan-
der, 285-287; under the Ptolemies,
291-295; under the Seleucids, 294-
298; its social conditions, 317;
its persecution by Antiochus, 326-
330.

Jews in Babylon, 19, 28, 34-44, 49, 50,
59, 62, 76-78, 126-128, 146 ; in
Egvpt, 19-22, 28-33, 49, 133, 238,
289, 290, 299-303 ; in East, 139, 185,
193, 195, 201, 204, 225, 254, 299;
left in Palestine, 19, 23-28, 131, 152;
mission of, 82, 83, 96, 97; their
attitude toward the heathen, 96, 97,
311,312; under the Ptolemies, 291-

374

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

295; under the Seleucids, 295, 298,
336-338, 304-310; their domestic
life, 309, 310; their parties, 311-322;
under Antiochus Epiphanes, 326-
330 ; apostates and martyrs, 329, 330.

Job, Boole of, 235, 236, 255.

Joel, 209.

Joel, Book of, 116, 232, 233.

Jonah, Book of, date of, 116, 117;
message of, 263-266, 311, 312.

Joppa, 288.

Joseph, the tax-collector, 292-294, 307,
308, 321,324,325.

Josephus, 14, 119, 220, 222, 226, 230,
231, 282, 283, 345, 346.

Joshua, the high priest, 141, 144, 146,
147, 168, 257.

Joshua, Book of, 63, 222.

Judaism, mission of, 91, 260-266; its
wall of separation, 186; its origin,
239-242, 253-258 ; its organization,
242-251; its inner life, 252, 253;
its defects, 258, 259; its strength,
258-260; its inconsistencies, 266,
267, 308; its different tj'pes of
thought, 311-322; intluence of the
wise upon, 314-317 ; Greek influ-
ence, 324, 325; influence of perse-
cution upon, 333, 340.

Judas Maccabeus, 337-340.

Judges, Book of, 62, 63.

Judith, Book of, 231.

Keilah, 159.
Kidron, 171, 346.
Kirjath-jearjm, 27.
Korah, sons of, 247.

Labashi-Marduk, 68.

Lamentations, Book of, 11, 12, 62.

Law, the growth of, 57, 63, 64, 196,213,
248; its institution, 196, 205-207,
209, 210; its history, 212, 213; its
practical application, 214, 215, 219,
225, 226, 242, 243 ; its enactments,
243-247, 202.

Levites, in Ezekiel's plan, 56, 57; in
the time of Nehemiah, 180, 190,
l'J2; with Ezra, 202, 203, 206; cor-

ruption of, 207: support of, 211;

their defection to the Samaritans,

221, 222; duties of, 244-247.
Leviticus, Book of, 212, 213.
Literature of the Jews, in Babj'lon,

59-65, 240 ; in Egypt, 63, 299-303.
Lydda, 226, 227.
Lydians, 75.
Lysias, 337-339.

Maccabees, tirst Book of, 226, 281,

282.
Maccabees, second Book of, 193, 194,

282, 298, 330.
Malachi, author of the Book of, 162,

16.3, 164, 255.
Malachi, Book of, 111, 112.
Manasseh, son-in-law of Sanballat,

219-222, 225.
Marduk, 69, 70, 121, 122, 129, 344.
Marriiiges, with the heathen, 163, 164,

185, 187-189, 207-209, 211.
Mattathias, 312, 335-337.
Medes, 72, 74, 75, 77.
Megabyzus, 155, 156, 177.
Memphis, 21, 29.
Menelaus, 325-327.
Messianic prophecies, form of, 84; of

the great prophet of the exile, 84-

92; concerning the Kingdom, 145,

153; concerning Nehemiah, 175.
Michmash, 226.
Migdol, 21, 29.
Missionary ideals of the Jews, 85-92,

96-98, 216, 263-266, 302, 303.
Mizpah, 159, 173, 338.
Modein, 334, 335, 337.
Mordecai, 129, 275.
Moses, 6, 202, 205, 213, 254.

Nabonidus, inscriptions of, 15, 67,
343, 344; accession of, 68; inter-
ests of, 68-70; false confidence of,
71; defeat of, 120, 121.

Nabopolassar, 73, 343.

Nebuchadrezzar II., inscriptions of,
15; policy of, 23, 24, 32, 35-38, 203,
242; building enterprises of, 36;
death of, 66; successors of, 66-^9;
treaties of, 73,

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

375

Nebuchadrezzar III., 138.

Nectanebus, 229.

Neheiiiiah, character of, 161, 167;
date of, 168; prayer of, 160, 169;
commission of, 169; task of, 170;
methods of, 170-176; opposition to,
173, 175, 176; worlv of, 178-181,
202, 249; as a social reformer, 162,
183-185; as a religious reformer,
185-197, 212, 246 ; contributions of,
204; at Great Assembly, 210; his
exclusion of foreigners, 217, 218,
220, 222 ; Jerusalem of, 345-353.

Nehemiah, Book of, 101, 106, 108-111,
128-132.

Neriglissar, 67, 68.

Nethinim, 130, 247, 248.

Nicaso, 219.

Noadiah, 176.

Obadiah, Book of, 10, 11, 26.
Onias I., 304.
Onias II., 293, 304.
Onias III., 297, 298, 324.
Ono, 174, 226, 227.

Pathros, 21.

Pentateuch, 212, 222.

Persian empire, 137, 139, 140, 154-
156. 185, 228, 229.

Persian religion, 253-257.

Pharisees, 335, 336.

Philistines, 25, 157, 284, 285.

Phoenici;ins, 229, 231, 233.

Pious, party of the, 164-166.

Prayer, 44, 160, 169, 207, 208, 210,
252, 253, 305.

Priestly Code, origin of, 57, 64; date
of, 112; enactments of, 184. 185,
190-193,203, 243-246, 262; editing
of narratives of, 63, 248 ; growth of,
196, 213; institution of, 196, 205-
207, 209, 210; aims of, 210-214,
241; in Pentateuch, 212; its rela-
tion to earlier laws, 212,213; effects
of, 214, 215, 218, 219, 225, 226, 242,
243; its adoption by the Samaritans,
222.

Priests, in Ezekiel's plan, 55, 56;
under Nehemiah, 172, 180; corrup-
tion of, 207; duties of, 191, 243-
245; literary activity of, 196, 201,
202; support of, 211; their defec-
tion to Samaritans, 221, 222.

Professions among the .Jews, 306, 307.

Prophecies, editing of, 64, 65.

Pi'ophet of the exile, the great (Isa.
xl. to Iv.), 79-98.

Prophets, false, 41; in exile, 64, 65;
victory of the principles of, 94-96;
anonymous, 112, 113, 182, 278; dis-
appearance of, 308, 331; canon of,
277-279.

Proselytes, 216, 260-263.

Psalms, Book of, exilic, 12; cxxxvii.,
13; of the Persian period, 117-
119; teachings of, 165, 166, 259-
261.

Psamtik I., 29.

Psamtik II., 30.

Ptolemv I. (Soter), 289-291.

Ptolemy II. (Philadelphus), 292, 300,
301. "

Ptolemv III. (Euergetes), 292, 293.

Ptolemy IV. (Philopator), 294, 295.

Purim,'275.

Queen of heaven, 31, 32.

Raphia, 295.

Restoration of Jews, 134, 214.

Resurrection, 256, 334.

Return from the exile, 125-128, 132,

225-228.
Rome, 297, 327.
Ruth, 188.
Ruth, Book of, 117.

Sabbath, observation of, 43, 44, 189,
190, 211, .328.

Sacrifices, 151, 239, 244-246, 328.

Saddiicees, 243, 276, 336.

Samaritans, their relations with the
Jews, 26; their antagonism to the
Jews, 105, 157, 292; their worship
at Jerusalem, 124, 157; their sepa-

376

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS

ration from the Jews, 215-223 ;

their iiiiluence upon tlie Jews, 241;

under Alexander, 285, 287; their

conquest by Ptolemy I., 289, 290;

their acceptance of Greek ideas, 321.
Samuel-Kings, editing of the Book of,

62.
Sanballat, 160, 172-177, 188, 220, 221.
Satan, 146, 257, 258, 318.
Scepticism among the Jews, 163, 318-

320.
Scopas, 295.
Scribes, 190, 201, 248-250, 301, 306,

315-317.
Scythians, 72.
Seieucus IV., 297.
Septuagint, 300-302,
Servant of Jehovah, 85-92, 312.
Shechem, 27.
Shemaiah, 175, 176.
Sheshbazzar, 124, 132, 133, 140.
Shiloh, 27.
Sidon, 230.
Simon I., 304.

Simon II. (the Just), 304, 305.
Singers, temple, 246, 247, 305, .306.
Sirach, Jesus, son of, 277, 278, 305-

309, 313-318.
Solomon, reputation as an author, 6,

319; temple of, 152; wives of, 188.
Susa, 167, 180.
Syene, 21 .
Synagogues, origin of, 44, 255; the

great, 210, 248 ; destruction of,

235 ; services of, 248-250, 252, 253,

259; in Egypt, 299.

Tabernacles, feast of, 142, 206, 207,

212, 311.
Tachos, 228.
Taphanhes, Daphnae, Defenneh, 21,

29, 30, 31.
Tattenai, 148, 149.
Taxes, to Persians, 183; for temple,

211-213; to Ptolemies, 293, 294;

classes exempted, 306.

Tekna, 172, 173.

Tel-Abib, 40, 46.

TelMelah, 41.

Tel-Harslia, 41.

Temple, in Egypt, 43 f of Ksjekiel, 55,
50; delay in rebuilding, lOo, 136;
Cyrus' decree respecting, 123; site
of, 124; rebuilding of, 135-143;
laying the foundation of, 135, 148 ;
completion of, 150, 151 ; importance
of, 151, 152, 185, 238; services of,
162, 163; room of Tobiah in, 187;
contributions of the exiles to, 203,
204; support of, 211; exclusion of
Samaritans from, 216-219; its pol-
lution by Ochus, 230, 231, 234,
235; orgauization of, 243-248; con-
cessions of Antiochus the great,
296; attempted robbery of, 297,
298; repair bj' Simon, 304; its rob-
bery by Antiochus Epiphanes, 326;
desecration of, 328 ; rededication of,
339, 340.

Tennes, 229, 230.

Tithes, 191, 211, 213.

Tobiah, 172, 176, 177, 187.

Tyre, 189, 284, 285, 287, 325.

Tyropoeon, 347, 348, 351.

Umman-Manda, 72, 343.

Wise men, 313-317.

Xf.k-kes I., 155, 220.

Zadok, 57, 243.

Zanoah, 159.

Zarathusfra, 254, 255.

Zechariah, 131, 133, 139, 142, 144-151,

261.
Zechariah. Book of, i. to viii., Ill,

130 ; ix. to xiv., 273, 311, 312.
Zerubbahel, 129, 132, 140-143, 146-

149, 226, 242.

INDEX OF REFERENCES

BIBLICAL AND EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES

ExoDns. Pape

xix. 6 94,244

xx.-xxiv 57

ixi. 2-6 184

XII. 11-16 212

iixi. 2 27

ixiv. 30 27

iiiviii. 26 212

Leviticus.

XTi. 243

ivii. 8, 10, 12, 13 262

xxiii. 23-25 205

xxiii. 33-36 212

xxiii. 38-39 207

XXV. 35-37 185

XXV. 39^1 184

NlTMBESS.

iii 245

ii. 14 262

xviii. 24-28 191

xiix. 1-6 205

Dbuteronomt.

I. 8,9 55

xiv. 22-28 191

XV. 12-18 184

xvi. 14 206

xviii. 1-8 55

xxiii. 7,8 262

xxvi. 12-15 191

Joshua.
IV 110

I. Kings.

xviii 140

II. KiNOS.

xi. 6,16 362

IV. 35 346

xxii. 14 346

xxiii. 1-3 209

uiii. 15-20 216

xiiv. 14-16 34

XIV. 18,21 107

iiv. 19-21 39

axv. 27-30 41, 06

I. Chronicles. Page

ii. 42-55 27

ii. 55 248

iii 242

iii. 16-19 132

iv 27

vi. 33-37 247

ix 110

ix. 24-26 246

xvi. 41 246

xxi. 1 258

xxiii. 5 246

XXV. 1,6 246

XXV. 8-31 247

xxvl. 18 272

II. Chsonicles.

V. 12 246

XX. 19. 246

xivi. 9. 347,349

XXX. 10-11 216

xxxiii. 14 346

xxivi. 22-23 101

Ezra.

i. 1-3 101

i. 1, 2, 8 102

i. 2 254

ii. 109

ii. 2 170,225

ii. 3-35 100

ii. 14 129

ii. 20-29, 33-34, 36 130

ii. 36-58 106

ii. 43-58 247

iii. 3-5. 105

iii. 7 102

iv 102, 199

iv. 1 226

iv. 12 170

iv. 14.. 177

iv. 7-23 168

iv. 8-23 109, 176

iv. 13, 20 156

V. 2 142

V. 3-vi. 14 105

V. 8 148

v. 11 91

Paga

V. 13-vi. S 102

V. 16 135

vi. 3 125

vi. 9, 12 104

vii. 8 109

vii. 24 156

vii. 27, 28 202

viii. 21 43

viii. 33 200

viii. 35 226

ii 197,210

ii. 1 207

ix. 1-3 198

1 197

X. 6 200,221

X. 7-9, 12 209

X. 18-23 221

X. 31 200

Kehemiah.

i.-vi 130

i. 3 131

i. 4 43

i. 5-11 160

ii 170

ii. 6 168

ii. 13, 14 349

ii. 16-18 209

ii. 17 160

ii. 19 161

ii. 20 175, 218

iii 130, 346

iii. 4,21 200

iii. 9 27

iii. n 200

iii. 14,15 349,351

iii. 26,27 3,52

iii. 26,31 248

iii. 29 191

iii. 30 190

iv. 2. 157, 161

V 183

V. 1-5 112

V. 1-12 162

V. 7, 12, 13 209

V. 14 170

V. 15 156

V. 17,18. 171

378

INDEX OF REFERENCES

Pajfe
Ti. 2 -ii?

vi. 7 m

Ti. 10-14 164

vi. 17-19 187

vii 106, 132

vii. 4 160.179,353

vii. 40 191

Tii. 70 204

vii. 73 205

viii. 1 209

viii. 1, 10 352

viii. 9 204

viii. 11, 15 20G

viii. 17, 18 207

ix. 1,2 209

X 193

X. 28, 29 211

X. 30 189

X. 31 190

X. 37 212

X. 37, 39 191

xi. 17 191

xi. 21 248

xi. 23 247

xii 130

xii. 4, 16 144

xii. 22,23 200,230

xii. 22 220

xii. 23 109, 110

xii. 20, 47 102

xii. 27-30 110

xii. 31, 37-40 345

xii. .'51,32,37-40 180

xii. 35 191

xii. 37 351

xii. 38, 39 34G

xu. 39 352

xii. 43 181

xiii. 4, 5 185

xiii. 4,28 1G8

xiii. 4-9 187

xiii.5 213

xiii. 5,28 164

xiii. 10-14 2^15

xiii. 15-22 190

xiii. 25 189, 209

xiii. 23-27 188

xiii. 27 207

xiii. 28 188,218

xiii. 31 212

Job.
i., ii. and xiii. 4-17

iii.-xxxi

xiv. 12-15

xix. 25-27

xxxviii. 1-xlii. 6

236
236
255
255
.236

PSALHS.

XXll

xxv

XIV. 20, 21

xxvii. C

xxxii

XXIV. .

xl. C.

xlii., iliii..
1. 8-10, 23,.

.165
165
. 165
247
105
. 105
. 250
. 38
.260

Page

li 166

li. 16,17 259

U. 18, 19 166

Ixvii 2G1

Ixviii. 27 216

Ixix. 4,8,12,22-28 165

Ixxiv. 1 236

Ixxiv. 3-8 235

Ixxiv. 9 331

Ixxix. 2,3 235

Ixxix. 4, 13 23G

Ixxxiii. 8 273

Ixxxiv. 1,2 250

Ixxxiv. 10 238

Ixxxvi. 9 2G1

Ixxxvii. 4, 6 261

xciv . 236

cii. 15 22 261

cvi. 47. 228

ciix. 1,34,35,97 251

cxxii. 2, 3.. 181

cxxvi. 1-3 228

cxxxvii 38

XXX. 1-4

Proveebs.

319

ECCLESIASTES.

iu. 12, 13,20, 21 320

V. 4, 6. 320

vi. 10 319

vii. 14, 15 319

viii. 10, 17 319

ix. 7-9 320

Isaiah.

xiv

xiv. 3, 4

xiv. 3-23

xiv. 13-14

xxi. 1-10

xxiv

xxiv.- xxvii 199, 236,

xxiv. 5, 14-16

xxvi. 19

.xxvi. 19, 20, 21

xxvii 115,

xxvii. 1 115,

xxvii. 13

xl. 1-5,11

xl. 8-13

xl. 12-26

xl. 27

xii. 1-4,25

xii. 2

xii. 18-20

xlii. 1-4,6,7

xlii. 6

xUi. 1-7

xlii. 17

xlii. 22

xlii. 2.'}, lS-25

xliii. 2

xliii. 10, 12, 21

xliii. 23,24

xliv. 21, 22

xliv. 3,24-26

Page

xUv. 21,22 83

xliv. 28 8

xiv. 1,3, 4 8

xiv. 1 13, 23 82

xiv. 14-17 81

xiv. 7 257

xiv. 19 81

xlvi. 1 60

xlvi. 3, 4 81, 83

xlvi. 12 84, 126

xlvii 82

xlvii. 6 40

xlviii. 1-4, 8 84

xMii. 4 126

xlviii. 14 10 82

xlix. 1-13 88

xlix. 3, 5-14 83

xlix. 5, 6 90

xlix. 15, 16 81

xlix. 22, 23 80

1. 4-10 88

1. 10 90

li. 18 127

lii. 6 90

lii. 13-15 88

Uii. 1-12 89

Ivi.-lxii 193

Ivi. 5-7 113

Ivi. 9-12 113, 162

Ivii. 1-2, 13 113

Iviii. 6,7 113

Ivui. 12 113, 114

lix. 1-8 182

lix. 1-9 113

lix. 3 15 114, 162

lix. 20,21 113

Ix. 10 114

Ixi. 1-4 113

Ixi. 8 114

Ixiii.-lxvi 114

Ixiii. 18 234

bciv. 10 236

Ixiv. 10, 11 114,234

bcv. 2-5, 11 217

Ixv. 18,22,23 224

Ixvi. 3,4 217

Ixvi. 8 225

Ixvi. 19 119

Jeremiah.

vii. 11 259

vii. 18 . 31

vii. 22 46

viii. 7, 8 201

viii. 8 46

xviii. 18 313

xxiii. 5 146

xxiv. 8 20

xxvi. 9 42

xxix 4

xxix. 1 34,41

xxix.2 17

xxix. 5, 6 37

xxix. 21-28 51

xxix. 21 23 41

XXX. 84

xxxi. .. 84

xxxi. 40 352

xxxvi. 6-8 44

TO BIBLICAL AND EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES 370

Page

xxxiz. -4

zxxix. 4 351

xl. 7-12 24

xl. 14 158

xli. 5 27,210

xli. 10 158

xlii. 2,15,19 131

xlui. 5. 131

xliv. 1 21

xliv. 7, 12, 14 131

xlv. 15-30 32

xliv. 14,28 33

xliv. 28 29

xliv. 30 5

1. 3, 8, 9, 41 4

1.33 77

U. 6, 11,45 4

li. 11,24. 78

li. 29-31 77

U. 34 2G5

Hi. 30 19

Labientations.

i. 21,22 12

u. 4, 9 12

ii. 7 43

ii. 14> 12

iii. 18.. 42

iii. 52, 53 25

iv. 17,20 12

V. 4 . 24

V. 7, 20 12

V. 9, 10, 13 25

V. 18 23

V.20 12,42

V. 19-22 28

EZEKIEL.

1.2 5

i. 3 35

i. 4 42

ii. 4 49

ii. 11 261

iii. 1-3 49

iii. 4, 9 47

iii. 9 51

iii. 15 46

iii. 17 48

iii. 25 47

iv. 1-3 50

V. 5-11 51

vi. 11 49

vii. 1 27 51

viii. 12 42

viii. 13,22,23 261

ix 273

ii.l3 274

ix. 13, 15 312

xii. 1-16 50

xiil. 12,51

xiii. 1-7. 41,50

xiii. 2, 4 278

xiii. 10-12.. 50

siv 49

xiv. I 41,49

xiv. xvi 52

xiv. 3-10 41

xiv. 6 51

Page

xiv. 14 236

xvi. 62 53

xvii. 3-6, 12-14 34

xvii. 5 35

xviii. 20-24 52

XX. 63

XX. 10-11 4G

XX. 12-21 43

XX. 30-32 41

xxii. 6-12 51

xxii. 26 43

xxii. 28 12

xxiii 52

xxiii. 38 43

xxiv. 10, 21,25 12

XXV. 3-7 25

XXV. 13 26

xxix. 17 5

xxix. 17-21 33

XXX. 13-18 21

xxxii. 24. 74

xxxiii.-xlviii 5

xxxiii. 19 49

xxxiii. 2-31 54

xxxiii. 15 46,50

xxxiii. 24 19

xxxiii. 25-27 27

xxxiii. 30 49

xxxiii. 31 51

xxxiv. 6 22

xxxiv. 10-17 48

xxxiv. 23-29 54

xxxiv. 27. 39

xxxvi. 8-15 54

xxxvi. 19 22

xxxvi. 21-26 53

xxxvi. 26 51

xxxvii. 14 53

xxxvii. 16-22, 24-28 54

xliv. 7-9 247

xliv. 10-14. .55,245

xliv. 15 244

xlvii. 13 54

xlviii. 5

Daniei,.

i 331

ii. 333

ii. 4i>-vii. 28 279

iii 331

V. 2, 11, 13,18,22 279

V. 20-31 332

V. 31 199,279

vi 279,331

vi. 10 44

vii 333

vii. 25 333

viii. 23 323

ix. 1 199,279

ix. 2, 24,26 332

xi. 12, 14-16 295

xi. 18, 19 297

xi. 21 323

xi. 28 '. 326

xi. 29,30 327

xi. 31 328

xi. 33,05 330

xii 199

xii. 2, 3, 7, 11 333

HosEA. Page

ix. 6 20

xi. 11 20

Xliv. 8 20

Joel.

i. 14 43,209

ii. 15 209

ii. 17 252

iii. 1,2-8 116

iii. 6 119

Auos.

iv. 4, 5 253

iv. 4-11 140

ix. 9 1)8

Obadiah.
11-14 26

Jonah.

i.ll. 264

iv 312

iv. 2 264

MiCAH.

vi. 6 8. 258

Zephaniah.

i. 10 347

1. 10, 11 34G

Haooai.

i. 2-8 Ill

i. 2-11 105

i. 6, 9-11 140

i. 12,14 131

i. 13 142

ii. 2 114,144

ii. 4 131

ii. 3 9 142

ii. 6 9 139

ii. C-23 143

ii. 11 144

ii. 14 135

ii. 16, 17 MO

ii. IS 142

Zecbariah.

i. 1-6 142

i. 8-17 145

i. 11 140

i. 12 131

i. 18-21 140,145

ii. 4,5 ICO

ii. 7 131,140

ii. 11» 261

iv. 6, 7, 9 149

vi. 9 15 134

vii., viii 150

vii. 2 216

vii. 3-5 43

vii.5 131

vii. 7 26, 132

viii. 6, 11, 12 131

viii. 7,8 132

viii. 1.", 2(.l

viii. 22,23 2yi

ix 273

380

INDEX OF REFERENCES

Page

ix. 13 274

ix. 13, 15 313

xui. 3-5 331

liii. 2,4 278

Malachi.

L 112

i 193

i. 2-4 158

i. 2-5 163

i. 5 26

i. 8 162

i. 11 264

i. 13 162,163

u. ... ; 193

ii. 1-9 112

.ii. 8,9 162

ii. 10 112,162

ii. 17 113,163

iii 6

iii. 1 1C6

iu. 1-5 113,182

iii. 5, 8 102

iii. 14,15 163

iu.lG 166,255

iii. 16-18 164

ECCLESIASTICUS.

ii. 1, 12 322

ii.8 318

iu. 12,13,20,21 320

iv. 1-6 317

iT. 7 307,308

v. 4, 6 320

yi.lO 319

vii. 14 319

Tii. 15 307,319

vii. 31 315

Tiii. 2 308

Tiii. 8 314

viii. 10,17 319

ix. 2-9 322

ix. 7-9. 320

ix. 15 315

xi. 17 318

xiii. 2-20 308

xiv. 14,16 317

xviii. 13 314

lix. 20,24 316

XX. 29 308

xxii.6 309

XXV. 26 309

XXV. lG-26 309

xxvi. 1-4,5-12,16 309

xxvi. 29 307

xxix 317

XXX. 1-1 319

XXX. 8 309

XXX. 9 12 309

xxxi 317

iixi. 19-30 317

xxxi. 23, 24 307

xxxii. 3-5 317

xixii. 5,6 321

xxxi;i. 2, 3. 315

xxxiii. 24, 20, 31 308

xx:.vi. 2,5. 314

xixvi. 7-10 314

xxxvii. 26 314

Pape

xxxviii. 8 307

xxxviii. 1, 3, 4, 15 306

xxxviii. 24-34... 306, 307, 316

xxxviii. 27 321

xxxviii. 33 316

xxxix. 1-11 317

xxxix. 3, 8 310

ilii. 6,9-11 309

xlix. 30 181

1. 1-4 304

1.4-21 305

1.25,26 292

I. Maccabebs.

i. 11 322

i. 20-28 326

i. 29,30 327

i. 31-36 328

i. 37,46, 54,59 328

i. 47^9 329

i. GO, 61 330

ii. 1-41 335

ii. 42 335,336

ii. 44-48 337

ii. 59, GO 333

iii. 3 12 337

iii. 13 336

iii. 13-24 337

iii. 27-37 338

iii. 38-iv. 25 338

iv. 28-35, 42, 43 339

iv.46 339

iv. 47-59 340

vii. 13 336

viii. 1-7 336

viii. 8-29 338

ix. 50 226

xi. 28, 34 227

II. Maccabees.

i. 18-36 194

iv. 3-15 324

iv. 18-20, 23-28 325

iv. 43-50 325

V. 1-15,21 326

V. 22 327

V. 24-26 327

V. 27 329

vi. 2-5 328

vi.7 329

vi. 10-31 330

vii. 9, 11, 14, 23, 29, 3G .. 334

viii. 1-7 33G

viii. 8-29 338

Enoch.

xxii 334

XXV. 334

Ixxxix 334

xc 334

xc. 6 281

xc. 9 36 334

JOSBPHUS —A HTIQUITIES.

xi. 5, G-8 220

xi. 7, 1 230,231

xi. 7, II 'SM

xi. 8,2 219,221

xi. 8,3 243

XI. 8,4 285

xi. 8,4,5 285

xi. 8,5 286

xii. 1 289, 290

xii. 2 292, 300

xii. 3, 1 291

xii. 3, 3 295,305

xii. 3, 3-4 295,296

xii. 4, 1 292

xii. 4, 6 321

xii. 5, 1 322

xiii. 1, 3 220

xiii. 4, 9 227

xiv. 4, 2 346

JOSBPHCS— WabS.

i. 1,3 346

V. 4, 2 346

JOSEPHUS AOAIMST APION.

i. 22 238,286,289,291

ii. 5 292

HEBODOTtJS.

). 76 75

i. 131 32

ii. 30 29

ii. 104 119

ii. 154 30

ii. 154, 179 31

DiODORCS.

xxi. 19, 28 232

QniNTus CnRTics.
iv. 5,8 287

SOLIKUS.

XXXV. 6 231

Stncellds.
i. 486 231

Tacitus — History.
V. 8 327

East India Inscription.
ii. 11-29 35

Xabonidus Coronation In-
scription.

iii J ... 37

iv. S-« .... 67

iv. 8 68

Cambridge Ctmitob*
ii. 15-39.. ft

RiPLET Cylinder.

ii.28-38 CI

Naboniods-Ctrus Chron'

ICLB.

iu. 19 21 70

Ctrhs Ctlindbr.

27, 28, 31-3C. 122

Bbhistun Inscription.
i. 12 13t

§SM

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