3182202236 7072 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN D EGO 3 1822 02236 7072 v.^ '-■if*-, . t/, c ' iS^lL^"- ♦• ?r "-- df- J^"<*'.' V .1 / « :*.; /S'f LIBRARY JNlVg^SlTY OP SAN DI£eO J THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES BT Joseph Francois Michaud. TRANSLATED BY W. ROBSOX. !X Nero (Pbition, "VriTH PREFACE ANT) SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER BT HAMILTON W. MABIE. IJf THREE VOLUMES, VOL. II. KEW YORK . A. C. ARMSTRONG & SON, 714 Broadway. 1883. CONTENTS rO VOL. II. BOOK IX.^-^.i!). 1195-1198. FOUETH CEITSADE. The empire of Saladin divided among his successors — The civil wan theuce arising — Dynasty of tlie Ayoubites — Extensive empire of Afdhal, son of Saladin — His civil contests — Alaziz, sultan of Egypt, takes arms tgainst his stvtaet — Nazr-Allah, vizier of the sultan Afdhbl — Malek- Adel — Civil commotions of Palestine— ^Agitated sta » of the Christian colonies — Bohemond III. governor of Antioch, taleu ■ >risoner — Hospi- tallers and Templars — Pope Celestine III. instigates 1/ie fourth crusade-- Heniy VI., emperor of Germany, engages to assist — Diet of Worms — Hostilities at Ptolemais — Death of Henry of Champagne — Jaffa captared by the Mussulmans — Siege and battle of Berytus — Malek-Adel defeated •Pallandus, the Sicilian historian — Henry VI. of Germany conquers Naples and Sicily — Progress of his arms in Palestine — The Saracens defeated — Death of Henry VI. — Massacre of the garrison of Jaffa — St. Martin — Causes of the failure of this crusade, and its mischievous con- si quences — Cruel character of Henry VI pp. 1—35 BOOK X.— A.D. 1198-1204. riFTH CETJSADE. Rousseau's opinion of the Crusaders — Enthusiasm and valour of the Christian troops — Causes which led to the fifth crusade — Instigated by Pope Innocent 111. — His quarrel with Philip of France — S-cafh of Richard 1. of England — Preaching of Foulkes in favour of th3 cusade — Thibault IV., count of Champagne, engages in the crusade — Louis, count of Chartres— Preaching of Martin Litz — Villehardouin, marshal of Champagne — Baldwin, count of Flanders — Commercial greatness of Venice — Dandolo, the doge of Venice — He engages to assist the Cru- saders — Gauthier de Brienne — -Sums advanced by Venice — Death and character of Thibault -^Count le Bar — Death of Eude III , duke of iv CONTENTS. Burgundy — Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, elected commander of the crusade — Famine in Egypt and Europe — Death of Foulkes— Pecuniary ".xaciions of Venice — Revolt of the city of Zara — Dandolo's address to the Venetians in favour of the Crusaders — Isaac, emperor of Constan- tinople, dethroned — Siege of Zara — The Abbot de Cernay — Quarrels between the Venetians and the French Crusaders — Address of Philip of Swabia to the French barons — Policy of Malek-Adel — Reproaches of Innocent III. against the Crusaders at Zara — Character of the emperor Alexius — Capture of Corfu — Conquests of the younger Alexius, son of Isaac — Descriptioa of Constaiitino])le— Besieged by the Crusaders — The Varangians — Speeches of Rossi and Conon de ]3ethune — Capture of Constantinople — Alexius dethroned— Isaac and his son Alexius restored to the sovereignty — The Crusaders become the allies of the Greeks, and tiie protectors of the Greek empire — Their communications with the pope pp. 36-99, BOOK XI.— A.D. 1198-1204. Character of the Greeks — Position of Alexius the youngcjr — His pro- posals to the Crusaders — Disputes between tlie Greeks and one Latins on articles of faith — Contentions with the Bulgarians — Conliagration of Constantinople — Imbecility and bigotry of the emperor Isaac — Statue of Miaerva destroyed — Insurrectionary spirit in Constantinople — Famine in Egypt — Contests between the Greeks and the Latins — Greek fire- Treachery of Mourzouffle — He murders young Alexius, and ascends the tbrone — Character of Alexius — Mourzouflie's contests with the Latins — Is dethroned — Death of Isaac — Lascaris chosen emperor — Abandons the city — Constantinople taken possession of, and plundered by the Latins — Destruction of the works of art — Statues of Bellerophon, Hercules, and Helen, destroyed — Reverence for relics and images — Fanaticism of Martin Litz — Fragment of the "true cross" — Virtues of Dandolo, the doge of Venice — Baldwin, count of Flanders, elected emperor of Con- stantinople — The conquered lands distributed among the Crusaders — Thomas Morasini elected patriarch of Constantinople — Correspondence between Baldwin and the pope— Death of Marguerite of Flanders, wife of Baldwin — C'onquests of Leo Sguerre — Michael Augelus Comnenus gains the kingdom of Epirus— Lascaris proclaimed emperor at Nice — Mour- zouffle captured and executed — Column of Theodosius — Quarrels between Bonitace, marquis of Montferrat, and Baldwin — Boniface invades Greece — The Greeks rebel against the domination of the Latins — Victories of the Bulgarians — Defeat and Massacre of the Latins - Bravery of Henry of Hamault— Incidents of Baldwin's life — Death of Dandolo— Bonifase is slain— Characters of the Greeks and the Franks— Their different his- torians — Disputes re.-.])ecting the so-ereignty of Cyprus — Death of Gnuthier de Brieiine— Policy of Innocent III.— Knowledge of Greel diffused in the West — Refinement of the Venetians, and commercial great ness of Venice pp. 100-184. CONTENTa. f BOOK XII.— A.D. 1200«1215. SIXTH CRUSADE. Famine in Egypt, and its frightful consequences — Destructive eaiin* quake — Saadi, the Persian post — Earthquake and famine in Palestine — Agitated state of Palestine — Death of Amaury, king of Jerusalem — Death of Bohemond III. — Pope Innocent III. stimulates the western world to the deliverance of the Holy Land — State of Palestine and Jerusalem — John of Brienne accepts the young queen of Jerusalem in marriage — Agitated state of Europe — Malek-Adel renews hostilities against the Christians — John of Brienne takes possession of Ptolemais — First dawnings of (he Reformation — The Albigeois, the Vaudois, and other reforming sects — Pa|)al crusade against them — Spain at war with the Saracens and Moors — Cardinal de Cour^on preaches the crusade — Philip Augustus king of France, and John king of England, engage in the crusade — Dominant spirit and political contentions of Pope Inno- cent III. — Battle of Bouvines — The pope assembles the council of Lateran, and stimulates aU Europe to the holy war — His death and character — Censius Savelli chosen pope, under the title of Honorius III. — He urges the crusade — Andrew II., king of Hungary, engages in it — Paganism of Prussia in the thirteenth century — Political state of Palestine — The throne of Syria abdicated by Malek-Adel — Melik-Kamel, the sultan of Cairo — Mount Tabor — Political state of Hungary — Her king returns from Palestine — The tower of Damietta captured by the Cru- saders — Death and character of Malek-Adel — Decline of the empire of the Ayoubites — Cardinal Pelagius instigates the prosecution of the crusade, and proceeds to Egypt — Panic amongst the Mohammedans — Conspiracy to dethrone the sultan of Cairo — Battle before the walls of Damietta — Piety of St. Francis — The Mohammedans propose conditions of peace — Damietta captured, and the inhabitants destroyed by famine — The city assigned to John of Brienne — His speech against the invasion of Egypt — Obstinacy of Cardinal Pelagius — The Mohammedans burn the fleet of the Crusaders on the Nile, and compel them to capitulate — Melik- Kamel enters into a treaty of peace, by which Damietta is surrendered to the Mussulmans — Death of Philip Augustus of France — John of Brienca revisits Europe — Oppressions of the Christians of Palestine — The Georgians — Invasions of the Tartars — Marriage of Frederick II., emperor of Germany, with the heiress of the king of Jerusalem — Acknowledged to be king — Persecutions of the Albigeois — Contests with the Moors in Spain — V\ ar of factions in Italy — The Guelphs and Ghibellines — Frederick of Germany engages in the holy war, sets sail, and returns to Otranto — • Gregory IX. succeeds Pope Honorius — His rage against Frederick of Ger- many — Frederick arrives at Ptolemais, and concludes a treaty with Melik- Kamel — Death of Conraddin, sultan of Damascus — Frederick acknow- -edged king of Jerusalem — Hostility of the Christians — He quits Pales- tine for Europe — His victories in Lombardy — Excommunicated by Gre- gory IX. — Treaty with his holiness — The pope determines on renewing the haJy war — Thibault V., king of Navarre, and Pierre de Dreux, ca- llage in it — Council of Tours for promoting the cause of the Crusader*— il CONTENTS. Deaths of Peter and of Robert Courtenay— Decline of the Latin empiw in Constantinople — John of Brienne called *o the throne — His death — Baldwin, his son-in-law, driven from the thi one— Frederick of Germany excommunicated — He invades Ttaly and besieges Rome — Desolating civil war — Death of Melik-Kamel — Agitated state of Palestine— Battle of Gaza- Death of Gregory IX. — Richard, duke of Cornwall, joins the Crusaders at Ptolemais, but soon returns to Italy— Pope Celestine IV. — Disturbances in the reign of Innocent IV. — Pilgrims buy off their vows — Wretched state of Palestine — Pohtical pretensions of the popes — State of Europe — General reflections on the crusades — Songs of the Trouba- dours — Leprosy in the West — Crusades against Prussia and the Albigeois • -The sanguinary wars ia the name of religion pp. 185—311. BOOK XIII.— A.D, 1242-1245. SETENTH CEUSADE. The Tartars of the middle ages — Their history and conquests — Gengis- khan, the Tartar chief — Temugin — Prester John — Khan of the Karaites — Conquest of China, Carismia, and other extensive countries in Asia and Europe, by Gengiskhan — His death — Victorious career of Octal, khan of the Tartars — Hungary conquered — The warriors of Carismia join the sultan of Cairo, and capture Jerusalem — The Mohammedans of Syria defeated by the Carismians, and Damascus captured — The Carismians rebel against the sultan of Cairo — They are defeated and dispersed — Barbarous hordes of the Comans — Distress of the Christians — Valeran, bishop of Berytus — Innocent IV., at the council of Lyons determines on the seventh crusade, and excommunicates Frederick, em- peror of Germany — Cardinals first clothed in scarlet — Louis IX., king of France, recovers from a dangerous malady, and determines on pro- secuting the seventh crusade against the infidels — The illustrious names engaged in it — Blanche, the queen-mother — Agitated state of Germany and Italy — Frederick of Germany deposed by the pope — Civil contests thence arising — The nobles of France form a league to resist the exactions of the pope — Louis makes extensive preparations for the holy war — The earl of Salisbury, and Haco king of Norway, engage in it — Ameliorated state of society resulting from the crusades — Louis embarks and arrives at Cyprus — Pope Innocent IV. takes charge of his kingdom — Mar- guerite, wife of Louis — Archambault de Bourbons — Sieur de Joinville — Antioch ravaged by the Turcomans — Louis receives an embassy from the Tartar prince, Ecalthai — Political discord among the Mohammedans — Family of the Ayoubites — Malek-Salek Negmeddin, sultan of Egypt — Military and political state of Egypt at the time of the crusade — Louis IX. and the Christian forces arrive before Damietta — His address to the Cn;- Baders — He besieges Damietta— Fakreddin, the Egyptian leader — Louis attacks and defeats the infidel troops — Damietta captured — Negociationi with Negmeddin — Livre Tournois — Bravery of the Bedouin Arabs— Sidon captured by the Mohammedans pp. 312-392, CONTENTS. Vn BOOK XIV.— A. D. 1248-'it'55. Alphonse count of Poictiers, and Hugh Lebrun count of Angoulem^ engage in the holy war — Opposition of Henry III. of England to hii oarons and the pope — Raymond, count of Thoulouse — Count d'Artois — ■ Death of Negmeddin — Beauty and genius of Chegger-Eddour, sultana of Egypt — Scharmesah captured by the Crusaders — Fakreddin takes the eommaiid of the Egyptian forces — Treachery of the Mamelukes — Military opei-ations on the canal of Aschmoum — Terrific eflfects of the Greek fire — Fakreddin slain, and the Saracens defeated — Rashness of Count d'Artois, and his death — Battle of Mansourah — The Crusaders defeated by the Mamelukes — The earl of Salisbury, Robert de Vair, and other illustrious warriors slain — Continued contests with the Egyptians, and severe losses of the Crusaders — Instances of devoted heroism and indi- vidual bravery — The Crusaders exposed to famine and pestilence, and the Saracens victorious — The canal of Mehallah fatal to the Crusaders — Sufferings and losses of the Christian army — Guy du Chatel, Gaucher de Chatillon, and other distinguished Crusaders slain — Louis attempts to regain Damietta — Is defeated, and surrenders as a prisoner of war — His entire army annihilated by the Saracens — Sieur de Joinville taken prisoner — Agonizing situation of Marguerite, queen of Louis — 30,000 Crusaders massacred, or taken into slavery — Religious resignation of Louis — He enters into an abject treaty for his ransom — Revolt of the Mamelukes — Death of Almoadan — Octa'i, chief of the Mamelukes— The emirs of Egypt— Chegger-Eddour elected sultana of Egypt, and Ezz-Eddin Aybek the governor — Extinction of the Ayoubite dynasty — Damietta delivered up to the Mussulmans — Ransom paid for Louis — Consternation in France on hearing of his capture — He arrives at Ptolemais — Deli- berates with his knights as to their future operations — The Syrians refuse to acknowledge the authority of the Mamelukes — Civil commotions in Egypt — Chegger-Eddour marries Ezz-Eddin, and yields her regal autho- rity — Death of Frederick II. of Germany — Conrad, his successor, ex- communicated — Jacob of Hungary — "Pastors" — Pope Innocent IV. urges the preaching of a fresh crusade — Singular message of the " Old Man of the Mountain" to Louis — A visit to his court — Cities of Palestine fortified by Louis — War between the sultans of Cairo and Damascus — Treaty between them, and hostilities resumed agsinst the Christians — The Turcomans surprise Sidon, and slaughter the inhabitants — Belinas pil- laged by the Crusaders — Pious devotedness of Louis — He fortifies Sidon • — Death of Blanche, queen-regent of France — Louis quits Palestine, and arrives at Paris — Excellence of Joinville's history — On the character and misfortunes of Louis — Damietta destroyed by tlie Mussulmans, and the mouth of the Nile filled with stones — Rise and fall of the Mamelukes — ■ Hospital of Quinze-Vingts — The Tartars and Moguls — " Assizes ot Jerusalem" — Characters of Frederick II. of Germany and Pope Inno- cent IV. — FapA ci usade against Eccelino de Romano .... pp. 393—493. H I S T EY OF THE CRUSADES. BOOK IX. FOUETH CETJSADE. A.D. 1195—1198. "When we cast a retrospective glance over the periods we have described, we congratulate ourselves upon not having lived in those times of war and trouble ; but when we look around us, and reflect upon the age of which we form a part, we fear we have little reason to boast over the epochs com- monly termed barbarous. During twenty-five years a revo- lution, born of opinions unknown to past ages, has pervaded cities, agitated nations, and shaken thrones. This revolution has for auxiliaries war and victory ; it strengthens itself with all the obstacles that are opposed to it ; it is for ever born again from itself, and when we believe we can perceive the end of its ravages, it re-appears more terrible and menacing than ever. At the moment in wliich I I'esume the account of the Crusades,* the spirit of sedition and revolt, the fanaticism of modern doctrines, which seemed to slumber, * The author wrote the history of tlie fourth, fifth, and sixth crusades during the last usurpation of Buonapartf. [Fiow easily an ob'^;rva^t readier may tell when a hook was jiuljlislied — the above note was >lc>ubt- less, written after Buonaparte's failure. — Tii\ns.] 1* I HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. all at once awake, and again thi'eateu tlie woi-ld with un versa! disorder ; nations which tremble lor theii- libert}^ anc; their laws, are aroused, and spring up in arms ; a coalitior of all kings and of all nations, a general crusade is formed not to defend the tomb of Christ, but to preserve that whieV Eiu-ope possesses of its ancie'^'^ civilization. It is amidst the rumoiurs of a new revolutij i, of a ibrmidable war, tliat I am about to describe the revolutions and wars tiiat dis turbed the East and the "West in the mido i ages. May I, whilst deploring the calamities of my couin^ry, profit by the events of which I am a witness, and b_7 .he frightful spec- tacle which is before my eyes, to paint ^vith greater truth the passions and the troubles of a remote age, and revive in the hearts of my contemporaries a love of concord and peace. The death of Saladin was followed by that which almost always is to be observed in the dynasties of the East, — a reign- of agitation and trouble succeeding a reign of strength and absolute power. In these dynasties, which have no other support but victory', and the all-powerful will of a single man, as long as the sovereign, surroiuided by his soldiers, commands, he is tremblingly obeyed ; but as soon as Le has closed his eyes, his people precipitate themselves towards license with the same ardour that they had yieldsd to ser- vitude ; and passions, long restrained by the presence of the despot, only blaze fortli with the greater violence when there remains nothing of him but a vain remembrance. Saladin gave no directions respecting the order of succes- sion, and by this want of foresight prepared the ruin of !iis empire. One of his sons, Alaziz,* who commanded in Egypt, caused himself to be proclaimed sultan of Cairo; anotlierf took possession of the sovereignty of Aleppo, and a third of the principality of Amath.J Malek-Adel, the brother of Saladin, assumed the tlirone of Mesopotamia, and the countries in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates. * Almelik-AIazoz, Emad-eddin Otsman. We have given the names of the Mussulman princes as the greater part of our historians write them ; we shall take cat-e to point out in notes how they arc pronounced by Arabian authors. t Alemclck Almansour, Nassir-cddin Mohammed. \ Almelek Aladtrl .Seif-eddin Abcn- beer Mohammed, HISTOlii' OF THE CRUSADES. 9 The priiicipal emirs, and all the princes of the race of the Avoubites, made themselves masters of the cities and provinces of which they held the command.* Afdhal,t eldest son of Saladin, was proclaimed sultan oi Damascus. Master of Syria, and of the capital of a vast empire, sovereign of Jerusalem and Palestine,^ he appeared to have preserved something of the power of his fatlier ; but all fell into disorder and confusion. The emirs, the old companions of the victories, of Saladin, endured with reluctance the authority of the young sultan. Several refused to take the oath of obedience, § drawn up by the cadis of Damascus ; * Aboulfeda and some other Arabian l-.istorians point out sufficiently succinctly the divi>ion thnt the Ayoubite princes made of the vast provinces that formed the empire of Saladin. This empire included Syria, Egypt, almost all Mesopotamia, and even a great portion of Arabia. Aziz, as we have said, established himself in Egypt ; Afdhal and Thaher shared Syria between them, one reigning at Damascus, and the other at Aleppo. A del retained, as his [larr, the cities situated beyond the Euphrates, which composed the eastern provinces, that is, Mesopotamia proper. To these three gre it divisions were attached several feudatory princes, who governed as fiefs various cities of the empire. Hamah, falaniiak, Moanah, and M^imbedj belonged to Mansour; it was from this branch that issued the celebrated Aboulfeda : the family of Chiikoiih was established at Emessa ; Thaher, son of Saladin, enjoyed Bo.-ra ; Amdjed, great-grandson of Ayoub, was prince of Balbek ; Cheiz' r, Abou Cobais, Sahyoun, Tell-Bacher, Kaubeb, Adjloun, Barin, Kafar-Tab, and Famieh were possessed by various emirs who had st-rved in the armies of Saladin. As to Yemen, a province of Arabia, in which Touran-chah established himself, the family of the Ayoobites reigned there till 1239. t Alujelek Alafdhal, Nour-eddin Ali. X At the death of Saladin Jfrus;dem came into the possession of Afdhal, his son. who gave it in fief to the emir Azz-eddin Djeruik. Aziz becoming master of Damascus, the holy city fell into the hands of another emir, Ilm-eddin Caisser ; to him succeeded Ahoulhedj, the favourite of Adel ; for in the division that this prince and his nephew Aziz made of Egypt and Syria, Palestine remained in the power of Adel. Aboul-Hcdj was in his turn replaced by the famous emir Aksankar-el-Kebir, and he by Mfimoun, 1197. When the empire became re-united under the dominion of Adel, his son Moaddhem had Damascus, of which Palestine and Jerusalem were dependencies. § This is the text of the oath, as it has been preserved by an histo- rian : — " I, such a one. devote myself entirely from this moment to the service of the su'tan Elmelek Alnaser Salak-eddin, as Ions as he ^J■.a^ live. I swear to consecrate my life, my proi)erty, my sword, and my powers to the defence of his em))ire, and to be always obedient to his orders. I swear to observe the same engagements after him to his son i HISTOKY OF TUB CKUSADES. others consented to take it, but on condition that their fiefs shoulil be secured to them, or that new ones should he bestowed upon them. Far from labouring to reduce tlie power of this haughty soldiery, Afdhal neglected the duties of his throne for the pleasures of debauchery, to -which he gave himself up entirely, abandoning the welfare of his empire to a vizier,* who rendered him odious to the Mussulmans. The army demanded the dismissal of the rizier, whom they accused of having usurped the authority of the prince : the vizier, on his part, advised his master to banish the seditious emirs. The weak sultan, who only saw with the eyes of his minister, annoyed by the })reseuce and complaints of a discontented army, dismissed from his ser- vice a great luimber of soldiers and emirs, who went among all the neighbouring princes, complaining of his ingratitude, and accusing him of forgetting, in the bosom of idleness and elfeminacy, the holy laws of the prophet and the glory' of Saladin. The greater number of them, who went into Egypt, exhorted Alaziz to take arms against his bi'other. The sultan of Cairo gave ear to their advice, and under the pre- tence of avenging the glory of his father, conceived the project of possessing himself of Damascus. He assembled and heir Almclek Alafdhal. I swear to submit myself to him, to fight for his empire aiil states with my life, my wealth, my sword, and my troops. I swear to obey him in ev. rything; I devote myself to him inwardly and outwardly, and I take God fi r a witness of this enzajement." * Tlii< vizier was named Na.-r-allah, and bore the surname of Dhia- eddin, ' the splendour of religion ;' he was brother of the celebrated his- torian Ibn-Elatzir, author of t'le Tarikh Kantel, and himselt cultivated Iptters with success. The study of most of the sciences occupied his youth, and his memory was ad niied with the most beaiitiful jiassage^ of the ancient and modern |)netry of his nition. Saladin had given liim as vizier to his son, and Nasr-aPah in'ove! fty his conduct that he was worthy of the honour. If he comnd'te 1 fiults as a miuii^ter, he at least honoured his character by remaining faithful to his master, sharing his misl'ortunes, and following hiai into exile. After remaining soine time at San.osata, whither .\fdhal was banished, he came to Aleppo, and entered into the service of Thaher, who reigned there; and becoming dissatisfied with his conduct, he cjuittcd the court, and retired to Mossoul, where he took np his residence. He died at Bagdad in 12:i9, whilst fidfiUing a diplomatic mission with which the prince of Mossoul had cliar.,Md bin). N.isr-allah left several literary works, the nomenclature of which is contained in the biography of Ibn-Khiican. HISTOKY OF THE CKL'SABIS. 6 his forces, and marched into Syria at the head of an army. At the approach of danger, Aidhal invoked assistance fronj the princes that reigned over the countries of Aniath and Aleppo. Soon a formidable war blazed forth, into which was dragged the whole of the family of the Ayoubites. Alaziz laid siege to Danmscus. The hopes of an easy con quest animated his emirs, and made them believe that they were fighting in a just cause; but as they at first had bu' little success, and as victory seemed every day to fly furthei from their banners, the war began to appear to them unjust. At first they murmured ; then they revolted from Alaziz, and at length rejoined the troops of Syria. The sultan of Cairo, upon being thus abandoned, was obliged to raise the siege disgracefully, and return into Egypt. The sultans of Damascus and Aleppo pursued him across the desert, with the design of attacking him in his capital. Afdlial, at the head of a victorious army, soon carried terror to the banks of the Nile. Alaziz was about to be dethroned, and Egypt to be conquered by the Syrians, if tlie brother of Saladin, guided by a policy, whose motive might be easily divined, had not opposed the authority of his counsels to the arms of the couqueror, and re-established peace in the family of the Ayoubites. The princes and emirs respected the experience of Malek- .4.del, and allowed him to be the arbitrator of their dift'er- ences. The warriors of Syria and Egypt, accustomed to see him in camps, looked upon him as their leader, and followed him with joy to battle ; whilst nations, that he had often astonished by his exploits, invoked his name in their reverses and dangers. The Mussulmans now perceived with surprise that he had been in a manner exiled in Mesopotamia, and that an empire, founded by his valour, was abandoned to young princes who bore no name among warriors : he himself grew secretly indignant at not having received due recompense for his labours, and was aware ot all that the old soldiers, he had so often led to victory, might one day do to further his ambitious views. It was important to his designs that too much of the empire should not be in the same hands, and that the provinces should remain for some time longer shared by two rival powers. The peace which he had brought about could not be of long duration 6 nisroKv of thk crusades. a'.H the discord ever on the point of breaking out among bi;^ nephews, must soon offer him an opportunity of reaping tne rich harvest of the vast heritage of Saladin. Af'ihal, warned by the dangers he had run, resolved to eliange his conduct. Hitherto he had scandalized all faith- ful jMussulmans by his intemperance in the use of wine. Aboulftnla, who was descended from the family of Saladin,* says, m his history, that the sidtan of Damascus, during the earlv years of his reign, passed his life amidst banquets and indulgence, taking delight in nothing but listening to songs and composing verses. On his return from Egypt, Afdhal exhibited an entire alteration in his manners ; but he only fell from one excess into another ; he was now constantly at prayers, or employed in the most minute practices of the jMussulmun religion ; but, in his excessive devotion, as in his dissipated life, he was perfectly inattentive to the duties of a monarch, and submitted himself, without reserve, to* the counsels of the same vizier who had already nearly cost him liis dominions. " Then," says Aboulfeda, " complaints against him were heard from all quarters, and tongues that had Ijeen loud in his praise became silent." Alaziz thought this opportunity favourable for again taking up arms against his brother ; and Malek-xldel, per- suaded that war was most likely to minister to his ambition, no longer advocated peace, but placed himself at the head of the army of Egypt. Having intimidated by his tln^eats, or won by his presents, the principal emirs of Afdhal, he at a^ice took possession of Damascus in the name of Alaziz, and soon governed as sovereign the richest provinces of Syria. Every day fresh quarrels broke out among the emirs and princes ; all those who had fought with Saladin, thought the moment was come at which to put forth and establish their pretensions ; and the princes who still remained of tlie fiimily of Noureddin began to entertain hopes of regaining the provinces wrested from the unfortunate Attabeks by the son of Ayoub. All the East was in a state of fermentation. * M. Am. Jourdiiii liiis published a curious account of Aboulfeda and his family, the materials for which were supplied by the works themselves of this historian : it is printed in the fourteenth volume of Lex Amuila des Voyuycn, &.c. of M. Make Biun. UlSTORV OF THE CKUSADES. t Bloody divisions desolated Persia, a prey to the varioue claims of the feeble remains of the race of the Seljoucides. The empire of the Carisniians, which conquest was every day extending, threatened at the same time the capital of Corosan and the city of Bagdad, in which tlie pontiii' of the Mussulman religion lived in perpetual fear. Eor a long time the caliphs had been unable to take any active part in the events that changed the face of Syria ; and the only authority they possessed was exercised in consecrating thf» victories of the triumphant pafty, whoever that might be. Afdhal, driven from Damascus, called in vain upon the caliph of Bagdad lor protection ; all that shadow of power could aflbrd him was a recommendation to exercise patience, and an assurance " fJiaf his enemies would have to render an account to God of what they had done.^' Among the rivalries that convulsed the Mussulman states, Malek-Adel met with no obstruction to his projects ; the troubles and disorders which his usurpation gave birth to, even the wars undertaken against him, all contributed to the consolidation and extension of his unjustly-obtained power. It became evident that he must soon unite under his sway the greater part of the provinces conquered by Saladin. Thus was verified, for the second time within a few years, the observation of an Arabian historian, who expressed himself in the following words when speaking of the suc- cession of Noureddin : " TJie greater part of the founders of empires have not been able to leave them to their jjosteriti/.^^ This instability of power is not a tiling to be Avondered at in countries where success renders evervthing legitimate, where the caprices of fortune are frequently laws, and where the most formidable enemies of an empire founded by arms, are the very men whose bravery has assisted in raising it. The historian we have quoted, deplores the revo- lutions of military despotism, without duly searching for the natural causes of them ; aiul can explain so many changes only by referring to the justice of God, always ready to punish, at least in their children, all who have employed vio- lence or shed the blood of man to attain empire. Such were the revolutions which, during many years, ag tated the Mussulman states of Syiia and Egypt. The fourth crusade, which we are about to describej and in whicb g HISTOEY 0F THE CRUSAg>l!8. ; le Christians might have greatly profited by the troubiea of the East, only served to reunite the scattered membera of the empire of Saladin. Malek-Adel owed the progress of his power not only to the divisions of the Mussulmans, but to the spirit of discord that reigned among the Christians. After the departure of the king of Engkiiid, as was always the case at the termination of every crusade, the Christian colonies, surrounded by perils, advanced more rapidly to their Ml. Henry of Champagne, charged with the government of Palestine, disdained the title of king, as he was impatient to return to Europe, and looked upon his kingdom as a place of exile. The three military orders, detained in Asia by their vows, constituted the principal strength of a state which but lately had had all the warriors of Europe for its defenders. Guy of Lusignan retired to Cvprus, took no more interest in the fate of Jerusalem, and had full occupation in keeping himself on his new throne, shaken by the continual revolts of the Greeks and threatened by the emperors of Constantino[>le. Bohemond III., grandson of Ivaymond of Poictiers, and descended, in the female line, from the celebrated Bohemond, one of the heroes of the first crusade, governed the prin- cipality of Antioch and the county of Tripoli. Amidst the misfortunes that afflicted the Christian colonies, the sole aim of this prince was the extension of his dominions, and every means appeared to him good and just that could forward his designs. Bohemond pretended to have claims to the prin- cipality of Armenia ; and employed by turns force and stratagem to get possession of it. After several useless attempts, he succeeded in decoying into his capital Kupin of the jVf ountain, one of tlie princes of Armenia, and detainee him prisoner. Livon, the brother of Kupin, determined to take signal vengeance for such an outrage ; and, under the ])retence of treating for peace, invited Bohemond to repair to the frontiers of Armenia. The two princes engaged by oath to come without escort or train to the place of confer- ence ; but each formed a s«?cret design of laying a snare f„r his adversary. The Armenian prince, better seconded by either his genius or fortune, remained conquerc r in this dis- graceful contest. Boliemond was surprised, loaded with cliaijis, and carried away to a fortress of Lesser Aruienia. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. fl The "War was instantly renewed with fury ; the people ii botli Armenia and Antioch rushed to arms, and the coim tries and cities of the two principalities were speedily hj turns in\'r\ded and ravaged. At length peace became desir- able, and after some disputes upon the conditions, the prince of Antioch was sent back to his states, and Rupin of tlie Mountain was restored to the nations of Armenia. By an agi'eement entered into by the two princes, Alice, the daugh- ter of llupin, married the eldest son of Bohemond. This union promised to be the pledge -of a durable peace ; but the germ of so many divisions still subsisted ; the two par- ties retained a strong feeling of the outrage they had re- ceived ; and every treaty of peace becoming a fresh subject of discussion, war was always ready to be rekindled. In another direction, ambition and jealousy set at variance the orders of the Temple and St. John. At the period of the third crusade, the Hospitallers and the Templars were as powerful as sovereign princes ; they possessed in Asia and Europe villages, cities, and even provinces.* The two orders, rivalling each other in power and glory, attended far less to the defence of the holy places than to the augmentation of tiieir own renown and riches. Every one of their immense possessions, every one of their prerogatives, the renown of the knights, the credit of the leaders, all, even to the trophies of their valour, were for them subjects of rivalry, and, at length, this spirit of discord and jealousy produced an open war. A French gentleman, established in Palestine, pos- sessed, as a vassal of the Hospitallers, the castle of Margat, situated towards the frontiers of Arabia. The Templars pretended that this castle belonged to them, and took pos- session of it by main force. Robert, — that was the name of the "ijentleman, — carried his complaints to the Hospitallers, ^lio immediately flew to arms and drove the Templars from * The Hospitallers then possessed within the limits of Christendom nineteen thoxsand manors ; the Templars had only nine thovsand. Mat- thew Paris expresses himself thus : — Hubent insuper Teirplarii in Chris- tianitate novem millia maneriorum ; Hospitalii vero novetn decern, praeter fmolumenta et varios pro%'entus e.i; fraternifatibus et pra;dicationibus pro- \enientes, et per privilegia sua accresrentes — Matth. Paris, ad annum 1244, in Henry III., lib. .xi. p. 615. A manor in the middle ages wm the labour qf one plough. 10 UlSTOin JF THE CnUSABES. the castie. From that time the knii^hts of the 1 »ro trdera never met witliout provoking eaeh otlier to the couibat, most of the Franks and Christians always talcing a part in the quarrel, some for the order of St. John, others for that of the Temple. The king of Jerusalem and tlie rnost pru- dent of the barons made many useless attempts to restore peace ; and several Christian princes endeavoured in vain to reconcile the two rival orders. The pope himself had much difficult}' in getting his sacred mediation to be accepted ; and it was only after long debates that the Holy See, sometimes armed with evangelical thunders, sometimes employing the paternal language of the head of the Church, terminated, by its wisdom and supreme ascendancy, a contest which the knights themselves would have preferred deciding with erjord and lance. During these fatal divisions none thought of defending wheniselves against the general enemy, the Saracens. One I f the most melancholy consequences of the spirit of faction i\, t hat it always leads to a lamentable iudifterence for the coAi.non cause. The more violently the parties attacked each other, the less perception they seemed to have of the daiif;( rs that threatened the Christian colonies ; neither the knign :s of the Temple or of St. John, nor the Christians of Anciorh or Ptolemais, ever thought of asking for succour again? c the infidels; and history does not say that one per- son wa.H sent from the East to make Europe aware of the griefs i-f Sion. The situation of the Christians in Palestine was besides so uncertain and perilous, that the wisest could form no idea of coming events, or dare to adopt a resolution. If they appealed afresh to the warriors of the West, they broke the truce made with Saladio, and exposed themselves to all the resentment of the infidels ; if they respected treaties, the truce might be broken by the Mussulmans, ever ready to profit by the calamities which fell upon the Christians. * In this state of things, it appeared difficult to foresee a new cra.-'ade, which was neither called for by the wishes of the Christians of Asia, nor promoted by the interests of Europe. In fact, when we cast our eyes over the Christian colonies of the East, as they are described to us in these unhapj)} times, and see the spirit of ambition and discord dispkcing HISTORY OF THE CUUSABIS, 11 m all hearts tlie holy spirit of tlie Gospel, we cannot wondei that Christendom took so little interest in their fate. Again, wlien contemi)orarv history represents to us these colonies a prey to license and division, and destitute of everything that could render them flourishing, we caii scarcely believe that the West was again lilvely to lavish its wealth and its blood to support and defend tliem. But the great name of Jeru- ea'-em still produced a powerfiJ effect upon the minds of aU ; the remembrance of the first crusade still aroused the enthu- siasm of Christians ; and the veneration for the holy places, which appeared to grow weaker in the kingdom of Christ itself, was yet cherished beyond the seas and in the principal countries of the West. Celestine III. had, by his exhortations, encouraged the warriors of the third crusade ; and, at the age of ninety, pursued with zeal all the projects of his predecessors ; ardently wisliing that the last days of his pontificate should be illustrated by the conquest of Jerusalem. After the return of Eichard, the news of the death of Saladin had spread joy throughout the AVest, and revived the hopes of tlie Christians. Celestine wrote to all the faithfid to inform them that the most formidable enemy of Christendom had ceased to live ; and, without regarding the truce made by Eichard Coeur de Lion, he ordered his bishops and arch- bishops to preach a new crusade in their dioceses.* The sovereign pontiff' promised all who would take the cross the same privileges and tlie same advantages as in the preceding crusades. The profanation of the holy places ; the oppression under which the faithful of the East groaned ; the ever- increasing insolence and audacity of the Saracens — such were the motives by which he supported his holy exhortations. He addressed himself particularly to the bishops of England, and commanded them to use every persvia&ion to induce Eichard again to take up arms against the infidels. Eichard, although returned, had never laid aside the cross, * We possess two letters written by Celestine to Hubert, arclibislio]) o( Canterbury, to engage hiui to preach the crusade. The pope commands the aiciibishop to employ ecclesiastical censures against those who, after taking the cross, delayed their departure for the Holy Land; and to re- quire such as could not possibly set out, to send, at their own expeusCj one or two men o fight against the infidels. 12 HISTORT OE THE CHUSA tZB. the syi bol of pilgrimage ; and it might be supposed he still intended to repair again to the Holy Land ; but, scarcely escaped from an unjust captivity, taught by his own experi- ence how great were the difficulties and perils of a distant enterprise, his thoughts and time were engrossed by Lis endeavours to remedy his losses, to defend or aggrandize his states, and to be on his guard against the insidious attempts of Philip Augustus. His knights and barons, whom he himself exhorted to resume the cross, professed, as he did, a w^arm devotion for the cause of Jerusalem ; but they could not make-up their minds to return to a country which had been to them a place of suffering and exile. Although the appearance of the preachers of the crusade everywhere inspired respect, they had no better success in France, where, only a few years before, a hundred thousand warriors had been roused by the summons to defend the holy places. If the fear of the enterprises of Philip was sufficient to detain Richard in the West, the dread of the vindictive and jealous disposition of Richard exercised the same influ- ence over Philip. The greater number of his knights and nobles followed his example, and contented themselves with shedding tears over the fate of Jerusalem. The enthusiasm for the crusade was communicated to only a small number of warriors, amongst whom history names the count de Mont- fort, who afterwards conducted the cruel war against the jAlbigeois. From the commencement of the crusades, Glermany had iiever ceased to send its wai-riors to the defence of the Holy Land. It deplored the recent loss of its armies, destroyed or dispersed iu Asia Minor, and the death of the Em[!eror Frederick, who had gained nothing but a grave in the plains of the East ; but the remembrance of so great a disaster did -lot extinguish in all hearts the zeal for the cause of Jeru- salem. Henry VI., who occupied the imperial throne, had tiot partaken, as the kings of France and England had, the perils and reverses of the last expedition. Unpleasant remembrances or fears of his enemies in Europe coidd have no effect iu preventing him from joining in a new enterprise, or deter him from a holy pilgrimage which so many illus- trious examples seemed to point out as a sacred duty. Although tl is prince had been excommunicated by the HISTOSY OF THE CEUSAUES. 13 iloly 8ee, only the preceding year, the Pope sent an embassy to him, charged with the duty of recalhng to his mind the example of his father Frederick, and urging him to assume the cross. Henry, who sought every occasion to conciliate the head of the Church, and who likewise entertained vast projects in which a new crusade might be very serviceable, received the envoy of Celestine with great honours. Of all the princes of the middle ages, no one evinced more ambition than Henry VI. ; his imagination, say historians, was tilled with the glory of the Caesars, and he wished to be able to say with Alexander, all that my desires can embrace belongs to me. Tancred, a natural son of AVilliam II., king of Sicdy, chosen by the Sicilian nobility to succeed his father, was recently deceased ; and the emperor, who had espoused Constance, tlie heiress of a throne founded by Norman Crusaders, and desirous of establishing his claims, judged that the time was come to carry out his designs and achieve his conquests. The expedition of which the Holy See desired him to be the leader, was exceedingly favourable to his ambitious projects ; when, promising to defend Jeru- salem, he only tliought of the conquest of Sicily ; and the conquest of Sicily liad no value in his estimation but as opening the road to Greece and Constantinople.* At the same time that he professed entire submission to the will ol the head of the Church, he endeavoured to form an alliance with therepubhcs of Genoa and Venice, promising them the spoils of the conquered ; but in his mind he nourished the hope that he should one day overthrow the Italian republics and lower the authority of the Holy See, and upon their remains revive, for himself and his family, the empire of Augustus and Constantino. Such was the prince to whom Celestine sent an embassy, and whom he wished to persuade into a holy war. Ai'ter having announced his intention of taking the cross-, Henry convoked a general diet at Worms, in wMch he himself exhorted the faithful to take up arms for the defence of the holy places. Since Louis VII., king of France, who * This reminds us of the plans of conquest laid down by Pyrrhus, king of Epiriis, — and of the traveller, who intended to perambulate the globe, — that he might, at the end of his wandeiir.gs, plant cabbages in Hunoner. — Trans. I4t HISTORY or THE CRcSADES. harangued liis subjects to induce them to joii; in the crusade Henry was the only monarch that had mingled his voic«. with that of the preachers of the holy war, to make his sub jects acquainted with the sufterings and complaints of tht. Church of Jerusalem. His eloquence, celebrated by tho historians of his time, but a'jove all, the spectacle presented of a great emperor himself preaching a hoiy war against the iniidels, made a profound impression upon the multitude of his auditors.* After this solemn address, the most illus- trious of the prelates assembled at AVorms ascended the evangelical pulpit to keep up the rapidly increasing en- thusiasm of the faithful ; during eight hours nothing was heard but the groans of fSion and the city of God. Henry, surrounded by his court, assumed the symbol of the Cru- saders ; a great number of German nobles followed his example, some to please God, a?id others to please the em- peror. Among those who took the oath to combat the Saracens, history names Henry duke of Saxony; Otho riiar- quis of Brandenburgh ; Henry count palatine of the Rhine ; Herman landgrave of Thuringia ; Henry duke of Bi'abant • Albert count of xlpsburg; Adolphus count of Schwembui'g ; Henry count of Pappenhein, marshal of the empire ; the duke of Bavaria; Frederick, son of Leopold, duke of Austria; Conrad marquis of Moravia; Valeran de Limbourg ; and the bishops of Yv'^urtzburg, Bremen, Verdun, Habbastadt, Passau, and Katisbon.f The crusade was preached in all the provinces of Ger- many, and the letters of the emperor and the pope kindled the zeal of the Christian warriors everywhere ; never had an enterprise against the infidels been undertaken under more favourable auspices. As Germany undertook the crusade almost singly, the glory of the German nations seemed as much interested in this war as religion itself. Henry \\as * All the facts relative to the ^reaching of this crusade are to be found in Roger do Hoveden, Mntthew Pans, Godfrey Moine, William of New- bridge, Otho of St. Blaise, and Arnold of Luljeck. The latter gives the most details ; he doi-s not fail to tell us that forty burgesses of Lubeck took tlie cross on tliis orc^'sion. t The long lists of ,he names and titles of the Crusaders may at first appear tiresome to the reader ; but us each name re]:resents a territory o* an e>tate. tfie lists are, in fact, Hie b;-st means of becoming tiioroughly ar,quainl--!!) 'ith the extent of this asConishiiig mania. — Trans. HTSTOR? Oi" THE CKUSAUES. 15 to command the holy expedition ; and the Crusaders, full of confidence and hope, were preparing to follow him to the East. But Heury entertained other views ; several nobles of his court, some who penetrated his secret designs, and others who believed they offered him prudent advice, con- jured him to remain in the West, and direct the crusade irom the bosom of his dominions ; and Henry, after a sligh resistance, yielded to their prayers, and gave his whole attention to the hastening of the departure of the Cru- saders. The emperor of Germany placed himself at the head of forty thousand men and took the route for Italy, where evervthing was prepared for the conquest of Sicily ; the remainder of the Crusaders were divided into two armies, which, proceeding by diiferent roads, were to meet in Syria. The first, commanded by the duke of Saxony and the duke of Brabant, embai-ked at ports of the German Ocean and the Baltic ; the second crossed the Danube, and directed its march towards Constantinople, whence the fleet of the Greek emperor Isaac was to transport it to Ptolemais. To this army, commanded by the archbishop of Mayence and Valeran de Limbourg, were joined the Hungarians, wlio accompanied their queen Margaret, sister to Philip Augustus. The queen of Hvmgary, after having lost Bela her husband, had made a vow to live only for Christ, and to end her days i;i the Holy Land. The Crusaders under the command of the archbishop of Mayence and Valeran de Limbourg, were the first to arrive in Palestine. Scarcely were they landed when they ex- pressed their desire and resolution to begin the war against the infidels. The Christians, who were then at peace with the Saracens, hesitated to break the truce signed by Eichard, and were, further, unwilling to give the signal for hostilities before they could open the campaign with some hopes of success. Henry of Champagne and the barons of Palestine represented to the German Crusaders the danger to which an imprudent rupture would expose the Christians of the East, and conjured them to wait for the army of the dukes of Saxony and Brabant. But the Germans, full of con- fidence in then ovn strength, were indignant at having obstacles thrown in .he way of their valour by vain scruples 16 HISTORY OF THE CUUSA0E8. and chimerical alarms ; they wore astonished that the Chris- tians ol" Palestine should thus refuse the assistance sent tc them by Providence itself, and added, in a tone of anger and contempt, that warriors of the West were not accustomed to defer the hour of battle, and that the pope had not in^ duced them to talie up arms and the cross to remani in i state of shameful inactivity. The barons and knights of tht Holy Land could not listen to such injurious speeches with- out indignation, and replied to the German Crusaders that they had neither solicited nor wished for their arrival ; that they were better acquainted than the northern warriors ol Europe with what was ad'.antageous to the kingdom ol Jerusalem ; that they had without any foreign succour braved the greatest perils, and that when the proper mo- ment should arrive they knew how to prove their valour otherwise than by words. Amidst such warm debates the minds of both parties became daily more exasperated, and the most cruel discord thus prevailed among the Christians before war was declared against the infidels. All at once the Grerraan Crusaders marched out in arms from Ptolemais, and commenced hostilities by ravaging the lands of the Saracens. At the first signal of war the Mus- sulmans gathered together their forces ; and the danger that threatened them putting an end to tlieir discord, from the banks of the JSile and from the remotest parts of Syria crowded ho&zs of warriors but lately armed against each- other, but who now, assembled unJer the same banners, acknowledged no other enemies but the Christians. Malek-Adel, towards whom all Mussulmans turned their eyes when the defence of Islamism was the question, marched from Damascus at the head of an army and repaired to Jeru- salem, where all the emirs of the adjoining provinces came to lake his orders. The Mussulman army, after dispersing the Christians who had advanced towards the mountains oi Kaplouse, laid siege to Jatfa. In the third crusade much importance had been attached to the coiiservation of this city. Richard Coeur de Lion had fortified it at great expense, and when that prince returned to Europe he left a numerous garrison in it. Of all the maritime places, Jaffa was nearest to the city which waa the rbiect of the wishi^s of the faithful ; if it remained in HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 1 the hands of the Christians, a road was always open for them to Jerusalem, and the means of laying siege to that place were rendered more easy; but if it fell into the power of the Mussulmans, it gave them proportionate advantages for the defence of the holy city. AVhen it was known at Ptolemais that the city of Jaffa was threatened. Henry ol" Champagne, with his barons and knights, immediately took arms to defend it, and joined the German Crusaders, giving all their energies to the prosecu- tion of a war which tliey found covdd now no longer be deferred or avoided. The three military orders, with the troops of the kingdom, were about to set forward on their march, when a tragical accident once more plunged the Christians in grief, and retarded the effects of the happy harmony which had been re-established at the ap])roach of peril. Henry of Champagne, leaning against a window of his palace, at which he had placed himself to see his army defile from the city, the window all at once gave way, and in its fall precipitated him with it.* The unfortunate ])rince expired in sight of his soldiers, who, instead of followhig him to battle, accompanied him to his grave, and lost several days in celebrating his funeral obsequies. The Cliristians of Ptolemais were still weeping the death of their king, when the misfortuve they dreaded increased their grief and con- sternation ; the garrison of Jaffa having attempted a sortie, had fallen into an ambuscade, and all the warriors that com- posed it were either killed or taken prisoners. The Mus- sulmans entered the city almost without resistance, and twenty thousand Christians were put to the sword. These disasters had been foreseen by all who had di-eaded the breaking of the truce ; but the barons and knights of Palestine lost no time in vain regrets, or in the utterance of useless complaints, and looked with eager impatience for the arrival of the Crusaders who had set out from the ports of the Ocean and the Baltic These troops had stopped on the * Roger de Hoveden gives this account of the death of Henry of Chan.pagne. Arnold of Lubeck says that this prince had placed himself at a window to take the air. The same Arnold adds that many thought that God hiul punished Henry for the legret he had evinced on the arrival iif tlie Germans, whom he envied the glory of delivering the kingdom oi Chiist. Vol. II.— 2 18 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES, coast of Portugal, where they had defeated the Moors, and taken from theiii the city of yilves. Proud of their triumph over tlie infidels, they landed at Ptolema'is at the moment the people were lamenting the loss of .Tatiii and crowding to the churches to implore the mercy of Heaven. The arrival of the new Crusaders restored ho])e and joy to the Christians, and they resolved to Igse no time, but to inarch at once against the iniidels. The army left Ptolema'is and advanced towards the coast of Syria, whilst a nume- rous fleet kept along shore, loaded with provisions and warlike stores. Tlr? Crusaders, without seeking the army of Malek-Adel, lairf siege to Berytus. The city of Berytus, at an equal distance between Jeru- salem and Tripoli, by the commodiousness of its port, its large population, and its commerce, had become the rival of Ptolema'is and Tyre. The JNlussulman provinces of Syria acknowledged it as their capital, and it was in Berytus that the emire, who contended for the lordship of the neighbour- ing cities, came to display the pomp of their coronations. After the taking of Jerusalem, Saladin was here saluted sovereign of the city of God, and crowned sultan of Da- mascus and Cairo. The pirates, who infested the seas, brought to this city all the spoils of the Chi-istians ; the Mussulman warriors there deposited the riches acquired by conquest or brigandage ; and the Frank captives, made in late wars, were crowded togetlier in the prisons of Berytus ; so that the Christians had pow erl'ul motives for endeavouring to get possession of this ])lace, and the Mussulmans had no less urgent ones for defending it. IMalek-Adel, after having destroyed the fortifications of Jaifii, advanced with his army as far as the moa" tains of Anti-Iiibanus, on the route to Damascus; but on hearing of the march and determination of the Crusaders, he crossed the mountains on his left, and drew near to the coast : the two armies met on the plain watered by the river Ele. thera, between Tyre and Sidon. The tr\unpets soon sounded to battle ; the army of the Saracens, which covered an immense space, endeavoured at first to surrc nid the Pranks, and then to get between them and th(> coast ; their cavalry pre- cipitated itself b} turns on the (laidval"is were in ruins, that they wanted both arms and provisions ; that they had to defend themselves against a victorious army ; and they 8Wor# 2* 26 HTSTOCY or THE CRUSADES. rather to die than tn xt with tlie Crusaders. Instead ol sending liostages, they appeared in arms upon the ramparts, and provoked the besiegers to renew the contest. The Clu'istians resumed the hiboiu's of the siege, and recom- menced tlieir attacks ; but their courage grew weaker every day, whilst, in the same proportion, despair seemed to in- crease the bravery of the Mussulmans. The besieged laboured without intermission in repairing their machines and rebuilding their walls ; sometimes the Christians were attacked in the subterranean passages they had dug, and perished, buried under masses of loosened earth ; whilst arrows and stones were constantly showered upon therti from the ramparts. Frequently the Saracens succeeded in surprising some of their enemies, whom they carried alive into the place, and then slaughtered without mercy ; the heads of these unfortunate prisoners were exposed upon the walls, and afterwards hurled by the machines into the camp of the Christians. The Crusaders apj^ aared to have sunk into a sort of dejection or apathy ; some still fought and remembered their oaths ; but others remained indifferent spectators of the dangers and death of their brethren. Many added the scandal of the most depraved morals to their indifference for the cause of God. There might be seen, says an historian, men who had quitted their wives to follow Christ, forgetting all at once the most sacred duties, and attaching themselves to vile prostitutes ; in fact, the vices and disorders of the Crusaders were so disgraceful, that the authors of the old chronicles blush whilst they retrace the picture of them. Arnold of Lubec, after ha\ing described the corruption that reigned in the camp of the Christians, appears to ask pardon of his reader ; and, that he may not be accused of writing a satire, he takes care to add that he does not recall such odious remembrances to confound the pride of men, bvt to warn sinners, and touch, if possible, the hearts of his brothers in Christ.* Fame soon brought to tlie ears of the I^hristians that the kingdoms of Aleppo and Damascus were in arms, that Egypt had assembled an army, and that Malek-Adel, followed by a * After describing the corruption of the Crusaders, Arnold adds : — Veniam non peto, non enim ut quempiam confuiidAm, ha^c scribe, se^ dilectos in Christo nioneo. HISTORY OF TlIK CRUSADES. 2? numberless multitude of warriors, was advaziclug by orced inarches, impatient to avenge his late defeat.* At this news, the leaders of the crusade resolved to raii^o the siege of Thoron ; and to conceal their retreat from the enemy, they did not blush to deceive their own soldiers. On the day of the Purification of the Virgin, whilst the Chris- tians were engaged in the offices of devotion, the camp was informed, by sound of trumpet, that it was intended to make a general assault on the morrow. The whole army passed the night in preparations for the fight ; but, at brealv of day, they learnt that Conrad and most of the leaders had quitted the army and taken the road to Tyre. The men assembled in groups round their tents to ascertain the truth, and made inquiries of each other with the greatest inquietude. The blackest forebodings took possession of the minds of the Crusaders ; as if they had been conquered in a great battle, their only thouglit was flight. Nothing had been prepared for the retreat, no order had been given ; no man saw any- thing but his own danger, or listened to any advice but that suggested by his fear ; some loaded themselves with every- thing valuable they possessed, whilst others abandoned even their arms. The sick and wounded dragged themselves along with pain in the steps of their companions ; such as could not walk were abandoned in the camp. The confusion was general ; the soldiers marched pele-mele with the bag- gage ; they knew not what route to take, and many lost * Oriental historians say little of the siege of Thoron ; the continiiator of Tabary e.xpiesses himself thus: — "The Franks attacked Tehnyn (Thoron), and made breaches on various sides. When Mulek-Adel 1 arnt this, he wrote to Melic-Alaziz, sultan of Egypt, to desire him to come in person ; ' fnr if you do not come,' said he, ' we shall not be able to piotect the frontit-r country.' Aliiziz then came with bis troops. As to the Mus- sulmans who were in the castle, when they saw the breaches made iu their walls, and they bad no hope but defendini^ themselves at the point of the sword, many among them surrendered to the Franks, and demanded a safe2:uard for themselves and their property, offering to deliver up the castle. The command was given to the priest Kandelard (Conrad), a German ; but a Frank of the Sahel (coast of Syria^i said to the Mussul- mans, ' If you give up the fortress, these men will make you prisoners, and will kill you : preserve your own days then.' The Mussulmans left thein as if to give up the fortress ; but when they had re-ascended, they persisted in defending themselves, and fought in despair, so that they kept the castle till the arrival of Melic-Alaziz at Ascalou." 28 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. themselves in the mountains ; nothing was lieard but cries and groans, and, as if Heaven wished to denote its anger at tliis disorder, a frightful tempest came on ; fierce lightning rent the clouds, the thunder rolled in awful peals, and toiTents of rain inundated the country.* In their tumnl- tuous flight, not one of the Crusaders ventured to turn his eyes to that fortress which, but a few days before, had offered to surrender to their arms : their terror was not abated till they beheld the walls of Tyre. The army being at last re-assembled, it became a genera.] inquiry, " What was the cause of the disorder they had experienced ?" Then a new delirium took possession of the • C'l-u'istians ; mistrust and mutual liatred succeeded to the ji.Miuc terror of which they had been the victims ; the most grave suspicions were attached to actions the most simple, and gave an odious meaning to words perfectly innocent. The Crusaders reproached each other, as with wrongs and proofs of treachery, with all tlie evils they had suffered or feared to suffer. The measures that an improvident zeal had coun- selled, as well as those that had been dictated by necessity and prudence, were the work of perfidy without example. The holy places, wdiich so lately the Crusaders had contem- plated with apparent indifterence, now occupied their every thought ; and the most fervent reproached the leaders with introducing none but profane views into a holy war ; with having sacrificed the cause of God to their own ambition, and with having abandoned the soldiers of Cln-ist to the fury of the Saracens. The same Crusaders proclaimed loudly, that God had been unfavourable to the Cln-istians, because those whom he had appointed to lead the defenders of the cross, disdained the conquest of Jerusalem. Our readers may remember tliat after the siege of Damascus, in the second crusade, some Templars and Germans were accused of avarice, and of having sacrificed the zeal and bravery of the Christian warriors. Accusations quite as serious were renewed on this occasion, and with equal bitterness. If we are to believe the old chronicles, Malek- Adel had promised several leaders of the Christian army a * Nee inter ista defuit spiritus procellse, tor.itruis et coruscationibus, et pliivisiruin imiiidnfinnibus et grandine de ccelo fugientes iafestanda.— - Arnold Lub. cap. 5. HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 29 great n imber of pieces of gold to engage them to raise the siege of Thoron ; and the same chronicles add, that when the Mussulman prince paid them the sum agreed, he gaA'e them nothing but false gold, — a worthy price of their cupidity and treachery.* The Arabian historians give no sanction to these odious accusations ; but such was the spirit of animosity ■which then reigned among the Christian warriors, that they •were judged with more severity by their brethren and com- panions in arms tlian by their enemies. At length the rage of discord was carried so far that the Germans and the ISyrian Christians woidd not remain under the same colours ; the former retired to the city of Jaffa, the ramparts of which they restored, and the latter returned to Ptolemais. Malek-Adel, willing to profit by these divisions, marched towards Jaffa, and offered the Germans battle. A severe conflict took place at a short distance from tlie city. The duke of Saxony and the duke of Brabant both perished in the wcler.f Tlie Crusaders lost a great number of their bravest warriors ; but the victory was in their favour. After a triumph which was due to their arms alone, the pride of the Germans knew no bounds ; and they treated the Chin^i- tians of Palestine with the gi'eatest contempt. " We have," said they, " crossed the seas to defend their country ; and, far from taking any part in our labours, these warriors, without either gratitude or courage, abandoned us in the hour of peril." The Christians of Palestine, on their side, re- proached the Germans witli having come into the East, not * Otho de St Blaise appears convinced that the Templars had received money to betray the causi- of the Cliristians. He expresses himself as follows : — Nam sicut fertur, quidam de militibus Templi, a paganis cor- rupti pecunia, aiiimani Conradi cancellaiii, qui in hac ipsa, obsidione prae- cipue clarebat, cum quibusdam aliis inflexerunt, eisque auri maximo pondere collocato, obsidionem solvere persuas^eriint ; sicque vendito Cliristo tradito j)ai;anis per castellum, sicut olim Judieis, recesserunt. Nee tamen de pretio taliter acquisito aiiquod emolumeutum, sicut nee Judas de triginta arj^enteis, conseeuti sunt. Si quidem pretio corrupt!, corruptum a i)iig:aiiis aurum meta'lo sophistico, auro in superficie colornto receperunt ; sicque in opprobrium sempiternum cum nota, infamite nierito conseeuti sunt. — See Otft. de SL Blaise, in the collection of Ui tius. f We are astonished to find so little concerning this crusade in the continuator of William of Tvre. He speaks of this battle and of tlie division among the Christians, but without any circumstance worthy ol being communicated to our readers. 80 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. to fight but to comnumd ; not to assist their brfthren, but to impose a yoke upon them more insupportable than that ot" the Saracens. " Tiie Crusaders," added tlie}^, " only quitted the West to make a pleasurable military progress into iSyria; they there found peace, but they left war behind tliem ; like those birds of passage that announce the season of storms and tempests." In these fatal divisions nobody had sufEcient credit and power to restrain angry spirits, or reconcile discordant opinions The sceptre of Jerusalem was in the hands of a woman ; the throne of Godfrey, so often shaken, was desti- tute of support ; the empire of religion and law was every day fading away, and violence alone possessed the privilege of making itself respected. Necessity and force were the only powers that commanded obedience ; whilst the license and corruption that prevailed among the people, still called the 'people of God, made such frightful pi'ogress, that we are tempted to accuse contemporary authors and ocular wit- nesses of employing great exaggeration in their recitals. In this state of decline, amidst such shameful disorders, the most wise and prudent of the prelates and barons thought the best step they could adopt would be to give an able and worthy leader to the Christian colonies, and they entreated Isabella, the widow of Henry of Champagne, to take a new husband, who might consent to be their so\ereign. Isabella, by three marriages, had already given Palestine three kings. They proposed to her Amaury, who had recently succeeded Guy de Lusignan in the kingdom of Cyprus. An Arabian historian says that Amaury was a wise and prudent man, who loved God and respected humanity. He did not fear to reign, amidst war, troubles, and factions, over the poor remains of the unfortunate kingdom of Jeru- salem, and came to share with Isabella the vain honours of royalty. Their marriage was celebrated at Ptolemais, ^ith more pomp, say histoi-ians, than the posture of affairs warranted. Although this marriage might not remedy all the evils under which the Christians laboured, it at least afforded them the consolatory hope that their discords would be appeased, and that the colonies of the Franks, \\\\i'n better governed, might gatlicr some fruit from so many viotoi'ieri gained over the infidels. But news which arrived HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES- 81 from the West, soon spread fresh grief through the kingdom, and put an end to the barren exploits of the holy •war. Amidst the festivities which followed the marriage and coronation of Amaury, the death of the emperor Henry YI. was announced.* The election of a new head of the empire wonld most probably produce a violent contest in Germany ; and every one of the German princes or nobles then in Palestine, naturally turned his attention to that which he had to hope or fear in the events preparing in Europe : they determined to return immediately into the AVest. The count de IMontfort and several other French knights had but recently arrived in the Holy Land, and earnestly entreated the German princes to defer their return. The pope likewise, on receiving intelligence of the death of Henry VI., wrote to the leaders of the Crusaders, to im- plore them to finish their good work, and not to abandon the cause of Christ ; but neither the prayers of the count de Montfort nor the exhortations of the pope could detain the Germans, impatient to return to their country. Of so many princes who had left the West to secure a triumpli to the cause of God, the queen of Hungary alone Avas faithfu'. to her vows, and remained with her knights in Palestine.! On quitting Syria, the Germans contented themselves -with leaving a garrison in .Tafia. A short time after their depar- ture, whilst celebrating the feast of St. Martin with every excess of drunkenness and debauchery, this garrison was surprised and massacred by tlie Saracens. J .AVinter Avas * Arnold of Lubec saj's that the news of the death of the emperor of Germany arrived before the siege of Thoron ; but it is not jirobable that the Crusaders, ^\ho were suddenly so anxious to return to the West 0:1 account of the troubles that threatened Germany, should have under- taken the siege of Thoron after hearing of a death which must give rise to great events in Europe. Henry died in the month of Septembt-r, 1196 ; the siege of Thomn was begun nearly at the same time; thus t'uc Crusaders could not be informed at that ])eriod of a circumstance wliii 11 made them so suddenly renounce the holy war. t Le Fere Maimbourg bestows the greatest praise upon the widow <.f Bela. " This example," says he, " makes apparent thai which has ot'tea been seen in other princesses, that heroic virtue is not at all dependent uu eex, and that it is possible to make up for we.kness of temperament and bodv by qreati.ess of soul and strength of mmd." X Fuller, iin English historian, speaks of this disaster at great length. An his work is scarce, 1 «ill t.anslate the passage from it relative to this 62 HISTOET OF THE CRUSADES. approaching ; neitlier party could keep the field ; discord reigneu equally among Christians and INIussulmans ; ai .d both sides were desirous of peace, because they were incapable of carrying on the war. The count de Montfort concluded with the Saracens a truce for three years. Thus terminated this crusade, which only lasted a few months, and was really nothing but a pilgrimage for the warriors of the West. The victories of the Crusaders rendered the Christians masters of all the coasts of Syria ; but their precipitate departure destroyed the fruits of their conquests. The cities they had obtained were left without defenders, and almost without inliabitants. This fourth crusade, in which all the powers of the West miscarried in an attempt upon a little fortress of Syria, and which presents us with the strange spectacle of a holy war directed by an excommunicated monarch, furnishes the his- torian with fewer great events and a smaller number of great misfortunes than the preceding expeditions. The Christian armies, which made but a transient visit to the East, experienced neither the famine nor the diseases that had proved so fatal to the former enterprises. The foresight and attention of the emperor of Germany, who had become muster of Sicily, provided for all the wants of the Crusaders, wliose exploits were intended to assist his ambitious projects, and whom he con^jidered as his own soldiers. crusade, in which the impartial reader will find the gross misrepresenta- tions of a violent enemy of the Crusaders. " In this war," says he, " we may contemplate an episcopal army which might have served for a synod ; or, more truly, it offers us a picture of the Church militant Many captains returned home secretly, and when the soldiers wanted to fight, the officers went away : what remained of this army fortified themselves in .Tatfa. The feast of St. Martin, that great saint of Germany, tell at this time. This holy man, a German by birth, and bishop of Tours in France, distinguished himself eminently by his charity. The Germans chaniied his cljarity for the poor into excess for themselves, observing the 11th of November in such a manner that it ought no longer to be calkd a saint's day, but a day of festivity. Drunkenness reduced them to such a state, that the Turks, falling upon them, killed more than twenty thou- sand of them. This day, which the Germans write in red letters in their calendars, takes its colour from their own blood, and ae tht-ir camp was a slaughter-house, the Turks were their butchers. We may compare them to the oxen of St. Martin, which ditler little from droves of drunkards.' — Nicol. Fuller, h. ii. chap. xvi. p. IX',. [I really cannot see Uidt oW Fuller is so very widely wrong. — Tkans.] HISTOitl' or TUE CKUSADE3. 33 The German warriors that composed the Clirist'au ai-mies l)ad not the requisite qualities to secure the advantages of victory.* Always ready to throw themselves blindly into danger; quite ignorant that it is possible to ally prudence with courage ; listening to nothing but the violence of their own passions, and recognising no law but theif own will ; obedient to leaders of their own nation, and despising all othei'S ; full of an indomitable pride, which made them dis- dain the help of their allies and the lessons of experience, such men could neither make peace nor war. When we compare these new Crusaders with the com- panions of Eichard or Godfrey, we find in them the same ardour for tight, the same indifference for danger ; but we find them very delicient in that enthusiasm which animated the first soldiers of the cross at the sight of the holy places. Jerusalem, which had never ceased to be open to the devo- tion of the faithful, no longer beheld within its walls that crowd of pilgrims which, at the commencement of the holy wars, repaired thither from all parts of the AVest. The pope and the leaders of the Christian army forbade Crusaders to enter the holy city without having conquered it; and they, who did not always prove so docile, obeyed the prohibition without pain. More than a hundred thousand warriors tliat had left iCurope for the purpose of delivering Jerusalem, retui-ned to their homes without having entertained perhaps one thought of visiting the tomb of Christ, for which they had taken up arms. The thirty ounces of gold promised by the emperor to all who should cross the sea to fight the infidels, very much increased the nund)er of the Crusaders ; this was not the case in former expeditions, in which the crowd of soldiers of the cross was influenced principally by religious motives. More religion than politics had entered into the other holy wars ; in this crusade, although it had been directly promoted by the head of the Church, and was to a considerable extent directed by bishops, we may safelv say there was more of politics than religion. Pride, ambi- * Tliis is the picture of ttie Hermans in the chronicle of Usperg : — Bfllicosi, crudeles, expensaruni prodigi, rationis expertes, voluntatera pro jure habentes, ensibus invicti j in iiulhs, nisi hoiuinibus suae gentis coiiftdentes ; ducibus suis fidelissimi, et quibus vitam citius quara fidetn posses aulerre. 84 HISTOKS OF THE CI...SADES. tion, jealousy, the most disgraceful passions of the human heart, did not make an effort, as in the preceding expedi- tions, to cover themselves with a religious veil. The arch- hishop of Mayence, the bishop of Hijdeshehn, with most of the other ecclesiastics who took the cross, attracted uo ad- miration for either their wisdom or piety, or distinguished themselves by any personnl quality. Conrad, the chancellor of the empire, on his return to Europe, was followed by the suspicions which had been attached to his conduct during the holy war ; and when, a long time after, he was slain by several gentlemen of AVurtzburg, who consjDire.d. against him, the people considered his tragical death as a punishment from Heaven. Henry YI., who had preached the crusade, only viewed this distant expedition as a means and an opportunity for increasing his power and extending his empire ; whilst the West put up prayers for the success of a holy war, of which he was the life and soul, he prosecuted an impious war, desolated a Christian people for the purpose of subject- ing them to his laws, and threatened the empire of Greece.* The son of Tancred was deprived of his sight, and cast into prison, and the daughters of the king of Sicily were carried away into captivity. Henry's barbarities were so excessive, that he irritated his neighbours, and created enemies in his own family. AVhen he died, a report prevailed in Europe that he had been poisoned ; the nations that he had ren- dered miserable could not believe that so many cruelties could remain unpunished, and they asserted that Provi- dence had employed the wife of the emperor to be his executioner, and to avenge all the calamities he had inflicted \ipon the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. At the approach of death, Heiuy remembered that he had persecuted Eichard; that he had detained a ])rince of the Crusaders in chains, in spite of the solicitations of the father of the faithful ; and he hastened to send ambassadors to the king of * The Latin and Greek chronicles both describe the cruelties of Henry VI. in Sicily. Nicetns, in his history, makes a long enumeration of the punishments invented by tlie emperor of Germany, and says that Greece was on the eve of seeing all the evils that afflicted Sicily fall u; on her t-.rritory, when Henry VI. was removed, as if by an extraordinary uUerposition of Providence. HISTORY OF THE CRUSABES. 35 England, charged -with tlie task of making him a solemn reparation, for so great an outrage. After his death, as he had been excommuuieated, it was thought necessary to address the sovereign poutilF to obtain permission to bury him in the Holy Land; and the pope coolly replied, that they were at liberty to bury him among Christians, but before they did so, they must ofier up many praters to mitigate the anger of God. In taking possession of the boaac\f.d and rich territories of Italy by perfidy and violence, Henry prepared for that unfortunate country a series of revolutions, to be renewed from age to age. The odious war he had made against the family of Tancred, naturally gave birth to other wars injurious to his own family.* In removing so far from Germany with his armies, Henry afforded opportunity tor the formation of powerful parties, which, at his death, dis- puted the imperial sceptre with some success, and at length gave rise to a war in ^^•hich the principal states of Europe wei*e involved. Thus, whilst the other holy wars had contributed to maintain or establish public peace in Europe, this fourth crusade produced divisions among the states of Christendom, without at all diminishing the power of the Saracens, and only served to introduce trouble and confusion into many kingdoms of the West. * We shall see in the end that Sicily cost Frederick II., but particularly young Conrad, the last prince of the family of Svvabia, much embarrass- ment and many misfortunes. BOOK X. FIFTH CEUSADE. A.D. 1198—1204. " Clirislian troops,^'' says J. J. Rousseau, iii his " Contrat Social," "are, as they say, excellent; I deny it; sliow me such ; for my 2^ art, I know no Christian troops.'''' The events we have just related, and those we are about to make known, will, there is no doubt, sufEee to refute this strange paradox of J. J. Eousseau. The author of the "Social Contract" does not dissemble, it is true, the objections that may be made to him from the history of the crusades ; but, ever faithful to his sjstem, and taking no account of historical truths, he answers, that " the Crusaders, far from leiny Chris- tians, were citizens of the Church ; that they fought for their spiritual country, ivhich the Church had rendered temporal nobody k/ioivs how." Strange abuse of reasoning, Avhich con- founds the sense of words, and refuses the title of Christians to those who fought in the name of Christ ! In representing the Crusaders as citizens of the Church, Rousseau doubt- less, meant to say that the popes were the origin of the crusades, and that the soldiers of the cross defended the temporal power of the popes. Vie at once reply that tlie crusades owed their birtli and growth to the religious and warlike enthusiasm tliat animated the nations of the West in the twelfth century, and that without this enthusiasm, xliich was not tlie Avork of the heads of the Church, the preachings of the Holy See would not have been able to \ollect a single army under the banners of the cross. A¥e may further add that, during tlie holy wars, the sovereign }."Oi\tJtls were frequently driven from Piome and despoiled of tlicir stateS; and that "they did not summon the Crusader* HISTOHT OF THE CKUSABKS. 37 to the defence of the power or temporal coxintry of the Church. Not only were the Crusaders not always the blind nistrunients of the Holy See, but they sometimes resisted the will of the popes, and yet in their camps were no less models of valoiir united with Christian piety. No doubt, the leaders were often seduced by ambition, the love of glory, and a passion ibr war ; but religion, well or ill under- stood, acted upon the greater number ; the Christian reli- gion which they defended, or believed they defended, by inspiring them with a desire for the blessings of heaven and a contempt for life, elevated them above all perils, and enabled them to brave death on every occasion. Here is the whole truth ; but this truth is too simple for such as disdain common routes, and cannot form a judgment upon human aft'airs without displaying all the parade of a proud and austere philosophy. For ourselves, who are persuaded that true philosophy consists in studying the human heart and the spirit of societies, not in vain theories, but in the faithful history of past ages ; we will not refute bril- liant sophisms by iong arguments ; but to show in all its splendour the valour of Christian soldiers, we will content ourseh es with pursuing our recital, and making known with impartiality the labours, the reverses, and the victories of the soldiers of the cross.* The departure of the German Crusaders plunged the easteni Christians into grief and consternation ; the colonies, Avhen left to their own resources, were only protected by the truce concluded between the count de Montfort and Malek-Adel. The infidels had too great a superiority over * Our excellent author has conceived a kind of parental affection for the crusades, which makes him blind to their defects. If we speak of the Bpiril of Christianity, certainly the philosopher of Geneva has the advan- tage of him, as his own pages show. Divested of their mundane motives, the crusades were little else than '' a savage fanaticism." There was, at least, as much religious merit in the Mussulmans, who fought to defend their faith. A philosopher may deduce beneficial results from the cru- sades, particularly to Europe ; but he will be much puzzled to prove that that which we now consider a truly Christian spirit, influenced many of the warriors that carried them out, or the churchmen that promoted them. The Inquisition and the crusade against the Albigeois were of the same age, and the principal agents ir, them equally prostituted the name of religion in their horrors. — Trans 38 HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. their enemies to respect, for any length of time, a treaty which they considered as an obstacle to the progress of their power. The Christians, threatened by new perils, again turned their eyes to the West. The bishop of Ptolemais, accompanied by several knights, embarked for Europe, in order to solicit the aid of the faithful. The vessel in wliicli he embarked had scarcely quitted the port, when it was swallowed up by the waves, and the bishop and every person of his suite perished. Other ships, that set sail a short time afterwards, were surprised by the tempest, and forced to return to the port of Tripoli ; so tliat the prayers and complaints of the Christians of Palestine could not reach the ears of their brethren of the West. Nevertheless, the afflicting news of the situation of tlie feeble kingdom of Jerusalem soon became generally known ; sonse pilgrims, escaping from the perils of the sea, described, on their return, the triumphs and threats of the Saracens ; but in the state of Eiu^ope at that moment, nothing could be more difficidt than to induce nations to undertake a new crusade. The death of the Emperor Henry YI. divided the princes and prelates of Germany, and Philip Augustus was still at war with Richard of England. One of the sons of Bela, king of Hungary, who pretended to take the cross, only assembled an army to agitate the kingdom, and get posses- sion of the crown. Amidst the fierce contentions that disturbed Eiu-ope, the Christian people seemed to have forgotten the tomb of Christ : a single man was touched with the misfortunes of the faithful of the East, and was not Avithout hope of alleviating them. Innocent III., at the age of thirty-three, had recently gained the suilrages of the conclave.* At a period of life in which the passions are generally masters, devoted to the most austere retirement, constantly occupied with the study of holy books, and ready at all times to crnfound new here- sies by the force of reason, the successor of St. Peter shed tears on being informed of his elevation ; but when seated on the pontifical throne. Innocent all at once exhibited a new character : the same man, who had appeared to dread * We have a life of Innocent III. which extends to the thirteenth year of his pontificate. This Hfe, Gesta Innocentii , is the more valuable fr-t* Seing written by a ronteniporary. KISTOKT OF THE CV.USADZS. 3& tlie splendour of a lofty position, became most eager, by any means^ to increase his power, and displayed all the ambition and inflexible obstinacy of Gregory A-^II. His youth, -which promised him a long reign ; his ardour in the defence of jus- tice and truth ; his eloquence, his knowledge, his vii-tues, which drew upon him the respect of the faithfid, all united to give bii"th to tlie hope that he would assure the triumph of religion ; and tliat he would one day accomplish the pro- jects of his predecessors. As the power of the pope was founded upon the progress of the faith and the holy enthusiasm of the Christians, Jnuocent gave liis first attention to the suppression of the dangerous innovations and imprudent doctrines that began to corrupt bis age and menace the sanctuary; he parti- calarly endeavoiu"ed to re-animate the ardour for the cru- sades : and, to master the minds of kings and nations, to I'u'iiy all Christians, and make them concur in the triumph of the Clmrch, he spoke to them of tlie captivity of Jeru- salem ; he pointed to the tomb of Christ, and the holy places profaned by the presence and the domination of infidels. In a letter* addressed to the bishops, the clergy, the nobles, and people of /ranee, England, Hungary, and Sicily, the sovereign pontiff" made known tlic will, the menaces, and the promises of G-od. " Since the lamentable loss of Jeru- salem," said lie, "the Holy See has never ceased to cry towards Heaven, and to exhort the faithful to avenge the injury done to Christ, thus banished from his heritage. Pormerly Uriah would not enter into his house, or see his wife, whilst the ark of the Lord was in the camp ; but now our princes, in this public calamity, abandon themselves to illegitimate amours ; immerse tliemselves in voluptuousness ; abuse the blessings that Clod has given tliem ; and pursue each other with implacable hatred ; only thinking of re- venging their own personal injuries, they never consider that oui' enemies insidt us, saying : ' Where is your God, who cannot deliver himself out of our hands j' We have pro- faned your sanctuary, and the places in which you pretend * We maj' consult, for the preachings of this crusade, the let'ers of Innocent III. Some details will be found in Roger de Ilovedⅈ Matthew Paris, &c. &c. 40 HISTORY OF THE CHUSADKS. your superstition Jiad its hirth ; we have crushed the arms of the i\cnch, the H^iglish, the Germans, and subdued a second time the proxid Siianiards : ichat remains then for xis to do 1 to drive out those you have left in Si/ria, and to penetrate into the JVest to efface for ever hoth your name and your memory.' " Assuming tlien a more paternal tone : " Prove," cried Inno* cent, " tliat you have not lost yoiu- courage ; be prodigal, in the cause of God, of aU you have received from him ; if, on an occasion so pressing, you refuse to serve Christ, what excuse will you be able to ofter at his terrible tribunal ? If Grod died for man, sliall man fear to die for his God ? WiU lie refuse to give up his transitory life and the perishable goods of this world for him who lays before us the treasures of eternity ?'' Prelates were at the same time sent through all tlie coun- tries of Euro])e, to preach peace among princes, and exhort them to unite against the conunon enemies of God. These prelates, clothed in the full confideace of tlie Holy See, were to engage cities an.l liobles to equip, at their own expense, for the Holy Land, a certain number of warriors, to serve there during two years at least. They promised remission of sins,* and the special protection of the Church f to all that woidd take up the cross and arms, or would contribute to the equipment and support of the soldiers of Christ. To receive the pious tribute of the faithful, boxes were placed in ail tlie churches. At tlie tribunal of penitence, the ■•u'iests were ordered to command aU sinners to concur in f 1,0 holy enterprise ; no error could fina grace before God, without the sincere will of participating in the crusade; zeal for the deliverance of the holy places appeared to be at I hat time the only virtue the pope required of Christians, and even charity itself lost some of its value, if not exercised in promoting the crusades. As the Church of Rome was reproaclied with imposing upon the people burdens to which * Villehardouin expiesses himself thus when spraking- of the indul- fre.uces of the pope : — For ce oil pardon fut issi grand, si s'en emeurent mult li cuers des genz, at mult s'lii croij.icreiit, porce que li pardon iie si jrr.ind. (The pnr(loii was so great that the hearts of people were moved, and many took the cross because the p irdon was so great, or complete.) f Gretser has spoken at great length of the indulgences granted to the Crusaders. — l)e truce, to}, iji. b. ii. c. 3. niSTOJlY OF THE CUL'SADKS. H %ke only applied the tip of her otvnfn^c/er, the pope exhorted the heads of the ck'rgy, and the clergy themselves, to set au example of devoteduess and sacrihces. Innocent ordered his gold and silver plate to be melted to defray the expenses of the holy war, and would allow none but vessels of wood and clay to be seen on his table whilst the crusade lasted. The sovereign pontiff was so satisfied of the zeal and piety of the Christians, that he wrote to the patrinrch and kinof of Jerusalem, to announce to them the comiii" suc- cours from the AVest. He neglected nothing that coidd augment the numbers of the soldiers of Christ ; he addressed himself to the emperor of Constantinople, and reproached him with indifference for the deliverance of the holy places. The emperor Alexius endeavoui-ed, in his answer, to show his zeal for the cause of religion ; but he added that the time of deliverance was not yet arrived, and that he feared to oppose himself to the will of God, irritated by the sins of the Christians. The Greek prince adroitly reminded hira of the ravages committed in the territories of the empire by the soldiers of Frederick, and conjured the pope to direct his reproofs against those who, feigning to labour for Jesus Christ, acted against the will of Heaven. In his corre- spondence with Alexius, Innocent III. did not at all conceal his pretensions to universal empire, and spoke in the cha- racter of sovereign arbiter of the kings of the East and AVest. He applied to himself these words addressed to Jeremiah : " I have placed thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to pull up and scatter, to edity and to plant." A\ hen speaking of the power of the popes and that of princes, he compared the one to the sun, which lights the universe during the day, and th.e other to the moon, which lights the earth during the night. The pretensions that Innocent put forth, and the haugh- tiness with which he sought to establish them, were, no doubt, injurious to the etl'ect of his exhortations, and must have weakened the zeal of the Christian ])rinces whom he wished to persuade to undei'take the crusade. The princes and bishops of Germany were divided between Otho of Saxony and Philip of fSwabia ; the sovereign pontiif ])ro- nounced strongly for Otiio, and threatened with the thun- ders of the Church all who assisted the opposite^pai'ty. In Vol. II— 3 42 niSTORV OF THE CRtSABES. tlie dissensions occasioned hy this momentous affair, some availed themselves of the opportunity to gain the favour of the pope, and others to secure themselves from the effects of his anger ; but all Germany being engaged in the quarrel, nobody took the cross. One of the pope's legatpg, Peter of Capua, succeeded in re-establishing peace between Kichard Coeur de Lion and Philip Augustus. Richard, who was desirous of conciliating the good-will of tlie Holy See, constantly promised to equip a fleet and collect an army to go and make war against the infidels. He proclaimed a tournament in his capital, in the /:nidst of which he called upon the barons and knights to /oUow him into the East ; but all these demonstrations, the sincerity of which was very suspicious, remained unproduc- tive. It was not long before war again broke out between Prance and England ; and Richard, who on all occasions repeated his vow of combating the infidels, was killed in a petty quarrel with Christians. Philip Augustus repudiated Ingeburge, daughter of the king of Denmark, to marry Agnes de Meranie. The sove- reign pontiff, in a letter addressed to the faithful, strongly censured princes who gave themselves up to illegitimate amours ; he ordered Philip Augustus to take back Inge- burge, and as Philip refused to obey, the kingdom of Prance was placed under an interdict. During several months all religious ceremonies were suspended ; the pulpits of the Gospel ceased to give forth the holy word ; church bells and the voice of prayer were silenced ; Christian burial was refused to the dead ; the sanctuary was closed against the faithful ; a long mourning veil seemed to hang over cities and plains, from whicb the Christian religion was banished, and which might almost be fancied to be invaded by tlie Saracens. Altliough such as took the cross were exempt from the interdict, the spectacle whicli Prance presented discouraged and saddened its inhabitants. Philip Augusti s, irritated against the pope, showed very little disposition tc* revdve their zeal ; and the clergy, whose influeiice might have had a powerful effect, had less reason to deplore the captivity of Jerusalem than the unhappy state of the kingdom. At length a cure of JN'uuilly-sur-Maine began to fill Prance with the fame of his eloquence and his miracles. Poulqueg HISTORY OF TUE CEUSi^DES. 4!S had at first led could save his country aroused his activity and inflamed his courage ; with the spirit of calculation and economy which distinguished his compatriots, Dandolo mingled passions the most generous, and threw an air of grandeur over all the enterprises of a trading people. His patriotism, always sustained by the love of glory, ap- peared to possess soniethingof that sentiment of honour, and that chivah'ic greatness of soul which formed the predominant characteristic of his age. Dandolof praised with warmth an enterprise that appeared * Nicetas says in hishistor}', that Dandolo was styled " The Prudent of the Prudent." f Several historians say that Dandolo was blind, and that the emperor Manuel Comnenus had deprived him of sight during an abode he made at Constantinople. One of his descendants, Andre Dandolo, says merely in his history that his ancestor was shortsighted (viau debilis). The part of the story connected with Manuel Comnenus a])pears to be a fable. Historians difft^r as to the age of Dandolo : Ducauije, at the period of the crusade, gives him ninety -four years. Gibbon does not doubt of his blindness, though he has no faith in its having bi en caused by Manuel ; but he certainly assigns to hiin actions that could scarcely be performed 3* 50 llltJlOltr OF THE CRUSADES. glorious to him, and in which the interests of his countrj were not opposed to those of rougion. The deputies re- quired vessels to transport four thousand five himdred knights and twenty tliousand foot, with provisions for the Christian army for nine juonths. Dandolo promised, in the name of the republic, to furnish the necessary pro\isions and vessels, on condition that the Crnsaders sliould engage to pay the Venetians the sum of eighty-five thousand silver marks.* As he was not willing that the people of Venice should be luiconnected with the expedition of the French Crusaders, Dandolo proposed to the deputies to arm, at the expense of the republic, fifty galleys, and demanded for his country half of the conquests that might be made in the East. The deputies accepted without hesitation the more in- terested than generous proposals of the doge. The condi- tions of the treaty were first examined in the doge's coun- cil,t composed of six patricians ; it was afterwards ratified in two other councils,;}; and at last presented for the sanction of the people, who then exercised supreme power.§ A general assembly was convoked in the church of St. IMark, and when the mass of the Holy Ghost had been cele- brated, the marshal of Champagne, accompanied by the other deputies, arose, and addressing the people of Venice, pro- nounced a discourse, the simple and unatiected expressions of which paint, better than we possibly can, the spirit and feelings of the heroic periods of our history. || " The lords by a blind man. He does not believe the accounts of his very advanced agH, saying, — " It is scarcely possible that the powers of mind and body i-hould support themselves at such an Hge."— Trans. * Weight of Cologne or Geneva^ See the terms of the treaty. •f- The Venetians undertook, in the treaty^ to distribute to each indi- viduHJ of the army of the Crusaders, six setters of bread, corn, wheat, or ve.'Ctables, and half a \:\tcher {demi-ouc/ie) of wine; for each horse three bushels, Venetian measure, aud water in sufficient qu atities. We are not able to value the six sellers of corn, or the half-pitclier of wir.e, having no means of ascertaining the Venetian measures. X The original treaty may be seen in the ChTonicle of Andrew Dandolo, pages 325, 328 of vol. xii. of Muratori. § From the thirteenth century the aristocracy began at Venice to get the l)etter of the democracy. — See Hintory of Veiiire, by Laugier. II Sevcrnl authors have thought that Villehardouin could not write ; and they found their opiiuon upon what he hiuisclf says, — " /, who diddled HISTORY or THE CRUSADES. 5x and barons of France, the most high and the most powerful^ have sent us to you to pray you, in tlie name of God, to take pity on Jerusalem, wliich the Turks liold in bondage ; tliey cry to you lor mercy, and supphcate you to accompany them to avenge the disgrace of Jesus Christ. They have made choice of you, because they know that no people that be upon the sea liave so great power as your nation. They have commanded us to throw oiu'selvea at your feet, and not to rise until you shall have granted our request, initil you shall have had pity on the Holy Land beyond the seas." At these words the deputies were moved to tears,* and feeling it no degradation to humble themselves in the cause of Christ,t they fell upon their knees and held up their hands in a supplicating manner towards the assembly of the people. The strong emotion of the barons and knights communicated itself to the A^enetians, and ten thousand voices replied as one, " We grant your request.'''' The doge, ascending the tribunal, praised highly the earnestness and loyalty of the French barons, and spoke with- enthusiasm of the honour God conferred upon the people of Venice in choosing them from amongst all other nations,;]: to partake in the glory of the most noble of enterprises, and associate them with the most valiant of warriors. He then read the treaty entered into with the Crusaders, and conjured his assembled fellow- citizens to give their consent to it in the forms ordained by this work.'' However that may be, the history of Villehardouin has been, jironounced by learned men to be a model of ihe language that has ceased to be French. In the sixteenth century the language of the marshal of Chainpasne was already not understood ; his history was turned into modern French by Blaise de Vigenere towards the end of the sixteenth century ; this rrinslation has itself become so old as to ^;e now scarcely intelligible. Tlie new version that Ducange made of it in the efiventeenth century rtill bears an impres.-ion of antiquity, which preserves something of the vaivete oi the original. We shall often have occasioa to quote Villehardouin ; but we shall only quote the ancient versions, and sometimes from a translation we have ourselves made, alwajs endeavouring to preserve as far as possible the simplicity of the old language. * Gibbon says, " A reader of Villehardouin must observe the frequent tears of the marshal and his brother knights ; they weep on every occasion of grief, jov, or devotion.'" — Trans. t Maintenant li six messagers s'ageneuillent a la pies mull plorant.— Vlllehardoxiin, lib. i. X Persua sum omnes liabent, solos Venetos mari, Gallos terr^ prsepo- ♦entes csae. — Rhamn. lib. i. 52 niSTORY OF THE CETJSADES. the laws of the republic. Then the people arose, and cried with an unanimous shout, " JVe consent to it.'" All t]i6 in- habitants of Venice Avere present at this meeting ; an im- mense multitude covered the place of St. Mark and filled the neighbouring streets. Eeligiovis enthusiasm, love of coun- try, surprise and joy were manifested by acclamations so loud and general, that it might be said, according to the ex- pression of the marshal of Champagne, " that the world tvas about to engage in one common conflict." On the morrow of this memorable day, tlie deputies of the barons repaired to the palace of St. INfark, and swore qn their swords and the Gospel, to fulfil all the engagements they had made. The preamble of the treaty recalled the faults and the misfortunes of the princes who had to tliat time undertaken the deliverance of tlie Holy Land, and praised the wisdom and prudeiice of the French lords and knights, who neglected nothing to assure the success of an enterprise full of difficulties aiid perils. The deputies were charged to endeavour to cause the conditions they had sworn to to be adopted by their brothers in arms the barons and knightSjby the ivhole of their nation, and if possible, by their sovereign lord the Icing of France. The treaty was written on parchment and sent immediately to Eome, to receive the approbation of the pope ; and, full of confidence in the future, as well as in the alliance they had contracted, the French knights and the patricians of Venice exchanged the most touching protestations of friendship.* The doge lent the barons the sum of ten thousaiid silver mai-ks, and the latter swore never to forget the services the republic had rendered to Jesus Christ. " There were then shed," says Villeliardouin, "many tears of tenderness and joy." The government of Venice was a new spectacle for the French nobles; deliberations of the people were perfectly unknown to them, and must have struck them with asto- nishment. On the other side, the embassy of the knighta and barons could not fail to flatter the pride of the Vene- tians ; the latter felicitated themselves upon being thus ac- knowledged as the greatest maritime nation, and, never * Vigenere, the translator of Villeliardouin, informs us that in his time the treaty between the Venetians and the French, concluded in tha munth of April, 1201, was still preserved in the Chancery of Venice. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 53 Bepariiting their glory from their commercial int^reata, rC' joiced at having made so advantageous a bargain. The knights, ou the contrary, only thought of honour and the cause of Christ ; and althougli the treaty was rumous to the Crusaders, they bore back the news to their companions in arms with the greatest joy and satisfaction.* The preference given to the Venetians by the Crusaders naturally excited the jealousy of the other maritime powers of Italy ; thus the French deputies, upon going to Pisa and Genoa to solicit the aid of the two republics in the name of Jesus Christ, met with a cold reception and a perfect indif- ference for the deliverance of the holy places. The account of what had taken place at Venice, and the presence of the barons, did not fell, however, to arouse the enthusiasm of the inhabitants of Lombardy and Piedmont ; a great number of them took the cross and arms, and pro- mised to follow Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, to the Holy Land. The marshal of Champagne, whilst crossing Mount Cenis, met Gauthier de Brienne, who had taken the cross at the castle of Eery, and was on his way to Apulia. He had mar- ried one of the daughters of Tancred, last king of Sicily. Followed by sixty knights of Champagne, he was going to endeavour to make good the claim.s of his wife, and conquer the kingdom founded by the Xorman knights. The marshal Villehardouin and Gauthier de Brienne congratulated each other upon the brilliant prospects of their expeditions, and promised to meet again in the plains of Egypt and Syria. Thus the future presented nothing to the knights of the * The author of the History of the Republics of Italy recapitulates thu3 the sum that was due to the Venetians by the Crusaders : — For four thousand five hundred liorses, at four ~l -.o nr.r^ marks per horse j ' For the knights, at two marks per knight 9,000 For twenty thousand foot- soldiers, at two marks "1 ,„ ^^.^ per soldier / ' For two squires per horse, nine thousand squires. . 18,000 Total marks 85,000 fiigl ty-five thousand marks of silver are equal to four millions twf hundred and fifty thousand francs. 54 HISTORY Cr THE CEUSADES. cross but victories and trophies ; and the hope of conqiiering distant kingdoms redoubled their ardour. When the deputies arrived in Champagne, they found Thibault dangerously ill. The prince was so delighted at learning the success of their embassy, that, heedless of the disease that had confined him to bis bed, he insisted upon putting on his armour and mounting on horseback ; but "tliis was great pity and misfortune," says Villeliardouin ; " for the malady increased, and gathered such strength, that he declared his will, took leave of his friends, and got no more on horse- back." Thibault, the model and hope of the Christian knight,s, died in the flower of his age, deeply regretted by his vassals and companions in arms. He deplored before the barons the rigorous destiny that condemned him thus to die without glory, at the moment that he was about to gather the palms of victory or of martyrdom in the plains of the East ; he exhorted them to perform the vow he had made to God to deliver Jerusalem, and left them all his tx*easures to be em- ployed in this holy enterprise. An epitaph in Latin verse, which still exists, celebrates the virtues and pious zeal of Count Thibault, recalls the preparations for his pilgrimage,* and terminates by saying, that this young prince found the heavenly Jerusalem, tvhen about to seek the earth!// Jerusalem. After the death of tlie count of Champagne, the barons and knights who had taken the cross, assembled to choose another leader, and their election fell upon the count deBar and the duke of Burgundy. The count de Bar refused to take the connnand of the Christian army. Eudes III., duke of Burgundy, still mourned the death of his father, who had died in Palestiue after the third crusade, and could not be induced to quit his duchy to undertake the pilgrimage to the East. The refusal of these two princes was a subject of scandal for the soldiers of the cross ; and contemporary his- tory informs us tliat they afterwards repented of tlie indif- ference they had evinced for the cause of Christ.f The duke * Thibault was bmied in the church of St. Stephen of Troyes ; his epitaph finishes with these verses : — Tt-rreiiam qua?rens, coelestem rejiperit urbem ; Dum procul hsec potilur, obviat ille dorni. •f The History o/ liurnundy hy Courtepee and Beguillet has here com • IIISTOEr OF THE CIIVSADES. 55 of Burgundy, wlio died within a few years, was desiroiis of taking the cross on his bed of death, and, to expiate his fault, sent several of his warriors into Palestine. The knights and barons then otiered the command to Boniface, marquis of Montferrat.* Boniface belonged to a family of Christian heroes ; his brother Conrad had rendered himself famous by the defence of Tyre, and he himself had already fought many times against the infidels : he did not liesitate in complying with the wishes of the Crusaders. He came to Soissous, where he received the cross from the hands of the cure of jSTeuilly, and was proclaimed leader of the crusade in the church of Xotre Dame, in the presence of the clergy and the people. Two years had passed away since the sovereign pontift' had ordered the bishops to preach the crusade in their dioceses. The situation of the Christians of the East be- came every day more deplorable ; the kings of Jerusalem and Armenia, the patriarchs of Antioch and tlie holy city, and the grand masters of the military orders, addres.sed day after day their complaints and lamentations to the Holy See. Touched by their prayers. Innocent again exhorted the faith- ful, and conjured the Crusaders to hasten their departure ; warmly censuring the indifl'erence ol those who, after having taken the cross, appeared to be forgetful of their vow. The Christian father, above all, reproached the ecclesiastics with their tardiness in paying the fortieth part of their revenues, destined to the expenses of the holy war : '' and you and we," said he, " and all persons supported by the goods of the Church, ought we not all to fear that the inhabitants of Nineveh should appear against us at the day of judgment, and pronounce our condemnation ? for they were made peni tent by the preacliing of Jonas ; and you, not only you have not rent your hearts, you have not even opened your hands to succour Christ in his poverty, and repidse the opprobrium with which the infidels load him." The epoch of a holy war mitted a great error in mHking Eudes III. set out on the crusade, and take a part in thf capture of Constantinople. * Villehardouin makes thus the eulogy of Boniface, marquis of Mont- ferrat : — " The marquis Boniface is, as every one knows, a very valorous prince, and most esteemed for knowledge of war and feats of arms of any one at the present day living.'* 56 HISTORY or THE CKUSADES. being for Christians a season of penitence, the sovereign pontiff proscribed, in his letters, sumptuousness in living, splendour in dress, and public amusements ; and although the new crusade had been first preached at the tournament of Eery, tournaments were in the number of diversions and spectacles forbidden to all Christians by the holy father during the space of five years, To reanimate the courage and confidence of those who had taken the cross, Innocent told them of the new divisions that had sprung up among the Mussulman princes, and of the scourges with wliich God had recently afflicted Egypt. " God," cried the pontiff", "has struck the country of Babylon with the rod of his power ; the Nile,* that river of Paradise, Avhich fertilizes the land of the Egyptians, has not had its accustomed course. This chastisement has given them up to death, and prepared the triumph of their enemies." The letters of the pope had the desired effect. The marquis of Montferrat went into France, towards the autumn of the year 1201, and the Avhole winter was devoted to preparations for the holy war. These preparations were unaccompanied by disorder, and the princes and barons refused to receive xuider their banners any but disciplined soldiers and men accustomed to the use of the lance and the sword. Some voices were raised against the Jews, whom they desired to force to contribute to the expenses of the holy war ;t but the pope took them under his protection, and threatened all who made attempts upon their lives or liberty with excommuni- cation. * At the same time that Egypt pxi)erienced all the horrors of famine, Richard of St. Germain an t the Chronicle of Fossa-Nova (see Muratori) say that a great dearth was ftlt in Italy and Spain ; one of them adds that this year, 1202 was known under the name of " annus fainis " Mezerai speaks of tliis famine, wliich was felt in France, and attributes it to the war then carried on between Philip and Richard. " The two kings," says he, " pillaged the lauds, pulled up tht-ir vines, cut down the trees, cut the harvest whilst unripe, and destroyed more cities and towns in one duy than had been built in ages. Famine followed these hoirible ravages, says an autlior ; so that many of the richest were reduced to beg their bread, and finding none to give it to them, ate grass and burrowed in the eajth for roots." t The pD^e was satisfied with liberating the Crusaders from the usurious deliss which they owed to the Jews. At tha period all interest upon money lent was considered usury UISTORT OF THE CRUSADES. 57 Before tliey left their homes, the Crusaders had to deplore the loss of the holy orator who had awakened their zeal and animated their courage. Foulques fell sick, and died in his parish of Neuilly. Some time hefore, loud murmurs had been heard respecting his conduct, and his words had ceased to exercise tlieir accustomed power over the minds of his auditors. Foulques had received considerable sums of money- destined for the expenses of the holy Avar, and as he was accused of appropriating those to his own use, the more money he amassed, says James of Yitri,* the more con- sideration and credit he lost. The suspicions attached to his conduct were not, however, generally credited. The marshal of Champagne informs us, m his history, that the knights and barons were deeply affected by the death of the cui'e of JS^euilly. Foulques was buried in the church of his parish with great pomp ; his tomb, a monument of the piety of his contemporaries, attracted, even in the last century, the respect and veneration of the faithful. t With the earliest days of spring the Crusaders prepared to quit their homes, " and knew," says Villehardouin, " that many tears were shed at their parting, and at taking leave * Jacques of Vitri, when speaking of the snsp'cions and murmurs that arose against Foulques of Neuiliy, expresses himself thus : — Et crescente pecunia, timor et reverentia decresi;ebant. t The Ablje Lebeuf, in his History of ihe Diocese of Paris, vol. vi. p. 20, gives us a description of the tomb of Foulques of Neuiliy, which was still standinef in the last century. " The tomb of Foulques, the famous cure of this place about the year 1200, is in the nave, before the entrance to the choir, built of stone a foot and a half high. It is the work of the uge in which this pious personage died. Foulques is repre- sented in relief upon the monument, clothed as a priest, his head bare, having the tonsure on the top, and the hair so short that the whole of his ears is vi-ible. A book is laid upon his breast, which he does not hold, as Ids hands are crossed above, the right placed upon the left. His chasublr- and his manipule rejiresent the vestments of his times. He has under him a kind of footstool, cut in the stone, and two angels in relief inct-nse his head, which is placed towards the west ; for, after the ancient manner, his feet are pointed to the east, or the altar. It is not true, as has been said, that this tomb is incensed, nor has it any arms. He is called in ihs country Sir Foulques, and sometimes Saitit Sire Foulques. There is a tradition that the canons of St. ^Nlaur formerly endeavoured to carry it away ; but the immobdity of the car with which this story is adorned, tells us what degree of faith may be attached to it." M. I'Ahb-j Chastelain names his d:;ath, in his Universal Martyrology, as having taken --lace on the 2nd of March, 1201, and qualifies him as venerable. 58 HISTOET OF THE CIIUSA.DES. of their relatious and friends." The count of Flanders, the counts of Blois and St. Paul, followed by a great number of Flemish warriors and their vassals ; the marshal of Cham- pagne, accompanied by several Champenois knights, ad- vanced across Burgundy, and passed the Alps to repair to A^enice. The Marquis Boniface soon joined them, bringing ■with him the Crusaders of Lombardy, Piedmont, 8avoy, anu the countries situated between the Alps and the lihone. Yenice also received within its walls the warriors from the banks of the Ehine, some under the command of the bishop of Halberstadt, and others under that of Martin-Litz, who had persuaded them to take arms, and still continued 'to animate them by the example of his wtues and piety. Wlien the Crusaders reached Venice,* the fleet that was to transport them into Asia, was ready to set sail : they were at first received with every demonstration of joy ; but amidst the festivities that followed their arrival,t the Venetians called upon the barons to redeem their word, and pay the sum agreed upon for transporting the Christian army ; and then it was that, with deep grief, the barons became aware of the absence of a great number of theii' companions in arms. Jean de JNTesle, chatelain of Bruges, and Thierri, son of Philip, count of Flanders, had promised Baldwin to bring to him, at Yenice, Marguerite, his wife, and a chosen band of Flemish warrioi's : tliey did not keep their appointment, for having embarked upon the ocean, they had directed their course to Palestine, lieuaud de Dampierre, to whom Thi- bault, count of Cliampagne, had left all his trea.sures to be employed in the vovage to tlie Ploly Land, had embarked with a great number of Champenois knights at the port of Bari.. The bishop of Autun, Gilles, count of Ferez, and severa. other leaders, after having sworn upon the Gospel to join the other Crusaders, had set out from Marseilles, and othei's from Genoa. Thus half the Crusaders did not come to * Yilleliardouin says, when speaking of the arrival of the Crusaders at Venice, " No nobler pe^iple were ever seen, nor better appointed, nor more disposed to do something good for tiie honour of God and the service of Christendom." f Upon the sojourn of the Crusaders at Venice, Gesta Innticentii^ Villeliardnuin and Ducinge, Sanuti, Herold, D'Outnnian, Fleury, His- ioire F.ccleniastique, vol. xviii., rAbbu Langier, t<.c ficc, iruy be con- sulted HISTORY OF TUE CKUSADES. 59 Venice, wliicli had been agreed upon as tlie general rendez- vou'5 of the Ci J-istian army : " by v.hich," says Villehardouin, " they recei zed great shame, and many misadventin-es after- wards befell them in consequence of it." This breach of faith might prove very injurious to the enterprise ; but what most grieved the princes and barons aiES. fj? sxpensea of the war. He will accompany you in p2rson ir the conquest of Syria or ?-gypt ; aud if you think proper, will furnish ten thousauil meii, as his pcrtion of tlie arma- ment ; aud, moreover, will maintabi, during tho whole of his life, five hundred knights in the Holy Laud. But tluic which must weigh above all other considerations, ^vith warriors and Chnstian heroes, is that Alexius is wdling to swear, on the holy Gospel, to put an end to the heresy which now defiles the empire of the East, and to subj(N':t the Greek Church to tlie Cliurch of li<;)nie. So many advantages bemg attached to the enterprise proposed to yon, v,e feel confident you will listen to our prayers. We see in Holy Writ that God sometimes employed men the most simple and the most obscure to miike known his will to his chosen people ; on this occasion, it is a young prince he has ap- pointed the instrument of his designs ; it is Alexius that Providence has commissioned to lead you in the way of the Lord, and to point out to you the road you must follow to render certain the triumph of the armies of Jesus Christ." This discourse made a strong impression upon a great luimber of the knights and barons, but it did not command the suftVages of the whole assembly. The doge and the lords dismissed the ambassadors, telling them they woidd deliberate upon the proposals of Alexius. Warm debates then ensued in the council ; those that had been averse to the siege of Zara, aniong whom the abbot of Vaux de Cernai was still conspicuous, opposed the expedition to Constanti- nople with great vehemence ; they were indignant that the interests of God should be placed in the balance against those of Alexius ; they added that this Isaac, whose cause they were called upon to defend, was himself an usurper, elevated by a revolution to the throne of the Comnenas ; that he had been, during the third crusade, the most cruel enemy of the Christians, the most taitliful ally of the Turks ; as for the rest, the nations of Greece, accustomed to the change of masters, supported the usurpation of Alexius without murmuring, and the Latins had not quitted their homes to avenge the injuries of a people that nsally did not call upon them for aid. The same orators further said, that Philip of Swabia 70 lllSTOKV OF THE CEUSADES. exhorted the Crusader.-j to assist Alexius, but was coute-nt himself with making spee(.*hes and sending ambassadors ; they warned the Christiaiis not to trust to the promises of a young prince, who engaged to fiuniish armies, and had not a single soldier ; who ottered treasures, and possessed nothing ; who, besides, had been brought up amongst the Greeks, and would, most likely, some day turn his arms against his benefactors. "If you are so sensible to misfoi-tune," added they, " and impatient to defend the cause of justice and humanity, listen to the groans of our brethren in Palestine, who are menaced by the Saracens, and who have no earthly hope but in your courage." They moreover told the Cru- saders, that if they wished for easy victories and brilliant conquests, they had but to turn their eyes towards Egypt, the population of which was at that moment devoured by a horrible famine, and which the seven plagues of Scripture yielded up to the arms of the Christians almost without defence. The Venetians, who had cause of complaint against the emperor of Constantinople, were not at all affected by these arguments, and appeared much more inclined to make war upon the Greeks than the infidels ; they were anxious to destroy the warehouses of their rivals the Pisans, now estab- lished in Greece, and to see their ships crossing the straits of the Bosphorus in triumph. Their doge nourished a keen resentment on account of some personal offence ; and to inflame the minds of his compatriots, he magnified all the wrongs inflicted by the Greeks on his own country and the Christians of the West. If ancient chronicles may be believed, Dandolo was im- pelled by another motive, which he did not avow before the Crusaders. Tiie sultan of Damascus, made aware of a Christian army being assembled at Venice, and terrified at ihe crusade that was preparing, had sent a con.^iderable treasure to the republic, to engage it to divert the Crusaders from an expedition into the East. Whether we yield faith to this account, or whether we consider it as a fable invented by hatred and party spirit, such assertions, colh^cted by contemporaries, at least prove that violent suspicions were then entertained against the Venetians by the dissatisfied Crusaders, and particularly by the Christians of Syria, justly HISXOIIT OF THE CEUSADE3. 71 ■rritatod at not being assisted by tlie soldiers of tie cross.* Nevertlieless, we feel bound to add that the majority of the French Crusaders stood in no need of being stimulated by the example or speeches of the doge, to undertake a war against the Greek empire. Even those who opposed the new expedition the most strongly, as well as all the otlier Crusaders, entertained an inveterate hatred and a sovereign contempt for t!ie Greeks ; and the discussions had only the more inilamed the general mind against a nation considered inimical to the Cujistians. Several ecclesiastics, having at their head the abbot of Looz, a personage remarkable for his piety and the purity of his manners, did not accord in opinion with the abbot of Vaux de Cernai, and maintained that thei'e was much dan- ger in leading an army into a country devastated by famine; that Greece presented much greater adv^mtages to the Cru- saders than Egypt, and that there could be no doubt that the conquest of Constantinople was the most certain means of secimng to the Chinstians the possession of Jerusalem. * We find in the contimiator of William of Tyre the following circum- stance : — Malek-Adel being informed that the Crusaders were assembling at Venice, conceived great uneasiness regarding their ulterior designs. He called toiiether the heads of the Christian clergy at Cairo, and an- nounced to them that a new expedition was preparing in Europe, and that they must provide themselves with horses, arms, and provisions. The bishops, to whom he addressed himself to obtain the succour of which he stood in need, replied that their s;icrfd ministry d'd not allow them to fight. " Well," answered Malek-Adel, " s-ince you cannot fight your- selves, you must provide me with men to fight in your place." He then demanded of them an account of the lands they possessed, and ordered that these lands should be sold ; and the money produced by this confis- cation was sent to Venice, tn corrupt the leaders of that republic, and to engage them to divert the Crusaders from an expedition into Egypt or Syria. Malek-Adel at the same lime promised the Venetians all sorts of privileges for their trade in I he port of Alexandria. This singular cir- cumstance, related at first, as we have said, by the continuator of William of Tyre, is to be found also i'U Bernard Thesaurarius, and in the Chronicle of St. Victor. Marin. Sanut, it is true, pa.-ses it by in silence, and con- tents himself with saying that M>ilek-Adel went into Egypt and there collected a treasure. But it may be observed that Marin. Sanut was a Venetian, and had a good reason not to report all the details of a fact which was not to the glory of bis country. Bernard when relating it, adds : — Qualiter autem hujus rei eft'ectus fuerit in opinione patent! multorum est, si legantur quae Veneti cum baronibus ips s peregerunt, detrahendo eos ad obsidionem Jadrte, et demde Constantmopolim. 72 HISTOBY or THE CRUSADES. These ecclesiastics were particiiJ^rly fascinated by the hope of one day seeing the Greek Cliu;^h united to Ihat of Eome, and they constantly aunouuuul „i ilieir discourses the ap- proachmg period of concord and peace among all Christian people. Many knights contemplated with satisfaction the prospect of the luiion of the two churclies, likely to be broiight about by their arms ; but they yielded further to motives not less powerful over their minds ; they had: swoiii to defend iimo- cence and the rights of the oppressed, and they believed they performed their duty in embracing the cause of Alexius. Some of them, without doubt, who had heard of the \bst wealth of Byzantium, might believe that they should not return from such a brilliant undertaking empty handed ; but such was the spirit of the lords and knights, that by far the greater number were attracted by the mere prospect of the perils, and still more by the wonders of the enterprise. After a long deliberation, it was decided in the coimcil of the Crusaders that the proposals of Alexius should be accepted, and that the Clu'istian army should embark for Constantinople at the commencement of spring. Before the siege of Zara, the report of tlie armament of the Crusaders, and of an expedition against Greece had reached the court of Byzantium. The usurper of the throne of Isaac immediately sought for means to avert the storm about to fall upon his states, and hastened to send ambassadors to the pope, whom he considered the arbiter of peace and war in the West. These amb; ssadors were ordered to declare to the sovereign pontiff that the prince who reigned at Constantinople was the only legitimate emperor ; that the son of Isaac had no right to the empire ; that an expedition against Greece woidd be an unjust enter- pri:se, dangerous, and adverse to the great designs of the crusade. The pope, in his reply, did not at all seek to calm tlie fears of the usmper, but told his envoys that young Alexius had numerous partisans among the Crusaders, because he had made a promise to succoiu' the Holy Land ill person, and to put an end to the rebellion of the Greek Church. The pope did not approve of the expedition against Constantinople ; but, by speaking in the way he did, he thought that tiie sovereign who then reigned over Greece IIISTOKY OF THE CKUSADES. 7c .xiight be induced to make the same promises as ilio fugitive prince, and would be more able to fiUfil them ; he conceived a hope that they might treat advantageously, without having recoiu'se to the sword, and that the debates concerning the empire ol' the East would be refeiTed to his supreme tribu- nal. But the elder Alexius, whetiier he was persuaded that he had sufficiently interested the pope in his cause, or whe- ther he deemed it most prudent not to appear alarmed, or^ in short, whether the prospect of a distant danger could not remove his liabitiuil indolence, sent no more ambassadors, and made not the least exertion to pr?| are against the inva- sion of the warriors of the West. In another direction, the king of Jerusalem and the Christians of Palestine never ceased to give vent to their i-omphiints, and to implore the assistance that the head of tlie Church had promised them. The pope, much affected by their prayers, and always zealous for the crusade he had preached, renewed his efforts to direct tlie arms of the Cru- saders against the Saracens. He sent the cardinals, Peter of Capua, and Siftred, into Palestine, as legates of the Holy See, to revive the courage of the Christians, and announce to them the approaching departure of the army of Crusa- ders ; but when he learnt that the leaders had determined upon attacking the empire of Constantinople, he poured upon them the most bitter reprimands, and reproached them with looking hehind thein, as JjoV a wife had done. "Let none among you," said he, " flatter himself that he may be allo-wed to invade or plunder tlie lauds of the Greeks, under the pretence that the empire is not sufficiently submissive, or that the emperor has usurped the throne of his brother ; whatever crime he may liave committed, it is not for you to constitute yourself the judge of it; you did not assume tiie cross to avenge the injuries of princes, but tiiat of Clod." Innocent finislied his letter v^ithout bestowuig his bene- diction upon the Crusaders ; and, to frighten them from their new enterprise, threatened them with the maledictions of Heaven. The barons and knights received the remon- strances of the sovereign pontiff with respect ; but did not at all waver in the resolution they had formed. Then the opponents of the expedition to Constantino])le renewed their complaints, and employed no sort of modera^ 74 HISTO.IY OF Tilt CEUSADBS. tion in their discourses. The abbot of Yaux de Cernai, the abbot Martin Litz, one of tlie preachers of the crusade, the count de Montfort, and a great number of knight? employed every effort to shake the determination of the army ; and when they found they coukl not succeed, resolved to leave them, some to retui-n to their homes, nnd otiiers to take the route to Palestine. Those who abandoned their colours, and those who remained in tlie camp, mutuiUly accused each other with betraying the cause of Christ.* Pive hundred soldiers having thrown themselves on board a vessel, were shipwrecked and all swallowed up by the waves ; many others, in crossing lllyria, were massacrred by the savage in- habitants of that country. These perished ciu'sing the am- bition and errors which had turned the Christian army aside from the true object of the crusade ; whilst those who remained faithful to their standards, deplored the tragical death of their companions, saying among themselves : " The mercy of the Lord has remained with us ; evil he to them who straij from the icaij of the Lord^ The Ivnights and barons regretted in secret that they had not been able to obtain the approbation of the pope, but were persuaded that, by means of victories, they should jus- tify their conduct in the eyes of the Holy See ; and that the father of the faithful would recognise in their conquests the expression of the will of Heaven. The Crusaders were vipon the point of embarking, when voung Alexius himself arrived at Zara. His presence created a fresh enthusiasm for his cause ; he was received amidst the soimds of trumpets and clarions, and presented to the army by the marquis of Montferrat.f whose elder brothers had been connected by marriage and the dignity of Cfesar, with the imperial fiunily of Constantino])le. The barons hailed young Alexius as emperor, with the greater joy, that they hoped his future grandeur would be the work * The mar.shal of Champagne lets no opportunity escape for blaming with bitterness those who abamioned the army of the Crusaders. t A double alliance and the dignity of Caesar had connected the two ehler brothers of Boniface with the imperial faiiiily. Reinier of Mont- ferrat had married Mary, daughter of the emperor Mar.uel Comneinis; C')nra(), who had defended Tyre before the thir I cms de, was married to Theodora A'.igeia, sister of the emperors Isaac and Alexius. IflsrOIlT OF lili CBUSADES. 75 of their hands. Alexius took arms to bre.ik the chains of his father, and they admired in him a most touching model of Christian piety : he was about to combat usurpation, to puuisli injustice, and stifle heresy, and tliey looked upon him as an en\oy of Providence. The misfortmies of princes destined to reign atfect us more sensibly than those of other men ; in the camp of the Crusaders, the soldiers talked over the story of Alexius among themselves, and they pitied his youth, and deplored his exile and the captivity of Isaac. Alexius, accompanied by the princes and barons, went con- stantly among the soldiery, and replied by demonstrations of the warmest gratitude to the generous interest the Cru- saders evinced in his favour. Animated by sentiments which misfortune inspires, and which not mifrequently terminate with it, the young prince was lavish of vows and protestations, and promised even more than he had done by his envoys, without thinking that he placed himself under the necessity of failing in his word, ancl di'awing upon himself, one day, the reproaches of his liberators. The Crusaders, however, renewed every day their vow to place young Alexius on the throne of Constantinople ; and Italy and the whole West rung with the fame of their pre- parations. The empei'or of Byzantium appeared to be the only person ignorant of the war declared against his usurped power, and slept upon a throne ready to crumble from under him. The emperor Alexius, like the greater part of his prede- cessors, was a prince without virtues or character ; when he deposed his brother, he allowed the crime to be committed by his courtiers, and when he was upon the throne he aban- doned to them the charge of his autiiority. He Avas lavish of the treasures of the state, to secu]*e pardon and oblivion for his usurpation; and, to repaii" his finances, he sold jus- tice, ruined his subjects, and plundered the merchant ships that traded between Eamisa and Constantinople. The usui'per scattered dignities and honours with such profusion, that no one thought himself honoured by them, and tliere re- mained ill his hands no true reward for merit. Alexius had associated his wife Euphrosyne with himself iu the sovereign authority, and she filled the empire with her intrigues, and 76 HISTOKY OF THE C UUSADES. ecandalized the court by the laxity of her morals. Under his reigu the empire had been several times menaced by tlie Bulgarians and the Turks ; Alexius occasionally visited the army, but he never laced the enemy. Whilst the Bulga- rians were ravaging his frontiers, he employed himself in levelling hills, and tracing gardens on the shores of the Proponl is. Abandoned to a shameful effeminacy, he dis- banded a part of his army ; and fearing to be disturbed in his pleasures by the din of arms, he sold the sacred vases, and plundered the tombs of the Greek emperors, to purchase peace of the emperor of Germany, who had become master of S oily. The empire had no navy left ; the ministers had sold the rigging and equipments of the vessels, and the woods that might have furnished timber for new ships, were reserved for tlie pleasures of the prince, and guai'ded as strictly, says Nicetas, as those formerly cousecrated to the gods.* Such numbers of conspiracies never were heard of; under a prince who was rarely visible, the goverinnent appeared to be in a state of interregnum ; the impei-ial tlirone was as an empt\' seat, which every ambitious man aspired to occupy. Devotedness, probity, bravery, were no longer held in esteem by courtiers or citizens. Nothing was deemed worthy of public approbation or reward but the invention of a new pleasure or the fabrication of a fresh impost. Amidst this general depravity, the provinces knew nothing of the em- peror but by the exaction of taxes ;t and the army, without * The army vsr.s no longer to be dreaded by the empf rors as it had been in the t-urly days of tlie empire ; but it was no more an object of fear to its enemies than to its master. A modern historian, M. JSismondi, finds in tlie movernment of tl:e Greek empire a complete and iuoon- testable evidence of the natural and necessary effents of the wors.! of governments. The aniMents were acquainted with scarcely any medium between liberty and despotism. The goveiimuin* of Coiistantinoplf had retained, up to the middle of the middle ages, all which characterized the de-potism of the ancients, although we must allow chat this despotism was sometimes temjjered by religion and the influence of the patriarchs of Byzantium. t Lebeau, in bis Hintortj, describes at length the decline of the Greek emp'reand tlie vices of the emperors. Gibbon, a much more enlighteied cbseiver, sometimes neglects important details connected with tlii?. peri'd, and in his latter volumes, too often forgets tne Greeks to speak of the HISTORT OF THE CRUSADES. 77 discipline and without pay, had no leaders ca/)able of com- manding it. Everything announced an approacliing revolu- tion in the ein])ire ; and the peril was the greater from no one having the courage to foresee it. The subjects of Alexius r ever dreamt of obtrtiding truth upon the imperial ear ; birds, taught to repeat satires, alone interrupted the silence of the people, and published from the roofs of houses, and in the high streets, the scandals of tlie court and tlie dis- grace of the empire. The Greeks, at the same time superstitious and con-upt, still preserved some remembrances of ancient Greece and old Rome ; but these remembrances, instead of creating a noble, emulative pride, only nourished in their hearts a puerile vanity, and their history, of which tliey were so vain, only served to render more striking their own degradation and their empire's too evident decay. The voice of patriotism was never heard, and no influence was obeyed but that of the monks placed at the head of affairs of all kinds, who attracted and preserved the confidence of both people and prince bj- frivolous predictions and senseless visions. The Greeks wasted their time in vain disputes, which enervated their character, increased their ignorance, and stifled their patriotism. At the moment the fleet of the Crusaders was about to set sail, Constantinople was in a state of fei-ment with discussing the question whether the body of Jesus Christ, in the Eucharist, is corruptible or incorruptible ; each opinion had its ])artisans, whose defeats or triumphs were, by turns, loudly proclaimed — and the threatened em- pire remained without defenders. The Venetians and French left Zara, and the isle of Corfu was appointed as the place of meeting for the whole fl.eet.* When they landed on the shores of Macedon, the iidiabitants of Duras brought young Alexius the keys of the city, and acknowledged him as their master. The people of Corfu barbarous nations of the East and West that had shared the wrecks of the Romnn pm]iire. * We may consult, for an account of this expedition, the marshal of Cham|iague, Gunther, and some passages of Nicetas. llhamnusius has only made a pompous paraphrase of Villehardouin. Lebeau and the Abbe Laugier say a great deal of the events we are relating. This expe- dition of the Crusaders has been splendidly dei-cribed by the historian Gibbon. 78 HISTORl or THE CEIT6ADE3. were not tardy in following this example, and received the Crusaders as liberators : tlie acclamations of the Greek people, in the pass ige of tlie Latins, was a happy augury for the success of their expedition. The island of Corfu, the countiy of the Phoenicians, so celebrated by the shipwreck of Ulysses and by the gardens of Alcinoiis, afforded the Crusaders pasturage and abundance of provisions. The fertility of the island induced the leaders to remain there several weeks ; but so long a repose did not fail to produce evil consequences in an army supported by enthusiasm, to which no time for reflection should have been allowed, and, amidst indulgence and idleness, the complaints and murmurs of the siege of Zara broke out again. They learnt that Gauthier de Brienne had conquered Apulia and the kingdom of Naples. This conquest, eftected in a few months, by sixty knights, inflamed tlie imagination of the Crusaders, and furnished the malcon- tents with a fresh opportunity for blaming the expedition to Constantinople, the preparations for Avhich were immense, the perils evident, and the success uncertain. " "Whilst we are going," said they, "to exhaust the resources of the West in a useless enterprise, in a distant war, Gauthier de Brienne has made himself master of a rich kingdom, and is preparing to fulfil the promises he has entered into with us to deliver the Holy Land ; why should we not demand vessels of him ? why should we not set out for Palestine with him ?" These speeches prevailed over a great number of the knights, who ■were ready to separate themselves from the army. The chief malcontents had already assembled in a secluded valley to deliberate upon the means of executing tlieir pro- ject, when the leaders of the army were warned of their plot, and immediately united all their efforts to prevent the fatal consequences of it. The doge of Venice, the count of Flanders, the counts of Blois and St. Paid, the marquis of Montferrat, and several bishops clothed in mourning habits, with crosses borne before them, repaired to the valley in which the malcontents were met. As soon as they, from a distance, percei\ed their unfaithful companions, who were deliberating on horseback, they alighted, and advanced to- wards the place of assembly in a suppliant manner. The instigators of the deserlion, seeing tlie leaders and prelates HISTOHT OF THE OKUSADES. 79 of the army coming thus towards them, suspended their deliberations, and themselves dismounted from their horses. The parties approached each other ; the prbices, counts, aud bishops threw themselves at the feet of the malcontents, and. bursting into tears, swore to remain thus prostrated till tlie warriors who wished to abandon them, had renewed the oath to ibllow the army of the Christians, and to remain faithful to the standard of the holy war. " AVlien the others saw," says Villehardouin, an ocular witness, " when they saw their liege lords, their dearest relations aud friends tlius cast themselves at their feet, and, so to say, cry to tliem for mercy, they were moved with great pity, and their hearts were so softened, they coidd not refrain from weeping, and they told them tliat they would consider of it together (Quils s'eii aviseraient 2>(ti' ensemble).'' After having retired for a moment to deliberate, they came back to their leaders, and promised to x'emain with the army until the beginning of autunui, on condition that the barons and lords would swear upon the Gospel to furnish them at that period with vessels to convey them to Syria. The two parties engaged themselves by oath to perform the conditions of the treaty, and returned together to the camp, where nothing now was spoken of but the expedition to Constantinople. The fleet of the Crusaders quitted the island of Corfu under the most happy auspices ; the histonans who have described its progress through that archipelago, so full of remembrances of antiquity, have not been able to refrain from employing the language of poetry. The ^\-ind was favourable, and the sky pure and serene ; a profound calm reigned over the waves ; three hundred vessels of all sizes, with their colours floating from their sterns, covered an im- mense space ; the helmets and cuirasses of tliirty tliousand warriors reflected the rays of the sim ; now were heard sounding over the waters the h> mns of the priests, invoking the blessings of Heaven ; and then the voices of the soldiers, soothing the leisure of the voyage with warlike scngs; and the braying of trumpets and neighing of liorses, mingled with the dashing of oars, resounded from the coasts of the Peloponnesus, which presented themselves to the eyes of the pilgrims. The Crusaders doubled Cape Matapau, known formerly us Tenura, aud passed before the heights of Malea, 80 ITISTOET OF THE CnUSABES. without dread of the rocks so much feared b^' ancient navi- gators. jSTear Cape INFalea they met two vessels returning from Palestine, in vs'hich were many Flemish pilgrims. At sight of the Venetian fleet, a soldier on board one of the two ships, slipped down a rope, and bade adieu to his com- paiuons, saying: " I leave you all I Jiave on hoard, for I am qoincj witJi people wJio intend to conquer kinffdoins.^'* The Crusaders landed at several islands they fell in with on their passage ; the inhabitants of Andros and Negro- pont came out to meet Alexius, and acknowledged him as their emperor. It was the period of harvest, and the land presented, everywhere, a spectacle of the richest abundance. The enjoyment of a beautiful climate, the satisfaction at the submission of the Greeks, so many i-iches, so many wonders, so many unknown regions, all daily increased the enthusiasm of the Crusaders. At length the fleet arrived at the entrance of the Bosphorus, and cast anchor in the port of St. Stephen, three leagues from the capital of the Greek empire. Then the city of Constantinople, of which they were about to eftect the conquest, broke full upon the view of the Crusaders ;t bathed on the south by the waves of the Propoiitis, on the east by the Bosphorus, and on the north oy the gulf that serves as its port, it presented a spectacle at once magnificent and formidable. A double enclosure of walls surrounded it in a circumference of more than seven leagues ; a vast number of splendid buildings, whose roofs towered above the ramparts, appeared to proclaim the queen of cities. The shores of the Bosphorus to the Euxine and * Villelmrdouin. f It would be diffirult to give a vr>ry exact ic?ea of the city of Constan- tinople as it was at the jieriod of this crusade. Among the travellers who have descrihfd tliis capital at a time nearer than our own to the middle ages, we ought to remark Pfter Gilles and Gielot, who saw Constanti- nople, the one in the reign of Francis I., and the other in the reign of Louis XIV. Their description has furnished those who came after them with many documents. Revolutions, wars, the Turks, and fires change every day the aspect of this city, which was already much altered in the times of the travellers we have named. Du(!ange, in his Christiana Con- stantinopolis, and Banduri, in his Tmperium Orientate, have collected all the information of the old travellers and the Greek historians. Among modern travellers Constantinopte, Ancient and Modern, by the English- man Dallaway, and Le Voyage de la Propontide, by M. Lechavalier, may be consulted with advantage. HISTOKT OF THE CUUSADES. Si to the Hellespont, resembled an immense faubourg, or on« continued line of gardens. The cities of Chalcedon and Scutari, built on the Asiatic shore, and Galata, placed at the extremity of the gulf, appeared in the distance, and cro^vned the immense and magnificent picture whicli lay before the -n-arlike hosts of the (.'rusaders. Constantinople, situated between Europe and Asia, be- t^veen the Archipelago and the Black 8ea, joins together the two seas and the two continents. In tlie times of its splendour, it held at its pleasure the gates of connnerce open or shut ; its port, whicli received the vessels of all the nations of tiie world, deserved to be termed by the Greeks, the g.olden Jioni, or f/ir horn ofalmndance. Like ancient Kouit . Constantinople extended over seven ascents, and, like the city of Eoniulus, it sometimes bore the name of the city of the seven hills ; in the times of the crusades, its walls and its towers were compared to those of Babylon ; its deej) ditches were con- verted at will into a large and rapid lake, and the city could, at the least signal, be surrounded by waters, and separated from t'ie continent. The monarch who founded it reigned over all the known nations of the world, and in- the execution of his designs he had the advantage of making the arts and sciences of Greece concur with the genius and power of the Eomans. Not content with employing the beautiful marbles of the isles of the Archipelago, he caused materials to be transported from the extremities of Europe and Asia ; all the cities of the Eomaii empne, Athens, and Rome itself, were spoiled of their ornaments to embellish the new city of the Caesars. Several of the successors of Constantine had repaired tiie edifices that were crumbling into ruins, and had erected fresh monuiTients in Constantinople, which in its temples, upon its public places, and around tlie walls, everywhere re- called the memory of twenty glorious reigns. The city was divided into fourteen quarters; it had thii'ty-two gates; it contained within its bosom circuses of immense extent, five hundred churches, among Avhich St. Sophia claimed atten- tion as one of the wonders of the world ; and five palaces, which themsodves looked like cities in the midft of the great city. INEore fortunate than its rival Ri)me, the city of Con- etantiui; had never beheld the barbariaus wittiin its v.alls ; it 82 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. preserved with its language the depositorv of tlie master- pieces of antiquity, and the aOciiuuilated rit-lies of the East and the West. It would be difficult to paint the enthusiasm, the fear, the surprise that took possession of the minds of the Crusaders at tlie aspect of Constantinople.* The leaders landed, and passed one night in the abbey of St. Stephen. This night was employed in anxious deliberation upon what they had lo do ; at one time they resolved to land upon the isles ; then they determined to make a descent upon the continent. In the very same instant they drew back in terror and gaAC themselves up to a as ild joy ; they could not come to any fixed determination, but changed their plans and their pro- jects a thousand times. At daybreak Uandolo, Boniface, Baldwin, and the count de Blois ordered all the standards of the army to be inifurled ; the escutcheons and coats of arms of the counts and knights were ranged along the ves- sels,t to display the military pomp of the West and recall tw the warriors the valoiu" of their ancestors. The signal was given to the fleet, which entered into the canal, and, driven on by a favourable wind, passed close to the walls of Con- stantinople. An innnense population, ■}; who only the day before were ignorant of the arrival of the Latins, crowded the ramparts and covered the shore. The warriors of the West, clad in complete armoiu'.§ stood erect upon the decks * Having cast anchor, such as had never bt-en theie before betran to contemplate this beautiful and magnificent city, the equal to wliicli th^-y thought could not be tbund in the whole world. Wiien tiiey p-iceived those liigh walls and large towers ^o ne.ir to e;icti other, with whicli it was furnished all round, and those rich ai'd superb palaces and churches rising above all, and in such gre^it number, thai tliey could not easily believe they saw them with their eyes ; together with the fine siiuailon ot the city, in its leng'h and breadth, which of all other cities was the sove- reign, &c. — Villehardouin. •f Ducange, in his ob>ervations upon Villeharv.<)\iin, gives a very learned note upon the arms and escutchcdns which the warriors of the middle ages caused to be ranged on board .their vessels, and whicli served them as battlements to >helter them from all the arrows of the enemy. X The Greek hi^to^ian Nicetas says, that the navigation of the Cru- saders had been so favourable and so rapid, ••that iheyarrivid in the port of St. .Sispis(!d the Greeks, and the troop of Varangians, niercetiary soldiers from the northern parts of Europe, with whose origin and country the Greeks themselves were scarcely acquainted. f The Crusaders made a descent upon the Asiatic shore of the Bosphorus, pillaged the city of Chalcedon, and esta- blished themselves in the palace and gardens in which the emperor Ale.xius had so long forgotten his own dangers and those of his empire. At the approach of the Venetian fleet, this prince had retreated to Constantinople, where, like the * Nicetas says, among the Venetian vessels there was one so large that it was called the World. t The Varangians, who were in the service of the Greek emperors, have given rise to many discussions among the learned. Villeli-.rdouin says that the Varangians were English and Danes. The count de St. Pol, in a letter written from C^onstantinoplc, calls them English, Livo- nians, Dacians. Other historians call them Celts, Germans. The word Varangians appears to be taken from an English word waring,'- which means warri' r ; this word is met wiih in the Danish, and several other tongues of the north of Europe. Ducange thinks the Varangians came from Danish England, a small province of Denmark, between Jutland and Holstein. M. Malte Brun, in the notes that accompany xhe Histo i y of Russia, by Levesque, thinks the Varangians drew thrir recruits from Scandinavia ; that some came from Sweden by Norvogorod and Kiow, others from Norway and Denmark by the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. We still po-sess a dissertation upon the Varangians by M. de Villoison, in which we find more learning than criticism. The mnsi probable opinion is that of Ducange and M. Malte Brun. We have but one observation to make, which is, that it is piobable the Varangians were not members of the Roman church; if they followed the Greek religion, may we not believe that they belonged to the nations of the North, among whom it had been introduced ? * An Englishman is rather at a lo?-s to tell where our author finds tliis word. Johnson derives war hom tcerre — old Dutch. — Trans. 84 HISTORY OF THE CHrsfiDES. last king of Babylon, he continued to live annd^t pleasuroa and festi\ities, witlioiit reflecting tliat lie liad l)een judged, and that iiis hoiir %vas ijearly come. His courtiers, in the intoxication of the banquet, celebrated his power and pro- claimed him invincible ; amidst tlie pomp that surrounded him, and which appeared to him a rampart against tlie attacks of his enemies, he, in liis speeches, insulted the sim- plicity of the Latins, and believed he had conquered them because he had called them barbarians. AVhen he saw tlie Crusaders masters of his palace and gar- dens, he began to entertain some degree of fear, and sent an Italian named liossi, with orders to salute the lords and barons. " The emperor my master," said the envoy ot Alexias, " knows that you are the most puissant and most Boble princes among those who do not wear crowns ; but he is astonished that you should have come to bring war into a Christian empire. Rumour proclaims that youi* design is to deliver the Holy Land from the yoke of the Saracens ; the emperor applauds your zeal, and solicits the honour of being associated with yoiu' enterprise ; he is ready to assist you with all his power. But if you do not quit his states, he shall feel obliged to direct against you the forces he woidd wiUingly have employed in your cause and in that of Christ. Accept, then, the generous ofters that he makes to you by me ; but do not believe that this paciflc language is dictated by fear. The emperor Alexius reigns over Greece by the love of his people as well as by the will of God ; with one single word he could gather around him innumerable armies, disperse your fleet and your battalions, and close against vou for ever the routes to the East." The envoy of the emperor thus terminated his speech w 'thout naming either Isaac or young Alexius. Conon de Bifthune,* Avho answered for the leaders of the army, was astonished that the brother of Isaac should dare to speak as master of the empii-e, and that he had not tliought fit to attempt to justify a parricide which had roused the in- dignation of all Christian nations. " Go and tell your * Le I'ere d'Outreman speaks thus of Conon tie Betliune : Vir domi niilitiieque nobilis et foecundus in paiicis. — Constantin. B?/i/. lib. iii. Ville- h.irdouin says that Conon de Bethune " was a wise knight and well- spoken." HISTORY OF THE CKUSADKS. S5 master," said the orator of the Crusaders, aaci''o,'?rfi'^LC tht tmperor's envoy, " go and tell hlrn, tliat th*^ "a.-'-^h we tread upon does not belong to him, but that it is tlie heritage of the prince you see seated amongst us, If ]ie be desirous of knowing the m-jtive that brings us hither, let him ask liis own conscience, and remember the crimes he lias committed. A usurper is the enemy of all princes ; a tyi'ant is the enemy of the whole human race. He who sent you has but one means of escaping the justice of Heaven and of men ; that is, to restore to his brother and his nephew the tliroue ho has wrested from them, and implore the pity of those same princes towards whom he has been so mei'ciless. In that case we promise to add our prayers to his supplications, and to procure for him, with his pardon, the means of passing his life in a repose far preferable to the splendour of an usurped sovereignty ; but if he is not willing to act justly, if he is inaccessible to repentance, tell him we disdain his threats as we do his promises, and that we have no time to waste in listening to ambassadors." This vehement reply vvas an actual declaration of war, and left the emperor no hope of either seducing or intimidating the Crusaders. The lords and barons were, however, astonished that the Greeks took no notice of young Alexius, and that the cause thej came to promote found no partisans in the city of Coustiiu- tinople. They resolved to ascertain the inclinations of the people. A gaUey, on board of which was the son of Isaac, was brought close to the walls of the capital;* Boniface and Daudolo held up tlie young prince, whilst a litrald-at-urms repeated in a loud voi(*e tliese words ; — " Beliold the heir of the throne : aekiioa-ledfje your sovereign : have piti/ onhiui and on yourselves^ The Greeks assembled n the rampart's remained motionless ; some answered \}\ insulting langiiage, others maintained a f;ullen silence, WhiLt the Crusaders «vere thus making a last atte'iipt to preserve peace, the most horrible tvniudt reigned in ttie interior of the city. The presence of the Jj;uins irritated the multitiide ; they assembled in the public places ; they excited each other to * Thi!i5 went they su'ing along by the side of the walls, where liey showed Alexius to the Gieeks, who from all parts flocked to the tiiolf : Sieiirs (Jr.eks, behold your natural lord, of thiit there is no doubt, on taken, or dispersed in fi'agments on the face of the waters, and the whole of the Venetian fleet rode in triumpli into tlie port : it was then the Greelis were able to per- ceive what tfiey liad to dread from the invincible courage of these barbarians, who liad tiU that period been the object of then- contempt. The Frencli, masters of Galata, divided their army into six great battles or divisions. Baldwin, who had under his orders a great numbor of arcliers and crossbow-men, led the van. The rear was composed of Lombards, Germans, and Franks, from countries near the Alps, (.'onunanded by tlio marquis of Montferrat. The other lour divisions, in which were ranged the crusaders from Champagne, Bui'gimdy, and tlie banks of the Seine and the Loire, had at their head Henry, brother of Baldwin, the counts of St. Pol and Blois, and Matthew de Montmorenci. This army advanc^edf towards the west of the city, witliout meeting with a single foe in its passage, and encamped between the gate of Blachernae and the tower of Bolie- mond. The Greeks, in a single battle, had lost the empire of tlie sea, and had no longer the power to defend the approach to their capital. Tlie Venetian fleet cast anclior near the moutli of the river Barbysses. J Tlie Venetians, masters of * The breaking of the chain of the port, according to ^,86 account of Nicetas, spread the greatest consternation among tlie Greeks ; and mis- fortune, says the historian of Byzantium, assumed so many ditiereiit forms, and pvoduced so surprising a number of afflicting images, tliat no mind is able to conceive them. f For the first siege we may profitably consul-t the Letter of the Cru~ gadcis to th( Pope ; t\\i' History of Villehaniouiit ; Nicetas. Reign oj Alexias; the Vlnonicle of |)«i;.1.'ilo; the War of Onmtantinopte, bv D'Outrenian , Rhamiiusins de liill. Omdatitiiiop. N..,. Ovc. % The name ot B,-.rf>ysse.- is :.t present unknown to the Turks, vvi» ■ taU this liver Kiathana ; the 'Greeks call it Kariuricos. names which, o' both lanjjuages, reminiug masters upon them, the Greeks beheld with indift'erence the successions of power or the changes of their princes ; the Greek nations had not forgotten that it was a revolution that lifted the family of Isaac to the impe- rial tlu'one. A\^ith the impressions this family had left in their minds, the misfortunes and prayers of Alexius did not move tlieni sutliciently to declare in his favour, or take arms to support his cause ; since they were obliged to choose between two new prinoes, he who was reigning amongst them appeared preferable to him who implored their aid. From that time the attention aud efforts of the Crusaders Vol. II.— .0 IK) HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. wore solely directed to the prosecution of tlieir perilou* enterprise. Their camp, placed between the gate of Bla- cheruse, and the castle of Bohemond, occupied but a very small space before wails many leagues in extent. Every day the Greeks made sorties ; the country round was covered with the soldiers of the enemy ; the army of the besiegers appeared to be themselves besieged by troops that were unceasingly renewed. Day and night the Crusaders were luader arms, and had neither time to take their food nor refresh themselves by sleep. They had only provisions for three weeks, and could look for safety to nothing but a speedy victory ; nevertheless, they continued to fill up the ditches, and make their approaches to the ramparts. Ea- listas, catapultas, rams', everything that could carry destruc- tion and death into the city, were employed to second the bravery and indefatigable ardour of the besiegers ; without cessation, enormous masses fell Avith fearful crash frori the tops of the walls ; and such was tlie surprising power of the machines of war then in use, that the houses and palaces of Constantinople were often shaken to their foundations by stones launched from the camp of the Latins.* After ten days of labour and fighting, the Crusaders deter- mined to storm the city. On the morning of the 17th of July, 1203, the trumpets and clarions sounded the signal ; the count of Flanders, who commanded the attack, passed through the raidis, and directed the attention of his knights to the ramparts of Constantinople, as the road which luould conduct them to an eternal glori/. The army was immedi- ately in motion, and every machine was directed against the walls. One tower, which had fallen in with a great crash, appeared to oft'er a passage to the troo])s of Baldwin. Ladders were planted, and the most intrepid contended for the honour of entering first into the city ; but, this time, numbers prevailed over valour. A host of Greeks, encou- raged b\ the presence of the Varangians and Pisans, hastened to the rampart, and overturned the ladders. Fifteen Frank * Nevertheless the superb palaces were ruined by the stones of an extraordinary size that the besiegers iaundied with their niachin'-s, and they were themselves terrified by the heavy mnsses that the Romans rolled upon them from the walls. — Nicetas, Mist, of A'9xiys Comneniu, book iii. HISTORY OF THE TKUSADES. HI warriors, braving stones, beams, and torrents of Greek fire, alone were able to maintain themselves on the walls, and yielded only after fighting with desperate valour. Two of these intrepid warriors were led to the emperor, who watched t'^e fight from the windows of the palace of Bla- chernse. Alexius had ceased to despise t le Latins ; and, in his fright, he had such an idea of their courage, that the sight of the two prisoners appeared to him a victory. At the same time the Venetians attacked the city by si-u. Dandolo ranged his fleet in two lines ; the galleys were in the first rank, manned by archers, and laden wilh machines of war ; behind the galleys advanced the large vessels, u})oa which were constructed towers exceeding the loftiest of the walls of Constantinople in height. At daybreak the con- test began between the city and the fleet ; the Greeks, armed with the Greek fire, the Venetians, covered with their armour, the ramparts and the vessels charged with a thou- sand destructive instruments, cast from one to the other, by turns, terror, fire, and death. The incessant dashing of the oars, the shocks of the vessels against each other, the cries of the sailors and combatants, the hissing of the stones, javelins, and arrows, the Greek fire darting along the sea, seizing on the ships and boiling upon the waves, presented altogether a spectacle a thousand times more fearful than that of a tempest. Amidst this horrible tumult, Henry Dandolo was heard : standing erect in his galley, he excited his troops, and, with a terrible voice, threatened to hang every man that did not land. The orders of the intrepid doge were soon executed. The men of his galley took him in their arms and bore him swiftly to the shore, the standai-d of St. Mark floating over him. At sight of this, the eflbrts of the crews of the other galleys were redoubled, all struck the shore, and the soldiers rushed forward to follow their venerable leader. The vessels, which had hitherto remained motionless, now advanced and placed themselves between the galleys, so that the whole fleet was extended in a sii .gle line before the walls of Constantinople, and presented to the terrified Greeks a formidable rampart raised upon the waters. The floating towers lowered their di'aw-bridges upon the ramparts of the city, and whilst, at the foot of the walls, ten thousand ai^ms planted ladders and battered with 92 IIISTOllT or THE CUUSADES. rams, on the summit a fearful conflict was maintained with sword and lance. Al at once the standard of St. Mark appeared upon one of the towers, planted by an invisible hand ; upon seeing tliis the Venetians uttered a loud shout of joy, persuaded that their patron saint fouhal of Chanipagne describes to us the oroer of battle of the Latins, as it was drawn up iiccrdiiig to the tactics of the iiiiddle ai,'es. Tlie Crusaders issued froru their caiuii divided into six bodies ; tliey rai>ced theii'seives before their palisades. The kniglirs were on horseba<^k, tin-ir sergeants and esquires were behind them close to ihe quarters of their horses; the c^o^sbo.^■-lnen and archers were in front. HISTORY OF THE CKTJSADES. ?3 Vance nearer than within bow-shot, and contented themselves with showering a multitude of arrows from a safe distance. The son-in-law of the emperor, Lascaris, of whose courage the Greeks and even the Latins boast, demanded with loud cries that the Crusaders should be attacked in their intrench- ments ; but he could not prevail upon Alexius, surrounded by base courtiers who endeavoured to communic-ate theii* own alarms to him, and assured him that he had done enough for his glory in showing himself to his enemies. The em- peror, without having fought, ordered a retreat to be sounded, and his numerous troops, who still bore the name of Konuius, and before whom the eagles of Kome A\ere carried, returned with him into Constantinonle. Every quarter of the capital resounded with lamentations and groans ; the Greeks were more terrified at the cowardice of their defenders, than by the bravery of then' enemies ; the people accused the army, and the army accused Alexius. The emperor mistrusting the Greeks and dreading the Latins, now only thought of saving his own life : he abanxloned his family, his friends, his capital ; he embarked secretly in the darkness of night, and tied to seek a retreat in some obscure corner of his empire. When daylight informed the Greeks that they had no longer an emperor, the disorder and excitement of the city became excessive ; the people assembled in the streets, and freely discussed the errors and deficiencies of their leaders, the infamy of the favourites, and their own misfortunes. Now Alexius had abandoned his power, they I'emembered the crime of liis usurpation, and a thousand voices were raised to invoke the anger of Heaven upon his head. Amidst the confusion and tumult, the wisest were at a loss what part to take, when the coui'tiers rushed to the prison in which Isaac languished, broke his cliains, and led him in triumph to the palace of Blachernaj. Although blivd, he was placed upon tlie throne, and, whilst he believed himself to be still in the hands of his executioners, his ears were saluted with the unexpected accents of flattery ; on seeing him again clothed in the imperial purple, the courtiers for the first time became affected by misfortunes he no longer endured. All denied having been partisans of Alexius, and rehtted wl)at vows they had put up for his cause. They next 94 UlSTORT OF THE CUUSADES. sought out the wife of Isaac, whom they had forgotten, ai.c who had lived iu a retreat to which no one knew or had inqiiired the road during the preceding reign. Euph.vosyne, the wife of the fugitive emperor, was accused of having endeavoured to tal\^e advantage of the trouble? of Constantinople, to clothe one of her favourites witli the purple. Slie was cast into a dungeon, and reproached with all the evils that had fallen on her country, but most par- ticularly with the lengthened miseries of Isaac. Such as had been loaded with fa\ours by this princess, were con- spicuous among her accusers, and pretended to make a merit of their iiigratitude. In political troubles, every change is, in the eyes of the people, a means of safety ; they felicitated themselves upon this new revolution in Constantinople ; hope revived in all hearts, and Isaac was saluted by the multitude with cries of joy and congratulation. Humour soon carried to the camp all that had taken place in the city. At this news the council of the barons and knights was assembled in the tent of the marquis of jNIontferrat, and they returned thanks to Providence, which in delivering Constantinople, had, at the same time, delivered them from the greatest dangers. But when they recollected having seen only on the preceding day the emperor Alexius surrounded by an innumerable armv, they could scarcely give faith to the miracle of his flight. The camp was, however, soon crowded with a midtitnde of Greeks, who came to relate the wonders of which they had been witnesses. Many of the courtiers who had not been able to attract the attention of Isaac, flocked to young Alexius, in the hope of securing his first favours; they returned warm thanks to Heaven for having listened to the ardent vows they had put up for his return, and conjured him, in the name of his country and the empire, to coine and share the honours and the power of his ftither. But all these testimonies could not persuade the Latins, so accus- tomed were they to mistrust the Grreeks. The barons kept their army in the strictest order, and always prepared for battle, and then sent Matthew of Montmorenci, (xeoil'rev de Yillehai-douiii, and two Venetian nobles to Constanti'^ople to ascerta'n the truth. HISTORi' OF THE rRUSAUEa. 95 The deputies were directed to congi'atulate Isaac, if he had recovered his throne, and to require of him the ratifica- tion of the treaty made with his son. On ari-ivinti; in Con- stantinople, they were conducted to the paLace of Blachernae between two ranks of soldiers, wlio, the day before, had formed the body-guard of Alexius, and who had just taken the oath to defend Isaac. The emperor received the depu- ties on a throne sparkling with gold and precious stones. and surrounded by all the splendour of Eastern courts. "This is the manner," said Yillehardouin, addressing Isaac, " in which the Crusaders have fulfilled their promises ; it now remains with you to perform those that have been made in yoiu" name. Tour son, who is with the lords and barons, implores you to ratify the treaty he has concluded, and com- mands us to say that he wiU not return to your palace until you have sworn to perform all he has promised us." Alexius had engaged to pay the Crusaders two hundred thousand silver marks, to furnish their army with provisions for a ■year, to take an active part in the perils and labours of the holy war, and to reduce the Greek Church to submission to that of Eome. When Isaac heard the conditions of the treaty, he could not foi'bear from expressing his surprise, and pointing out to the deputies how difficult it must be to perform such promises ; but he could deny nothing to his liberators, and thanked the Crusaders for not requiring more:* " You have served us so well,''' added he, " tJiaf if we were even to give you the tohoJe empire, you icould have merited it." The deputies praised the frankness and good faith of Isaac, and carried back to the camp the imperial patents, to which was affixed the seal of gold that confirmed the treaty made with Alexius. The lords and barons immediately mounted on horseback, and conducted young Alexius into Constantinople. The sou of Isaac rode between the count of Flanders and the doge of Venice, followed by all the knights, clad in complete armour. The people, who so lately had preserved a sullen * Certes, vuila une capitufation bien etrange, reprndit rempereur, et n3 voy pas conime elle se puisse aecomplir, tant elle est gramle et exces- sive. Nnmpourfant vous avez tout fait pour lui et pnur moy, que si I'on vous (loiinerait lout ivt enipiie eniierement, si l'a»'ez voui ^Atn liesuivi. — Villehardouin, b ;ok iv. 9G HISTOKY OF THE CRUSADES. silence on beholding him, now crowded around him on his passage, and saluted liirn with loud acclamations ; the Latin clergv accompanied the son of Isaac, and those of the Greek Churcli sent out their magnificent cortege to meet h^m. The enl ranee of the young prince into the capital ftas a day of festivity for botli the Greeks and the Latins ; in all the churches thanks were oftered up to Heaven; hymns of public rejoicing resounded everywhere ; but it was par- ticularly in the ])alace of Blachernae, so long the abode of mourning and fear, that the greatest transports of joy were manifested. A fother, blind, and immured during eight years in a dungeon, clasping in his arms a son to v\hom he owed the restoration of his liberty and crown, presented a new spectacle that must have penetrated every heart with lively emotions. The crowd of spectators recalled to their minds the long calamities of these two princes ; and the remembrance of so many evils past, appeared to them a pledge for the blessings that Heaven had in store for the empire. The emperor, reunited to his son, again thanked the Crusaders for the services they had rendered him, and con- jured tlie leaders to establish themselves with their army on tlie otliei- side of the Gulf of Chrysoceras. He feared that their abode in the city might give birth to some quarrel between the Greeks and the Latins, too long divided. The barons yielded to the prayer of Isaac and Alexius, and the army of the Crusaders took up their quarters in the faubourg of Galata ; where, in abundance and repose, they forgot the labours, perils, and fatigues of the war. The Pisans, who had defended C'onstantinople against the Crusaders, made peace wit'h the Venetians ; all discords were appeased, and no i^pirit of jealousy or rivalry divided the Franks. The Greeks came constantly to the camp of the Latins, bringing provi- sions and merchandise of all kinds. Tlie warriors of the West often visited the capital, and were never tired of conteirq^lating the palaces of the emperors, the numerous edifices, the master-pieces of art, the monuments consecrated to religion, and, above all, the relics of saints, which, accord- ing to t/ie marshal of Champagne, were in greater abundance ui ConstaiUtiuople than in any other "lace in the world. HISTOBV OF Tin; CRUSADES. 97 A few days after his entrance into Constantinople, Alexius was crowned in the church of 8t. Sopliia, and admitted to a partition of the sovereign power with liis father. The barons assisted at his coronation, and offered up sincere wishes for the happiness of his reign. Alexius hastened to discharge a part of the smn promised to the Crusaders. The greatest har- mony prevailed between the people of Byzantium and the warriors of the West ; the Greeks appeared to have forgotten their defeats, the Latins their victories. Tlie subjects of Isaac and Alexius mingled with the Latins without mistrust, and the simplicity of the Franks was no longer the subject of their raillery. The Crusaders, on their side, confided in the good faith of the Greeks. Peace reigned in the capital, and seemed to be the work of their hands. They respected the two princes they had placed upon the throne, and the em- perors retained an aftectionate gi-atitude for their liberators. The Crusaders, having become the allies of the Greeks, and tlie protectors of a great empire, had now no other enemies to contend with but the Saracens ; and they turned their minds to the fulfilment of tlie oath they had made on taking the cross ; but, ever faitliful to the laws of chivalry, the barons and knights deemed it right to declare war before beginning it. Heralds-at-arms were sent to the sultan of Cairo and Damascus, to announce to him, in the name of Jesus Christ, in the name of tlie emperor of Con- stantinople, and in the names of the princes and nobles of the AVest, that he would soon experience the valour of the Christian nations, if he persisted in holding luider his laws the Holy Land and the places consecrated by the presence of the Saviour. The leaders of the crusade announced the wonderful suc- cess of their enterprise to all the princes and nations of Christendom. AVhilst addressing the emperor of Germany,* they conjured him to take part in the crusade, and come ftnd place himself at the head of the Christian knights. The account of their exploits excited the enthusiasm of the * The Crusaders addressed Otho, and not Philip of Swabia, which is wery str-angc, as Philip was the brother-in-l«w of Alexius ; but i\ is to bt observed that at this |ieriod the pop^^ had declared in favour of Otho, and threatened Philip with the tlmnders of the Church. 5* 9 e vashcd to see the whole city reduced to ashes." Isaac himself accused his son of having pernicious inclinations, and of corrupting himself daily by an intercourse with the wiclaac — See Hisi. du Ban-Emp. liv. xciv HISTOKT OF TUE CRL SIDES. Ill ment his (;redit among the people. He was not tardy iu taking advantage of this double influence to sow the seeds of new troubles, and bring about the triumph of his ambition. His counsels persuaded young Alexius, that it was neces- ary for him to break with the Latins, and prove himself ungrateful to his liberators, to obtain the confidence of tlie Greeks ; he uiflamed the minds of the people, and to make a rupture certain, he himself took up arms. His friends and t^onie men of the people followed his example, and, led by JMourzoufle, a numerous troop rushed from the city, in the hope of surprising the Latins ; but the multitude, always ready to declaim against the warriors of the West, did not dare to lace them. Mourzoufle, abandoned on the field of battle, had nearly fallen into the hands of the Crusaders. This imprudent action, that might have been expected to ruiu Inm, only tended to increase his power and influence ; iie might be accused of having risked the safety of the em- pire by provoking a war without the means of sustaining it; but the people boasted of the heroism of a young prince, who had dared to brave tlie warlike hosts of the Franks ; aud even they who had deserted ium in the fight, celebrated his valour, aud swore, as he did, to exterminate the enemies of their country. The frenzy of the Greeks was at its height ; aiid, on their side, the Latins loudly expressed their dissatisfaction. In the faubourg of Galata, inhabited by the JFrench and Vene- tians, as well as within the walls of Constantinople, nothing was heard but cries for war, and nobody durst speak of peace. At tliis period a deputation irom the Christians of Palestine arrived in the camp of the Crusaders. The depu- ties, the principal of whom was Martin Litz, were clothed in mourning vestments, which, with the sadness of their aspect, mad(; it sufficiently plain that they came to annoiuice fresh misfortiuies. Their accounts drew tears from all the pilgrims. ] u the year that preceded the expedition to Constantinople the Fleniish aud Champenois Crusaders, wt.o had embarked at the ports of Bruges aud Marseilles, ii.uded at Ptolemais. At the same time came many English waiTiors, conunanded by the earls of Northumberland, Norwich, and Salisbury; 112 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. and a great number of pilgrims from Lower Brittany. \7':,'' bad chosen for leader the monk Helain, one of the preachers of the crusade. These Crusaders, when united with those who had quitted the Christian army after the siege of Zara, became impatient to attack the Saracens, and as the king oi Jerusalem was averse to breaking the truce made mth the infidels, the greater part of them left Palestine, to fight under the banners of the prince of Antioch, who was at w^ar with the prince of Armenia. Having refused to take guides, they were surprised and dispersed by a body of Saracens, sent against them by the sultan of Aleppo ;* the few that escaped from the carnage, among whom history names two seigneurs de Neuilly, Bernard de Montmirail, and Eenard de Dampierre, remained in the chains of the infidels. Helain, the monk, had the grief to see the bravest of the Breton Crusaders perish on the field of battle, and returned almost alone to Ptolemais, to announce the bloody defeat of the soldiers of the cross. A horrible famine had, during two years, desolated Egj'pt, and extended its ravages into' Syria. Contagious diseases followed the famine ; the plague swept away the inhabitants of the Holy Land ; more than two thousand Christians had received the riglits of sepulture in the city of Ptolemais, in one single day ! The deputies from the Holy Land, after rendering their melancholy account, invoked by tears and groans the prompt assistance of the army of the Crusaders ; but the barons and knights could not abandon the enterprise they had begun ; they promised the envoys from Palestine that they would turn their arms towards Syria, as soon as they had subdued the Greeks ; and, pointing towards the walls of Constantinople, said : " This is the road to salvation ; this is \e way to Jerusalem^ Alexius was bound to pay the Latins the sums he had promised ; if he was faithful to his word, he had to appre- hend a revolt of the Greeks ; if he did not fulfil his engage- ments, he dreaded the arms of the Crusaders. Terrified by tlie general agitation that prevailed, and restrained by a * Jacques de Vltri. Alberic, and the continuator of WilMam of 1 yre spr-ak of this battle fnuijht between Antioch and Tripoli ; Villehanlouin likewise makes mention of it, and names many knights that were killed ' made j)risoners. HI8T0EY OF Til K CRUSADES. 113 double fear, the two emperors remained inactive in their palace, without daring to seek for peace, or prepare for war. The Crusaders, dissatisfied with the conduct of Alexius,* deputed several barons and knights to demand of him peremptorily whether he wovild be their friend or their enemy. The deputies, on entering Constantinople, heard nothing throughout their passage but the insults and thn-ats of an irritated populace. Received in the palace of Bla- chernai, amidst the pomp of the throne and the court,t they addressed the emperor Alexius-, and expressed the complaints of their companions in arms in these terms : " We are sent by the French barons and the doge of Venice to recall to your mind the ti*eaty that you and your father have sworn to upon the Grospel, and to require you to fulfil your pro- mises as we have fulfilled ours. If you do us justice, we shall only have to forget the past, and give due praise to your good faith ; if you are not true to your oaths, the Crusaders will no longer remember they have been your friends and allies, they will have recourse to no more prayers, but to their own good swords. They have felt it their duty to lay their complaints before you, and to warn yon of their intentions, for the warriors of the AVest hold treachery in horror, and never make war without Laving declared it ; we offer you our friendship, which has placed you upon the throne, or our hatred, which is able to remove you from it ; we bring you war with all its calamities, or peace with all its blessings : it is for you to choose, and to deliberate upon the part you have to take." These complaints of the Crusaders were expressed witli so little respect, that they must have been highly oftensive * Vigenere, when translatinj; Villehardouin, render!; thus the passage in which the marshal of Champagne expre.-ses the dissatisfaction of the Crusaders, and the ill-conduct of Alexius towards them : — Alexis les meiiait de delai en delai, de respit en respit, le bee dans IV au, quant au principal, et pour le regard de certaines nienues parties, qu'il leur four- niss lit conime a lesche doigt, formait tant de petites difficultes et chica- neries, que les harons commem.erent a s'ennuyer. t \ illehardouin, after having described the court of Alexius, in this ceremony naively adds : Tout rela se sentait bien sa cour d'un si puissant et riche prince. The title of puissant i^carcely suited a prince who was hearing war declared against him in his own palace ; and the ejiithet rich was liardly more applicable to him, since he could i.ot pay what hehad promised, and thereby redeem his empire from the greatest danger. Vol.. II.— fi 114 HISTOET OJ? THE CEUSADES. to the ears of the emperors. In this palace, which con* stautly resounded with the acclamations of a servile coiu-t, the sovereigns of Byzantium had never listened to language so insolent aud haughty. The emperor Alexius, to whom this menacij)g tone appeared to reveal his own helplessness and the unhappy state of his empire, could not restrain his indignation ; the courtiers fully partook of the anger of theii" niasters, and were desirous of punishing the insolent orator of the Latins on the spot;* but the deputies left the palace of Jilachernse, and hastened to regain the camp of the Crusaders. The council of Isaac and Alexius breathed nothing but vengeance ; and, on the return of the deputies, war was de- cided on in the council of the barons. The Latms deter- mined to attack Constantinople ; nothing could equal the hatred and fury of the Greeks ; but fury and hatred cannot supply the place of courage : not daring to meet their enemy in the open field, they resolved to burn the fleet of the Venetians. The Greeks, on this occasion, had again recourse to that Greek fire, which had, more than once, served them instead of courage, and saved their capital. This terrible fire, skilfully hurled or directed, devoured vessels, soldiers, and their arms ; like the bolt of Heaven, nothing coidd prevent its explosion, or arrest its ravages ; the waves of the sea, so far from extinguishing it, redoubled its activity. Seventeen ships, charged with the Grei k fire and combustible matter, were carried by a favourable wind towards the port in which the Venetian vessels lay at anchor. To assure the success of this attempt, the Greeks took advantage of the darkness of night ; and the port, the gulf, and the faubourg of Galata \Aere, aU at once, illumined by a threatening and sinister light. At the aspect of the danger, the trumpets sounded the alarm in the camp of the Latins ; the French flew to arras and prepared for the fight, whilst the Venetians cast themselves into their barks, and * La-dcsseu> bruit se leva foit grand au palais ; et les messagers s'en retournuerenr aux portes, oh ils niontiirent habilement a cheval ; n'y ayant celui, quanti ils furent hor-, qui ne se seniit tres heureux ft content ea son esprit, voire estonne, d'eire reschappe a si bon marclie d'un si mani- feste dang«r ; car il ne lint presiiue a rien qu'ils n'y deaieurassent tous morts ou pris. — Villehardou'iit, liv. vi. IIISTOBT OF THE CRUSADES. 115 went out to meet vessels bearing within their siiU's destruc- tion and fire. The crowd of Greeks assembled on the shore, applauded the spectacle, and enjoyed the terror of the Crusaders. Many of them embarked in small boats, and rowed out upon the sea, darting arrows and endeavouring to carry dis- crder among the Venetians. The Crusaders encoiiraged each other ; they rushed in crowds to encounter the danger, some raising plaintive and piercing cries towards Heaven, and others uttering horrible imprecations against the Greeks: on the walls of Constantinople, clapping of hands and cries of joy resounded, and were redoubled as the vessels covered with flames drew nearer. Yillehardouin, an ocular witness, says that amidst this frightful tumult, nature appeared to be in confusion, and the sea about to swallow up the earth. Nevertheless, the Venetians, by the means of strong arms and numberless oars, succeeded in turning the course of the fire-ships wide of the port, and they were can'ied by the current beyond the canal. The Crusaders, in battle array, standing on their vessels or dispersed among the barks, ren- dered thanks to God for having preserved them from so great a disaster ; whilst the Greeks beheld with terror their fire-ships consuming away upon the waters of the Propontis, without having effected the least injury. The irritated Latins could not pardon the perfidy and in- gratitude of the emperor Alexius : " It was not enough for him to have failed in his engagements and broken his oaths, he endeavoured to burn the fleet that had borne him trium- phantly to the heart of his empire : the time was now come to repress the enterprises of traitors by the sword, and to punish base enemies, who were acquainted with no other arms but treachery and deceit ; and, like the vilest brigands, only ventured to deal their blows in the darkness and sUence of night." Alexius, terrified at these threats, could think of no other resource than that of imploring the clemency of the Crusaders. He ofiered.them fresh oaths and fresh pro- mises, and threw the blame of the hostilities upon the fury of the people, which he had not the power to restrain. He conjured his friends, his allies, his liberators, to come and defe]id a throne ready to fall to pieces beneath him, and pro- posed to give up his own palace to them. 116 HISTOEY OF TUE CRUSADES, ^'ourzoufle was directed to convey to the Latins the sup* pli' ctions and ofters of the emperor, and, seizing the oppcr- tw ity to augment the alarms and discontent of the multitude, he caused the report to be spread that he was going to de- liver Constantinople up to the barbarians of the West. On learning tliis, the people assembled tumultuously in the streets and public places ; the report became general that the enemies were already in the city, and all joined in tlie erv that to prevent the greatest calamities, not a moment was to be lost ; the empii-e required a master who was able to defend and protect it. Whilst the young prince, seized with terror, shut himself up in his palace, the crowd of insurgents flocked to the church of St. Sophia to choose a new emperor. Since the imperial dynasties had become the playthings of the caprice of the multitude, and of the ambitiou of conspirators, the Greeks made the changing of their sove- reigns quite a sport, without reflecting that one revolution produces other revolutions ; and, to avoid present calamities, rushed headlong into new ones. The most prudent of the clergy and the patricians presented themselves at the church of St. Sophia, and earnestly endeavoured to prevent the evils with which the country was threatened. But it was in vain they explained to their excited auditory that by chang- ing their master they were sure to overthrow both the throne and the empire. " When they asked my opinion," says the historian Nicetas, " I was careful not to consent to the de- position of Isaac and Alexius, because I felt assured that the man they would elect in their place would not be the most able. But the people," adds the same historian, " whose only motive of action is passion,- — the people, who twenty years before had killed Andronicus and crowned Isaac, could not endure their own work and live under princes whom they themselves had chosen." The multitude reproached their sovereign witli their misery, wVich was the bitter fruit of the war ; and with the weakness of their government, which was but the result oi' general corruption. The victories of the Latins, the inefficiency of the laws, the caprices of fortune, the very will of Hea,en, all were gatlu'red into one great accusation to be brought against those who governed the empire. The distracted crowd HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 117 looked to a revolution for everything ; a change of emperort> ap^ eared to them the only remedy for the ills mider which they groaned. They pressed, they solicited the patriciana and senators, — they scarcely knew the names of tlie men tliey wished to choose as masters ; but any other than Isaac, any other than Alexius, must merit the esteem and love of the Greeks. To be the wearer of a purple robe, was quite enough to entitle a man to ascend the throne of Constantine. Some excused themselves on account of age, others from alleged incapacity. The people, sword in hand, requb'ed them to accept the sovereign authority. At length, after three days of stormy debate, an imprudent young man, named Canabus, allowed himself to be prevailed upon by the prayers and threats of the people. A phantom of an emperor was crowned in the church of St. Sophia, and pro- claimed in Constantinople. Mourzoufle was no stranger to this popular revolution. Several historians have thought that he promoted the election of an obscure man, to test the peril in some sort, and to become acquainted with the power and wiU of the people, in order, one day, to profit by it himself. Alexius, made aware of this revolution, trembled in the recesses of his deserted palace ; he had no hope but in the Latins ; he solicited, by messages, the support of the barons ; he implored the pity of the marquis of Montferrat ; who, touched by his prayers, entered Constantinople by night, and came, at the head of a chosen troop, to defend the throne and the lives of the emperors. Mourzoufle, who dreaded the presence of the Latins, flew to Alexius, to con- vince him that they were the most dangerous enemies he had, and told him that all would inevitably be lost if the Franks once appeared in arms in the palace. When Boniface presented himself before the palace of Blachern*, he found all the doors closed ; Alexius caused him to be informed that he was no longer at liberty to receive him, and conjured him to leave Constantinople with his soldiers. The sight of the warriors of the West liad spread teiTor throughout the city ; th'"ir retreat reviM'd both the courage and fury of the people. A thousand different rumours prevailed at once ; the public places resomided with complainfis and in^precations ; froiu moment to moment the 118 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. crowd became more numerous and the tumult increased. Amidst all this confusion and disorder, Mourzoufle nevei lost sight of the prosecution of his designs ; by promises* and caresses he won over the imperial guard, whilst his friends pervaded the capital, exciting the fury and rage of the multitude by their speeches and insinuations. An im- mense crowd soon assembled before the palace of Blachernae, uttering seditious cries. Mourzoufle then presented him- self before Alexius : he employed every means to aggravate the alarm of the young prince, and, under the pretext of providing for his safety, drew him into a secluded apart- ment, where his creatures, under his direction, loaded him with irons and cast him into a dungeon. Coming forth, he boldly informed the people what he had done for the salva- tion of the empire ; and the throne, from which he had dragged his master, benefactor, and friend, appeared but a just recompense for the devotedness of his services : he was carried in triumph to the chvu-ch of St. Sophia, and crowned emperor amidst the acclamations of the people. Scarcely was Mourzoufle clothed with the imperial purple, than he resolved to possess the fruit of his crime in security ; dread- ing the caprice of both fortune and the people, he repaired to the prison of Alexius, forced him to swallow an empoi- soned draught, and because death did not keep pace with his impatience, strangled him with his own hands. Thus perished, after a reign of six months and a few days, the emperor Alexius, whom one revolution had placed upon a throne, and who disappeared amidst the storms of anotlier, without having tasted any of the sweets of supreme rank, and without an opportunity of proviug whether he was worthy of it. This young prince, placed in a most difficult situation, had not the power, and perhaps not the will, to rouse tlie Greeks to oppose the Crusaders. On the otlier side, he had not the tact to employ the support of the Latins so as to keep the Grreeks withiu the bounds of obedieiice ; directed by perfidious counsels, ever vacillating betw ^en patriotism and gratitude, fearing by turns to alienate his unliappy subjects, or to irritate liis formilable allies, he perished, the victim of his own weakness and irresolution. Isaac Angelus, on learning the tragical end of his son, died oi terror and despair; thus sparing Mourzoufle aaother par- HISTORY OF THE CilUSADES. ll*J ricide, of wliich he was not the less suspected to be guilty. History makes no more mention of Canabus ; the confusion was so great that the Greeks were ignorant of the fate of a man wl:om but a few days before they had elevated to the rank of their sovereign ; four emperors had been dragged violently from the throne since the arrival of the Latins, and fortune reserved the same fate for Mourzoufle. In order to profit by the crime that had ministered to his ambitious views, the murderer of Alexius formed the project of committing another, and to bring about by ti-eachery the death of all the principal leaders of tlie army of the Cru- saders. An officer, sent to the camp of the Latins, was directed to say that he came on the part of the emperor Alexius, of whose death they were ignorant, to engage the doge of Venice and the French nobles to come to the palace of Blachernse, where all the sums promised by the treaties, should be placed in their hands. The barons at first agreed to accept the invitation of the emperor, and prepared to set out with great joy ; but Dandolo, who, according to Nicetas, deservedly obtained the name of the Prudent of the Pru- dent, awakened their mistrust, and pointed out strong rea- sons for fearing a fresh perfidy of the Greeks. It was not long before they were fuUy informed of the death of Isaac, the murder of Alexius, and all the crimes of Mourzoufle. At this news the indignation of the Crusaders was strong and general; knights had difficulty in crediting such base- ness ; evei"}' fresh account made them tremble with horror ; they forgot the wrongs of Alexius towards themselves, de- plored his unfortunate end, and swore to avenge him. In the council, the leaders loudly exclaimed th^.r an implacable war must be made against Mourzoufle, and that the nation that had crowned treachery and parricide should be pimisht d. The prelates and ecclesiastics, more animated than all the others, invoked at once the tlumders of religion and earthly war against the usurper of the imperial throne, and against the Greeks, untrue to their sovereign, untrue to God him- self Above all, they could not pardon the subjects oi Mourzoufle, for willingly remaining plunged in the darkness of heresy, and escaping, by an impious revolt, from tiie domination of the Holy See. They promised all the indub gei ces of the sovereign pontifl" and all the riclies of Greece l20 HISTOUY OF THE CRUSADES. to the warriors called upou to avenge the cause of God auc mer. Whilst the Crusaders thus breathed nothing but war against the emperor and people of Constantinople, ]Mour- zouiie was preparing to repel their attacks ; he e:imestly endeavoured to attach the inhabitants of the capital to his en use ; he reproaclied the great with their indifference and ctfennnacy, and laid before them the example of tlie multi- tude ; to increase his popularity and fill his treasury, he ])er- secuted the courtiers of Alexius and Isaac, and confiscated the property of all those who had enriched themselves in public ofiices.* Tiie usurper at the same thne set about reestablishing discipline among the troops, and augmenting the fortifications of the city ; he no longer indulged in plea- sures or allowed himself repose ; as he was accused of the greatest crimes, he had not only to contend for empire, but for impunity ; remorse doubled his activity, excited his bra- verv, and proved to him that he could have no safety but iu victory, lie was constantly seen parading tlie streets, with his sword by his side, and an iron club in his hand, animat- ing the courage of the people and the soldiers. The Greeks, however, contented themselves with declaim- ing against the Crusaders. After having made anotlier attempt to burn the fleet of the Venetiaiis, they shut them- selves up within their walls, and supported with patience the insults and menaces of the Latins. f The Crusaders ap- peared to have nothing to fear but famine ; as they began to feel the want of provisions, Henry of Haiuault, brother of the count of Inlanders, undertook, in order to obtain sup- plies for the army, an expedition to the shores of the Euxine Sea; and, followed by several knights, laid siege to Philea. The city of Philea was the ancient Philopolis, celebrated in the heroic ages of antiquity for tlie palace in which wero * Mourzoufle deprived Nieetas of the place of Logothete, to give it t« his brottier-in law l*liili)cales. Nicetas treats Mourzoufle with iiiucb severity, and aiiiong the re()r<'a(hes he aildresses to him, we may remark one which suffices to paint tiie court of Byzantium The gp ate~t crime of the usurper whs not that of having obtained sovereignty by pHrricide, but postponing the disMMbulion of fiis favours. f The two attempts to f)urn tin- Veneii.-m fleet are descri ed in a lettei of Baldwin to thf pope. — See Gesia hinocent. The marslii*! of Cham- pagne only mentions tlie first attempt of tlie Greeks. nisTOEY or THE jbusades. 121 received Jason and the Argonauts, who, like the French knijf^hts, had left their country, to seek distant adventures £iid perils. Henry of Hainault, after a short resistance from the inhabitants, made himself master of the city, in "vvliich he met with a considerable booty, and found pro\'i- sio 's in abundance ; the latter he transported by sea to the army. Mourzoufle, being informed of this excursion, marched out, by night, with a numerous body of troops, and placed himself in ambush on the route which Henrv of Hainault woidd take on his return to the camp. The Greeks attacked the Crusaders unexpectedly, in the full persuasion that their victory would be an easy one ; but the Fi"auk warriors, witliout displaying the least alarm, closed in their ranks, and made so firm and good a resistance, that the ambuscadcKS themselves were very quickly obliged to fly. Moiu-zoufle was upon the point of falling into the liands of his enemies, and only owed his safety to the swiftness of his horse ; he left bctuiid on the field of battle, his buckler, his arms, and the standard of the Virgin, which the emperors were accus- tomed to have borne before them in all great perils. The loss of this ancient and revered banner was a soiu'ce of great regret to the Greeks. The Latins, on their part, when they saw the standard and image of the patroness of Byzantium floating amongst their victorious ranks, were persuaded that the mother of God had abandoned the Greeks, and declared herself favourable to their cause. After this defeat, the Greeks became convinced that there existed no other means of safety for them but the fortification of their capital ; it was much more easy for them to find workmen than soldiers, and a hundred thou- sand men laboured day and night at the reparation of the walls. The subjects of Mourzoufle appeared satisfied that tiieir ramparts would defend them, and handled the imple- ments of masonry without repugnance, in the hoj,.) that they would prevent the necessity for their v\-ieldiiig the Bw oj d or lance. iMourzoufle had learnt to dread the coiu-age of his ene- mies, and as strongly doubted the valoui* of his subjects ; therefore, before I'isking any fresh warlike attempts, he determined to sue for peace, and demanded an inteiTieiW 122 HISTOET OF THE CRUSADES. with the leaders of the Crusaders. The lords and barons refused with horror to nave an interview with the usurper of the thi"one, the murderer, the executioner of Alexius ; but the love of peace, and tne cause of humanity, induced the doge of Venice to consent to listen to the proposala of Mourzoufle. Henry Dandolo repaired in his gaUey to the point of tlie gidf, and the usurper, mounted on horseback, approached him as near as possible. The conference was long and animated. The doge required Mourzoufle to pay immediately five thousand pounds' weight of gold, to aid the Crusaders in their expedition to Syria, and again to swear obedience to the Romish church. After a long altercation, Mourzoufle promised to give the Latins the money and assistance they demanded ; but he could not consent to submit to the yoke of the Chiu'ch of Rome.* The doge, astonished that, after having outraged all the laws of Heaven and nature, he should attach so much importance to reli- gious opinions, casting a glance of contempt at IMourzoufle, asked him, if the G-reek religion excused treachery and parricide ?t The usurper, although much irritated, dissem- bled his anger, and was endeavouring to justify his con- duct, when the conference was interrupted by some Latin horsemen. Mourzoufle, on his return to Constantinople, convinced that he must prepare for war, set earnestly about his task, and determined to die with arms in his hand. By his orders, the walls and towers that defended the city on the side of the port, were elevated many feet. He constructed upon the walls galleries of several stages, from which the soldiers might launch aiTOWS and javelins, and employ balistas and other machines of war ; at the top of each tower was placed a drawbridge, which, when levered upon the vessels, might affbrd the besieged a means of pursuing their enemies, even to their own fleet. * Dandolo demanded of Mourzoufle fifty centenaries of gold, which have been valued at .50,000 pounds' weight of gold, or 48,000,000 of francs (about ^£"2,000,000 sterling. — Trans.). Nicetas alone speaks of this interview, of which Villehardouin and other historians niake no mention. f The whole of this interview militates very strongly, as indeed do all the scenes in which the doge is an actor, ngainst the story of his blindness. —Trans. HISTORY or THE CRUSADES. 12^ The Crusaders, although supported by their natural bravery, could not view all these preparations with indifFer* ence.* The most intrepid could not help feeling some Inquietiide on comparing the small number of the Franks with the imperial army and the population of Constanti- nople ; all the resources they had till that time found in their alliance with the emperors were about to fail them, without their having any hope of supplying their place but by some miraculous victory : for they had no succour to look for from the West. Every day war became more dangerous, and peace more difficult ; the time was gone by for retreat.- In this situation, such were the spirit and character of the heroes of this crusade, that they drew fresh strength from the very circumstances that would appear likely to have depressed them., and filled them with di'ead . the greater the danger, tlie more courage and firmness they displayed ; menaced on all sides, expecting to meet with no asylum on either sea or land, there remained no other part to take lut that of besieging a city from which they could not retire with safety: thus nothing could overcome their invincible bravery. t Qn viewing the towers that the Greeks considered as a certain means of safety, the leaders assembled in their camp, and shared amongst them the spoils of the empire and the capital, of which they entertained no doubt of achieving the conquest. It was decided in the council of the princes, barons, and knights, that a new emperor should be nominated instead of Mourzoufl,e, and that this emperor should be chosen from the victorious army of the Latins. Th(; chief of the new empire should possess by right a fourth of the conquest, with the two palaces of Blacheruae and Bucoleou. The cities and lands of the empire, as well as the booty they should obtain in the capital, were to be distributed among the Franks and Venetians, with the * The monuments we have consulted for the second siege of Constan- tinople are the History of Villehardouin, the reign of Mourzoufle in Nicetas, the account of Gunther, ami the second letter of Baldwin to the sovereign pontitf, which is found in the Life of Innocent i^Gesta Innocent.). t Eidem civitati de qua fugere non audebant, obsidionem ponebant. — Gunther. The same Gunther describes the Crusaders as trembling and distracted : De victoria tantse multitudinis obtinen la, sive expugnatione urbis nulla eis spas poterat arridere. 124 HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES, condition of rendering homage to tlie emperor. In the aar t conned regulations were made to assign the proportions oi the Latin clergy, and of the lords and barons. They regu- lated, according to the feudal laws, the rights and dutiet; of the emperors and subjects, of the great and small vassals.'*^ Thus Constantinople, under the dominion of tlie Greeks, beheld before its walls a small band of warriors, who, helm on head, and sword in hand, abolished in her walls the legislation of Greece, and imposed upon her beforehand the laws of the West. By this act of legislation, which they derived from Europe, the knights and barons appeared to take possession of the empire ; and, whdst making war against the inhabitants of Constantinople, might imagine that they were ah-eady fighting for the safety and glory of their own country. In the first siege of Byzantium, the French had been desirous of attacking the city by land, but experience had taught them to appreciate properly the wiser counsels of the Venetians. They determined, with an unanimous voice, to direct all their efforts to an attack by sea. They con- veyed into the vessels the arms, provisions, and appoint- nents of all kinds ; and the whole army embarked on Timrsday, the 8th day of April, 1204. On the morrow, with the first rays of the sun, the lieec which bore the knights and their horses, th.e pilgrims ar.a ail they possessed, the tents, the machines of the Crusaders, and the destinies of a great empire, heaved anchor, and crossed the breadth of the gulf. The ships and galleys, arranged in line, covered the sea for the space of half a league. The sight of the tovi^ers and ramparts, bristling wxch arms and soldiers, and covered with murderous machines and long tubes of brass, from which poured the Greek fire, dkl not in the least intimidate the warriors of the West. Ilie Greeks had trembled with fright at seeing Che fieet of the Crusaders in motion ; but as they could look for no safety but in resist- ance, they appeared disposed to brave all perils in defence of their property and their families. Mourzoufle had pitched his tents in th(> pait oi' the city ravaged by the fire ; his army was encamped amidst ruins, * This treaty, macle under the walls of Constantinojile, is btiJ' jife served, and is to be found in Muraluri, vol. xii4 HISTOET or THE CRUSADES. 12A ftud his soldiers had nothing beneath their eyes but melan* choly pictures, the sight of which he thought iri"st neces- sarily excite them to vengeance. From the .snmniit of one of tlie seven hills, the emperor Avas able to view the contest, to send succours where he saw they were wanted, and to re- animate at every moment the courage of those who defended the walls and towers. At the first signal, the Greeks put all their machines in full operation, and endeavoured to defend the approach to the ramparts ; but several ships soon gained the shore ; the ladders are planted, and the walla shalce beneath the con- tinuous blows of the rams. The attack and defence proceed witl) equal fury. The Greeks figlit with advantage from the tops of their elevated towers ; the Crusaders, everywhere overpowered by numbers, cannot open themselves a pas- sage, and find death at the foot of the ramparts they burn to surmount. The ardour for fight, itself, produced dis- order among the assailants, and confusion in their fleet. The Latins faced all perils, and sustained tne impetuous shock of the Greeks till the third hour of the evening : " It was then," says the marshal of Ciiampagne, " that fortune and our sms decreed that we should be repulsed." The leaders, dreading the destruction of their fleet and army, ordered the retreat to be sounded. When the Greeks saw the Crusaders drawing oft", they believed that their caj)ital was saved ; the people of Byzantium flocked to the churches to return thanks to Heaven for so great a victory, and, by the excess of their transports, proved how great the fear had been with which the Latins had inspired them. On the evening of the same day, the doge and barons assembled in a church near the sea, to deliberate upon their future prof'eedings : they spoke with deep grief of the check they had sustained, and expatiated strongly upon the neces- sity of promptly retrieving their defeat.* •' The Crusaders were still the same men that had already surmounted the ramparts of Byzantium ; the Greeks were still the same frivolous, pusillanimous nation, that could oppose no other arms but those of cunning to those of valour. The soldiers * Et la, il eut maintes choses allegnees se trouvant en grand eracY ceux de I'ost, pour leur etre ainsi pris ce jour la. — Villehardouin, liv. V. 12G HISTOKT OF THE CRUSADES. of Mourzoufle had been able to resist for one day ; but they Avould soon remember that the Latins had conquered them many times ; the recollections of the past were sufficient to revive the confidence of the one party, and to fiL the others with terror. Besides, it was well known that the Greeks only contended for the triumph of usurpation and parricide ; whilst the Crusaders fought for the triumph of humanity and justice. Grod woidd recognise his true servants, and would protect his own cause." These discourses covild not reassure all the Crusaders, and many proposed to change the point of attack, and make a new assaidt on the side of the Propontis. The Venetians did not agree with this opinion, and dreaded lest the tieet should be drawn away by the currents of the sea. Some of the leaders despaired of the success of the enterprise ; and, in their despair, woidd have been very willing, says an eye- witness, "that the winds and tlie waves should carry them away beyond the Arcliipelago."* The advice of the Venetians was, however, adopted ; and the council decided that the attack upon Constantinople should be renewed on the same side, and at the same point at which the army had been repulsed. Two days were employed in repairing the vessels and machines ; and on the third day, the 12th of April, the trumpets once more sounded the signal for battle. The fleet got into motion, and advanced in good order towards the ramparts of Constantinople. The Greeks, who were still rejoicing over their first advantage, could scarcely believe the approach of the Latins to be reality, and their surpiise was by no means free from terror. On the other side, the Crusaders, who had met with a resistance they had not at all expected, advanced with precaution towards the ramparts, at the foot of which they had fought hi vain. To inflame the ardour and emulation of the soldiers, the leaders^ of the Latins had proclaimed, by a herald-at-arms, that he that should plant the first banner of the cross upon a tower of the city, should receive a hundred and fifty silver marks. The combat soon commenced, and was as quickly general ; * Et saehez qu'il y en avait qui eussent volontiers desire, que la vogue et le vent les ensseiit ravis jusqu'au dela de I'arcliipel ; car a feis ne chaillait sinon que de parter dp la, et aller leur voie droite en leura maisons. — Idem. mSTOlir OF THE CRUSADES. 127 the defence was no less vigorous than the attack : heams. stones, javelins were iiurled from one side to tlie ether, crossed or met in mid-air, and fell with a loud noise on the ramparts and the ships ; the whole shore resounded with the cries of the combatants and the clashing of swords and lances. In the fleet, the vessels were joined together, and proceeded two by two, in order that upon each pomt of attack, the number of the assailants might correspond mth that of the besieged. The drawbridges are soon let down, and are covered with intrepid wan'iors, who threaten the in- vasion of the most lofty towers. The soldiers mount in file, and gain the battlements ; the opponents seek, attack, and repulse each other in a thousand difterent places. Some, on the point of seizing victory, are overthrown by a mass of stone : others are consumed by the Greek fire ; but they who are repulsed, again return to the charge, and the leaders everywhere set an example by mounting to the assault like common soldiers. The sun had run half his course, and prodigies of valour had not been able to triumph over the resistance of the be- sieged, when a strong breeze from the north arose, and brought two ships that fought together close under the walls. The bishop of Troie and the bishop of Soissons were on board of these two vessels, called the Pilc/rim and the Paradise. Scarcely were the drawbridges lowered, than two Frank wan'iors were seen upon one of the towers of the citv. These two warriors, one of whom was a French- man, named D'Urboise, and the other a Venetian, Pietro Alberti, drew after them a crowd of their companions, and the Grrecks were massacred or took to flight. In the con- fusion of the melee, the brave Alberti was slain by a French- man, who mistook him for a Greek, and who, on discovering his mistake, attempted to kill himself in despair. The Cru- saders, excited by the fight, scarcely perceived this sad and tragical scene, but pursued the flying, disordered enemy. The banners of the bishops of Troie and Soissons were planted on the top of the towers, and attracted the eager eyes of the whole army. This sight inflames those who are still on board the vessels ; on all sides they press, they rush forwaj-d, tliuy fly to tlie escalade. The Franks obtain possession of four towers : terror prevails among the Greeks,. 128 UISTOET OF THE CKUSADE3. and the few who resist are slaughtered at every point they eBdeavour to defend ; three of the gates of the citv faW to pieces beneath the strokes of the rams ; the horsemen issue from the ships with their horses, and the whole army of the Crusaders precipitates itself at once into the city.* A horseman (Pierre Bacheux), who preceded his fellows, ad- vanced almost alone to the hill upon v>hich Mourzoufle was encamped, and the Greeks, in their fright, took him for a giant. Nicetas himself says that his helmet appeared as large as a tower ; the soldiers of the emperor could not stand against the appearance of a single Frank horseman. Mourzoufle, abandoned by his troops, fled: the Crusaders took possession of the imperial tents, continued their \ac- torious course into the city, and put to the sword every Greek they met with. " It ivas a horrihh spectacle,^'' says Villehardouin, " to see women and young cliiJdren running distractedly here and there, tremhJing and half dead toith fright, lamenting piteousJy, and begging for mercy.'" The Crusaders set fire to the quarter they had invaded,t and the flames, driven by the wind, announced to the other extremities of the city the presence of an irritated conqueror. Terror and despair prevailed in every street of Constan- tinople. Some Greek soldiers retired to the palace, whilst others, to escape recognition, threw away both their clothes and their arms. The people and the clergy took refuge- in the churches, axid the more wealthy inhabitants, in all parts, endeavoured to conceal their most valuable property by burying it in the earth. Many rushed out of the city, without at all knowing whither to direct their steps. [J; * According to Gunther, the taking of Consbiutinople was more won- derful than all that has been related by Homer and the poets of antiquity. f Guuther says it was a Germnn count th;it set tire to the city, — comes Tc'dtouicus ; he did it to prevent the Greeks fioni rallying: — Comes Teutoiiicus jussit urbem in quadam parte succendi, ut Grseci diiplici laborantes incomniodo, belli scilicet atque inrendii, faciliiis vineertntur ; quod et factum est, et hoc illi consiiio victi penitiis in fugam coMversi sunt. X The crowd of Greeks fltd principally by the Golder> CJale M. le Chevalier, in his Voyage de la Propontide, informs us that vestiges of the Golden Gate are still to be seen witlin the inclosiire of the seven towers. This gate was a triumphal arch erected by Thodosius, aftt-r hig victory ovei Maximus ; it was surmounted by a statue of Victory in bronxe, HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. 129 "Wliilst all were flying before them, the Crusaders were in a state of astonishment at their own \ictory. At the approach of night, they dreaded an ambuscade, and did not venture to pursue the conquered enemy further ; the Vene- tians encamped within sight of their vessels ; the count of Inlanders, by a happy augury, occupied the imperial tents, and tlie marquis of ^lontferrat advanced towards the palace of Blachernse. The Latins entertained no idea chat the conflict was ended, and kept careful watch under the ram- pai-ta they had invaded and won. Mourzoufle went througli many quarters of the city, en- dejivouring to rally the soldiers : he spoke to them of glory, he invoked the name of their country, he promised ricli re- V, ards for valour : but the voice of patriotism was no longer listened to, and neither the love of glory nor the hopes of reward could aftect men whose whole thoughts werl3 engaged in the means of saving their lives. Mourzoufle no longer inspired either respect or confidence, and the people, in reply to his exhortations, reproached him with his parricide, and attributed to him all the calamities of the war. When he found himself without hope, it became necessary to en- deavour to escape both the pursuit of the conquerors and the resentment of the conquered, and l)e embarked secretly oi' the Propontis, with the purpose of seeking an army, or rather an asylum, in the mountains of Thrace. When his flight became known in Constantinople, his name was loaded v\ith maledictions, and, as if it w?s necevjsary that an em- peror should be present at the fall of the empire, a distracted crowd flocked to the church of St. Sophia, to choose a new muster. Theodore Ducas and Theodore Lascaris solicited the suffrages of the assembly, and contended for a throne that and ornamented profusely with gold. On the remains of this gate may still be read these Latin verses : — Theodosi jussis, gerainc nee mense peracto, Constantinus ovanj haec moenia firma locavit ; Tarn cito tarn stabilem PifUas vix conderet arcem. Raoul de Dicetto, quoted by Ducange, says that these words were upon the Golden Gate : — Quando veniet rex flavus occidentalis, ego per nieipsam aperiar. Raoul de Uicetto wrote thirteen years before the taking ol Lcnstantinople, 130 niSTOET OF THE CKUSAiJES. no longer existed. Lascaris was chosen emperor, but lie did not dare to assume the imperial crown. This prince pos- sessed both firmness and spirit ; the Greeks even boasted of his skill in war, and he undertook to reanimate their courage and arouse their patriotism. " The Latins," ^aid he, " are few, and advance with trembling caution into a city that has still numberless defenders ; the Crusaders are afraid to leave their ships at any distance, as they know they are their only refuge in case of defeat : pressed by the approach of danger, they have called in the assistance of fire as their faithful auxiliary, and conceal their fears behind a rampart of flames and a heap of ruins. The warriors of the West neither fight for religion, nor their country, nor their pro- perty, nor the honour of their families. The Greeks, on the contrary, defend all they hold most dear, and must carry to the contest every sentiment that can increase the courage and inflame the zeal of citizens. If you are still Romans," added Lascaris, " the victory is easy ; twenty thousand bar- barians have shut themselves up within your walls ; fortune has given them up to our arms." The new emperor then addressed the soldiers and the imperi.al guards ; he repre- sented to them that their safety was inseparably connected with that of Constantinople, that the enemy would never pardon being driven back by them several times from the ramparts of the capital ; that in victory they would find all the advantages of fortune, all the pleasures of life : whilst in flight, neither land nor sea could aiford them an asylum, and that shame, misery, and death itself would follow their footsteps everywhere. Lascaris did not neglect to flatter the pride, and endeavour to kindle the zeal of the patricians. He reminded them of the heroes of ancient Rome, and pre- sented to their valour the great examples of history, " It was to their arms Providence had confided the safety jf the imperial city ; if, contrary to all hopes, the country should be subdued, they could have but few regrets in abandoning life, and would find perhaps some glory in dying on the same day on which the old empire of the Cajsars should be doomed to fall." The soldiers only replied to his speech by demanding their pay ; the people listened to Lascaris with more surprise than HISTOKT OF THE CliUSADES, 131 confidence, and the patricians preserved a gloomy s'^ence, sensible to no other feeling but a profound despair. The trumpets of the Crusaders were soon heard, and at this signal, terror seized even the bravest ; there Mas no longer any idea of disputing the victory with the Latins. Lascaris, left alone, was himself obliged to abandon a city which he could find no one to assist him in defending. Thus Con- stantinople, that had beheld two emperors in one night, was once again without a master, and presented the image of a vessel without a rudder, dashed about by the winds, and ready to perish amidst the howling of the tempest. The conflagration begun by the Latins, extended to several other quarters, and consumed, by the admission of the barons, more houses than three of the greatest cities of either I'rance or Germany contained. The fire continued its ravages during the whole night, and before day the Cru- saders prepared, by the light of its flames, to follow up their victory. Eanged in order of battle, they were advancing with precaution and mistrust, when their ears were saluted with supplicating voices that filled the air with lamentations and prayers. Women, children, and old men, preceded by the clergy, bearing crosses and images of saints, came in procession, to throw themselves at the feet of the conquerors. The leaders allowed their hearts to be touched by the cries and entreaties of this weeping crowd, and a herald-at-arms was ordered to pass through the ranks, and proclaim the laws of clemency ; the soldiers were commanded to spare the lives of the inhabitants, and to respect the honour of women and maidens. The Latin clergy joined their exhor- tations with those of the leaders of the army, and threatened with the vengeance of the Church all who should abuse vic- tory by outraging humanity. In the mean time the Crusaders advanced amidst the braying of trumpets and the noise of clarions, and their banners were soon planted in the principal quarters of the city. "When Boniface entered the palace of Bucoleon, which "rt'as supposed to be occupied by the imperial guard, He was surprised to find a great number of women, of the first families of the empire, whose only defence was their groans and tears. Marguerite, daughter of the king of 132 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. Hungary, and wife of Isaac, and Agnes, daughter of a king of France,* the wife of two emperors, threw themselves at the feet of the barons, and implored their mercy. Tlie marquis of IVlontferrat respected their misfortunes, and })iaced them under tlie protection of a guard. Whilst ]3onif;ice occupied the palace of Bucoleon, Henry of Hai- nault took possession of that of Blachernse ; these two palaces, filled with immense riches, were preserved from pillage, and were exempted from the lamentable scenes which, during several days, desolated the city of Constan- tinople, t The Crusaders, impatient to gather the treasiu-es they had shared beforehand, spread themselves through all the quarters of the capital, and carried off, without pity or con- sideration, everything that offered itself to their avidity. The houses of the poorest citizens were no more respected than the mansi^ons of the rich. The Greeks, plundered of their property, ill-treated by the conquerors, and turned out of their homes, implored the humanity of the coiuits and barons, and pressed around the marquis of Montferrat, cry- ing, " J/o/y kinq marquis, Tiaveintij upon us ! " Boniface was touched by their prayers, and endeavoured to recall the Cru- saders to some sentiments of moderation ; but the license of the soldiers increased with the sight of booty ; the most disso- . lie and most undisciplined gave the signal, and marched at * Agnes, daughter of Louis VII., had been at the age of eight years, given in marriage to Alexius Comnenus, the son of Manuel, in 1179. After the death of Alexius, his niurdt-rer Aiidronicus usurped the empire and married Agues, but had no children by htr. Agnes remained a widow at Constantinople to the time of its being taken, when she married Branas, who was attached to the party of the Latins. "t" Nicetas speaks of the carnage which followed the taking of Constan- tinople. We have quoted the words even of Villehardouin, who does not materially contradict Nicetas. The pope in his letters warmly reproached the Crusaders on this subject. Gun.'heronly carries the number of slain, on the entrance of the Crusaders into Jerusalem, to two thousand persons, and attributes this slaughter to the Latins established at Constantinople, who had great cause of complaint against the Greeks. The same historian informs us that the ecclesiastics that followed the army contributed, by their discourses, to put an end to the massacre. He does not omit this occasion to praise the piety and humanity of Martin Litz, who went through the ranks of the victorious army, preaching moderation to the conquerors. HISTOET OP THE CEUSADE3. 188 tlieir head, and their example led on all the rest : the in- toxication of victory had no longer any restraint, — it was sensible to neither fear nor pity.* When the C.vusaders discontinued the slaughter, they had recourse to every kind of outrage and violence to plunder the conquered ; no spot in Constantinople was free from "brutal search. In spite of the frequently-repeated prohibi- tions of their leaders and priests, they respected neither the modesty of women nor the sanctity of chm'ches. Some soldiers and followers of the army plundered the tombs and coffins of the emperors ; the body of Justinian, which ages had spared, and which presented itself to their eyes in a fresh and undecayed state, could not repel their sacrilqgioua hands, or make them respect the peace of the grave ; iu every temple where a rag of silk shone, or a particle of gold glittered, their greedy lingers were stretched out to clutch them. The altar of the Virgin, which decorated the church of St. Sophia, and which was admired as a masterpiece of art, was beaten to pieces, and the veil of the sanctuary was torn to rags. The conquerors played at dice upon the marble tables which represented the apostles, and got drunk out of the cups reserved for divine service. Horses and mules led mto the sanctuary, bent beneath the weight of the spoils, and, pierced by sword-points, stained with their blood and their ordure the vestibule of St. Sophia. A prostitute girl, whom Nicetas calls the follower of demons, the priestess of furies, mounted the patriarchal pulpit, sang an immodest song, and danced in the church, amidst a crowd of soldiers, as if to insult the ceremonies of religion. The Greeks coidd not behold these impious scenes without trembling with horror. Nicetas, whilst deploring the mis- fortunes of the empire and the Grreek Chiu'ch, declaims with vehemence against the barbarous race of the Franks. " Here," says he, " is what was promised by that golden gorget, that haughty bearing, those elevated eyebrows, that closely shaven beard, that hand so ready to shed blood, those * There was nothing so difficult, says Nicetas, as to soften the fierce temper, appease the anger, or gain the a ections of these barbarians. Tlieir bile was so heated, that it only require a word to set it in a hinze ; it was a ridiculous undertaking to attempt to render them tractable, a folly to speak reason to them. x64i HISTOET OE THE CEUSADE3. nostrils breathing anger, that proud eye, that cruel disposi« tion, that prompt and hurried utterance." * The historian of Byzantium reproaches the Crusaders with having sm*- passed the Saracens in barbarity, and reminds them of the example of the soldiers of Saladin, who, when masters of Jerusalem, neither violated the modesty of matrons and vii'gins, nor filled the sepulchre of the Saviour with bloody carcasses, nor subjected Cliristiaus to fire, sword, hunger, or nakedness. The country on the shores of the Bosphorus offered a no less deplorable spectacle than the capital. Villages, churches, country-houses were all devastated and given over to pillage. A distracted crowd covered the roads, and wandered about at hazard, piu'sued by fear, beiiding under fatigue, and uttering cries of despair. Senators, patricians, the offspring of a family of emperors, strayed homeless about, covered Avith rags, seeking for any miserable asylum. When the church of St. Sophia was pillaged, the patriarch fled away, imploring the charity of passengers ; all the rich fell into indigence, and inspired nothing but contempt ; the most illustrious nobility, the highest dignities, the splendour of talents or virtues, possessed iiothing to create respect or attract admiration. Misery, like inevitable death, effaced all distinctions, and confounded all ranks ; the dregs of the people completed the spoliation of the fugitives, at the same time insidting their misfortunes. A senseless multitude rejoiced at the public evils, applauded the degradation of the noble and the rich, and called these disastrous days, days of justice and equality. Nicetas describes his misfortune and his own deplorable adventures ; the house he had inhabited imder the reign of the emperors W"as consumed by the flames of the second conflagration : having retired with his family to another hour^, built near the church of St. Sophia, he soon found himself in danger in this last asylum, and only owed his safety to devoted friendship and gratitude. A Venetian merchant, whom he had saved from the fury of the Greeks before the flight of Alexius, was desirous, in his turn, of * This is a very remarkable passage ; it describes the hero of the rrusadcs with the pencil of the painter as well as with the pen of the historian. — Trans. niSTOIlT OF THE CRUSADES. 135 i»o.vitig his benefactor ; he armed himself with a sword and a lance, assumed the dress of a soldier of the cross, and as ho «pokc the languages of the West, he defended the entranco of the house of Nicetas, saying it was his, the price of his blood, shed in fight. This vigilant sentinel at first repulsed all aggressors, and braved a thousand perils ; a model of fidelity and virtue, amidst the horrid disorders that desolated Constantin-ople. The turbulent crowd of soldiers that filled the streets and penetrated everywhere, became indignant that a single house should be thus exempt from their brutal searches. The despairing Venetian at length came to Nicetas, and told him that it was totally out of his power to defend him any longer. " If you remain here," said he, " to-morrow, perhaps, you will be loaded with chains, and your family become a prey to all the violences of the conquerors. Follow me, and I will conduct you out of the gates of Constantinople." Nicetas, with his A^ife and children, followed the faithful Venetian : their liberator, in ai'mour, marched at their head, and led them as if they were prisoners. This unfortunate family proceeded, filled with fear, meeting at every step soldiers greedy of pillage, who ill-treated the Greeks they plundered, and threatened every woman with insult. Nicetas, and some of his friends who had come to join him, carried tlieir children in their arms, the only wealth that Heaven had left them ; and defended alone by the pity which their despair and misery inspired. They walked "ogether, placing their wives and daughters in the centre, after having advised the youngest to blacken their faces with earth. In spite of this precaution, the beauty of one young girl attracted the attention of a soldier, and she was borne away from the arms of her father, weighed down by age and infirmities. Nicetas, touched by the tears of the old man, flew after the ravisher, and addressing himself to all the warriors he met, he implored their pity, and conjured them, in the name of Heaven, the protector of virtue, in the name of their own families, to snatch a daughter from dis- honour, to save a father from despair. The Frank wan-iora were affected by his prayer, and the unfortunate father soon saw his daughter restored to him, the only hope of his exile, the last consolation of his grey hairs, Nicetaa 130 HISTOBT OF THE CllTJSADES. and his companions in trouble encountered stiZl further dan- gers, but at length got safely out of Constantinople by the Golden Gate, happy at being able to quit a country so lately the object of all their affections. The generous Venetian received their blessings, and in return prayed Heaven tc protect them in their exile. iS'icetas, with tears, embraced his liberator, whom he never had the good fortune to see again ; then casting a look upon Constantinople, upon his unhappy country, he addressed to it these touchiug complaints, which express the griefs of his exile, and which he himself has transmitted to us :* — " O Queen of Cities, what power has been able to separate us from thee ! What consolation shall we find on issuing from thy walls, as naked as we issued from the bosom of our mothers ! Become the sport of strangers, the companions of wild animals that inhabit the forests, we shall never again visit thy august domes, and can only fly with terror around thee, like sparrows round the spot where their nest has been destroyed." Nicetas arrived with his family at Cylindria, and after- wards retired to Nice, where he employed himself in retracing the history of the misfortunes of his country. Co]iatantinople did not cease to be the theatre of the , frigbtfid deeds of violence that war brings in its train. Amidst the sanguinary sports of victory, the Latins, to insult the effeminate manners of the Greeks, clothed them- selves in long flowing robes, painted of various colours ; they fastened to the heads of their horses linen hoods with their silken cords, in which the Orientals dress themselves ; whilst others paraded the streets carrying in their hands, instead of a sword, some paper and an ink-horn ; thus ridiculing the conquered, whom they termed scribes and copyers. The Greeks had on all occasions insulted the ignorance of the Latins ; the kuights, without seeking to retort upon their enemies for their affronts, esteemed notliiug but the trophies of valour and the labours of war, and held in con- tempt the quiet occupations of peace. With these disposi- * The lamentations of Nicetas are not always natural ; wliilst deploring the fate of Byzantium he says, " I complained to the walls, that they alone should be insensible to calamities, and should remain standing, iiistead of melting away in tears." HISTORY OF THE CEUSADES. 137 tions it was not likely they should spare the monuments that decorated the public places, the palaces, or the edifices of Byzantium. Constantinople, which to this period had stood erect amidst the ruins of several empires, had coh lected within its walls the scattered relics of the arts, and was proud to exhibit the masterpieces that had been saved from the destruction of barbarous ages. The bronze, iu wliich breathed the genius of antiquity, was ca^t into the furnace, and converted into money, to satisfy the greedy soldiers. The heroes and gods of the Nile, those of ancient Greece aud of ancient Rome, the masterpieces of Praxiteles, Phidias, and the most celebrated artists, fell beneath tho strokes of the conquerors. Nicetas, who deplores the loss of these monuments, has left us a description, /rom which the history of art may derive some advantage.* The historian of Byzantium informs us that in the Place of Constantino stood, before the siege, the statue of Juno, and that of Paris oftering to Venus the prize of beauty, or the apple of discord. The statue of Juno, which had formerly adorned the temple of the goddess at Samos, was of so colossal a size, that when it was destroyed by the Crusaders, eight harnessed oxen were required to drag the gigantic head to the palace of Bucoleon. In the same place was erected an obelisk of a square form, which astonished the spectator by the multitude and variety of the objects it presented to his view. On the sides of this obelisk the artist had represented, in basso-relievo, all sorts of birds saluting the return of the svm, villagers employed in their rustic labours, shejjherds playing on their pipes, sheep bleating, lambs bounding on the grass ; further on, a tran- quil sea and fishes of a thousand sorts, some taken alive, others breaking the nets and regaining their deep retreats ; at the back of the landscape, uaked cupids playing and throwing apples at each other ; at the top of the obelisk, * The eleventh and twelfth volumes of the Memoirs of the Royal Society of Gottiiigen contain a beautiful work of the illustrious Heyne, upon the monuments of art that have existed at Constantinople. In the first memoir he gives the nomenclature of the ancient monuments, — Priscce Artis Opera. In the second those that were erected under tlieemperors of Byzantium. In two other memoirs, the same learned author describes the loss of these same monuments : Oe Interitu Operum cum antiquoe iam ••prioris (Etatis. Vol II.— 7 138 niSTORT OF THE C:iUSADES. which terminated in a pyramidal form, was the figure of a woiiian that turned with the least breath of air, which was called tJie attendant of the winds. An equestrian statue* ornamented the place of Mount Taurus ; the horse appeared to throw np the dust with hia feet, and outspeed the winds in his course. As the horse- man had his arm extended towards the sun, some supposed it to represent Joshua, commanding the star of day to stand still, on the plains of Gabaon ; otliers believed the artist meant to describe Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus.f A colossal statue of Hercides,;!: attributed to Lysippus, Avas one of the ornaments of the Hippodrome ; the demigod had neither his bow nor his club ; he was seated on a bed of osier ;§ his left knee bent, sustained his elbow; his head reclining on his left hand ; his pensive looks and air ex- * The Bellerophon. This sfatue is that of Theodosius, showing a tro])hy placed upon a neighbouring column ; it was thus the Pacificator was represented : fuit a Deo pacifcatoris habitus. Nicetas says thai in Lis left hand he held a globe. The statues of the other emperors of Con- stantinople present a similar sign, to which a cross is attaclied The people believed that under the hoof of the left fore foot, was the figure of a Venetian or a Bulgarian, or of a man of some other country which had no intercourse with the Romans. The statue being destroyed by the Latins, it was said that the figure of a Bulgarian was found concealed in the hoof, crossed by a nail and incrusted in lead. This statue came from Antioch in Syria. At the quadrilateral base was a basso-relievo, in which the populace, ever superstitious, fancied they beheld the prediction of the fall of the empire. They even said that the Russians there represented would accomplish the prediction. f One of the French translators of Gibbon, of a single statue has made two ; he speaks of a statue of Joshua and of another of Bellerophon. It is true that this gross error is only met with in one French translation ; the English original says that in the opinion of the vulgar, this statue passed for that of Joshua, bat that a more classical tradition recognised in it that of Bellerophon and Pegasus ; the free and spirited attitude of the courser indicating that he trod on air rather than on the earth. % rie.yne attributes it to Lysippus ; he thinks it is the same as the colossal Hercules of Tarentum, which was brought to Rome and placti in the Capitol. From this city it went to Constantinojile, with ten other statues, under the consulate of Julian and the reign of Constantine, that is to say, about 322 ; but it was not till after being e.\hibited in the Basilic that it -was placed in tlie Hippodrome. § Gibbon calls this an osier basket ; Michaud says, tm lit d'osier, which I have preferred. I can imagine Hercules sitting upon a bed oi mattress of osier, but not upon a basket. — Trans. HISTORY or THE CRUSADES. 139 pressing tlio vexation and sorrow caused by the jealousy of Eui'ystheus. The shoulders and chest of Hercules were broad, his hair was curled, and his limbs were large and muscular ; his leg alone exceeded in height the stature of au ordinary man. The skin of the Nemean lion, exhibited over the shoulders of the son of Alcmena, the erected mane and the head of the animal, which might be fancied still to roar and terrify the passers by, who stopped to contemplate the statue. Not far from the terrible Hercules, -was a group of an ass and its driver, which Augustus placed in his colony of Nico- polis, to perpetuate the remembrance of a singular circum- stance that had foretold the victory of Actium to him. Near this were the hyena or she-wolf that suckled Romulus and Eemus, a monument from the old nations of the West ;* the sphinx, with the face of a woman, dragging frightful animals behind her ; the crocodile, an inhabitant of the Nile, with his tail covered with horrible scales ; a man fighting with a lion ; an elephant with his supple trunk ; and tlie antique Scylla, showing before, the features of a woman, with large breasts and a deformed figure ; and behind, such monsters as those that pursued Ulysses and his companions. In the same place was an eagle clutching a serpent in his talons, and bearing it away towards the azure vault ; the bronze beautifully exhibited the pain of the reptile, and the haughty fierceness of the bird of Jupiter. When the sun shone on the horizon, the extended wings of the king of the air denoted, by lines skilfully traced, the twelve hours of the day. All who, in that gross age, preserved any taste for the arts, admired the figure of a young woman, her hair plaited on her brow, and gathered into a knot behind, placed upon a column of the Circus ; this yoiuig woman, as if by enchant- ment, bore in her right hand a horseman, whose horse she • The learned Harris, in his historical Essay upon tie literature and arts of the middle ages, thinks that the monument which represented tlie wolf suckling Romulus, was the same as that to which Virgil makes allusion when describing the buckler of iKneas : — Illam tereti cervice reflexam Mulcere alternos, et corpora fingere lingua. uEneid, I viii. 140 HISTOET 01" TUE CRUSADES. held by one foot ; the horseman covered with his cuirass, and the spirited, neighing steed, seemed listening to the warlike trumpet, and to breathe nothing but eagerness for the fight. Near the eastern boundary of the Circus were represented in bronze, the charioteers who had gained prizes, and whose triumphs, in times gone by, had often divided the empire into two factions ; they appeared standing in their chariots, running in the lists, pulling and loosening by turns the reins of their coursers, and encouraging them by gesture and voice. Not far from this, upon a basis of stone, were several Egyptian animals, tlie aspic, the basilisk, and the crocodile, all engaged in mortal combat, — an image of the war made by the wicked on each other ; the hideous forms of these animals, the rage and pain expressed throughout their bodies, the livid poison which seemed to exhale with their bites, altogether inspired a feeling of disgust and terror. Another masterpiece, made to charm the siglit, ought, at least, to have touched and disarmed the conquerors. Among the statues described by Nicetas, none is more conspicuous than a Helen with her charming smile and her voluptuous atti- tude ; a Helen, with perfect regularity of features, lier hair floating at the pleasure of the winds, her eyes full of languor, her lips, which even in the bronze were rosy ; her arms, of which even the same bronze showed the whiteness ; Helen, in short, with all her beauty, and such as she appeared before the old men of Ilium, who were ravished at her presence. Constantinople contained many other splendid objects of art, which preceding s^ges had admired ; almost all such as were of bronze were condemned to perish, the Crusaders seeing in these monuments nothing but the metal of which they were composed. " That which antiquity had judged," says Nicetas, " of inestimable value, became, all at once, a common matter ; and that which had cost immense sums, was changed by the Latins into pieces of coin of very little value !" The statues of marble held out less temptation for the cupidity of the conquerors, and received no other injuries than such as were inseparable from the tumult and disorders of war. The Grreeks, who appeared so proud of their knowledge, themselves neglected the fine arts. The sciences of Greece, the profane wisdom of the Academy aiad the Lyceum, had HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 141 given place among them to the debates of scholastic theology, tliey passed by tiie Hippodrome with inditiereiice, and held nothing in reverence butrelics and images of saints. These relig.ous treasures, preserved Avith care in the churches and palaces of Byzantium, had, during several ages, attracted the attention of the Christian world ; in the days that followed the conquest, they tempted the pious cupidity of the Cru- saders. Whilst the greater part of the warriors bore away the gold, the jewels, the carpets, and the rich stutfs of the East, the more devout of the pilgrims, particidarly the ecclesiastics, collected a booty much more innocent and appropriate to the soldiers of Christ. Many braved the prohibitions of their leaders and their superiors, and did not disdain to employ by turns supplications and menaces, stratagem or violence, to procure relics that were the objects of their respect and veneration. Contemporary history- relates several examples of this, which serve to make us acquainted with the spirit of the pilgrim conquerors of B\ zantium. Martin Litz, abbot of Paris, in the diocese of Bale, entered into a church that had been given up to pillage, and penetrated, without being observed, into a retired place, Avhere numerous relics were deposited, under the guardian- ship of a Greek monk.* This Greek monk was then at prayers, with his hands raised supplicatingiy towards heaven. His old age, his white hairs, his fervent piety, and the grief impressed upon his brow, were calculated to inspire both respect and pity ; but Martin, approaching the vene- rable guardian of the treasures with an angry manner, exclaimed in a threatening tone, " Miserable old man, if thou dost not instantly conduct me to the place where thy relics art hidden, prepare to die on the spot !" The monk, terrified by this menace, immediately and tremblingly arose, and pointed to a large iron coft'er, into which the pious abbot eagerly plunged both his hands, and seized everything * Cum ergo victores victam, quam jure belli suam fecerant, alaeriter spoliarent, ccepit Martinus abbas de sua etiam preeda cogitare, at ne ipse vacuus remaneret, pr.oposuit et ipse sacratas manus suas ad rapinam extendere. — Gunlher. The same Gunttier relates how Martin committed violence upon a Greek priest to obtain relics from him. When s])eaking of Martin Lita Gunther employs these singular expressions — yrmdo sauctus. 142 HISTOKY OF THE CEUSADES. precious that he coiild grasp. Dehghted with this conquest, he ran to conceal his treasures on board a vessel, and con- trived, by a holy fraud, to keep them for several days from the knowledge of the leaders and prelates of the army, wlio had strictly ordered the pilgrims to bring to an appointed place all the relics that fell into their hands. Martin Litz, at first, returned to the Christians of Pales- tine, who had sent him to Constantinople; and, a short time after, came back to Europe, loaded with spoils obtained from the clergy of Byzantium. Among the relics he exhibited on his return, were, a piece of the true cross, the bones of St. John the Baptist, and an arm of St. James. The mira- culous translation of tliis treasure is celebrated with much pomp by the monk Gunther, in whom it created more surprise and joy than the conquest of a great empire. If we may credit the account of the Grerman monk, angels de- scended from heaven to watch over the relics of Mai'tin Litz. On the route of the holy abbot, the tempests of tlie ocean were silent, pirates were struck motionless, and robbers, those pests of travellers, stopped short, seized with respect and fear. At length Martin Litz was received in triumph at Bale, and the treasures he had preserved through so many perils, were distributed among the principal cliurches of the diocese. Another priest, named Gralon de Dampierre, of the diocese of Langres, less adroit or less fortunate than Martin Litz, liad not been able to obtain any share of the spoils of tlie churches ; he went and threw himself at the feet of the pope's legate, and implored him, with tears in his eyes, to permit him to carry back to his country the head of St.Mames. A third ecclesiastic of Picardy, having found the head of St. George, and the head of St. John the Baptist, con sealed among the ruins, hastened to quit Constantinople, and, laden with such a rich prize, presented to the cathedral of Amiens, his country, the inestimable relics of which Providence had made him the possessor. The princes and barons did not despise these holy spoils. Dandolo, receiving as his share* a piece of the true cross, * We have spoken in the early part of the work of the true rross which the kings of Jerusah^m caused to he home hefore them in battle, and Which was taken by Saladin at the battle of Tiberias ; Sala'ttin refused to HISTORY OF THE CEU9ADES. 143 ■which the emperor Coiistantine was accustomed to have borne before him to battle, mnde a present of it to the repablic of Venice. Baldwin kept for himself the crown of thorns of Christ, and several other relics found in the palace of Bucoleon. He sent Philip Augustus, king of France, a portion of the true cross, a foot in length ; some of the hair of J 3SUS Christ, when an infant ; and the linen in which the Man-Grod was enveloped in the stable in which he was born. The Greek priests and monks, thus plundered by the con- querors, parted with tears from the remains of the saints that had been confided to their keeping, and which every day cured the sick, made, the lame to walk, restored sight to the blind, and strength to the paralytic. These holy spoils, that the devotion of the faithful had gathered together from all the countries of the East, went to illustrate the churches of France and Italy, and were received by the Christians of the West as tlie most glorious trophies of the victories God had enabled the Crusaders to obtain. Constantinople fell into the power of the Latins on the 10th of April, towards the end of Lent. The marshal of Champagne, after relating some of the scenes we have described, says with great simplicity, " Thus passed the splendid festivities of Easter." The clergy called the Cru- saders to penitence ; the voice of religion made itself heard in hearts hardened by victory ; the soldiers crowded to the churches they had devastated, and celebrated the sufterings and death of Christ i*ipon the wrecks of his own altars. This solemn epoch without doubt inspired some generous sentiments ; all the Latins were not deaf to the language of the charity of the Gospel. We feel bound here to admit that the greater part of the knights and ecclesiastics pro- tected the liberty and lives of the citizens, and the honour of matrons and vii'gins ; but such was the spirit that then deliver it up to Richard, as macy "f the Crusaders must have known. How then could the true cross be found at Constantinople .' The Grisks, however, were not very nice with respect to the authenticity of their relics, and the Christians of the West on this point yielded very easy faith to them. [I cannot but thii'k our author a little out in his criticism here : they were but fragments or portions of the cross, at Constantinople • the Saracens still held the main body of the true cross — if true it ivas.— Trans.! 144 ni?sIOL'T OF TUE CRUSADES. possessed tlie warriors, that all the Crusaders allowed them- selves to be overcome by the thirst for booty ; ai\d the leaders, equally with the soldiers, exercised, without hesita- tiou or scruple, the right which their victory hod given them of plundering the conquered. It was agreed that all the spoils should be deposited in three churches, selected for the purpose ; and the leaders commanded tlie Crusaders to bring, in common, the whole of the booty, and threatened with death and excommunication all who should abstract anything from the prize of the valour, and the recompense due to the labours of the whole army. Many soldiers, and even some knights, allowed themselves to be led away by avarice, and retained valuable objects that fell into their hands. " Which," says the marshal of Cham- pagne, "made the Lord to begin to love them less." The justice of the counts and barons was inflexible towards the guilty ; the count of St. Pol ordered one of his knights, who had withheld something from the common stock of booty, to be hung, with his escutcheon suspended from his neck.* Thus the Greeks, plundered by violence, might be present at the punishment of some of the ravishers of their pro- perty, and might contemplate with surprise the regulations of stern equity mingled with the disorders of victory and pillage. After the festival of Easter, the Crusaders shared the captured riches ; the fourth part of the spoil was set aside for him who should be chosen emperor, and the rest was divided among the French and the Venetians. The Prench Crusaders, who had conquered Zara, to the sole advantage of the Venetians, were not the less called upon to pay the fifty thousand silver marks they owed to the republic ; the amount was deducted beforehand from the portion of the booty that belonged to them. In the division that was made among the warriors- of Lombardy, Gi-ermany, and France, each knight had a part equal to that of two horsemen, and every horseman one equal to that of two foot-soldiers. All the plunder of the Greeks only yielded f * Villehardouin, when speaking of the rigorous justice exercised upon all who endeavoured to conceal any part of the plunder, says : Et en y eut tout plfin de pendus. •)• One edition of Villehardouin makes the plunder of Constantinople amount to rive hundred thousand silver marks, equivalent to twenty-louJ HISTORY OF THE CliUSABES. 145 four hundred thousand silver marks ; hut although this sum i'ar exceeded the revenues of all the kingdoms of tne AVest, it did not by any means represent the value of the riches accumiUated in Byzantium. If the princes and barons, upon making themselves masters of the city, had been satisfied v^itli imposing a tribute upon the inhabitants, they might have received a much larger sum ; but this pacific manner of obtaining wealth agreed neither with their character nor the humour they were in. History asserts that the Venetians, in this circumstance, offered them some very prudent advice, and made propositions that were rejected with scorn. The Frank warriors could not condescend to submit the advan- tages of victory to commercial calculations ; the produce of pillage was always, in their eyes, the most worthy fruit of conquest, and the most noble reward of valour. When they had thus shared the rich plunder of the Eastern empire, the Crusaders gave way to the most extra- vagant joy, without perceiving that they had committed a great fault in exhausting a country which was about to become their own ; they did not reflect that the ruin of the conquered miglit one day bring on that of the conquerors, and that tlicy might become as poor as the Greeks they had just despoiled. Without regrets, as without foresight, hoping everything from their own good swords, they set about elect- ing a leader who should reign over a people in mourning and a desolated city. The imperial purple had still the same splendour in their eyes, and the throne, though shaken by their arms, was still the object of their ambition. Six electors were chosen from among the Venetian nobles, and six others from among the French ecclesiastics, to give a millions ; if we add to this sum the fifty thousand marks due to the Vene- tians, and deducted before the division, and the part which they had in the division itself, we shall find (he total amount of booty fifty millions four hundred thousand francs (about i?2,100,000. — Trans.). As much, says the modtrn historian who supplies us with this note, perhaps, was appro- priated secretly by individuals. The three fires w liich had consumed more than half the city had destroyed at l^ast as much of its riches, and in the profusion that followed the pillage, the most precious effects had lost so much of their value, that the advantage of the Latins probably was not equivalent to a quarter of what they had cost the Greeks. Thus we may suppose that Constantinople, before the attack, contained 600,000,000 of wealth (£'25,000,000). (What would the plunder of London amount to in 1852 .'—Trans.) 14.6 UISTORT OF THE CKt SADES. master to Constantinople ; the twelve electors assembled in tixe palace of Bucoleon, and swore, upon tlie Crospel, to crown only merit and virtue. Three of the principal leaders of the crusade had equal claims to the suftrages of the electors. If the purple vfas to be the reward of experience, of ability in council, and of services rendered to the cause of the Latins, Henry Dandolo, who had been the moving spirit, the very soul of the enter- prise, certainly had the first claim to it. The marquis of Montferrat, -likewise, had titles worthy of great considera- tion ; the Latins had chosen him for their leader, and the Greeks already acknowledged him as their master. His bravery, proved in a thousand fights, promised a firm and generous support to a throne that must rise from amidst ruins. His prudence and moderation might give the Latins and the people of Greece reason to hope that, when once raised to empire, he would repair the evils of war. The claims of Baldwin to the imperial crown were not less cogent than those of his concurrents. The count of Flan- ders was related to the most powerful monarchs of the West, and was descended, in the female line, from Charlemagne. He was much beloved by his soldiers, whose dangers he was alwavs ready to share ; he had deservedly obtained the esteem of the Greeks, who, even amidst the disorders of conquest, celebrated him as the champion of chastity and honour. Baldwin was tlie protector of the weak, the friend of the poor; he loved justice, and had no dread of truth. His youth, which he had already illustrated by brilliant ex- ploits and solid virtues, gave the subjects of the new empire hopes of a long and happy reign ; the rank he held among the warriors, his piety, his intelligence, his love of study and learned men, rendered him worthy of ascending the throne of Augustus and Constantine. The electors at first turned their attention towards the venerable Dandolo ; but the republicans of Venice trembled at the idea of seeing an emperor among their fellow-citizens : " What shall we not have to dread," said the^^, " from a Venetian, become master of Greece, and of part of tlie East ? Shall we be subject to his laws, or will he remain subject to the laws of our country ? LTnder his reign, and under that of his succcssoi's, who will assure us that Veuice, niSTORT OF TUE CllUSADES. 147 the Queen o. Uie Seas, ^vill not become one of the cities of this empire ?" The Venetians, whilst speaking thus, bestowed just eulogiums upon the virtue and character of Dandolo ; they added, that their doge, who was approaching the end of a life filled with great actions, had nothing left him but to finish his days with glory, and that he himself would find it more glorious to be the head of a victorious republic, than the sovereign of a conquered nation. " What Eoman," cried they, " would have been willing to lay down the title of citizen of Eome, to become king of Carthage ?" On terminating their speeches, the Venetians conjured the assembly to elect an emperor from among the other leaders of the army. After this, the choice of the electors could only be directed towards the count of Flanders and the marquis of Moutferrat ; the most wise dreading that the one of the two concurrents who should not obtain the empire, would be sure to give vent to his dissatisfaction, and would desire the fall of the throne occupied by his rival. They still remembered the \dolent debates which, in the first enxsade, had foUowed the election of Godfrey of Bomllon ; and the troubles excited in the young kingdom of Jerusalem, by the jealous ambition of Eaymond de St. Grilles. To prevent the eftects of such a fatal discord, it was judged best to decree, at once, that the prince that should gain the suffrages for the imperial throne, should yield to tlie other, under the condition of fealty and homage, the property of the island of Caudia, and all the lands of the empire situated on the other side of the Bosphorus. After this decision, the assembly turned their whole attention to the election of an emperor. Their choice was for a long time uncertain. The marquis of Montferrat at first appeared to have the majority of the suffrages ; but the Venetians Avere fearful of seeing upon the throne of Constantinople a prince who had any possessions in the neighbourhood of their territories, and represented to the assembly that the election of Baldwin would be much more advantageous to the Crusaders, particularly as it would interest the warlike nations of the Flemings and French in the glory and support of the new empire. The interests and jealousies of policy, and, without doubt, also wisdom and equity, at length u?uted all voices in favour of the count of Flanders. 148 HISTOBY OK THE CRUSADES. The Cnisaders, assembled before the palace of Bucoleon, awaited with impatience the decision of the electors. At the honr of midnight, the bishop of Soissons came forward under the vestibule, and pronounced, in a loud voice, these words : " This hour of the night, which witnessed the birth of a Saviour of the world, gives birth to a new empire, under the protection of the Omnipotent. You have for emperor, Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainault." Loud cries of joy arose from among the Venetians and the Prench. The people of Constantinople, who had so often changed masters, received, without repugnance, the new one just given to them, and mingled their acclamations with those of the Latins. Baldwin was elevated upon a buckler, and borne in triumph to the church of St. Sophia. The marquis of Montferrat followed in the train of his rival ; the generous submission, of which he presented an example, waa much admired by his companions in arms, and his presence drew scarcely less attention than the warlike pomp that surrounded the new emperor. The ceremony of the coronation was postponed till the fourth Sunday after Easter. In the mean time the marriage of the marquis of Montferrat with Margaret of Hungary, the widow of Isaac, was celebrated with much splendour. Constantinople beheld within its walls the festivities and spectacles of the West, and, for the first time, the Greeks heard in their churches the prayers and hymns of the Latins. On the day appointed for the coronation of the emperor, Baldwin repaii-ed to St. Sophia, accompanied by the barons and the clergy. Whilst divine service was being performed, the emperor ascended a throne of gold, and received the purple from the hands of the pope's legate, who performed the functions of patriarch. Two knights carried before him the laticlavici tunica of the Roman con- suls, and the imperial sword, once again in the hands of warriors and heroes. The head of the clergy, standing before the altar, pronounced, in the Greek language, these words : "^e is loorthy of reigning ;'^ and all persons present repeated in chorus, " /?e is worthy! he is tcorthy V The Ousaders shouting their boisterous acclamations, the knights clad in armour, the crowd of miserable Greeks, the sanctuary despoiled of its ancient ornaments, and decked with foreigu HISTORY OP THE C11TJS„DES. 14S pomp, presented altogether a spectacle solemn and melan • choly — all the evils of war amidst the trophies of victory. tSurrounded by the ruins of an empire, reflective spectators could not fail to remark among the ceremonies of this day, that in which, according to the custom of the Greeks, werv presented to Baklwin a little vase filled with dust and hones, and a lock of Hghted flax,* as symbols of the short- ness of life and the nothingness of human grandeur. Before the ceremony of his coronation, the new emperor distributed the principal dignities of the empire among his companions in arms. Yillehardouin, marshal of Champagne, obtained the title of marshal of Eomania ; the count de St. Pol, the dignity of constable ; the charges of master of the wardrobe, great cupbearer and butler, were given to Canon de Bethune, Macaire de St. Menehoidt, and Miles de Brabant. The doge of Venice, created despot or prince of Eomania, had the right of wearing piu^le buskins, a privi- lege, among the Grreeks, reserved for members of the impe- rial family. Henry Dandolo represented the republic of Venice at Constantinople ; half the city was imder his dominion and recognised his laws ; he raised himself, by the dignity of his character as weU as by his exploits, above all the princes and all the nobles of the court of Baldwin ; he alone was exempt from paying fealty and homage to the emperor for the lands he was to possess. The barons began to be impatient to share the cities and provinces of the empire. In a council composed of twelve of the patricians of Venice and twelve French knights, all the conquered lands were divided between the two nations Bithynia, Eomania or Thrace, Thessalonica, all Grreece from Thermopylae to Cape Sunium, with the larger isles of the Archipelago, fell to the share and under the dominion of the French. The Venetians obtained the Cyclades and the Spo- rades, in the Archipelago ; the isles and the oriental coast of the Adriatic Gulf; the coasts of the Propontis and the Euxine Sea; thebanks of theHebrus and the Vardas; the citiesof Cyp- eedes, Didymatica, and Adrianople ; the maritime countries of Thessalonica, &c. &e. Such was at first the distribution of the * The ceremony of the lighted flax still takes plare at the exaltation of the popes ; these words are addressed to them : Sic transit gloria mundi. 150 HISTOET or THE CRUSADES. territories of tlie empire. But circumstances that cnuld rioi; be foreseen, the diversity of interests, tlie rivah-ies of ambi- tion, all the chances of fortune and of war, soon produced great changes in this division of dominions. History woidd in vain endeavour to follow the conquerors into the provinces allotted to them ; it woidd be more easy to mark tlie banks of an overflowing torrent, or to trace the path of the storm, than to fix the state of the uncertain and transitory posses- sions of the conquerors of Byzantium. The lands situated beyond tlie Bosphorus were erected into a kingdom, and, with tlie island of Candia, given to the marquis of Montferrat. Boniface exchanged them for the province of Thessalonica, and sold the island of Candia to the republic of Venice for thirty pounds weight of gold. The provances of Asia were abandoned to the count of Blois, who assumed the title of duke of Nice and Bithynia. In the distribution of the cities and lands of the empire, every one of the lords and barons had obtained domains propor- tionate with the rank and services of the new possessor. When they heard speak of so many countries of which they scarcely knew the names, the warriors of the AVest were astonished at their conquests, and believed that the greater part of the universe was promised to their ambition. In the intoxication of their joy, they declared themselves masters of all the provinces that had formed the empire of Constan- tiiie. They cast lots for the countries of the Medes and Parthians, and the kingdoms that were under the domina- tion of the Turks and Saracens ;* several barons expressed a great desire to reign at Alexandria ; others disputed for the palace of the sultans of Iconium ; some knights ex- changed that which had been assigned to them for new possessions, whilst others complained of their share, and demanded an augmentation of territory. With the money * Nicetas relates all the circumstances of the sharing of the lands of the empire. We find in Muratori the treaty for the division which was made before the siege ; we do not offer it to our readers, because it is unintel- ligible in several places, and cannot shed any light over geography. The names of the cities and provinces of the empire are given in a very unfaithful and imjjerfect manner. The Venetians without doubt furnished the necessary information for the drawing up of the treaty, but tliis in- formation was very incomplete. niSTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 15i wliicli arose from the plunder of the capital, the conquerors purchased the provinces of the empire ; they sold, they played at dice, for whole cities and their inhabitaMa. Cob stautinople was during several days a market, in which seas and their islands, nations and their wealth, were trafficked for ; in which the Eoman world was put np to sale, and found purchasers among tlie obscure crowd of the Crusaders. Whilst the barons were thus distributing cities and kingdoms, the ambition of the Latin clergy was by no means idle, but was busy in invading the property of the Greek Church. All the churches of Constantinople were di\ided between the French and the Venetians ; they named priests of the two nations, to minister in the temples torn from the conquered ; and no other religious ceremonies were celebrated within the walls of the city but those of the West. The leaders of the crusade had agreed among themselves, that if the emperor of Constantinople should be chosen from the French, the patriarch should be a Venetian. Ac- cording to this convention, which had preceded the conquest, Thomas Morosini* was elevated to the chair of St. Sophia; priests and Latin bishops were, at the same time, sent into the other conquered cities, and took possession of the wealth and the privileges of the Greek clergy. Thus the Eomish worship associated itself with the victories of the Crusaders, and made its empire acknowledged wherever the banners of the conquerors floated. Nothing now opposed the arms of the Crusaders ; all trembled before them ; fame wafted everywhere the accounts of their exploits and their power ; bvit, on casting a glance into the future the leaders had great reason to fear that the retreat or deatli of their warriors would leave the empire they had founded destitute of defenders. The population, weakened and dispersed, were not sufficient for either the cultivation of the lands or the work of the cities. In this conjuncture, the counts and barons, who always expected with fear the judgments of tlie head of the Church, re- * The pope would not at first recognise this election, which appeared to him a usurpation of the rights of the Holy See ; but as Morosini was an ecclesiastic of great merit, Innocent was not willing to choose another. Morosini was sent to Constantinople not as if elected by the Crusaders, but as if appointed by the pope. 152 HIS'rt)BY OP THE CEITSA.DES. doubled their submission to the sovereign pontiff, and sought his support, in the hope that the Holy See would bring tha AVest to pronounce in their favour, and that at the voice of the father of the faithful, a great number of French, Italians, and Grermans would come to people and defend the new empire. After his coronation, Baldwin wrote to the pope, to an- nounce to him the extraordinary victories by which it had pleased God to crown the zeal of the soldiers of the cross. The new emperor, who assumed the title of knight of the Holy See, recalled to the mind of the sovereign pontiff the perfidies and the long revolt of the Greeks. " We have brought under jour laws," said he, "that city, which, in hatred for the Holy See, would scarcely hear the name of the prince of the apostles, and did not afford a single church to him who received from the Lord the supremacy over all churches." Baldwin, in his letter, invited the vicar of Jesus Christ to imitate the example of his predecessors, John, Agapetus, and Leo, who visited in person the Church of Byzantium. To complete the justification of the pil- grims who had made themselves masters of the Greek em- pire, the emperor invoked the testimony of all the Christians of the East. " AVhen we entered into this capital," added he, " many inhabitants of the Holy Land, who were there, expressed greater joy than any others, and asserted aloud that we had rendered God a more agreeable service than if we had retaken Jerusalem." The marquis of Montferrat at the same time addressed a letter to the sovereign pontiff, in which he protested his humble obedience to all the decisions of the Holy See. "As for me," said the king of Tiiessalonica, " who only took up the cross for the expiation of my sins, and not to obtain an opportunity of sinning with more license i;nder the pretext of religion, I submit myself blindly to your will. If you judge tliat my presence in Eomania may be useful, I will die there, contending against yoiir enemies and those of Christ : if you think, on the contrary, I ouglit to abandon these rich countries, pay no regard to the wealtli or dignities I possess there, I am ready to return to the We!?t ; for I am not will- ing to do anything that will draw upon i-ie the anger of th(J sovereign judge." HISTORY OF THE CEUSADES. 153 The doge of Veuice, who till that time had braved with so much haughtiness the threats aud thunders of the Church, acknowledged the sovereign authority of the pope, and joined his protestations with those of Baldwin aud Boniface. To disarm the anger of Innocent, they represented to him that the conquest of Constantinople had prepared the deli- verance of Jerusalem, and boasted of the wealth of a coun- try wliich the Crusaders had at length brought under the laws of the Holy See. In all their letters to the pope or the faithful of the West, the conquerors of Byzantium spoke of the Greek empire as of a new land of promise, which awaited the sei'vants of Grod and the soldiers of Christ. Innocent had been for a long time irritated by the dis- obedience of the Crusaders ; in his reply, he reproached with bitterness the victorious army of the Latins for having preferred the riches of the earth to those of heaven ;* he reprimanded the leaders for having exposed to the outrages of the soldiers and followers of the army, the honour of ma- trons and maidens, and virgins consecrated to the Lord ; for having ruined Constantinople, plundered both great and small, violated the sanctuary, and put forth a sacrilegious hand upon the treasures of the churches. Nevertheless, the father of the faithful would not take upon him to fathom the judgments of God ; he was satisfied to believe that the Greeks had been justly punished for their faults, and that the Crusaders were recompensed as the instruments of Pro- vidence, as the avengers of divine justice. " Dread," said he, " the anger of the Lord ; hope with fear that he will pardon flie past, if you govern the nations with equity ; if you are faithful to the Holy See, and, above everything, if you entertain a firm resolution to accomplish your vow for the deliverance of the Holy Laud." * Innocent, when speaking of the sack of Constantinople, expresses himself thus iti his letter; — Quidani nee religioni, nee setati, nee sexui pepercerunt ; sed fornicationes, adulteria, et incestus in oculis omnium exercentes, non solum meretriculas et viduas, sed et matronas et virgines Deoque dicatas exposuerunt sjiurcitiis garcionum. The pope is more Sfvere towards the Crusaders than Nicetas himself; the indignation that the disobedience of the Crusaders had created, led him to exaggerate their faults. The word iiicentiis, applied to warriors who had no family relations with the Greeks, alone serves to prove that there is nore bitterness than truth in the letter of Innocent. 154) niSTOlJV OK TlIK ClUiaAOKSI. NotwiUistniuliiij;' lliis oulwiifd show of aiip;or, *.]\o sovo« roigu poiitiir W!is i;riilili("(l to i\\v dcptlirt of his licart by ilio prnyiM'H luul Huhmi.ssioii of Uic licroi^s luul princi^s ■whoso ex- ])loits miu\o tho lOasiiM'ii worhi Iroiiiblo. Carcliiinl Tcior of ('apiia had jj;ivon absohilioii l.o ilio Voiuiians ('xi'oinimmi- caU'd al"l(>r tlu> si(\ of his l<'fj;Mto, but iioishtul by cDiiMniiiiifi; th(> par- don ii;ran!cd to iKindcdo and his co!n|)al riots. 'I'ho pono iip|)rovo(l tiio oU'c'lioii oi' Baldwin, wlio took the t itlo of knight of iho Holy Soo,and I'onsont.od to rci'Of:;iuso an onipiri' to whioh \w was to give laws. Tlio nion* subn>issiv(> tiio Crusadora ehowod th(Mnsolv('s to liis aidJiorit-y, tiio itioro phiinly it ap- poarcd to him tliat tlicir coiujui'sts must conconi th(> glory of {^od and that of tlu> vicar of Christ \\\wn earth. Ho wrote to the l)isho|/s of l*'ranee, tliat (Jod had been willinji; to console tlu> (^hureh by the eonversion of heri'lics; that Providence had !innd)led the (Jreeks, an impious, proud, and nd)ellious people; aiul again |)la('(>(l the c>m[)ire in tJi(> hands of the Latins, a pious, huiubie, aiul submissive nation, ^'ho sovereign pontiff invitinl, in the name of tlu> em[)eror Maid- win, the 1^'rench of both sexes and all conditions, to repair to Oreece to rec(Mve lands and riches ])r()port ioned to their merit and their (|nality. He promised tlu> indnlg(>nces of the crusade to all the faithlul, \vho, sharing the glory of the CrusachM's, should go to defend and [)i-omoto the prosperity of tlu^ new empire of th(> lOast. The pope did not, lioweNcr, lose sight, of \\\v Syi'ian expe- dition, and appeared ixM-suadeil that succours seid, to C'On- stantinople must conti'ibuto to thc^ deliverance of the holy ])!aces. The king of .l(>rusal(Mn im|)lored more earnestly than ever, both by letti>rs aiul and)assadors, tlu' ellectivo ])roti'etion of the Holy SiH>, as well as that if tlu> princes of the Kast. The new em|HM'or of Hy/.antium did not renounce tho hope of assisting the (Christian colonies of Syria; and to rais(^ the courage of his brt>thren of the Ht)ly L.nul, he sent to Ptoleujais the chain of the |)ort ami th(> gates of C\)nstan- tinople. When tlu>se trophies reached Palestine, scarcity, famine, antl all the evils of an unfortunate war i-avaged both cili(>s and ])lains. At the news of ap[)roaching aid, the people of I'lolema'i's passed at once fiom e.Kcessiv(> grii'f antl dc< niSTOnY OF THK CRUSADES. 155 upondoncy to all tlio trariKportH of joy. rame, wliilKt pub- ]i;-^liijif^ the niiraciilouH corxjucHtH of the cornpanioiiH of ]>al(J\viri and Jiouiface, carried the hope of Kafety into ail tlie Cliriritiaii citiew of iSyria, and Hpread terror ainonfr tiie jMu8- HijIiiiaiiH. 'i'iie Hiiltan of J)arnaKcuH had recently concluded a truce with tlu; ClirihstianH, and tn^inbled lest it hliowld l)e broken, w hen, all at once, lie owed Ids tsafety to the very event that had cauKed hiw alanriH. 'J'h(; {greater part of the (kifenderH of tlie Jfoly Land, who had ex[)eri(.'nced nothing but tlie evilH of war, became de- Hiroiis of ])artakin{^ of the {^lory and the good fortune of tJio French and VenetianH. Tli(;y even who had quitted the victoriouH army at Zara, who Jiad bo severely blamed the expedition to ConHtanlinople, believed that the will of God called them to the HhorcH of the iioKphorus, and they aban- doned the Holy Land. The legate of the pope, Peter of Capua, wan drawn away by the example of the other Cru- Haaern, and went to animate with his presence the zeal of the Jjatin clergy, who were labouring for the converHion of the Greek.s; the knights of iSt. John and the Temple also directed their course towards Oreece, where glory and rich domains were the r<;ward of valour; and the king of Jeru- salem was left almost alone at i'tolema'is, without means of making the truce he had entered into with the infidels r(,'f;p(!cted. Baldwin warmly welcomed the defimders of the Jfoly Land ; but the joy he experienced at their arrival was much troubled by the intelligence of the death of his wife, Mar- guerite of Flanders. 'J'his princess had embarked in the fleet of Jofin de Nesle, in the btdief that she should meet her husband in Palestine; sinking und(;r the fatigue of a long voyag(% and jierhaps the pains of disappointment, she fell sick at Ptolemais, and died at the moment slie learnt f liat Baldwin had been crowned emperor of Constantinople- Tlie vessel destined to convey the new empress to the sliorea of thf; Bosphorus only brought biu;k her mortal remains, iialdwin, amidst his knights, wept for t}ie loss of a princess he had loved tenderly, and who, by her virtues and the graces of her youth, he had hopt/d woiUd be the ornanujnt and examj)le of the court of Byzantium. Jle caused h(;r to be buried w ith great pomp in the same cliurch in which, but a few 156 HISTOKT OF TUE CRUSADES. days before, he had received the imperial crown. Thus the peoj)le of Constantinople witnessed, almost at the same time, the coronation of an emperor and the funeral of an empress ; ■ — days of joy and triumph mingled with days of mourning. This contrast of the pageantry of death and the pomps of victory and of a throne, appeared to offer a faithfiJ image of the glory of conquerors, and the future destiny of the empire. The emperor and his barons, with all the succom'S they had received from the East, had scarcely twenty thousand men to defend their conquests and restrain the people of the capital and the provinces. The sultan of Iconium and the king of the Bulgarians had long threatened to invade the lands contiguous to their states, and they thought that the dissensions arnd subsequent faU of the Greek empire pre- sented a favourable opportunity for the outbreak of their jealousy and ambition. The nations of Greece were con- quered without being subdued. As in the disorder which accompanied the conquest of Byzantium, no other right had been acknowledged but that of force and the sword, ail the Greeks, who had still arms in their hands, were desirous of forming a principality or a kingdom. On all sides new states and empires sprang up from the bosom of the ruins, and already tln-eatened that which the Crusaders had so recently established. A grandson of Andronicus founded in a Greek province of Asia Minor the principality of Trebizonde ; Leo Sgurre, master of the little city of Napoli, had extended his do- minions by injustice and ^dolence, and, to employ a com- parison oftered by Nicetas, he had grown greater, like the torreiit that swells in the storm and is enlarged by the waters of the tempest. A barbarous conqueror, a fierce and cruel tyrant, he reigned, or rather he spread terror, over Argos and the isthmus of Corinth. Michael- Angelus Com- nenus, employing the arms of treachery, gained the kingdom of Epirus, and subdued to his laws a wild and warlike people. Theodore Lascaris, who, like ^neas, had fled from his burning country, collected some troops in Bithynia, and caused himself to be proclaimed emperor at Nice, whence his family was destined at a future day to return in triumph to Constantinople. niSTOlli 01' THE CRUSADES. 157 If despair liad iinparted any degree of courage to the twc fugitive emperors, they might have obtained a share of their own spoils, and presented a remnant of poAver ; but they had not profited by the lessons of misfortune. Mourzoufle, who had completed all the crimes begun by Alexius, did not hesitate to place himself in the power of his unfortunate rival, whose daughter he had married : the wicked sometimes take upon themselves the duty of punishing one another. Alexius, after having loaded Mourzoufle with caresses, in- veigled him into liis house, and caused his eyes to be put out. In this condition, Mourzoufle, abandoned by his fol- lowers, for whom he was now nothing but an object of disgust, went to conceal his existence and his misery in Asia ; but on his road fell into the hands of the Latins. Being led to Constantinople, and condemned to expiate his crimes by au ignominious death, he was precipitated from the top of a column raised by the emperor Theodosius in the Place of Taurus. The multitude of Greeks that had offered the purple to Mourzoufle were present at his tragical end, and appeared terrified at a punishment that was much more new to then* than the crimes for which it was inflicted. After the execution, the crowd contemplated with surprise a basso- relievo on the column of Theodosius,* which represented a king falling from a very elevated place, and a city stormed by sea. In these times of troubles and calamities, presages were discovered everywhere. Everything, even to marble and stone, appeared to have toid of the misfortunes of Con- stantinople. Nicetas was astonished that such gi'eat mis- fortunes had not been announced by a shower of blood, or some sinister prodigies ; the most enlightened Greeks ex- plained the flill of the empire of Constantino by the verses of poets and sibyls, or by the prophecies of the Scriptures ; the common people read the death of tyrants .tnd their own miseries in the looks of statues, and upon the columns that remained standing in the capital. * Some modern writers have asserted that the column from which Mourzoufle was precipitated is still to be seen at Constantinople ; but there existed two columns in that city ; one of Theodosius and the other of Arcadius. The first was destroyed by Bajazet, and nothing remains of the other but the pedestal, which is iii the Avret Baras (the women- market). See the Voyage to the Propontis, by M. le Chevalier, who has cleared up this fact on the spot. 15S HISIOEY OF THE CRUSADES. The perfidy and cruelty of Alexius did not remain long unpunislied ; the usurper was obliged to wander from city to city, and, not unfrequently, to conceal the imperial purple under the garb of a mendicant. Yov a considerable time he only owed his safety to the contempt in which he was held by the conquerors. After having long strayed about in a state of destitution, he was given up to the marquis of Montferrat, who sent him a prisoner into Italy ; escaping thence, he again passed into Asia, and found an asylum with the sultan of Iconium. Alexius could not be satisfied to live in peace in his retreat, but joined the Turks in an attack upon his son-in-law Lascaris, whom he could not pardon for having saved a wreck of the empire, and reigning over Bithynia. As the Turks were beaten, the fugitive prince fell at length into the hands of the emperor of Nice, who compelled him to retire to a monastery, where he died, forgotten by both Greeks and Latins. Thus four emperors were immolated to ambition and vengeance : — a deplorable spectacle, and most worthy of pity ! Amidst the convulsions and fall of an empire, we behold princes of the same family quarrelling for a phantom of authority, snatch from each other by tiu-ns both the sceptre and life, surpass the populace in fury, and leave them no crime, no parricide, to commit. If we could believe Nicetas, Alexius was a model of mildness and moderation ; he never made a woman put on mourning for her husband, he never caused a citizen to weep for the loss of his fortune. This eidogy of Nicetas throws a far greater light upon the nature of the government than upon the qualities of the mojiarch. If it be true that we ought to be thankful to despotism for every ill that it has not committed, we must not forget that Alexius only ob- tained the throne by infamous means ; that he did not redeem his parricide by any public virtue ; and that the crime of his usurpation gave birth to a thousand other crimes, brought about a horrible revolution, and caused the ruin of a nation, Nicetas treats Mourzoufle with much more severity ; but some modern historians, dazzled by a few actions of bravery, have undertaken to justify a prince who sacrificed everything to his ambition. They have not hesitated to point out to us in a cruel, unscrupulous tyrant, a model and a martyr of HISTOfiT OF THE CRUSADES. 159 the patriotic virtues, as if love of coiintiT was the same thing as a boundless love of power, and could possibly ally itself with treachery and p-and Greeks, in whom thirst of vengeance supplied the want of courage. Baldwin mustered scarcely eight thousand men around liis banners. Tlie doge of Venice soon arrived with eight thousand Venetians. The Latin fugitives came from all parts to join this small army. The Crusaders pitched their tents, and prepared to lay siege to the city. Their preparations proceeded but slowly, and pro^■isions were beginning to fail them, when the report reached them of the march of the king o.f the Bulgarians. Joannice, the leader of a barbarous people, himself more barbarous than his sub- jects, v not willing to name, that he may not dishonour their memory, abandoned the banners of the army and fled to Constauthioplc ; they related the disasters of the Crusaders, and, to excuse their desertion, drew a lamentable picture of the misfortunes that threatened the empire. All tlie Franks uere seized with grief and terror, on learning they had nc xmger an emperor. The Greeks that inhabited the capital, applauded in secret the triumph of the Bulgarians, and their ill-concealed joy still further increased the alarms of the Jjatins. A great number of knights, overcome by so many reverses, saw no safety but in flight, and embarked hastily on board some Venetian vessels. In vain the legate of the pope and several leaders of the army endeavoured to detain them, tlu'eatenhig them with the anger of God and the con- tem])t of men : they renounced their own glory ; they aban- doned an empire Ibunded by their arms, and went to announce the captivity of Baldwin in the cities of the AVest, where tlie rejoicings for tlie first victories of the Crusaders were still being celebrated. In the mean time, Joannice continued his pursuit of tlie conquered army. The Greeks, luiited with the Bulgarians, took possession of all the provinces, and left the Latins no repose. Among the disasters of which contemporary history has left us a deplorable account, we must not forget the massacre of twenty thousand Armenians. This numerous colony had left the banivs of the Euphrates, and established themselves in the province of Natolia. After the conquest of Constantinople, they declared for the Latins, and when the latter experienced their reverses, finding themselves menaced and pursued by the Greeks, they crossed the Bos- phorus, artd followed Ilenrj^ of Hainault, who was marching towards Adrianople. The Armenians took wdth tliem their flocks and their families : they drew, in carriages, all that they uossessed that was most valuable, and had great difticulty, on their march across the mountains of Thrace, in keep- ing up witli the army of the Crusac'ers. These unfortunate people were surprised by the Tartars, and, to a man, perished beneath tlie swords of a pitiless conqueror. The Franks place. We are pleased at believing, that if our recital has been abla to interest e>ur readers, we owe a great part of this interest to the mul- tiplied quotations from Villehardouin and other contemporary historianSt 170 HISTORY or THE CRUSADES. wept at the defeat and destruction of the Armenians, without being able to avenge tliem : they had nothing but enemies throughout the vast provinces of the empire. Beyond the Bosphorus, they only preserved the castle of Peges : on the European side, only Kodosto and Seleinbria. Tlieir conquests in ancient Greece were not yet threatened by the Bulgarians ; but these i^istant possessions only served to divide their forces. Henry of Jlainault, who took the title of regent, performed prodigies of valour in endeavour- ing to retake some of the cities of Thrace ; and lost, in various combats, a great number of the warriors that re- mained under his banners. The bishop of Soissons and some other Crusaders, in- vested with the confidence of their unfortunate companions in arms, were sent into Italy, France, and the county of Flanders, to solicit the assistance of the knights and barons; but the succour they hoped for coidd only arrive slowly, and the enemy continued to make rapid progress. The army of the Bulgarians, like a violent tempest, advanced on all sides; it desolated the shores of the Hellespont, extended its ravages into the kingdom of Thessalonica, repassed IMount Hemus, and returned, more numerous and more formidable than ever, to the banks of the Hebrus. The Latin empire had no other defenders but a few warriors divided among the various cities and fortresses, and every day war and de- sertion diminished the nvunbers and strength of the unfor- tunate conquerors of Byzantium. Five hundred knights, j)icked warriors of the army of the Crusaders, were attacked before the walls of l^usium, and cut to pieces by a coioitless multitude of Bulgarians and Comans. This defeat was not less fatal than the battle of Adrianople ; the hordes of Mount Hemiis and the Borysthenes carried terror every- where. On their passage, the country was in flames, and the cities afforded neither refuge nor means of defence. The land was covered with soldiers, who slaughtered all who came in their way ; the sea was covered with pirates, who threatened every coast with their brigandage. Constan- tinople expected every day to see the standards of the vic- torious Joanniee beneath its walls, and only owed its safety to the excess of evils that desolated all the provinces of the empire. HISTORY Oil Til a .nUSADES. 171 Tlie king of the Bulgarians did not spare his allies any more than his enonnes ; lie burnt and demolished all the cities that fell into his lumda. He ruined the inhabitants, dragged them in his train like captives, and made them undergo, in addition to the calamities of war, all the out- i-ages of a jealous and barbarous tyranny. The Greeks, who had solicited his ass stance, were at last reduced to implore the aid of the Latiiis against the implacable fury of their allies. The Crusaders accepted Avith joy the alliance with the Greeks, whom they never ought to have repulsed, and re-entered into Adrianople. Didymatica, and most of the cities of Eomania, shook oft' the intolerable yoke of the Bulgarians, aiK-l submitted to the liatins. The Greeks, whom Joaunice liad urged on to despair, showed some bravery, and became useful auxiliaries to the Latins ; and the new empire might have hoped for a return of days of prosperity and glory, if so many calamities could possibly have been repaired by a few transient successes. But all the provinces were strewed with ruins, and the cities and countries were without inhabitants. The liordes of Mount Hemus, whether victorious or conquered, stdl continued their predatory habits. They easily recovered from their losses ; the los^ies of the Franlcs became every day more irreparable. The leader of the Bulgarians sought out everywhei-e the foes of the new empire; and, being abandoned by tl e Greeks of Komania, he formed an alliance with Lascaris, the implacable enemy of the Latins. The pope in vain exhorted the nations of Prance and ]ta,ly to take up arms for the assistance of the conquerors of Byzantium ; he could not awaken their enthusiasm for a cause that presented to its defenders nothing but certain evils, and dangers without glory. Amidst the perils that continued to multiply, the Crusaders remained perfectly ignorant of the fate of Baldwin ; some- times it was said that he had broken his bonds, and had been seen wandering in the forests of Servia ;* sometimes * Among the romantic accounts that were circulated concerning Bald- win, we must not omit the following :^The emperor was kej)t close prisoner at Terenova, where the wife of Joannice became desperately ia love with him, and proposed to him to escape with her. Baldwin i-e- jected this proposal, and the wife of Joannice, irritated by his disdain and 172 nisTOKT or iae crusades. that he had died of grief in prison ; sometimes thai he had been massacred in the midst of a banquet by the king of the Bulgarians ; that his mutilated members had been cast out upon the rocks, and that his skull, enchased in gold, served as a cup for his barbarous conqueror. Several mes- sengers, sent by Henry of Hainault, travelled througli the cities of Bulgaria to learn the fate of Baldwin ; but returned to Constantinople, without having been able to ascertain anything. A year after the battle of Adrianople, the pope, at the solicitation of the Crusaders, conjured Joanuice to restore to the Latins of Byzantium the head of their new empire. The king of the Bulgarians contented himself with replying, that Baldwin had paid the tribute of nature, and that his deliverance was no longer in the power of mor- tals. This answer destroyed all hopes of again seeing the imprisoned monarch, and the Latins no longer entertained a doubt of the death of their emperor. Henry of Hainault received the deplorable heritage of his brother with tears and deep regret, and succeeded to the empire amidst general mourning and sorrow. To complete their misfortunes, the Latins had to Aveep for the loss of Dandolo, who finished his glorious career at Constantinople, and whose last looks must have perceived the rapid decline of an empire he had foiuuled.* The greater part of the Crusaders had either refusal, accused him to her husband of having entertained an adulterous pass-on. The barbarous Joannice caused his unfortunate captive to be massacred at a banquet, and his body was cast on to the rocks, a prey to vultures and wild beasts. But people could not be convinced that he was dead. A hermit had retired to the forest of Glan^on, on the Hainault side, and the people of the neii^hbourhood became persuaded that this hermit was Count Baldwin. The solitary at first answered v\ith frankness, and refused the homage they wished to render him. They persisted, and at length he was induced to play a part, and ga^e himself out for Baldwin. At first he had a great many partisans ; but the king of France, Louis VIII., having invited him to his court, he was confounded by the questions that were put to him : he took to flight, and was arrested in Burgundy by Erard de Chastenai, a Burgundian gentleman, whose family still e.xists. Jane countess of Flanders caused the impostor to be hung in the great square of Lisle. — See Ducange, Hist, de Conntunt. book iii. * Dandolo was magnificently buried in the church of St. Sophia, and his mausoleum existed till the destruction of the Greek empire. Mahomet II. caused it to be demohshed, wlien he changed the church of St. Sojihia into ? mosque. A Venetian painter, wlio worked duruig several years in HISTORY OF THK CKC s;.vui;.s. 173 peri-^hed in battle, or returned to the AVest. Be :.iface, in an expedition against the Bulgarians of llhodope, received a iriortai wound, and his head was carried in ti-iumph to the fierce Joaunice, who liad already imu.olated a monarch to his ambition and vengeance. The succession of Boniface gave birth io serious disputes among the Crusaders ; "id the kingdom of Thessalonica, wliich had exhibited some splen- dcv.i' during its short existence, disappeared amidst tlie coni'usion and the storms of a civil and a foreign war. In the brother and successor of Baldwin were imited the civil and military virtues ; but he could scarcely hope to restore a power so shaken on all sides. I liave not the courage to pursue this history, and describe the Latins in the extremes of tlieir abasement and misery. On commencing my narration, I said : " JiJvil to the con- quered;" on terminating it, I cannot refrain from saying: " JlvU to the conquerors.'^ An old empire whicli moulders away, a new empire ready to sink into ruins, such are the pictures that this crusade presents to us ; never did any epoch offer greater exploits for admiration, or greater troubles for commiseration. Amidst these f;lorious and tragical scenes, the imagination is excited in the most lively manner, and passes, without ceasing, from surpi-ise to surprise. AVe are at first asto- nished at seei'ic an army of thirty thousand men embark to conquer a cowntrv which might reckon upon many millions of defenders : a tempest, an epidemic disease, want of pro- visions, disunion an\ong tae leaders, an indecisive battle, all, or any of thesfi. miglit have ruined the army of tlie Cru- saders, and brou<^ht about the failure of t'leir enterprise. By ai: vuiheard-of p;ood fortune, nothing that they had to dread happened to tiiem. They triumphed overall dangers, and surmounted all obstacles : without having any party among the Grreeks, they obtained possession of their capital and the provinces ; ;in4, at the moment when they saw their standards triumphant J»ll around them, it was that their fortune deserted them^ mid their ruin began. A great lesson is this, given to n.-itinns by Providence, which some- the court of Mahomet, on returm.^g to his own rou-^trv obtained from the sultan the cuirass, the helmet, th? spiir~ rnd tiiP foga of Dandolo. which he presented to tlie f.imily of this great man. 174 HlSTOlir Of TUE CED3j^X)ES. times employs conquerors to chastise botli people and princes, and then, at its pleasure, destroys the instrument of its justice' There is no doubt that that Providence, which protects empires, will not permit great states to bo subverted with impunity ; and to deter those Avho wish to conquer everything by force of arms, it has decreed thai victory shall sometimes bear none but very bitter fruits. The Greelts, a degenerate nation, honoured their mis- fortunes by no virtue ; they had neither sufficient courage to prevent the reverses of war, nor sufficient resignation to support them. When reduced to despair, they showed some little valour; but that valour was imprudent and blind ; it precipitated them into new calamities, and pio- cured tliem masters much more barbarous than those wliose yoke they were so eager to shake off. They liad no leader able to govern or guide them ; no sentiment of patriotism strong enough to rally them : deplorable example of a nntiou left to itself, wliich has lost its morals, and has no confidence in its laws or its government! Tlie Franks had just the same advantages over their enemies that the barfbarians of the north had over the Romans of the Lower Empire. In this terrible conflict, simplicity of manners, the energy of a new people for civili- zation, the ardour for nillage, and the pride of victory, were sure to prevail over the love of luxury, habits formed amidst corruption, and vanity which attaches importance to the most frivolous thing;s, and only preserves a gatidy resem- blance of true grandeur. The events we have i-ecorded are, doubtless, sufficient to make us acquainted with the manners and intellectual faculties of the Greeks and Latins. Two historians, ho\^- ever, who have served us as guides, may add by their style even, and the' character of their works, to the idea that we form of the genius ot the two races. The Greek Nicetas makes long lamentations over the misfortunes of the vanquished ; he deplores with bitterness the loss of the monuments, the statues, the riches wliich ministered to the luxury of his compatriots. His accounts, full of exaggeration and hypei'boles, sprinkled all over with passagf^s from the tScriptures aiul ])rofatie authors, depart almost aiways from t!ie nuble simplicity of history, and only HISTORY OF TUE CKUSADES. 175 ,»xhibit a vain affectation of learning. Nicetas, in the excesa of his vanity,* hesitates to pronounce the names even of the Franks, and foucies he inflicts a punishment upon tliem by preserving silence as to their exploits ; when he describes the misfortunes of the empire, he can only weep and lament ; but whilst lamenting, he is still anxious to please, and appears much more interested about his book than his country. The marquis of Champagne does not pique himself upon his erudition, but even seems proud of his ignorance. It has been said that he coidd not write, and he himself con- fesses that he dictated his history. His narration, void of fell spirit of research, but lively and animated, constantly recalls the languagi. and the noble frankness of a preux c^.evalier. Villehardouin particularly excels in the speeches of his heroes, and delights in praising the bravery of his companions : if he never names the Grecian warriors, it is because he did not know them, and did not wish to know them. The marshal of Champagne is not affected by the evils of war, and only elevates his style to paint traits of heroism ; the enthusiasm of victory alone can draw tears from him. When the Latins experienced great reverses, he cannot weep, he is silent ; and it may be plainly seen he has laid down his book to go and fight. t There is another contemporary historian, whose character 'may likewise assist us in forming a judgment upon the age jn which he lived and the events he has related. Gunther, a monk of the order of Citeaux, who wrote under the dic- tation of Martin Litz, expatiates upon the preachings of the crusade, and on the virtues of his abbot, who placed * Nicetas did not know whether he ought to give a place in hh History to the Latins, who were for him notliing but barbarians, but he makes uj) his mind to continue — " when God, who confounds the wisdom of human policy, and lowers the pride of the lolty, has struck with confusion those who had outraged the Greeks, and delivered them up to people still more wicked than themselves." — See the history of that which happened after the taking of Constantinople, chap. i. t How is it that our author, who is evidently partial to Villehardouin, has neglected to speak of his skilful -etreat from Adrianople, upon which Gibbon bestows such high praise " His masterly retreat of three days would have deserved the praise of Xenophon and the ten thousand." Gibbon has fine passage* on Villehardouin. — Trans. 176 HISTORY 0>' THE CRUSADES. himself at the head of the Crusaders of the diocese of Bale. Wtien the Christian army directs its course towards the Ciipital of the Greek empire, Guutlier rememhers the orders of the pope, aud becomes silent ; if he aflurds us a few words upon the second siege of Constantinople, he cannot conceal the terror wiiich this rash enterprise creates in him. In his recital, the valour of tlie Crusaders scarcely obtains a modest eulogy ; the imagination of the historian is only struck by the difficulties and perils of the expedition ; filled "with the most siidster presentiments, he constantly repeats that there is no hope of success for the Latins. When they are triumphant, liis fear is changed all at once into admira- tion. The monk Ginither celebrates with enthusiasm the unhoped-for success of the conquerors of Byzantium, among whom he never loses sight of his abbot, Martin Litz, loaded with the pious spoils of Greece. When reading the three iiistories contemporary with the expedition to Constantinople, we plainly perceive that the first belongs to a Greek brought up at the coiu't of Byzan- tium, the second to a French knight, and the third to a monk. If the two first historians, by their manner of writ- ing and the sentiments they express, give us a just idea of the Greek nation and the heroes of the West, the last may also explain to us the opinfons and the character of the greater part of tliose Crusaders, who were constantly threat- ening to quit the army after it had left Venice, and who, perhaps, were only so mindful of tlie oatli they had made to go to the Holy Land, because the name alone of Constan- tinople filled them with terror. Th^re were, as may be plainly seen, but very few of these timid Crusaders in the Christian army, and even these were governed by the gene- ral spirit that animated the knights and barons. Other crusades had been preached in councils, this crusade was proclaimed at tournaments ; thus the greater parts of the Crusaders proved more faithful to the virtues aud laws of chivalry than to the will of the Holy See. These warriors, so proud and so brave, were full of respect for the authority and judgment of the pope ; but, governed by honour, placed between their first vows and their word given to the Vene- tians, they often swore to deliver Jerusalem, and were led, without thiiiking of it, to the walls cf Constantinople. HISTOBT OF THE CRUSADES. 171 Armed to avenge the cause of Christ, they became subser- vient to the ambition of Venice, to which republic they esteemed themselves bound by gratitude, and overturned tlie throne of Crnstantinople to pay a debt of fifty thousand silver marks. The chivairic spirit, one of the p,?culiar characteristics of this war, and of the age in which it was undertaken, kept up in the icarts of the Crusadei-s ambition and the love of glory. In the early days of chivalry, knights declared them- selves the champions of beauty and innocence ; at first they were appealed to for justice against injuries and robberies; but soon princes and princesses, deprived of their rights by force, came to demand of them the restitution of provinces and kingdoms. The champions of misfortune and beauty then became illustrious liberators and true conquerors. At the same time that a young prince came to implore the Crusaders to assist him in replacing his father upon the throne of Constantinople, a young princess, the daughter of Isaac, king of Cyprus, despoiled by Hichard Coeur de Lion, repaired to Marseilles, to solicit the support of the Cru- saders, who were embarking for Palestine. She married a I'lemish knight, and charged liim with the task of recovering her father's kingdom. This Flemish knight, whose name history does not mention, but who belonged ro the family of Count Baldwin, when he arrived in the East, addressed him- self to the king of Jerusalem, and demanded the kingdom of Cyprus of him ; he v/as supported in his demand by the chatelain of Bruges, and the greater part of his companions who had taken the cross. Amaury, wlio had received from the pope and the emperor of Germany, the title of king of Cyprus, far from yielding to such pretensions, ordered the Flemish knight, John of Nesle, and their companions, to quit^ his dominions. The knights who had embraced the cause of the daughter of Isaac, abandoned the idea of re- taking the kingdom of Cyprus, and without stopping in the Holy Land, turned their steps towards the banks of the Euplirates and tlie Orontes, to seek for other countries to conquer. Before there was a question of attacking Constantinople, we have seen a daughter of Tanci'ed, the last king of Sicily, espouse a French knight, and ti-ansfer to him the charge oi 178 UISTOBT or THE CBUSADES. avenging her family and establishing her claims to tlie king- ilom founded by the Norman knights. Gauthier de Brienne, after his marriage, set out for Italy, furnislied with a tliou- sand livres tournois, and accompanied by sixty knights. Having received at Ivorae the benediction of the pope, he declared war against the Germans, tiien masters of Apulia and Sicily ; got possession of tlie principal fortresses,* ami appeared likely to enjoy the fruits of his victories in peace, when he v.as surprised in his tent, and fell, covered with wounds, into the hands of his enemies. He was ottered his liberty upon the condition of renouncing his claim to the crown of Sicily ; but he preferred tlie title of king to free- dom, and allowed himself to die with hunger rather tluin abandon liis i-ights to a kingdom which -victory had bestowed upon him. Tliis spirit of conquest, which appeared so gieneral among the Icnights, might favour tlie expetlitiou to Constantinople ; but it was injurious to the holy war, by turning the Cru- saders aside from the essential object of the cru::'ade. The heroes of tliis war did nothing for the deliverance of Jeru- salem, of wliich they constantly spoke in tlieir letters to the pope. The conquest of Byzantium, very far from being, as trie knights believed, tlie road to the land of Christ, Avas but a \vi\\ obstacle to the taking of tlie holy city ; their impru- dent exploits phxced the Christian colonies in greater peril, and only ended in completely subverting', without replacing it, a power which might have served as a bariier against the Saracens. The Venetians skilfully took advantage of this disposition of the French knights ; Venice succeeded in stifling the voice of the sovereign poiititf,wcio often gave the CrusadpA's coun- s.>ls dictated by tlie spirit of the gospel. The republic had the greatest influence over the events of this war, and over the minds of the barons and knights, wlio allowed tl emselves to be governed by turns by the sentiments of honour and * Innocent, to get rid of the nei};libourhood of the emperor, demanded of Philip Augustas- a knight who might marry a d;iiighter of Tancred, an(' po.-sibly leconquer Sicily. The adventures and the wars of Gauthier di Brienne are rt-l ted b\ C'mr;id, abbot of Usberg, 'vobert the .Moi-k .■\lht-ri.-, and, as v> c h.tvt' alrea'.iy ^aid, by tlio author of ih.' ^-Iciv^ hiiiucciit . HISTOllY OF THE CKVSADES. 179 by a desire to win rich doniinioiis, and thus exhibited throughout their conduct an inconsistent mixture of gene- rosity and avarice. Tlie inclination to enrich themselves by victory had, pai'- ticidarly, no longer any bounds Avlien the Crusaders had once beheld Constantinople ; ambition took the place in their hearts of every generous sentiment, and left nothin" of that enthusiasm which had been the moving principle oi other crusades. Xo prodigy, no miraculous apparition came to second or stimulate tlie valour of knights to v\ horn it was quite sufficient to point out the wealth of Grrcece. In pre- ceding crusades, the bishops and ecclesiastics promised the combatants indulgences of the Church and eternal life ; but in this war, as the Crusaders had incurred the displeasure ot the head of the faithful, they coidd not be supported in their perils by the hope of martyrdom ; and the leaders who were acquainted with the spirit that animated their followers, contented themselves witti offering a sum of monev to the soldier that should first mount the ramparts of Con- stantinople. V/hen chey had pillaged the city, knights, barons, and soldiers exclaimed, iiv the intoxication of their joy, — Never was so rich a hootij seen since the creation of the world ! We have remariied tliat, in the coiiqiu^st of the provinces, every knigiit wished to obtain a principalitv ; everv count, every lord, wished for a kingdom ; the clergy themselves were not exempt from this ambition, and (Jtcn complained to the pope of not having been favoured in the division of the spoils of the Greek empire. To recapitulate, in a few words, our opinion of the eveiits and consequences of this crusade, we nuist say that the spirit of chivalry and the spirit of conquest at first gave birth to wonders ; but that they did not sufrico to maintain the Crusaders in their possessions. This conquering spirit, carried to the most blind excess, did not allo\\' them to reflect that among the greatest triumphs, there is a point at which Vdotory and force themselves are powerless, if prudence and wisdom do not come to the assistance of valour. The Franks, their ancestors, who set out from tlie North to invade the lichest provinces of the Roman empij-e. wt re bettei- seconded by fortune, but more particularly by tlieir 180 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADLS own geni'is. Hespecting the usages of tlie countries that Bubmitt(>d to theii* arms, they only beheld in the conquered, fellow-citizens and supporters of their own power ; they did not create a foreign nation in the midst of the nations they had desolated by their victories. The Crusaders, on. the contrary, evinced a profound contempt for the Greeks, wlioso alliance and support tliey ought to have been anxious to seek ; they wished to reform manners and alter opinions, — a much more difBcult task than tlie conquest of an empire, — ■ and only met with enemies in a country that might have furnished them with useful allies. AVe may add that the policy of the Holy Sec, which at rirst undertook to divert the Latin warriors from the expe- dition to Constantinople, became, in the end, one of the greatest obstacles to the preservation of their conquests. The counts and barons, who reproached themselves with having failed in obedience to the sovereign pontitf, at length followed scrupulously his instructions to procure .by their arms ^e submission of the Greek Church, the only condition on which the holy father would pardon a war commenced in opposition to his commands. To obtain his forgiveness and approbation, they employed violence against schism and heresy, and lost their conquest by endeavouring to justify it in the eyes of the sovereign pontiff. The pope himself did not obtain that which he so ardently desired. The union of the Greek and Eoman churches could not possibly be eftected amidst the terrors of victory and the evils of war ; the arms of the conquerors had less power than the anathe- mas of the Church, to bring back the Greeks to the worship of the Latins. Violence only served to irritate men's minds, and consummated the rupture, instead of putting an end to it. The remembrance of persecutions and outrages, a reci- procal contempt, an implacable hatred arose and became implanted between the two creeds, and separated tjiem for ever. fliatory cannot affirm that tlris crusade made great pro- gress in the civilization of Europe. The Greeks had pre- served the jurisprudence of Justinian ; the empire possessed wise regulations upon the levying of imposts aiul the admi- nistration of the public revenues; but the Latins disdained niSTORT OF THE CRUSADES. 18^ these monuments of human wisdom and of the experience of many ages ; they coveted lujtliing the Greeks possessed but their territories and their M-ealth. Most of the knights took a pride in their ignorance, and amongst the spoils of Constantinople, attached no value to the ingenious produc- tions of Greece. Amidst the conflagrations that consumed the mansions and palaces of the capital, they beheld with indifference large and valuable libraries given up to the flames. It must be confessed, however, that, in these great disasters the Muses had not to weep for the loss of any of the master-pieces they had inspired. If the conquerors knew not how to appreciate the treasures of genius, this rich deposit was not to be lost for their descendants. All the books of antiquity that were known in the time of Eustathius [A. D. 750, Teais^s.], and of which that learned philosopher made the nomenclature some centuries before the fifth crusade, enriched France and Italy at the revival of letters. We may add that the necessity for both conquerors and conquered of intercommunication must have contribiited to the spreading of the Latin language among the Greeks, and that of the Greeks among the Latins.* The people of • We cannot refrain from offering our readers a curious passage from an excellent manuscript memoir which M. Jourdain has communicated to us, entitled Recherckes siir les Anciennes Versions Latines d' Arislote employees par les Kcclesiastiqnes du Vime Steele. "Two circumstances contributed in the thirteenth century to materially spread the knowledge of the Greek language in the West. Baldwin, who was pliced upon the imperial throne, wrote to Pope Innocent III. to beg of him to send to him men distinguished by their piety and knowledge, chosen from the religious orders and the Universitv of Paris, to instruct his new people in the Catholic relisiou and Latin letters. The pope wrote to seveial mo- nastic orders and to the University of Paris. About the same time Philip Augustus founded at Pnris. near the mountain St. Genevieve, a C'oi^stan- tinopolitan college, destined to receive the young Greeks of the most dis- tinguished families of Constantinople. The intention of this prince was tn extinguish in the hearts of these young men the hatred they had im- bibed against the Latins, by offering to ttiem ail sorts of kind treatment, and perhaj)s also to secure hostages against the fickleness and bad faith of the Greeks. We can conceive that this circumstance contributed power- fully in diffusing the knowledge of Greek, not only in France but in all the West, for Paris was then the most celebrated school, and almost nil the men to whom Latin tiauslatioas from the Greek are attributed, had 182 HISTORY OF TUi; CIIUSADES. Greece were obliged to learn the idiom of the clergy of lionie in order to make their petitions and complaints known ; the ecclesiastics charged by the pope to convert the Greeks could not dispense with the stud-y of the language of Plato and Demosthenes, to teach the disciples of Photius the truths of the Eoman Catholic religion. We have spoken of the destruction of the master-pieces of sculpture ; we must admit, nevertheless, that some of them escaped the barbarism of the conquerors. The ^Vene- tians, more enlightened than the other Crusaders, and born in a city constructed and embellished by the arts, caused several of the monuments of Byzantium to be transported into Italy. Four horses of bronze,* which, amidst the revo- lutions of empires, had passed from Greece to Rome, from Rome to Constantinople, were sent to decorate the place of St. Mark : many ages after this crusade, they were doomed to be carried away from Venice, in its turn invaded by vic- torious armies, and again to return to the shores of the Adriatic, as eternal trophies of war, and faithful companions of victory. The Crusaders likewise profited by several useful inven- tions, and transnntted them to their compatriots ; and the fields and gardens of Italy and France were enriched by sonae plants tdl that time unknown in the West. Boniface studied in that city : we must also assign to the same cause the Latin versions of Aristotle made from the Greek and published before St. Thomas. Nevertheless, if the Arabs had not previously spread throughout the West a taste for the Peripatetic pliilosophy, it is Vfry doubtful whether the relations established between the East and the West by the inauguration of Baldwin, would have produced any desire to obtain it from purer sources * Since tueir restoration to Venice, the history of these three celebrated horses has given birth to three, dissertations. In one {Narrazione Storica dei Qnairo Cavalii di Bronzo, Ike), Cnunt Cicognaia, president of the Royal Academy of Fine Ai cs at Venice, pretends that this monument was cast at Rome in the reign of Nero, in comnieuioratinn of the victory over Tiri- dates. M. Schlegt-l {Leilera ai Signuri Compilatori della BihUoteca Itaiiana) reje(;ts this opinion of the count, and thinks that the four bronze horses ure from the hands of a Greek statuary of the time of Alc-xander. — Dei Qiiatro Cavalii della Basilica di S. Marco. Andre Mustoxidi, a very learned young Greek, makes this superb group come from Chios, which was ricli in skilful sculptors, and believes they were transmitted to Rome in the time of Verres, and to Constantinople under Theodosius tha Gieat. HISTOllY OF THE CKUSAUKS. 183 scut into liis marqul.sate some seeds of maize, which had never before been cultivated in Italy : a .public document, which still exists, attests the gratitude of the people of Montferrat. The magistrates received the innocent fruits of victory with great solemnity, and, upon their altars, called down a blessing upon a production of Grieece, that would one day constitute the wealth of tlie plains of Italy.* Flanders, Champagne, and most of the provinces of France, which had sent their bravest warriors to tlie cru- sade, fruitlessly lavished their population and their treasures upon the conquest of Byzantium. Vie may say that our in- trepid ancestors gained nothing by this wonderful war, but the glory of having given, for a moment, masters to Con- stantinople, and lords to Greece. And yet these distarit conquests, and this new empire, which drew from Franco i'"? turbulent and ambitious princes, must have been favourable to the French monarchy. Philip Augustus must have been pleased by the absence of the great vassals of the cro^^ n, and had reason to learn \\itli joy that the count of Flanders, a troublesome neighbour, and a not very submissive vassal, had obtained an empire in the East. The French monarchy thus derived some advantage from this crusade ; but the re- public of Venice profited much more by it. This republic, which scarcely possessed a population of two hundred thousand souls, and had not the power to make its authority respected on the continent, in the first place, made use of the arms of the Crusaders, to subdue cities, of which, without their assistance, she could never have made herself mistress. By the conquest of Constantinople, she enlarged her credit and her commerce in the East, and brought vuider her laws some of the richest possessions of the Greek emperors. She increased the reputation of her liavy, and raised lierself above all tlie maritime nations of Europe. The Venetians, tb.ough fighting under the banners of the cross, never neglected the interests or glory of tlieir own country, whilst the French knights scarcely ever fought for any object but personal glory and tlieir own ambition. * We find in the first volame of an Italian work entitled Storia d'Incisa e del (jia celebre siio Marchesato, published at Asti, in 1810, a precious monument ; this is a charter which proves the sending of the seeds oi maize to a city of Montfe^rrat. This is a very interesting document. 184 IIISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. The republic of Venice, accustomed to calculate the advan- tages and expenses of war, immediately renounced all con- quests the preservation of which might become bui-deusome; and of her new possessions in the East, only retained such as she judged necessary to the prosperity of her comm.foe, or the maintenance of her marine. Three years after the taking of Constantinople, the senate of Venice pullished an edict, by which it permitted any of the citizens to conquer the islands of the Archipelago ; yielding to them the pro- prietorship of all the countries they might subdue. After this there soon appeared princes of JSFaxos, dukes of Paros, and lords of Mycone, as there had been dukes of Athens, lords of Thebes, and princes of Achaia ; but these dukes and princes were only vassals of the republic. Thus Venice, more fortunate than France, made the valour and ambition of her citizens subservient to her interests. BOOK XII. SIXTH CEUSADE. A.D. 1200—1215. Ik the preceding books, the imposing spectacle has passed before our eyes of the fall of an old empire, and of the rise and rapid decline of a new one. The imagination of man loves to dwell upon ruins, and the most sanguinary cata- strophes evenoft'er him highly attractive pictures. We have reason to fear tliat our narration will create less interest, awaken less curiosity, when, after the great revolutions we have described, it will be our duty to turn oiir attention to the petty states the Christians founded in Syria, for the safety of which the nations of the West were constantly called upon to furnish warlike assistance. At the present day, we have great difficulty in compre- hending that enthusiasm which animated all classes for the deliverance of the holy places, or that powerful interest that directed the thoughts of all to comitries almost forgotten by modern Eui'ope.* During the height of the fervour for the crusades, the taking of a city or town of Judea caused more joy than the taking of Byzantium ; and Jerusalem was more dear to the Christians of the West than their own country. This entliusiasm, of which our indifference can scarcely form an idea, renders the task of the historian diffi- cult, and makes him often hesitate in the choice of the *n'ents that history has to record : when opinions have * It is well worthy of remark that it is verj' little more than a quarter or a century since this sciitence was written ; and, in that short period, what has not science effeced ! — the East, of which we were then said to be .■"O ignorai.t. i- bf-tter known to Europeans than it was at any time during iLe c-rusades. — Trans. Vol. II.— 9 186 TUSTOKr OF TKE CRUSADES. changed, everything has changed with them : glory itself has lost its splendour, and that \vhich appeared great in the eyes of men, seems only fantastical or vulgar ; the historical epochs of our annals have become the objects of our most sovereign contempt ; and when, without due reference tf> the ages of the holy wars, we wish to submit these extraor- dinary enterprises to the calculations of reason, we resemble tho?e modern travellers who have only found a dribbling rivulet in the place of that famous Scamander, of which the imagination of the ancients, and still more, the muse of Homer, had made a majestic river. But if we have no longer the task of describing the re\o- lutious and falls of empires, the epoch of which we are about to trace the picture, will still present to us but too many of those great calamities with which human life sup- plies history : whilst Greece was a prey to all the ravages of war, the most cruel scourges desolated both Egypt and Syria. The Nile suspended its accustomed course, and failed to inundate its banks or render the harvests abundant. The last year of this century (1200) announced itself, says an Arabian author, like a monster whose fury threatened to de- vour everything. When the famine began to be felt, the people were compelled to support themselves upon the grass of the fields and the ordure of animals,* the poor routed up cemeteries, and disputed with the worms the spoils of coffins. When this awful scourge became, more general, the popula- tion of the cities and country, as if pursued by a pitiless enemy, fled away from their homes in despair, and wandered, about at hazard from city to city, from \illage to village, >i-eeting everywhere with the evil they wished to avoid ; in no inhabited place could they step a foot without being struck by the appearance of a putrifying carciiss, or some unhappy wretch on the point of expiring. The most frightful effect of this universal calamity was, that the want of food gave birth to the greatest crimes, and * The account of this famine, and the disasfers by which it was follovved, is to be found in its details, in Les Relations de I Eyypte, translated fr.im Abdallatif by M. Letvestre de Lacy. This Arabian author was a skilful physici.m and an eidightened man; and hi.s re<'ital, which contains many ex' raoi'dinary facts, hears all the characters of truth. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 1 N 7 re:i'lered every man the eiieinv of his fellows. At the fotu- mencenicnt of tlie famine n. ich horror was expressed at some being reduced to feed upon human flesh, but examples of so great a scandal increased M'ith such rapidity, that it was soon sp jken of with indifference. Men contending with famine, which spared the rich no more than the poor, were no longer sensible to pity, shame, or remoi'se, and were restrained neither by respect for the laws, nor by the fear of punishment. They came at last to devour each other like wild beasts. At Cairo, thirty women, in one day, perislied at the stake, convicted of having killed and eaten their own children. The historian Abdallatif relates a crowd of bar- barous and monstrous incidents which make the blood run cold with horror, and to which we will not give a place in our history, for fear of being accused of calumniating human nature. The plague soon added its ravages to those of famine. God alone, says contemporary history, knows the number of those that died with famine and disease. The capital of Egypt, in the space of a few months, witnessed a hundred and eleven thousand funerals. At lengtli it was found im- possible to bury the dead, and tlie terrified survivors were obliged to be satisfied with casting them over the ramparts. The same mortality was experienced at Damietl a, Kous, and Alexandria. It v/as at the period of seed-time that the plague was at its height ; they who sowed the seed were not the same that had ploughed the ground, and they who sowed lived not to reap the harvest. Tlie villages were deserted, and reminded travellers of those expressions of the Koran: " JVe have mown them all down and exterminated them ; one cry was heard, and all have jJcrished.^^ The dead bodies that floated on the Nile were as numerous as the bulbous plants which, at certain seasons, cover the waters of that river. One fisherman counted more than four hundred that passed before his eyes in a single day ; pdes of human bones were met with everywhere ; the roads, to borrow the expression of Arabian writers, " Were like a field sown ivith dead bodies, and the most populous provinces were as a banqiiet- ing-hall for the birds of prey.'''' Egypt lost more than a million of its inhabitants ; both famine and plague were felt as far as Syria, and the Chris- 1S8 HISTORY OF THE CKUSAUES. lian cities suffered equally with those of the Mussulir.aiis. From the shores of the lied Sea to the banlfj :f the Euphrates aud the Orontes, the whole country presented one picture of desolation and mourning. As if the anger of Heaven was not satisfied, it was not long before a third calamity, not less terrible, followed in the train of the others. A violent earthquake laid waste the cities and provinces that famine and plague had spared ;* the shocks resembled the motion of a sieve, or that which a bird makes when he raises and lowers his wings. The rising of the sea, and the agita- tion of the waves presented a horrible appearance ; ships were, on a sudden, carried far on to the land, and multitudes of fish covered the shore ; the heights of Libanus opened and sunk in many places. The people of Syria and Egypt believed it to be the earthquake that is to precede the day of judgment. Many inhabited places totally disappeared ; a vast number of men perished ; the fortresses of Hamath, Barin, and Balbec were thrown down ; the only part of the city of Naplouse that was left standing was the street of the Samaritans ; in Damascus, all the most superb edifices were destroyed ; in the city of Tyre only a few houses escaped, and the ramparts of Ptolemais and Tripoli were nothing but heaps of ruins. The shocks were felt with less violence in the territory of Jerusalem, and, in the general calamity, both Christians and Mussulmans returned thanks to Heaven I'or having spared in its anger the city of prophets and miracles. Such awful disasters ought to have caused the treaties made between the barons and the infidels to be respected. In th(; Sfth crusade, the sovereign pontiff urged the Christians to take advantage of these calamitous days to in\ade the Mussulman provinces of Syria and Egypt : but if the advice of the pope had been followed, if tlie Christian army, on leaving Venice, had directed its march towards the counti'ies devastated by pestilence and famine, it is most probable tliat the conquerors and the conquered would have perished to- gether. At that period, death, like a formidable sentinel, guarded all the frontiers of the Christians and Mussidnians. All the scourges of nature became the terrible guardians of * The cirrumstitnces of this earthq\iMlts in tlie cour.-e of the year, to recite tlie Pater Noster a hundred times, and ii.ake a hundred genuflexions every day. When they came to a city, t^ey were to go to the princ-ip] chuich birefooted, in drav\ers, witli halters round their ne(rk,- and rods in tl.eir hamU, and there receive from the canons di^c'pline, &c. cS:c. 192 UISTOKY OF THE CRUSADES. and might again revive the zeal and ardour for holy wars. According to the opinion which the sovereign pontiff sought to spread among the faithful, and by which he him- self appeared penetrated, this corrupt world had no crimes for which God would not open the treasures of his mercy provided the perpetrators would take the voyage to the East. The people 1 jwever were persuaded that the sins and errors of a perverse generation had irritated the God of the Christians, and that the glory of conquering the Holy ]jand was reserved for another and a better age, to a gene- ration more worthy of attracting the eyes and the blessings of Heaven. This opinion of the nations of the "West was very little in favour of the Christians of Syria, who were daily making rapid strides towai'ds their fall. Isabella, who only reigned over depopulated cities, died soon after her husband. A son that she had had by Amaury preceded her to the tomb ; and the kingdom of Jerusalem became the heritage of a young princess, a daughter of Isabella and Conrad, marquis of Tyre. The barons and knights that remained in Syria were more sensible than ever of the necessity of having at their head a prince able to govern them, and immediately set about choosing a husband for the young queen of Jeru- salem. Their choice might have fallen upon one of themselves ; but they feared that jealousy woukl give birth to fresh dis- cords, and that the spirit of rivalry and faction would weaken the authority of him that should be called upon to govern the kingdom. The assembly resolved to seek a king in the West, and to address themselves to the country of Godfrey and the Baldwins, — to that nation that had furnished so many heroes to the crusades, so many illustrious defenders oi the Holy Land. This resolution of the barons of Palestine had not only the advantage of preserving peace in the kingdom of Jeru- salem, but also that of arousing the spirit of chivalry in Europe, and of interesting it in the cause of the Christians of the East. Aimar, lord of Ca>sarea, and the bishop of Ptoleinais, crossed the sea, and went, in the name of the Christians of the Holy Land, to solicit Pliilip Augustus to send them a Uniijht or a baron who might save tlie little HISTORY OF THE CHU8.VDKS. 193 teat remaiued of the unfortunate kingdom of Jerusalem. The hand of a young queen, a erowii, and the blessings of Heaven were the rewards held out to the bravery and de- votedness of him who Avas willing to fight for the heritage of the Son of God. The deputies were received with great honours at the court of the king of France. Although the crown they oli'ered was nothing but a vain title, it not the less dazzU'd the imagination of the French knights ; their valorous ambition was seduced by the hope of acquir- ing great renown, and restoring the throne that had been founded by the bravery of Grodfrey of Bouillon. Among the knights of his court, Philip greatly distin- guished John of Brienne,* brother of Gauthier,t who died in Apulia witli the reputation of a hero a^^ the title of king. In his youth, John of Brienne had been destined for the ecclesiastical state ; but, brought up in a family of war- riors, and less sensible to the charms of piety than to those of glory, he refused to obey the will of his parents ; and as his father was inclined to employ force to constrain him, he sought a refuge against paternal anger in the monastery of Citeaux. John of Brienne was mixed with the crowd of cenobites, and gave himself up, as they did, to f:isting and mortification. The austerities of the cloister, however, did not at all assimilate with his growing passion for the noble occupation of arms ; and often, amidst prayers and religious ceremonies, the images of tournaments and battles would distract his thoughts and disturb his mind. One of his uncles having found him at the door of the monastery in a state very little suited to a gentleman, had pity on his tears, took him away with him, and encouraged his natural inclinations. From that time the glory of combats entirely occupied his thoughts ; and he who had been destined to the silence of cloisters and the peace of altars, was not long in creating for himself by his bravery and exploits a great and widely spread renown. At the period of the last crusade, John of Brienne accom- panied his brother in his attempt to obtain the kingdom of * Son of Erard II., count of Brienne in Chanpagne, and Agnes Montheliard. t Thf continuator of William of Tyre relates tliat the barons of Pales- tine themselves demanded John of Brienne of the king of France. 9* 194 HISTOAY OF THE CRUSADES. Naples, and saw him perish whilst fighting for a throne that was to be the reward of tlie victor. He had the same foi«- tune to guide his hopes, and the same dangers to encounter, if he espoused the heir of the kingdom of Jerusalem. He accepted with joy the hand of a young queen, for the pos- session of whose states he must contend with the Saracens , he charged the ambassadors to return and announce his speedy arrival in Palestine, and, full of confidence in the cause he was about to defend, promised to follow them at the head of an army. When Aymar of Csesarea and the bishop of Ptolemais returned to the Holy Land, the promises of John of Brienne raised the depressed courage of the Christians, and, as it often hapnens in seasons of misfortune, they passed from despair to the most extravagant hopes. It was given out in Palestine that a crusade was in pre- paration, commanded by the niost powerful inonarchs of the West ; and the report of such an extraordinary armament produced a momentary terror among tlie infidels. Malek- Adel, who, since the death of Al-Aziz, reigned over Syria and Egypt, dreaded the enterprises of the Christians ; and as the truce made with the Franks was on the point of ex- piring, he proposed to renew it, offering to deliver up ten castles or fortresses as a pledge of his good faitli and his desire for a continuation of peace. This proposal ought to have been welcomed by tlie Christians of Palestine ; but the hopes of assistance from the West had banished all mode- ration and foresight from the councils of the barons and knights. The wiser part of the Chi'istian warriors, among whom was the grand master of the order of St. John, were of opinion that the truce should be prolonged. They re- minded their companions that they had often been promised succour from the West, without this succour ever lia\ing reached the Holy Land ; and that in the very last crusade, a formidiible army, confidently expected in Palestine, had directed its march towards Constantinople. They added, that it was not prudent to risk the chances of war upon the faith of a vain promise ; and that they ought to wait the event, before thej'' formed a determination upon which might depend *lie safetr' or the ruin of the Christians of the East. These di. courses were full of wisdom and gcod sense, but HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 196 as the Hospitallers spoke in favour of the truce, l^-e Tem- plars, with great warmth, declared for war : s\ich was, like- wise, the spirit of the Christian warriors, that prudeiK;e, moderation, or, indeed, any of the virtues of peace, inspii-ed them with a sort of disdain ; for them reason was alwaya on the side of perils, and only to speak of flying to arms ■was quite sufiicient to win all their suffrages. The assembly of barons and knights refused to prolong the truce made with the Saracens. This determination became so much the more fatal, from the situation of France and Europe, which could scarcely allow John of Brienne to entertain the hope of accomplish- ing his promise of raising an army for the Holy Land. Grermany was still agitated by the rival pretensions of Otho and Philip of Swabia : John of England laboured under the curse of an excommunication, which interdict extended to his kingdom. Philip Augustas was busily em- ployed in taking advantage of all the troubles that were in full action around him ; on one side by endeavouring to ex- tend his influence in Germany, and on tlie other by constant efforts to weaken the power of the English, who were mas- ters of several provinces of his kingdom. John of Brienne arrived at Ptolemais with the train of a king, but he only brought with hiin three hundred knights to defend his king- dom ; his new subjects, however, still full of hopes, looked upon him no less as a liberator. His marriage was cele- brated in the presence of the barons, the princes, and the bishops of Ptolemais. As the truce was about to expire, the Saracens resumed their arms, and disturbed the festivi- ties of the coronation. Malek-Adel entered Palestine at the head of an army, and the infidels not only laid siege to Tripoli, but threatened Ptolemais. The new king, at the head of a small number of faithful warriors, created great admiration for his valour in the field of battle ; but he was not able to deli^'er the Christian pro- vinces from the presence of a formidable enemy. When the defenders of Palestine compared their scanty ranks with the multitude of their enemies, they, sank at once into a state of despondency ; and even those who so lately scorned the thoughts of peace with the infidels, could uot muster either strength or courage to oppose to thei/ attacks. 196 HISTOET r THE CRUSADES. Most of the French knights that had accompanied the new king, quitted the kingdom they had come lo succoui', and returned into Europe. The dominions of Jolin of Brienne coiifeisted of the city of Ptolema'is alone, aiid he had no army to defend even that ; he then began to perceive he had undertaken a perilous and difficult task, and that he shouul not be able to contend for any length of time against the united forces of the Saracens. Ambassadors wer^^ sent to Rome to inform the pope of the pressing dangers of the Christian states in Asia, and once more to implore the sup- port of the princes of Europe, and, above all, of the French knights. These fresh cries of alarm were scarcely heard by the nations of the AVest. Tlie troubles Avhich agitated Europe at the period of the departure of John of Brienne for Pales- tine wei'e far from being allayed, and prevented France especially from lending any assistance to the Christian colo- nies. Languedoc and most of the southern provinces of the kingdom \\ere then desolated by religioiis wars, which fully employed the bravery of the French knights and nobles. A spirit of inqvury and indocility, which had arisen among the faithful, and with which St. Bernard had reproached ins age, was making alarming progress every day. The most holy doctors had already many times expressed their grief at the abasement of the holy word, of which every one con- stituted himself judge and arbiter, and which was tre:ited, said Stephen of Tournay in his letters to tlie pope, with as little discennnent as holy tilings given to dogs, or pearls cast at the feet of sioine. This spirit of independence and pride, joined to the love of paradox and novelty ; to the decline of sovuid studies, and the relaxation of ecclesiastical discipline ; had given birth to heresies which rent the bosom of the Church. Tlie most dangerous of all the new sects was that of the Albi'njois,* which took its name from the city of Albi, in which its first assemblies had been held. These new sec- tarians being unable to explain the existence of evil under a just and good God, as the Manicheans had done, adopted t'vo principles. According to their belief, God had fii'st * As Gibbon has done, I have preferreil the real name of tiiis sc.-l ta the Latinized Albiyeiises. — Trans. hTstory of the crusades. 197 c.-onted Lucifer and his angels ; Lucifer having revolted from God, was banished from heaven, and produced the visible world, over which he reigned. God, to re-establish crder, created his second son, Jesus Christ, to be the genius of good, as Lucifer had beeu the genius of evil. ISeveral C'inteinporary writers represent the Albigeois in the most odious colours, and describe them as given up to all kinds of error ; but this opinion must not be adopted in all its rigour by impartial history. For the honour of human nature we feci bound to say, that never did a religious sect dare to endeavour to win the approbation of mankind whilst pre- senting an example of depravity of morals ; and that in no age, among no people, has a false doctrine ever been able to lead astray any number of men, without being supported by at least an appearance of virtue. The wisest and most earnest Christians were at that period desirous of a reform in the clergy. " But there were," says Bossuet, " vain and proud minds,* full of bitter- ness, which, struck by the disorders that reigned in the Church, and more particularly among its ministers, did not believe that the promises of its eternal duration could possibly subsist amongst these abuses. These, become proud, and thence weak, yielded to the temptation which leads to a hatred of the Church from a hatred of those who preside in it ; and as if the malice of man could annihilate the work of God, the aversion they had conceived for tlie teachers, made them hate at tlie same time both the doctrine they taught and the authority they had received from God." Tliis disposition of men's minds gave the apostles of error a most deplorable ascendancy, and multiplied the number of their disciples. Among the new sectarians, the most rema.rk- able were the Vaudois, or I'oor of Li/ons, who devoted them- selves to a state of idle poverty, and despised the clergy, whom they accused of living in luxury and voluptuousness ; the Apostoliques, who boasted of being the only mystical body of Jesus Christ ; the Popelicains, who abhorred the eucharist, marriages, and the other sacraments ; the Aymer- istes, whose teacher,s .injioraiccd to the world the future * Bossuet, Histoire des Vuriat. vol. ii. L'Abbe Paquet, in his Dic- tionnaire des Heresies, and Fleuiy, in his Histoire ^cc^^siaslique, express the same opinion. 198 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. establishment of a [)urely spiritual worship, and denied the existence of a hell or a paradise, persuaded that sin finds m itself its own punishment, and virtue its own rewai'd. As the greater part of these heretics exhibited a sovereign contempt for the authority of the Church, which was tlie... the first of all authorities, all those v."ho wished to shake off the yoke of divine laws, and those even to whom their pas- sions rendered the restraint of human laws intolerable, came at length to range themselves under the banners of these innovators, and were welcomed by a sect anxious to increase and strengthen itself, and always disposed to consider as its partisans and defenders, men whom society cast from its bosom, who dreaded justice, and could not endure established order. Thus the pretended reformers of the thirteenth century, whilst themselves aftecting austerity of manners, and proclaiming the triumph of virtue and truth, admitted into theii' bosom both corruption and licentiousness, de- stroyed ev ry regulation of authority, abandoned everything to the caprice of the passions, and left no bond to society, no power to morals, no check upon the multitude. The new heresies had been condemned in several councils ; but as violence was sometimes employed in executing the decisions of the Church, persecution only tended to sour men's minds, instead of bringing them back to truth. Mis- sionaries and papal legates were sent into Languedoc, to convert the misled wanderers from the flock ; but their preaching produced no fruit, and the voice of falsehood prevailed over the word of Grod. The preachers of the faith, whom the heretics reproached with their luxury, their igno- rance, and the depravity of their manners, had neither sufficient resignation nor sufficient humility to support such outrages, or otter them as a sacrifice to Jesus Christ, whose apostles thej' were. Exposed to the scoffs of the sectarians, and gathering nothing from the labours of their missions but humiliation and contempt, they accustomed themselves to view the people they were sent to convert as personal ene- mies ; and a spirit of vengeance and pride, which certainly came not from heaven, made them believe it was their duty to bring into the right road, by force of arms, "all who had denied their power or resisted their eloquence. The sove- reign pontiff, whose mind was constantly bent upon the UlSTORY OF THK CRUSADES. 190 Asiatic war, hesitated at ordering a crusade to be preached against the Albigeois ; but he was led away by the opinioua of the clergy, perhaps also by that of his age, and at last promised to all Christians who would take up arms against tlie Albigeois the same privileges as those granted to the Crusaders against the Saracens.* Simon de Montfort, the * Notwithstanding the partiality I naturally feel for an author whose work I am translating, ami to which t isk I was led by my admiration of it, I cannot allow such opinions of the war against the Albigeois to pass unnoticed. A very sensible French historian says : — " The inhabitants of these provinces were industrious, intellectual, and" addicted to com- merce, the arts, and poetry ; their numerous cities flourished, governed by consuls with forms appro;iching to republican ; all at once tliis beauti- ful region was abandoned to tlie furies of fanaticism, its cities were ruined, its arts and its commerce de>troyed, and its language cast back into bar- barism. The preaching of the first religious reform gave birth to the devastation of these rich countries. The clergy were not distinguished there, as in France or the northern provinces, by their aidour to improve themselves and diffuse knowledge ; they signalized themselves by gross disorders, and sank daily into greater contempt. The need of reform ha I been lon^ felt among the people of Provence and many reformers had already appeared. For a length of time associations had existed whose aim it was to purify the morals and the doctrines of the Church ; such were the Paterins, the Catharins, and the Poor of Lyons ; and the greater par' of these had obtained the sanction of the popes, who cotisidered them HS so many orders of monks, highly calculated to awaken public devotion. But the reforms ttiat were operated extended gradually ; dogmas even were attacked, priests were subjected to the insults of the people, and the domains of the Church wer;^ invaded. Such was the state of things when the famous Innocent III., al; the age of thirty-nine, ascended the pontifical throne in 1198. To his great task he brought the talents of an ambitious, and the energy of a violent and an inflexitjle cliaracter. This pontiff, who dominated over Euiope by indulgences -aui ezcommunications, watched for and punished with severity every free exercise of thought in religious matters ; he was the fir,-t to feel how serious and threatening for the Church of Rome that liberty of mind must be that had already degenerated into revolt. He saw with great inquietude a:id anger the :aew tendency of men's minds in Provence and Lansjuedoc, and pros('ribed the reformers, the most numerous of whom, and who gave their name to all the others, were known under the names of Albigeois and Vaudois. Some among them were Manicheans, tliat is to say, admitted 'the twt) j)rinciples ; but the greatest mimber of them professed doctrines dij^ering but very little from those which, three centuries later, tvere preached by Luther. They denied transubstantiation in the sacrament of the Eucharist, rejected con- fession, and the pacraments of confirmation and marriage, and taxed tlie worship of images with idolatry." In this wnr papacy put forth all its mo.-t dreaded powers; indulgeu'es to its brutal, mercenary soldiers' heaven for wholesale slaughterers of their fellow-cieatures ; hell for all 2UU HISTOKI OF TH3 3RUSADES. duke of Burgundy, and the duke of Nevers obeyed the orders of the Holy See : the hatred which this new sect inspired, but still more the facility of gaining indulgences from the sovereign pontiff without quitting Europe, drew a great number of warriors to the standards of this crusade. The Inquisition owes its birth to this war; an institution at once fatal to humanity, religion, and patriotism. Piles and stakes appeared on all sides , cities were taken by storm, and their inliabitanta ])ut to the sword. The violences and cruelties which accompanied this unfortimate war have been described by those even who took a most active part in them ;* their recitals, which we have great difficulty in believing, fre- quentlv resemble the language of falsehood and exaggera- tion. In periods of vertigo and fury, when violent passions oome in to mislead both opinions and consciences, it is not rare to meet with men who exaggerate the excesses to which who dared to think when they worshipped, or to breathe a word against the veriest iion.-ense of Romish rites : many instances occurred in which the odious doctrine o^ no faith to bn observed with heretics, was unblush- ingly advanced and cruelly acted upon. I will close my notice of this war against men who ventured to entertain a shade of difference in opinion from their fellow- Christians and the head of the Church, by a quotation tliat vividly stamps its character. " The Crusaders precipitiited theni- Sf-Ives in a mass upon the lands of the young viscount de Beziers, took his castles and burnt all the men, violated the women and massacred the <-hildren they found in them ; then, turning towards Beziers, they carried it ^y assault. A p:'odigious number of the inhabitants of the circumjacent country had taken refuge in this city ; the abbot of Citeaux, legate of the pope, upon being consulted by the knights as to the fate of these unhappy beiiigs, a part of whom only were heretics, replied by these execrable and ever- memorable words: * Kill aweri/ .' kill awai/ ! God ivill take care of his own!'" The ciusade against the Albigeois is one of the blackest ])at;es in the history of mankind, and ought to bo described as such by every historian whose disaureeable duty it is to name it. — Trans. * The abbot of Vaux-de-Cernai, who signalized himself in the Ciusade againrt the Albigeois, has left us a history of this period, in which he relates with an nir of triumph, facts which passed before his eyes, at which religim as well as h\iuiaiiity ought to blush. Whep. we have read his ace 'unt, we are persuaded of two things : the first, that he was sincere in the excess of his fanatical zeal; the second, that his age thought as he did, ai.d did not disapprove of the violencen ami persecutions of which he so candidly exposes the history. Le Pere Langlois. a Jesuit, has written, in French, a history of tlie crusades against the Albigeois. The Histoirt Eccldsiastique of Fleury, and L'Histoire de la Provi^.a de Languedof: u-slj be consulted with advantage. HISTORY Of THE CRUSADES. 201 thsy have given tliemselves up, and boast of more evil thau thoy have committed. For ourselves, the disastrous war against the Albigeoia does not enter into the plan of this history, and if we have spoken of it here, it was only the better to describe the situation of France at this period, and tlie obstacles which tlien opposed themselves to all enterprises beyond sea. Amidst these constantly increasing obstacles. Innocent III. was deeply afflicted at not being able to send succours to the Christians of Palestine, his regret being the greater from the circumstance that at the very time the Albigeois and the count of Thoulouse were subjected to this frightful crusade, the Saracens were becommg more formidable in Spain. The king of Castile, threatened by an innumerable army, had just called upon all Frenchmen able to bear arms to come to his assistance. The pope liimself had written to all the bisho-ps of France, recommending them to exhort the faithful of their dioceses to assist in a great battle which was to be fought between the Spaniards and the Moors, about the octave of Pentecost (1212). Innocent promised the warriors who would repair to Spain, the usual indulgences of holy wars ; and a solemn pi-ocession was made at Kome, to implore of God the destruction of the jNIoors and Saracens. The archbishops of Xarbonne and Bordeaux, the bishop of Nantes, and a great number of French nobles, crossed the Pyrenees, followed by two thousand knights with their squiies and serjeants-at-arms. The Christian army met the Moors in the plains of Las Xavas de Tolosa, and fought a battle, jn which more than two hundred thousand infidels lost either their lives or their libert3\ The conquerors, loaded with spoils and surrounded by the dead, sang the Te Deu7n on the field of battle : i;b.e standard of the leader of the Aliiioades was sent to Some as a trophy of the victory granted to the prayers of the Christian Church. On learning the issue of the battle of Tolosa, the sovereign pontiff, amidst the assembled inhabitants of Eome, offered up tha- ks to God for having scattered the enemies of his people , and at the same time prayed that Heaven in its mercy would, in the end, deliver the Christians of Syria aa it liad just delivered the Christians of Spain. The head of the Church renewed his exhortations to tha 202 HISTOKT or THE CRUSADBS. faitlifu] for the defence of the kingdom of Jesus Christ ; b'll amidst tlie troubles and civil wars that he himself had ej- cited, he could gain no attention to the complaints of Jeru« salem, and shed tears of despair at the indifference of th-.- nations of the West. x\bout this period such a circumstance was beheld as had never occurred even in times so abound- ing iu prodigies and extraordinary events. Fifty thousand children, in France and Germany, braving paternal authority, gathered together and pervaded both cities and countries, singing these words : — " Lord Jesus, restore to us your holy cross!" When they were asked whither they were going, or wliat they intended to do, they replied, " We are going to Jernsalem, to deliver the sepulehi*e of our Saviour." Some ecclesiastics, blinded by false zeal, had preached this crusade ; most of the faithful saw nothing in it but the inspiration of Heaven, and thought that Jesus Christ, to show his divine powei", and to confound the pride of the greatest captains, and of the wise and powerful of the earth. Lad placed his cause iu the hands of simple and timid infancy. Many women of bad character, and dishonest men insinu- ated themselves amongst the crowd of these new soldiers of the cross, to seduce and pluuder them. A great portion of this juvenile militia crossed the Alps, to embark at tlie Italian ports ; whilst those who came from the provinces of France, directed their course to Marseilles. On the faitli of a miraculous revelation, they had been made to believe that this year (1213) the drought would be so great that the sun would dissipate all the watei's of the sea, and thus an easy road for pilgrims would be opened across the bed of the Mediterranean to the coasts of Syria. Many of these young Crusaders lost themselvea in forests, then so abundant and large, and wandering about at hazard, perished with heat, hunger, thirst, and fatigue ; others returned to their homes, ashamed of their imprudence, saying, tJtei/ reaUi/ did not know why they had gone. Among those that embarked, some were shipwrecked, or given up to the Saracens, against whom they had set out to fight ; many, say the old chro- nicles, gathered the palms of martyrdom, and offered the infidels the ediiying spectacle of the finnness and courage the Christian religion is capable of inspirijig at the most tender age as well as at th3 more mature. HISTORY or THE CEUSADES. 203 Sucli of tliese children as reached Ptolemaas must liavo Ci'eated terror as well as astonishment, by naking the Chris- tians of the East believe that Europe had no longer any government or laws, no longer any wise or prudent men, either in the councils of princes or those of the Church. Nothing more completely demonstrates the spirit of these times than the indifference with which such disorders were witnessed. No authority interfered, either to stop or pre- vent the madness ; and when it was announced to the pope that death had swept away the flower of the youth of France and Germany, he contented himself with saying, — " These children reproach us with having fallen asleep, whilst they were flying to the assistance of the Holy Land."* The sovereign pontiff, in order to accomplish his designs, and rekindle the enthusiasm of the faithful, found it neces- sary to strike the imagination of the nations vividly, and to present a grand spectacle to the Christian world. Innocent resolved to assemble a general council at Kome, to dehberate upon the state of the Church and the fate of the Christians of the East. " The necessity for succouring the Holy Land," said he in his letters of convocation, " and the hope of conquering the Saracens, are greater than ever ; we renew our cries and our prayers to you, to excite you to this noble enterprise. No one can imagine," added Innocent, " that God has need of your arms to deliver Jerusalem ; but he offers you an opportunity of showing your penitence, and proving your love for him. Oh, my brethren, how many advantages has not the Christian Church already derived from the scourges that have desolated her, and desolate her still ! How many crimes have been expiated by repentance ! How many \artues revive at the fire of charity , IIow many conversions are made among sinners by the complainmg voice of Jerusalem ! Bless, then, the ingenious mercy, the generous artifice of Jesus Christ, who seeks to touch your hearts, to seduce your piety, and is willing to owe to his misled disciples a victory which he holds in his all-powerful hand." t * This crusade of the children is related by so great a number of con- temporary authors, that we cannot entertain any doubt of it. We will refer to our Appendix the different versions of the ancient chronicles of this singular event. t Vetus est hoc artificium Jesus Christi, quod ad suorum Siilutenc Adelium diebus istis dignatus est innovare. — Epist. Innocent. 204 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. The pope afterwards compares Jesus Christ banished from his heritage, to one of the kings of the earth who might he driven from his dominions. " Where are the vassals," added he, " who will not risk their fortunes and their lives to restore their sovereign to his kingdom ? Such of the sulijects and servants of the monarch as shall have done nothing for his cause, ought they not to be ranked with the rebels, and be subjected to the punishment due to revolt and treason ? It is thus that Jesus Christ will treat those w lio remain iudilferent to the insults heaped upon him, and refuse to take up arms to fight against his enemies." To raise the hopes and the courage of the Christians, the holy father terminated his exhortation to the faithful, by saying, that " the power of Mahomet drew towards its end ; for that power was nothing but the beast of the Apocalypse, which was not to extend beyond the number of six hundred years,* and already six centuries were accomplished." These last words of the pope were sustained by the popular pre- dictions which were spread throughout the West, and created a belief that the destruction of the Saracens was at hand.t As in preceding crusades, the sovereign pontiff promised all who should take arms against the infidels, the remission of their sins and the especial protection of the Church. Upon so important an occasion, the head of the Christians laid open the treasures of divine mercy to all the faithful, in proportion to their zeal and their gifts. All prelates and ecclesiastics, as well as the iuhabitauts of cities and coun- tries, w'ere invited to raise a certain number of warriors, and support them for three years, according to their means. The pope exhorted princes and nobles who would not take the cross, to second the zeal of the Crusaders in every way in their power ; the head of the Church demanded of all the faithful, pi'ayers ; of the rich, alms and tributes ; of knights, an example of courage ; of maritime cities, vessels ; he him- self engaging to make the greatest sacrifices. Processions * Tlie year 1263 answered to the year 602 of the Hegyra. t Montesquieu foretells the fate of Mahometaiiism ; not as Innocent did, but pliildsoiihically. He likewise predicts " that France will fall by the sword ;" but whether the sword will be drawn by foreigners or hei own soii,«, he does not say. — Trans. HTSTOUY OP THE CRtSADES. 20-!^ were to be made every month in all parishes, in order to obtain the benedictions of Heaven ; all the efibrts, all the vows, all the thoughts of Christians were to be directed towards the object of the holy war. That nothing might divert the faithful from the expedition against the Saracens, the Holy See revoked the indulgences granted to those who abandoned their homes to go and fight against the Albi- ge(jis in Languedoc, or the Moors on the other side of the Pyrenees. It is plain that the sovereign pontiff neglected nothing that could render the success of the holy enterprise more certain. A modern historian justly remarks, that he em- ployed every means, even such as were not likely to suc- ceed ; for he wrote to the sultan of Damascus and Cairo, inviting him to replace the holy city in the hands of the servants of the true God. Iniiocent said in his letter, that Crod had chosen the infidels as his instruments of vengeance; that lie had permitted Salndin to get possession of Jerusalem, in order to punish the sins of the Christians; but that the day of deliverance v.as come, and that the Lord, disarmed by the prayers of his people, was about to restore the heritage of Jesus Christ. The sovereign pontift" counselled the sultan to avoid the effusion of blood, and prevent the desolation of his empire. This was not the first time that the head of the Church had addi'essed prayers and warnings to the Mussulman powers. Two years before he had written to the sultan of Aleppo, in the hope of bringing him back to the way of evangelical truth, and making him a faithful auxiliary of the Christians. All these attempts, which ended in nothing, clearly prove that the pope was perfectly unacquainted with the spirit and character of the Mussulmans. The sovereign pontift" was not more fortunate when, in his letters, he de- sired the patriarch of Jerusalem to use his utmost eiidea- vours to arrest the progress of corruption and licentiousness among tiie Christians of Palestine. The Christians of Syria made no change in their morals, and all the passions main- tained their reign amongst them ; whilst the Mussulmaii? fortified the holy city that was demanded of them, aiul employed themselves ni arming against the attacks of '.h- enemies of Islamisra. 206 niSTOBT OF THE CRUSADES. Nothing could exceed the ardour and activity of the sove- reign pontiff. History can scarcely follow him, whilst seek- ing in every direction enemies against the Mussulmans ; appealing, by turns, to the patriarchs of Alexandria and ^A.n- tioch, and to all the princes of Armenia and Syria. His eye took in at one view both East and West. His letters and ambassadors passed unceasingly throughout Europe. He sent the convocation for the council and the bull of the crusade into all the provinces of Christendom ; and his apostolic exhortations resounded from the shores of the Danube and the Vistula to the banks of the Tigris and the Thames.* Commissaries were chosen to make the decisions of the Holy See known to all Christians : their mission was to preach the holy war, and reform manners ; to invoke at the same time the knowledge of the learned and the courage of warriors. In many provinces, the mission of preaching the crusade was confided to the bishops ; Cardinal Peter B-./bert de Cour^on, who was then in France, as legate of the pope, received great powers from the Holy See ; and travelled through the kingdom, exhorting Christians to take up the cross and arms. The cardinal de Cour9on had been in his youth the dis- ciple of Eoulke of Neuilly, and had gained great celebrity by his eloquence. The multitude flocked from all parts to hear so distinguished a preacher of the Word, clothed in all the splendour of Eomish power. " The legate," says Fleury, " had the power of regulating everything that was connected with tournaments ; and, which wUl appear more singular, the faculty of granting a certain indulgence to those who were present at the sermons in which he preached the cru- * Gibbon says: " Some deep reasoners have suspected that the wliole enterprise, from the first synod at Placentia, was contrived and executed by the policy of Rome. The suspicion is not founded either in matter or fact. The successors of St. Peter appear to have followed, rather than guided the impulse of manners and prejudice." With great respect for our illustrious historian, I cannot quite agree with him ; the popes were in •nany instances the first to kindle the flame, and were always anxious to keep it burning. In the part of our history now before us, it is plnin it would have j;oue out but for the great; exertions of Innocent. The crusades ^> ere a powerful eiigini' in the hands of the popes; they could uot aff. rd to let th<;m go to decay. — Tuans. illSTCBY OF TU£ CRTSaUES. 207 Slide." Fiiitliful to the spirit of the religion of Jesus Christ, the cardinal de Coiir^on gave the cross to all Christians wlio asked for it, ^vithout reflecting that -women, children, old men, the deaf, the blind, the lame, could not make war against the Saracens ; or that an army could not be formed as the Gospel composed the feast of the father of the family. Tlius this liberty of entering into the holy bands, accorded without distinction or choice, only disgusted the barons and knights, and cooled the ardour of the common soldiers.* Among the orators whom the pope associated with the cardinal de Cour9on, one of the most remarkable was James of Yitri, whom the Church had already placed in the rank of its celebrated doctors. Whilst he preached the crusade in the different provinces of France,t the fame of his virtues and talents extended even to the East. The canons of Ptolema'is demanded him of the pope as their pastor and bishop ; and the the wishes of the Christians of Palestine were immediately granted. James of Yitri, after having excited the warriors of the West to talve arms, became afterwards a witness of their labours, and related them in a history which has come down to our times. The preaching of the holy war awakened everywhere the charity of the faithful. Philip Augustus gave up the fortieth part of his territorial revenues towar-Is the expenses of the crusade, and a great number of nobles and prelates followed his example. J As boxes had been placed in aU * The cardinal de Courcoa was an Englishman by family. He had studied at the University of Paris, and from that was connected with Lothaire, who became pope under the name of Innocent III. It is to this friendship that Peter Robert de Courfoii owed his elevation. There is a very long notice of this person by the late M. du Theil, in Les Notices des Manuscrits, torn. vi. f The continuator of William of Tyre expresses himself thus : — II ot en France un clerc qui prescha de la croix, qui avait nom niaitre Jacques de Vitri ; cil en croisa mult, la ou il etoit en la [iredication, I'eslurent les chanoines d'Acre, et manderent a I'apostolle (le pape) qu'il lor en- voyast pour estre evesque d'Acre ; et sachiez s'il n"en eu*t le commande- ment I'apostolle, il ne I'eust mie recu, mais toutes voies passa-t-il outre- mer, et fust evesque grand piece, et fist mull de biens en la terre ; niais puis redgna-t-il, et letourna en France, et jjuis fut il cardinal de Rome. [As M. Michaud has placed this note all in the text, and has only given it to show the curious mode of e.\pression, I have followed his example. — 1 RANS>.] X Philip granted this foitieth, without reference to the future — absque 208 HISTOKY OF XUE CRCBAlJES. churclies to receive the alms of the charitable, these alms brought considerable sums into the hands of the cardinal de Courcon, who was accused of having appropriated to himself the gifts offered to Jesus Chi-ist. These accusations were the more eagerly received, from the legate having taken upon him to exercise, in the name of the Holy See, an authority whicli was displeasing to both the monarch and his people. The cardinal, without the approb?.tion of the king, levied taxes, eiu-olled warriors, forgave debts, lavished both rewards and punishments, and, in a word, usurped all the prerogatives of sovereignty. The exercise of such an unboundecl power was the cause of trouble to all the pro- 's inces.* To prevent disorders, Pliilip Augustus thought it necessary to lay down regulations which should specify to the general council, the individual position of the Crusaders, and the exemptions and privileges they were to enjoy. Whilst the cardinal de Cour^-on continued to preach the crusade throughout the proxinces of France, the archbishop of Canterbury was earnestly engaged in inciting the people of England to take up arms against the infidels. During a length of time, the kingdom of England had been troubled by the violent contentions of th6 commons, the barons, and eren the clergy, wlio had taken advantage of the excom- municationst uiujiched by the pope against King John, to comsuetudine , and upon condition that this voluntary gift should be employed wherever the king of England and the barons of the two king- doms should think best. — See Le Rec. upou the- manner^ of tlie Prussians. HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 221 tune, they liad more virtues than vices, and were only corrupted by the excess of their superstition. The Prussians believed in another life ; tliey called hoU, Peckla ; chains, tliiek darkness, and fetid waters cocstituted the punishment of the wicked. In the Elysiau fields, which they called Eogiis, beautiful women, banquets, delicious drink, dances, soft couches, and fine clothes were the rewards of virtue. in a place called Remove, arose a flourishing oak, which had witnessed the passage of a hundred generations, whose colossal trunk contained three images of their principal gods ; the foliage daily dripped with the blood of immolated victims; there the high priest had established his abode, and there administered justice. The priests alone ventured to approach this holy place ; the guilty slunk from it trembling. Per- kunus, the god of thunder and fire, was the first among the deities of the Prussians ; he had the countenance of an angry man, his beard was curled, and his head was surrounded with flames. The people called claps of thunder, the march or steps of Perkunas. ^'ear the grove of Eemove, on the banks of a sulphureous spring, an eternal fire burned in honour of the god of thunder. Near Perkunas, Potrunpus appeared, in the form of a young man, wearing a crown of wheat-ears ; he was adored as the god of waters and rivers ; he preserved mankind from the scourge of war, and presided over the pleasures of peace. By a strange contradiction, they offered up to this pacific divinity, the blood of animals, and that of the captives slaughtered at the foot of the oak ; sometimes children were sacrificed to him ; the priests consecrated the serpent to him, as synibolical of fortune. Beneath the shade of the sacred tree, was still another idol, called Pi/collos, the god of the dead ; he bore the form of an old man, with grey hair, hollow eyes, and a pale coun- tenance, his head enfolded in a shroud ; his altars were heap^ of human bones ; the infernal deities were obedient to his laws; he inspired both grief and terror. A fourth divinity, Cui'ko, whose image ornamented the- branches of the oak of Eemove, furnished mankind with the necessaries of life. Every jear, at autumnal seed-time, his image was renewed ; it consisted of a goat-skin, elevated 222 niSTORT OF the crusades. upon a pole eight feet high, croMned with b.ades of com ; the priest sacriticed upon a stone, honey, milk, and the fruits of the earth, whilst the youth of both sexes formed a circle round the idol. The Prussians celebrated several other festivals curing spring and summer, in honour of the same god; at tl.« spring festival, which took place on the 22nd of March, they addressed Curko in these words : " It is thou who hast chafed away winter, and brought fair and fine days back to u« ; bv thee the gardens and the fields rebloom ; by thee the forests and the woods resume their verdure." Tie in- habitants of Prussia had a crowd of other gods, whom they invoked for their fiocks, their bees, the forests, the waters, harvest, commerce, the peace of families, and conjugal hap- piness ; a divinity with a hundred eyes watched over the threshold of houses ; one god guarded the yard, another the stable ; the hunter heard the spirit of the forest howl amidst the tree-tops ; the inariner recommended himself to the god of the sea. LaimeJe was invoked by women in labour, and spun the lives of manltind. Tutelary divinities arrested the progress of conflagrations, caused the sap of the birch-trees to flow, guarded roads, and awakened workmen and labourers before the dawn of day. The air, the earth, the waters w^ere peopled by gnomes or little gods, and with ghosts and goblins, Avhich they called arvans. It was believed by all that the oak was a tree dear to the gods, and that its shade offered an asylum against the violence of men or the assaults of destiny. In addition to the oak of Remove, the Prussians had several other trees of the same kind, which the y con- sidered the sanctuaries of their divinities. They consecrated also linden-trees, firs, maples, and even whole forests ; they held in reverence fountains, lakes, and inountains ; they adored serpents, owls, storks, and other animals : in short, in the countries inhabited by the Prussians, all nature was filled with diviuities, and, up to the fourteenth centuiy, it m'.ght be said of a European nation, as Bossuet said of ancient paganism, " Tlverything there was god, except God himself. ^^ A long time before the crusades, St. Adalbert had left his nnrive country, Bohemia, to penetrate into the forests of J^i'u-sia, iiiul endeavour to convert the Prussians to Chris- HISTORY OF THE CEUSAUES. 225 tianity ; but his eloquence, his moderation, or his charity, could not disarm the fury of the priests of Perk ui ins. Adalbert died, pierced with arrows, and received the palm of martyi'dom ; other missionaries shared the same fate ; their blood arose against their murderers, and the report of their death, together with an account of the cruelties of ;i barbarous people, everywhere cried aloud upou the Christians of the North for vengeance. The neighbouring nations were constantly entertainiug the resolution to take arms against the idolaters of Prussia. An abbot of the monastery of Oliva, more able, and still further, more fortunate than his predecessors, imdertook the conversion of the pagans of the Oder and the Vistula, and succeeded, with the assistance of the Holy See, in getting up a crusade against the wor- shippers of false gods ; a great number of Christians took the cross, at the summons of the pope, who promised them eternal life if they fell in fight, and lands and treasures if they trium;-;hed over the enemies of Christ. The knights of Christ ?nd. tho knights of the sword, instituted to subdue the pagr.n?. of Livonia, with the Teutonic knights, who in Palestine rivalled in power and glory the two other orders of the Teri:ip!e and the Hospital, at the first signal flocked to the standards of the army assembled to invade Prussia, ami convert its inhabitants : thi? war lasted more than two cen- turies. In this sanguinary ytruggle, if the Christian religion sometimes inspired its combatants with its virtues, the leaders of this long crui^ade were nuich more frequently influenced by vengeance, ambition, and avarice. The knights of the Teutonic order, whose bravery almost always amounted to heroism, remained masters of the country conquered bv their arms. These victorious monks never edified the people thov subdued, either by their moderation or their charitv ; and were often accused before the tribunal of the head of the (Church, of having convei'ted the Prussians, not to make tlieiu servants of Christ, but to increase the number of their own subjects and slaves. We have only spoken of the people of Prussia, and of tlie wars made against them, to exhibit to our readers a nation and customs nlmost unknown to modern scholars even; and to show how far ambition and a thirst of conquest was able to abuse the spirit of the ci'usades : we hasten to r<^turn to 224 IIISTOKY OF THE CRUSAPES. the expedition that was being prepared against the Saracens. Germany considered Frederick II. as the leader of the wni" about to be made in Asia ; but the new emperor, seated en a throne for a long time shaken by civil wars, dreading the enterprises of the Italian republics, and perhaps those of Ihe popes their protectors, thought it prudent to defer his departure for Palestine. The zeal of the Crusaders, however, did not abate, and in their impatience they turned their eyes towards the knig of Hungary to take the command in the holy war. Andrew, accompanied by the duke of Bavaria, the duke of Austria, and tlie German nobles who had taken the cross, set out for the East, at the head of a numerous army, and repaired to Spalatro, where vessels from Venice, Zara, Ancona, and other cities of the Adriatic, awaited the Crusaders, to transport them into Palestine. In all the countries through which he inarched, the king of Hungary was followed by the benedictions of the people. AVhen he approached the city of Spalo.tro, the inhabitants and the clergy came out in pro:>ession to n^.eet him, and con- ducted him to their principal church, where all the faithful were assembled to call down the mercy of Heaven upon the Christian warriors. A few days alter, tlie fleet of the Cru- saders left the port* of Spalatro, and set sail for the island of Cyprus, at which place were mot the deputies of the king and the patriarch of Jerusalem, of the orders of the Temple and St. John, and of the Teutonic knigiits. A crowd of Crusaders, who had cinbarked at Brindisi, at Genoa, and at INIarseilles, preceded the king of Hungary and his army. Lusignan, king of Cyprus, and the greater part •S Ids barons, influenced by the example of so many ilhis- trious princes, took the cross, and promised to follow them into tlie Holy Land. All the Crusaders embarked together at the port of Lemisso, and landed in triumph at Ptolema'is. * Le Pere Maiiiibourg and most historians make the king of Hungary embark at Venice; but they are unacquainted with the Chroniclt- of Thomas, deacon of Spalatro, wIjo furnishes the fullest details of the pas-sage of Andrew 11. Into tlie Holy Land, and liis return to his dominions. This Chronicle, it is true, contains many doubtful things concerning the crusade, and the kingdom of Hunuary on the return of Andrew ; but it is quite worthy of con*"i. ice in all that pas.-^ed at Spalatro. niSTOKT OF THE CRUSADES. 225 An Arabian historian says, that since the time of Saladin the Christians had never had so numerous an army in Syria.* Thanks to Heaven were oftered up in all the churches, for the powerful aid it had sent to the Holy Land ; but the joy of the Cliristiaus of Palestine was quickly troubled by the serious difficulty in which they found themselves to procure provisions for such a multitude of pilgrims. This year i_1217) had been baiTen throughout the richest countries of Syria ;t aud the vessels from the A\^est had only been laden with machines of war, arms, and baggage. Deticiency of food was soon felt among the Crusaders, aud led the soldiers to license aud robbery ; the Bnvarians com- mitted the greatest disorders; pillaging houses and mouas teries, and devastating the neiglibouring country ; the leaders had no other means of reestablisliing order aud peace in the army, but by giving the signal for war against the Saracens ; aud, to save the lands and dwellings of the Christians, they proposed to their soldiers to ravage the cities aud territories of the infidels. The whole army, commanded by the kings of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Hungary, encamped on the banks of tlie toi'rent of Cison. The patriarch of the holy city, in order to strike the imagination of the Crusaders, and prevent their for- getting the object of their enterprise, repaired to the camp, bringing with him a portion of the wood of the true cross, which he pretended to have been saved at the battle of Tiberias. The kings and princes came out, barefooted, to meet him, and received with respect the sign of redemptiou. This cez'emony rekindled the zeal and enthusiasm of the Crusaders, whose ardent desire now was to fight for Christ. * "This year," 614 of the Hegyra, says the continuatorof Tabrtry, " the Franks received succours by sea from Rome the great, and other countries of the Franks, both west and north. It was the chief of Rome, a prelate much revered among the Christians, who directed them; he scut troops from his own country under various commanders, and he ordered the other Frank kings either to march in jierson or send iheir troops." t A letter from the master of the soldiers of the Temple, addressed to Honorius III., enters into several details respecting the situation of the Holy Land at this period. This letter speaks of the scarcity experienced in Syria ; the master of the Templars adds, that they could procure no horses. " For this reason," said he to the pope, "exhort all who have taken the cross, or intend to take it, to furnish themselves with such things as they cannot procure here." 226 uisTOEY or the ckusades. The army crossed the torrent, and advanced towards tlie valley of Jesrael, between Mount Harmon and Movuit Gelboe, without meeting an enemy. The leaders and sol- diers bathed in the Jordan, and passed over the plain uf Jericho, and along the shores of the great lake of Genesareth., The Christian army marched singing spiritual songs ; religion and its remembrances had restored discipline and peace among them. Eveiy object and place they beheld around them filled them with a pious veneration for the Holy Land. In this campaign, which was a true pilgrimage, they made a great number of prisoners without fighting a battle, and re- turned to Ptolemais loaded with booty. At the period of this crusade, Malek-Adel no longer reigned over either Syria or Egypt. After having mounted the throne of Saladin by injustice and violence, he had de- scended from it voluntarily ; the conqueror of all obstacles, and having no longer a wish to form, he became sensible of the emptiness of human grandeur, and gave up the reins of an empire that nobody had the power to dispute with him. Melik Kamel, the eldest of his sons, was sultan of Cairo ; and Corradin* was sultan of Damascus. His other sons had received, as their shares of the empire, the principalitiea of Bosra, Baalbec, Mesopotamia, &c. Malek-Adel, relieved from the cares of government, visited his children by turns, and preserved peace among them. All he had reserved of his past power was the ascendancy of a great renown, and of a glory acquired by numberless heroic exploits ; but this ascendancy held princes, people, and army in subjection. In moments of peril, his counsels became laws : the soldiers still considered him as their leader ; his sons as their sove- reign arbiter; and all Mussulmans as their defender and support. The new crusade had spread terror among the infidels, but Malek-Adel calmed their fears by assuring them that the Christians would soon be divided amongst themselves, and by telling them that this formidable expedition resembled the storms which howl over Mount Libanus, and which dis- perse of themselves : neither the armies of Egypt, nor the armies of Syria, made their appearance in Judaea ; and the * This prinje was named Cheref-Eddia Melik Moaddham, HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 227 Crusaders assembled at Ptolemais were astonislicd at meet- ing no enemy to contend with. Tlie leaders of the Christian army had resolved to direct their march towards the banks of theJXile; but winter, which Avas aboi t to commeuce, would not permit them to undertake so distant an enter- prise. To employ the soldiers, whom idleness always seduced into license, it was determined to make an attack iipou Mount Tabor, where the Mussulmans had fortilied them- selves. Mount Tabor, so celebrated in the Old and New Testa- ment, arises like a superb dome amidst the vast plain of Galilee. The declivity of the mountain is covered with flowers and odoriferous plants ; from the summit of Tabor, which forms a level of a league in extent, may be seen, tra- vellers say, all the banks of the Jordan, the Lake of Tiberias, the Sea of Syria, and most of the places in which Christ performed his miracles. A church, the erection of which was due to the piety of St. Helena, stood on the very spot where the transfiguration of Christ took place in presence of his disciples, and for a length of time attracted crowds of pilgj:'ims. Two monas- teries, built at the summit of Tabor, recalled for centuries the memory of Moses and Elias, whose names they bore ; but, from the reign of Saladin, the standard of Mahomet had. floated over this holy mountain ; the church of St. Helena and the monasteries of Moses and Elias had been demolished, and upon their ruins was raised a fortress, from which the Mussulmans constantly threatened the territories of Ptolemais. It was impossible to ascend Mount Tabor without en- countering a thousand dangers ; but nothing intimidated the Christian warriors : the patriarch of Jerusalem, who marched at their head, showed them the true cross, and animated them by his example and his eloquent words. Enormous stones rolled from the heights occupied by the infidels, who poured down an endless shower of javelins and arrows upon all the roads which led to the top of the moun- tain. The valour of the soldiers of the cross braved all the efforts of the Saracens ; the king of Jerusalem distinguished himself by prodigies of bravery, and killed two emirs with his own hand. The summit of the moimtain being attained, 228 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. tlie Crusaders dispersed the Mussulmans, and pursueu them to the gates of their fortress : nothing could resist their arms. But a 1 at once several of the leaders begau to enter- tain suspicions regarding the intentions of the sultan of Damascus ; and the fear of a surprise acted the more strongly on their minds from no one having foreseen it. Whilst the Mussulmans retired filled vrith terror behind their ramparts, a sudden panic seized the conquerors : the Crusaders renounced the attack of the fortress, and the whole Christian army retreated without eftecting anything; as if it had only ascended Mount Tabor to contemplate the spot rendered sacred by the transfiguration of the Saviour. We could scarcely yield faith to the account of this pre- cipitate flight, without the evidence of contemporary histo- rians;* the ancient chronicles, according to their custom, do not fail to attribute to treachery an event they cannot comprehend ; it appears to us, however, much more natural to suppose that the retreat of the Crusaders was produced by the discord and want of foresight which prevailed in all their undertakings. t Tliis retreat had most fatal results ; M'hilst the leaders re- proached each other with the disgrace of the army and the egregious error they had conunitted, the knights and sol- diers sank into a state of discouragement. The patriarch of Jerusalem refused from that time to bear the wood of the true cross in the van of the Crusaders, as he found the sight of it could neither revive tlieir piety nor reanimate their courage. The kings and princes who directed the crusade, wishing to retrieve so shameful a reverse before they returned to Palestine, led the army towards Phoenicia. In this new * It is our duty to quote here what is met with in the coiitinuator of Tabary, or the false Tabary, relative to this expedition of the Christians : '■Tliey undertook to besiege the castle of Thour (Tabor), and reached the top of the mountain and the foot of the walls. They were very near becoming masters of it ; but one of their princes being dead, they retired, after having remained seventeen days before the fort." This account is quite contrary to that of the western historians, and otherwise bears no mark of probability. It is true that the king of Cyprus died during this campaign of the Crusaders ; but he died at Tripoli, and more than a month after the expedition of Mount Tabor. t According to the chronicles of the times, and the report of travellers, there is no water on Mount Tabor. It is probable that the want of water prevented the Crusaders from undertaking the siege of the fortress. HISTOKT OF THE CRUSABES. 22S campaign no exploit signalized their arms being winter, j> great number of the soldiers, overcome by cold, remained abandoned on the roads, whilst others fell into the hands of the Bedouin Ai'abs. On Christmas eve, the Crusaders, who were encamped between Tyre and Sarphat, were surprised bv a violent tempest ; wind, rain, hail, whirl-n-inds, incessant peals of thunder killed their horses, carried away their tents, and scattered their baggage. This disaster completed their despondency, and created a belief that Heaven refused them its support. As tliey were in serious want of pi-ovisions, and the whole army could not subsist in one place, they resolved to divide tliemselves into four different bodies till the end of winter. This separation, which was made amidst mutual complaints, appeared to be the work of discord much more than of necessity. The king of Jerusalem, the duke of Austria, and tlie grand master of St. John encamped in the plains of Ciesarea ; the king of Hungary, the king of Cyprus, and Raymond, son of the pi-ince of Antioch, retired to Ti'ipoli ;* the grantl masters of the Templars and the Teutonic knights, and Andrew d'Avesnes, with the Flemish Crusaders, went to fortify a castle built at the foot of Mount Carmel ; the other Crusaders retired to Ptolemais with the intention of going back to Europe. Tlie king of Cyprus fell ill and died just as he was upon the point of embarking for his own kingdom. The king of Hiuigary was discouraged, and began to despair of the suc- cess of a war so unfortunately commenced. This prince, after a sojourn of three months in Palestine, thought his vow accomplished, and resolved, all at once, to return to his dominions. The AVest had doubtless been surprised to see Andrew abandon his kingdom, torn by factions, to repair to Syria ; and the Eastern Christians were not less astonished at see- ing this prince leave Palestine without having done any- thing for the deliverance of the holy places. The patriarch of Jerusalem reproached him with inconstancy, and employed liis utmost etforts to retain him beneath the banners of the * The unimportant accounts of this period are to be found in the con. tinuator of WilUam of Tyre and in James of Vitri, who was then bishop of Ptolemais. 230 niSTOBT OF THE CEUSADES, cross ; but finding Andrew would not yield to his prayei , he had recourse to threats, and displayed the formidah e train of the weapons of the Church. Nothing, however, could shake the resolution of the king of Hungary, who satisfied himself with not appearing to desert the cause of Christ by leaving half his troops under the commaud of the king of Jerusalem. After having quitted Palestine, Andrew remained for a long time in Armenia, appearing to forget his own enemies, as he had forgotten those of Christ. He came back into Europe through Asia MinoJ and beheld, whilst passing Con- stantinople, the wreck of tlie Latin empire, which ought to have roused him from his pious indolence, and have reminded him of his own dangers. The Hungarian monarch, who had left his army in Syria, took back with him a number of relics ; such as the head of St. Peter, the right hand of the apostle Thomas, and one of the seven vases in which Christ changed water into wine at the marriage in Cana : his confidence in these revered objects made him negligent of tlie means of human prudence ; and, if we may believe a contemporary chronicle,* when he retunied into Hungary, the relics which he brought from the Holy Land sufficed for the sup- pression of all tlie troubles of his states, and caused peace, the laws, aiid justice, to flourish throughout his provinces. The greater part of the Hungarian historians, however, hold quite another language,t and reproach their monarch with havuig dissipated his treasures and his armies in an impru- dent and an unfortunate expedition ; the nobility and people took advantage of his long absence to impose laws upon him, and obtain liberties and privileges which weakened the royal power, and scattered the germs of a rapid decay in the kingdom of Hungary. * The archdeacon Thomas describes with great simplicity the miracles effected by the relics of the king of Hungary. f One of these historians, Palma, expresses himself thus : — Hsec tadem expeditio Hierosolymitana adeo nervos omnes monarchitfi Hun- garicfe absumpsit, ut unius propemodum seculi spatio ad pristinam opu- lentiam viresque redire nequiverit. Another historian adds, that the long absence of Andrew, and the imbecility of his son, so completely alienated the minds of his subjects, that his return created no joy, and that Benedict, the chancellor of Queen Yollande, had difficulty in per- suading a few prelates to go out and meet him. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 231 After the departure of the king of Hungary, a great number of Crusaders arrived from the ports, of Holland, France, and Italy. The Crusaders from Eriesland, Cologne, and the banks of the Khine had stopped on the coast of Portugal, Avhere they had conquered the Moors in several great battles, killed two Saracen princes, and mounted the ban- ners of the cross upon the walls of Alcazar. They described the miracles by which Heaven had seconded their valour, and the ap])arition of angels, clothed in resplendent armour, ■who had fought on the banks of the Tagus, in the ranks of tl'.e soldievr, of Christ.* The arrival of tjiese warriors, with the account of their victories, revived the courage of the Crusaders who had remained in Palestine under the com- mand of Leopold, duke of Austria; with such a powerful reinforcement, nothing was talked of but renewing the war against the Mussulmans. The project of conquering the banks of the Nile often occupied the thoughts of the Christians ; since the idea of a war in Egypt had been put forth by the pope himself amidst the council of the Lateran, it had been considei'ed as an in- spiration from Heaven ; they only thought of the advantages of a rich conquest, and the perils of so difficult an enterprise appeared of no importance in the eyes of the soldiers of the cross. The Christian army, commanded by the king of Jerusa- lem, the duke of Austria, and William, count of Holland, embarked at the port of Ptolemais, and landed within sight of Damietta, on the northern bank of the second mouth of the Nile. The city of Damietta,t situated at the distance * The register of Honorius in Rinaldi, and particularly the letter written by William of Holland to the pope, may be consulted for the details of tliis campaign against the Moors. William asks permission of the sove- reign poniitfto remain in Portugal a year; but this permission was refused him by the Holy See, at that time only interested in the crusade oeyond the sea. Some details concerning the expedition of tlie Crusaders in Portugal may be found in James of Vitri, and in the monk Godfrey. t Savary has rectified an error committed by several learned moderns, who have confounded the city of Damietta, ft'hich e.\isted in the times of the crusades, and which is called Thanuatis by Ste|dien of Byzantium, with the city of that name which exists at ])resent. Aboulfeda informs us that the ancient Damietta was set fire to and demolished in the year OliJ of the Hegyra, after th? crusade of St. Louis, and that another city, undi? 232 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. of a mile from the sea, had a double rampart on the riv^er side, and a triple wall on the land side ; a tower arose in the middle of the Nile, and an iron chain, winch reached from he city to the tower, prevented the passage of vessels. The city contained a numerous garrison, with provisions ana munitions of war for a long siege. Damietta had already several times resisted formidable attacks of the Christians. Roger, king of Sicily, had made himself master of it in the preceding century, but he was not able to retaiji and detbnd it, against the united forces of the Mussulmans. The Crusaders arrived before Damietta early in April ; having pitched their tents in a vast plain, they hai behind them lakes and pools abounding in fish of all kinds ;* before them the Nile, covered with their vessels ;.a thousand canals, crowned with evergreen papyrus and reeds, intersected the lands, and spread Ireshness and fertility around theni. In the fields which had so lately been the theatre of sanguinary contests, no traces of war were to be seen ; harvests of rice covered the plains in which Christian armies had perished by famine ; groves of oranges and citrons loaded with flowers and fruit ; woods of palms and sycamores, thickets of jas- mines and odoriferous shrubs, with a crowd of plants and wonders, unknown to the pilgrims, created the image of an earthly paradise, and made them fancy that Damietta must have been the first dwelling of man in his state of innocence. The aspect of a beautiful sky and a rich climate intoxicated them with joy, kept hope alive in their hearts, and held out to them the accomplishment of all the divine promises. In their religious and warlike enthusiasm, they beneved they saw Providence prodigal of its miracles for the success of their arms ; scarcely had they established their camp on the bank of the Nile, when an eclipse of the moon covered the horizon with darkness ; and even this phenomenon inflamed their courage, as it appeared to them a presage of the greatest victories. the same name, was constructed at two leagues from the sea. The asser- tion of Aboulfeda agrees in this point witli the description of Macuzi. * James of Vitri gives a sufficiently particular description of Egypt and Its productions; this portion of his history is not unworthy of the perusal of the learned, and may give a just idea of the knowledge of geograj)hy and natural history of the thirteenth century. niSTORY OF TUB CRUSADES. 233 The first attacks* were directed against the tower built in fclie middle of the Nile ; vessels, in which were placed towers, ladders, and di'awbridges, approached the walls. The soldiers who manned them, braving the arrows and murderous machines of the Mussidmans, made several assaults ; but prodigies of strength, coin^age, and skill were useless!. The most intrepid of the Crusaders, victims of their own rash bi'avery and devotedness, perished, swallowed up bj the waves, without being able to be succoured or avenged by their companions. In all the attacks, nothing could equal the impetuous valour of the AVestern warriors ; but this valour was not seconded by either the prudence of the com- manders or the discipline of the soldiers ; each nation had its leader, its machines of war, its days for fighting ; no order governed either attack or retreat ; the soldiers on board the vessels wished to manoeuvre them, the sailors would fight. The frequent checks they experienced, at length, however, tauglit them prudence : the lightest of their vessels ascended the Nile, and returning to cast anchor above the tower built in the middle of the river, attacked and broke asunder the bridge of boats which united the tOwer with the city. In- dustry likewise lent its assistance to the bravery of the Crusaders ; machines of war were invented, of which no models had previously existed. An enormous wooden castle, built upon two vessels,t joined together by beams and joists, was admired as a miraculous invention, and considered as a certain pledge of victory. Upon this floating castle was a drawbridge, which could be lowered upon the tower of the Saracens, and galleries destined to receive the soldiers who were to attack the walls. A poor priest of 'the church of Cologne, J who had preached the crusade on the banks of the * For particulars of the siege of Damietta, James of Vitri, the con- tinuator of William of Tyre, Marin Siinut, Matthew Paris, the corre- spondence of Honorius in Raifiialdi, Godfrey, and the Monk of Alberic may be consulted. We have examined the account attributed to Olivit-r, priest of Cologne, which may be found in the Gesta Dei per Francos, but this account is repeated by James of Vitri. The Arabian authors and the Chronicle of Ibn-ferat have afforded us great assistance in our labours, and have informed us of very important facts of which the Franks and their historians were ignorant. + Le Pere Maimbourg gives a long account of this machine, not neces. snrv to be repeated. + This jjriest, who was named Olivier, afterwards became bishop of Vol. II.— 11 234 HISTORY OE THE CEUSADES. Bliine, and followed the Christian army into Egypt, was charged with the superintendence of tlie erection of this formidable edifice. As the popes in their letters abvays advised the Crusaders to take with them to the East men skilled in the mechanical arts,* the Christian army was in no want of workmen to perform the most difiicult labours ; the liberality of the leaders and soldiers supplied all the necessary expenses. The whole army looked with impatience for the moment at which the enormous fortress should be brought near to the tower on the Nile ; prayers were offered up in the camp for the protection of Heaven ; the patriarch and the king of Jerusalem, the clergy and the soldiers, during several days, submitted to aU the austerities of penitence, — all marched in procession barefooted to the seashore. The leaders had fixed upon the festival of the apostle St. Bartholomew as the day for the assault, and the Crusaders were filled with hope and ardour. They vied with each other in eagerness to be of the assaulting party, for whicii the best soldiers of each nation were selected, and Leopold, duke of Austria, the model of Christian knights, obtained the honour of com- manding an expedition with which the first success of the crusade was connected. On the appointed day, the two vessels surmounted by the wooden tower received the signal for moving. Tiiey carried three hundred warriors fully armed ; and an innumerable multitude of Mussulmans assembled on the walls contem- plated the spectacle with surprise mingled with dread. The two vessels pursued their silent course up the middle of the river, whilst all the Crusaders, either drawn up in battle- array on the left bank of the Nile, or dispersed over the neighbouring hills, saluted witli loudest acclamations the moving fortress which bore the fortunes and the hopes of the Christian army. On drawing near to the walls the two vessels cast anchor, and tlie soldiers prepared for the assault. Whilst the Christians hurled their javelins and got ready Paderborn and a cardinal of St. Sabina ; it is the same that signed his name to the account we have mentioned in a preceding note. * Gretser, in his treaty de Cruce, says formally tiiat the popes required the commanders of the pilgrims to take with them both agriculturists and workmen. HTSTOBT OF THE CRUSADES, 233 tlieii lances and swords, tlie Saracens poured upon tliem torrents of Greek fire, and employed every effort to make tlie wooden castle on which then" enemies fought a prey to the flames. The one party was encouraged by the shouts and applauses of the Christian army, the other by the thou- sand times repeated acclamations of the inhabitants of Da- mietta. Amidst the fight, the machine of the Crusaders all at once appeared on fire ; the drawbridge lowered on to the ■walls of the tower wavered and was unsteady ; the flagstaff of the duke of Austria fell into the Nile, and the banner of the Christians remained in the hands of the Mussulmans. At this sight the Saracens uttered the most extravagant cries of joy, whilst groans and sounds of grief were heard along the shore on which the Crusaders were encamped ; the patriarch of Jerusalem, the clergy, the whole army, fell on their knees, and raised their supplicating hands towards heaven. But soon, as if God had been favourable to their prayers, tlie flames were extinguished, the machine was repaired, the drawbridge was replaced, and the companions of Leopold renewed the attacic with more ardour than ever. From the top of their fortress they commanded the walls of the tower, and dealt mighty blows with sabre, spear, battle-axe, and iron mace. Two soldiers spi-ang upon the platform upon which the Saracens defended themselves ; they carried terror among tlie besieged, who descended tumultuously to the first stage of the tower f the latter set fire to the floor, and endeavoiu-ed to oppose a rampart of flames between themselves and the enemies who rushed down in pursuit of them ; but these List eftbrts of despair and bravery presented but a vain re- sistance to the Christian soldiers. Tlie Mussulmans were attacked in all parts of the tower ; and their walls, shaken by the machines, appeared to be sinking around them, and about to bury them beneath the ruins : in this hopeless con- dition they laid down their arms, and sued to their conquerors for life. After this memorable victory, the Christians, masters of the tower of the Nile, broke the chain which impeded the jiassage of vessels, and their fleet was able to approach close to the ramparts of the city. About the same time (September, 1217) Malek-Adel, who 236 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. had rendered himself so formidable to the Christiani^ M^^d in the capital of Egypt. He heard before his death of the ^dcto^y which the Christians had gained at Damietta j and the Crusaders did not fail to say that he had sunk under the effects of despair, and that he carried with him to the tomb the power and glory of the Mussulmans. The Christians, in their histories, have represented Malek- Adel as an ambitious, cruel, and stern prince ; Oriental writers celebrate his piety and mildness. An Arabian his- , torian boasts of his love of justice and truth,* and paints, by a single trait, the moderation of the absolute monarchs of Asia, when he says, " that the brother of Saladin listened without anger to that which displeased him." Historians unite in praising the bravery of the Mussulman prince, and the ability he displayed in the execution of all his designs. No prince knew better how to make hiuiself obeyed, or to give to supreme power that brilliant exterior which strikes the imagination of nations, and disposes them to submission. In his court, he always appeared surrounded with the pomp of the East : his palace was as a sanctuary which no one durst approach : he rarely appeared in public ; when he did, it was in a manner to inspire fear : as he was fortunate in all his undertakings, the Mussulmans had no difficulty in believing that the favourite of fortune was the favourite of Heaven : the caliph of Bagdad sent ambassadors to salute him king of kings. Malek-Adei was pleased to be styled in camps Se'if Eddinf (the sword of religion), and this glorious name, which he had merited by his contests with the Christians, drew upon him the love and confidence of the soldiers of Islainism. He astonished the East by his abdication, as much as lie had astonished it by his victories ; the surprise he excited only added to his glory as well as to his power ; and, that his destiny might in everything be ex- traordinary, fortune decreed that when ho had descended * Tke Chronicle of Ihn-ferat collects the •udgments of all the Arabian listrrians upon Malek-Adel. These historians all express themselves in Ihi' same manner. The cotitinuator of William of Tyre, who appears to D.. xlTJSADES. Ills soldiers, remained, nevertheless, in a state of inacti -ity in bis tent. During tliis period, many of the Crusaders grew weary of a war in which no battles were fought ; some fancied that the cause no longer stood in need of their assistance ; whilst others, with more foresight, feared coming reverses : more than ten thousand Crusaders abandoned the camp and returned to Damietta. The Christian army had been for more than a month in face of the enemy, always in expectation of the victories that had been promised to them. At length, the overflowing of the Nile, in a most alarming manner, disturbed their imagined secui'ity. The Saracens opened the sluices, and filled all the canals of Lower Egypt. The Mussulman fleet, wliich had not been able to ascend the Nile by Damietta, took advantage of the canals, and came up with the Christian ships. In a single engagement, the vessels of the Crusaders were ?.hnost aU dispersed and consumed by the Greek fire : from that moment terror seized upon the Christians, for they were in want of provisions, and had neither means nor hopes of obtaining any. The Saracens, after having crossed the Nile on bridges, occupied all the circumjacent hills. The Chris- tian soldiers wandered about the fields at hazard, pursued by tlie waves of the rising river, and by the Mussulmans, whose bravery they had so lately held in contempt. The whole army was on the point of being submerged or perishing with hunger, and had no hope but in the clemency of an enemy with whom they had recently refused to make peace. In this extremity, the king of Jerusalem and the principal leaders of the Christians sent several of their knights to offer the .Saracens battle ; but the latter were neither sufiiciently imprudent, nor sufiiciently generous to accept a proposal dictated by despair. The Crusaders were exhausted witii hunger and fatigue ; the cavalry sunk into, and encumbered by mud and slime, could neither advance nor retreat ; tiie foot-soldiers cast away their arms ; the baggage of the army floated away upon the waters, and nothing was heard but groans and lamentations. " When the Christian warriors,'' says an Arabian historian, " saw nothing before them but death, their minds sank into a state of despondency, and their backs bent beneath the rod of God, to wlicm he aVi firaise .'" HI8T0RT OF THE CEUS.i.DES. 259 Pelagius must then have been sensible of the fitll extent of his error : his project of marching to Cairo had, doubtless, something great in it, if it could have been executed ; but the presumptuovis legate disdained all counsels, all lessons of experience, and foresaw none of the obstacles he was certain to meet with on his route ; he conducted an army tilled with discontent ; the soldiers had neither that confidence nor that enthusiasm that leads men to brave dangers or cheerfully encounter fatigue. Tlie king of Jerusalem, the duke of Bavaria, and a great number of the barons were his personal enemies, and took very little interest in the success of an enterprise of which they had disapproved. Amidst the cries and lamentations of an army to which he had promised victory, Pelagius was obliged to negotiate for peace, and his pride humbled itself so far as to implore the clemency of the Saracens. Christian ambassadors, among whom was the bishop of Ptolemais, went to propose a capi- tulation to the conquerors ; they offered to give up the city of Damietta, and only asked for the Christian army liberty to returu to Ptolemais. The Mussulman princes assembled in council to deliberate upon the proposals of the Crusaders. Some were of opinion they should be accepted ; others declared that all the Chris- tians ought to be made prisoners of war. Among those who proposed the harshest measures, the sultan of Damascus, an implacable enemy of the Franks, was conspicuous. " 'No treaty can be made," said he, " with warriors without humanity and without faith. We should remember their barbarities in war and their treachery in peace. They armed themselves to ravage provinces, to destroy cities, and over- throw the worship of Mahomet. Since fortune lias placed these most cruel enemies of Islainism, these devastators of the East, in the hands of the true believers, we ouglit to im- molate them to the safety of the Mussulman nations, and take an advantage of our victory that will create a terror among the people of the West for ever." Most of the princes and emirs, animated by fanatici.sm and vengeance, applauded this violent speech. The sultan of Cairo, more moderate, and, doubtless, more prescient thaji the other leaders, dreading likewise the arrival of Frederick and the invasion of the Tartars, combated the opinion of 260 HISTOKY OF THE CfiUSADES. the sultan of Damascus, and advised that the capitulation of the Franks should be accepted. " All the Franks were not comprised in this army now in their power ; oth^r Crusaders guarded Damietta, and might be able to defend it ; the Mussulmans had sustained a siege of eight months, the Christians might hold out as long. It was more^ advan- tageous for the princes of the family of Saladin to return to their cities than to retain a few of their enemies in chains. If they destroyed one Cliristian army, the West, to avenge the defeat of its warriors, was able to send numberless legions into the East. They ought not to forget that the Mussulman armies had lost a portion of that spirit of obedience and discipline that was the sole guarantee of vic- tory ; that they were worn out with fatigue, and sighed for repose. Other enemies than the now disarmed Christians, other perils than those tliey had just escaped, might soon hang over both Syria and Egypt.* It was wise to make peace at this moment, in order to prepare for fresh contests, for new w^ars, perhaps much more cruel than that which they had now an opportunity of termhiating with so much glory to the jMussulman arms." The speech of Melik-Kamel brought back tlie princes of his family to sentiments of moderation. f The capitulation was accepted ; the sultan of Cairo sent his own son to the camp of the Christians as a pledge for his word. The king of Jerusalem, the duke of Bavaria, the legate ot the pope, and the principal leaders repaired to the camp of the Sara- cens, and remained as hostages till the accomplishment of the treaty. When the deputies of the imprisoned army came to Da- * The Chronicle of Ibn-ferat gives some details of this council of the Mussuhnan princes. The Western historians say nothing of it. It is a pity that James of Vitri, who was sent to the camp or' tlie Saracens to propose the capitulation, should have preserved a profound silence upon so important a circumstance. We have several times reinarked that the Arabian historians, wlien tlie Mussulmans experience reverses, content themselves with saying, " God is great ; may God curse the Christians !" We find the same inconvenience in the Western historians, who are almost always silent when the Chriatians are conquered. f We cannot refrain from observing tliat the deliberations of the Mus- sulmans generally end in resolutions of moderation and mercy; and that those of the Crusaders have, as often, a very dirtereat result. — Trans IIISTOKY OF THE CRUSADES. 2G1 tnietta and aunoiinced the disasters and captivity of the Christians, their account drew tears from the crowd of Crusaders who at -that time arrived from the West. When these same deputies informed them that the city must be given up to the infidels, the most intrepid of the Fi-anka could not restrain their indignation, and refused to recog- nise a tre.ity so disgraceful to the soldiers of the cross. The greatest tumult prevailed throughout the city. Some, filled witli despair, determined to return to Europe, and prepai^ed to desert the banners of the cross ; othei's ran towards the ramparts, and getting possession of the towers, swore to defend them. A few days after, fresh deputies arrived to declare that the king of Jerusalem and the otlier leaders of the army would be obliged to give up Ptolemais to the Mussidmans if they refused to surrender Damietta. In order to overcome the obstinate resistance of those who wished to defend the city, and who reproached the imprisoned army with disgracing the Christians, they added, that this army, though defeated, had obtained a piize worthy of then- former exploits, for the Saracens had engaged to restore to them the true cross of the Savioiu", which had fallen into the hands of Saladin at the battle of Tiberias. The fear of losing Ptolemais, the hope of regaining the cross of Christ, together with the speeches of the deputies, brought back the spirit of peace and resignation to the minds of the most ardent of the Crusaders, and disposed them to the performance of the conditions of the treaty. In the mean time, the Christian army having lost their tents and then- baggage, passed many days and many nights hi a plain covered with the waters of the Nile. Hunger, disease, and inundation threatened their entire destruction. The king of Jerusalem, then in the camp of the Saracens, upon being informed of the horrible distress of the Chris- tians, went to conjure Melik-Kamel to have pity on his disarmed enemies. The continuator of William of Tyre, who is our guide in this part of our history, rejx)rts, in his old. quaint language, the touching interview between John of Brienne and the sultan of Egypt. " The king sat down before the sultan, and began to weep ; tlie sultan, on seeing the king weep, said, 'Sire, why do jou weep r" ' Sii'e, I 262 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. have good cause,' replied the king, ' for I behold the people whom God has confided to me perishi7ig amidst the waters, and dying with hunger.' The sultan felt great pity at seeing the Icing weep, and he wept also ; then he sent thirty thou- sand h)aves to the poor as well as the rich; and sent the same quantity daily during four days." * Melilf-Kamel caused the sluices to be closed, and the waters rapidly retired from the plain; as soon as Damietta was surrendered to the Mussulmans, tlie Christian army began its retreat. The Crusaders, who owed their liberty aud lives to the mercy of the Saracens, passed through the city which had cost them so many conllicts and so muoh labour ; and, weeping, quitted the banks of the Nile, where so short a time before they had sworn to nialve the cause of Christ triumphant. They bore away in sadness the wood of the true cross, the identity of which they had reason to suspect, since it no longer performed miracles, and was not for them now tlie signal of victory. The sultan of Egypt caused them to be accompanied by his son, who had orders to provide for all their wants on their route. Tlie Saracen leaders were impatient to get rid of an army that had threat- ened their empire ; they could scarcely give credit to their own triumph, and some little appr^ihension was, no doubt, mingled with the pity with which their conquered enemies inspired thein. Great rejoicings had been made at Ptolemais for the vic- tories obtained by the Christians on the banks of the Nile ; they believed that they already saw the holy places delivered, and the empire of the Saracens destroyed. Consternation took place of their joy on seeing the army return. As in all the other reverses which their arms had met with, the Christians mutually reproached each other vnth their defeat; they accAised the leaders of ambition, and the king of Jeru- salem of weakness ; the Templars and Hospitallers, who had * As translation can scarcely do justice to this touc'aing little morceau, I subjoin the original. — Trans. Le roi s'assit devant le soudan, et se mist a |)lorer; le soudan regarda le roi qui ploroit, et lui dist : "Sire, pourquoi plorez vous .'" " Sire, j'ai raison," reponditle roi, " carje vois le p<'uple dont Dex m'a chargic, perir au milieu de I'eve et mourir de faim." Le soudan eut pitie de ce qu'il vit le roi plorer, si plora aussi ; lors eiivoya trente mille pains as pauvres et as riches ; aiiisi leur envoya quatre jourj d« suite. HIS'IOEY OF THE CUUSADE8, 2(»2 on all occasions set an example of 'ourage and tlie most generous devotedness, were obliged tc make a public apology for their conduct. When it became known in the West that Daniietta had fallen again into the hands of the Saracens, all the taitliful were aftec West heard of it with joy, and this union appeared to tliem to be the most certain pledge of the victories the Crusaders would gain over the infidels. John of Brienne, who assisted at the ceremony, congratulated hiirself upon having obtained an emperor for a son-in-law and a supporter ; hut his joy was not of long duration. Frederick, after his marriage, only saw in him the brother of that Gauthier de J'rieinie, avIio had borne the title of king of Xaples and Sicilj ; ho considered him as an enemy to his power, a dan« niSTOET OF THE CRUSADES. 267 giTOus rival, and he disputed the possession of the kinf^dom of Jerusalem with him. The pope was secretly pleased at this claim or pretension, as he hoped it would promote the interests of the crusade. Honorius was delighted to see the ambition of the empei-or mix itself up with the great designs for tlie execution of which he was so anxious. Frederick was therefore acknowledged king of Jerusalem. Thus John of Brienne, who had always proved himself the most ardent apostle of the holy war, deprived of his crown, and from that time a stranger to the atlairs of Palestine, was obliged to wait in I'etirement and silence for a favourable opportunity to avenge himself on his son-in-law, and recover his kingdom. Frederick carried on his preparations for the holy war, and appeared more than ever disposed to set out for the East. The crusade was preached, in the name of the head of the Church, in all the kingdoms of Eiu"ope ; the sovereign pontitf wrote to the princes to exhort them to suspend their divisions and occupy themselves solely with the war beyond the sea. As hostilities had just been renewed between England and France, Honorius ordered Louis VIII. to lay dow^l his arms, and threatened him with excommunication, if he did not immediately make peace. The king of France, before he obeyed the orders of the pope, was desirous of completing the conquest of Poitou ; and whilst the thunders of Rome were growling over his head, the people and clergy were returning Heaven thanks for his victories, in «. very church of his kingdom. The war against the English was not the only obstacle to the departure of the French Crusaders for the Holy Land ; the exterminating crusade against the Albigeois was stiU going on, and Louis VIII. took a more active interest in it than his father Philip had done. When Louis VIII. had concluded a truce with England, he at length resolved to take the cross, and made a vow, not to go and fight against the Saracens in Asia, but against the heretics in Languedoc. In this crusade the king of France had the double advantage of scarcely going out of his own territories, and of making conquests that might some day enlarge his kingdom. The lords and barons followed Louis into the southern provinces, a.nd thought no more about the deliverance of J<;rusalem. 268 HISTOET OF THE CRUSADES. - At the same time the envoys of the pope and the empoi'or were busy in exhorting the nations of Grermany to succour the Christians of Palestine. Their orations, which at first had great success, ended by diminishing both confidence and enthusiasm. As the pope had recommended the preachers to be prodigal of the indulgences of the Church, the people beheld with astonishment the greatest criminal^ take the cross, and swear to expiate their sins by the holy pilgrimage. They remembered that St. Bernard had called thieves and murderers to the defence of Christ ; but opinions and morals began to change, and that which had succeeded in the preceding century was now only a source of reproach. The monk of Upsbei'g, a contemporary author, informs us that the facility granted to the most vicious of mankind to redeem their crimes by taking up arms and the cross, only served to increase great oftences, and cool the zeal of the true defenders of Christ.* The orators who preached the crusade in England gathered more fruit from their labours, but owed great part of their success to celestial phenomena, which came very opportunely to second their eloquence. A luminous crucifix, with the marks of the five wounds of the Saviour, appeared suddenly in the heavens. This mii*aculous spectacle greatly inflamed the enthusiasm of the people ; and, if we may believe Mat- thew Paris, more thaa sixty thousand English took the oath to arm themselves for the deliverance of the tomb of Christ. Spain was constantly the seat of a sanguinary war between the Moors and the Chi'istians ; the one party sup- ported by warriors from Africa, the other by knights and soldiers from the provinces of France, fought battles every day without destroying their means of either attack Oj. defence : amidst such wars, in which, by turns, Mahomet and Christ were invoked, Spain was not likely to hear or attend to the complaints and appeals of Jerusalem. Another enthusiasm than that of the crusades, — an ardent desire for liberty, — then agitated the finest countries of Italy, The greater part of the cities, acted upon by jealousy and •^ The Chronicle of Upsberg attributes the murder of the respectable Engelbcrt, archbishop of Maience, to this indulgence of the preachers of the cru.-ude. HISTOBT OF THE CUJSADES. 2GS i.he other passions of republ'cs, were all at war among them- selves ; fighting sometimes for territory, and sometimes foi independence. In all these small states, parties attacked and pursued each other with fury, and disputed the exercise ol power, sword in hand. Some of the cities, principalities, and baronies invoked the authority of the pope, others that of the emperor of Germany ; the factions of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines troubled every city, and created divisions in most families. These discords and civil wars naturally turned the attention of Christian nations from the crusades. The cities of Lombardy had formed a powerful confe- deracy, which gave Frederick continual cause of inquietude, and detained him in the West ; llonorius employed every means in his power to re-establish peace, and direct men's minds towards his darling object ; and at last succeeded in getting the Lombard republics to join the emperor of Ger- many for the deliverance of tlie holy places. Altliough the people had lost some portion of their enthu- siasm for the holy war, it was still possible to form a redoubt- able army, by gathering together all the warriors that had taken the cross in the various countries of Europe ; and the new Crusaders were ordered to meet at the port of Brindisi, where vessels were being prepared to transport them to tlie East. On their arrival in the kingdom of Naples, the em- peror of Germany supplied them with provisions and arms ; everything was ready, and the pope was about, at length, to see his wishes accomplished, and receive the reward of all his labours and preachings, when inexorable death deprived (yhristendom of its head. Gregory IX., who succeeded him, had all the abilities, the virtues, and the ambition of Innocent III. In the executiou of his designs, he feared neither difficulties nor perils; the most violent measures had no terrors for his obstinacy or audacity, when the triumph of his will was in question. Gregory had scarcely ascended the pontifical throne, when the preparations for the holy war engrossed all his thoughts, and became the pmicipal object of his active solicitude. The Crusaders assembled in Apidia had much to suft'er from the influences of the climate and the season ; the sove- reign pontiff neglected nothing to alleviate their distresses and hasten their departure. He exhorted the emperor t: 270 HISTORY OF THE CRUSAUES. embark, by saying to him, " The Lord has placed you in thia world as a cherubim with a flaming s^\ord, to direct those who stray from the way of the tree of life." Frederick at length yielded to the prayers of the pope, and sailed from the port of Brindisi with his fleet and army. Prayers were being put up for the prosperity of his voyage and the success of his expedition, in all the provinces of his empire, when, at the end of three days, being attacked by the malady that had made such ravages in the Christian army, he retraced his course, and landed in the port of Otranto. Gregory had celebrated the departure of Frederick as a triumph of the Church ; he considered his return as an absolute revolt against the Holy See. The little city of Agnani, to which the pope had retired, witnessed the rage of the pontifl:, and beheld the birth of that formidable storm which so long disturbed the Christian world. Accompanied by the cardinals and several bishops, Grregory repaired to the principal church, and having mounted the pulpit, before the assembled people, he pronounced a sermon which had for its text, " It is necessary that scandals should arise." After having called upon the prophets, and spoken of the triumph of St. Michael over the dragon, he launched against Frede- rick all the anathemas of the Church. The emperor at first sent messengers to the pope to ex- plain and justify his conduct ; but the inexoral)le Gregory refused to listen to them, and complained to all the sove- reigns of Europe, representing Frederick as a faithless and perjured prince. He accused him of having consigned his wife Yolande to close imprisonment, in which she died of grief; of having left the Crusaders to perish with hunger, thirst, and heat in the plains of Apulia ; and of haAang, at last, under the frivolous pretext of sickness, violated his oath and deserted the baruiers of Christ, in order to return to the customary enjoyments of his kingdom. He made him ]r,any other reproaches ; and ia his anger called down upon him the maledictions of all Christians. Frederick, exceedingly irritated, replied to the accusations of Gregory with much bitterness. In his apology, which he sent to all the princes of Christendom, he complained strongly of the usurpations of the Holy See, and exposed, in the most odious colours, the policy and ambitious designs o.'O HISTORY or THE CRUSADES. 271 the court of Eome. " The Church of Rome," said he, " senda legates everywhere, witli power to punish, to suspend, and excommunicate, not with the designs of spreading the word of God, hut to heap ^ip money, and reap that which they have not sown.'" The emperor reminded the princes, in his letters, of the violences which the pope had exercised against the count of Thoulouse and the king of England ; he said that the domains of the clergy did not now satisfy the ambition of the Holy See, and that the sovereign pontiffs washed to lay their hands upon every kingdom. From that moment open war was declared between the pope and the emperor ; neither of them possessed a pacific character or a love of quiet ; both were animated by boundless ambition, jealous to excess of their power, implacable in their revenge, and always ready to employ the arms which the Cluu'ch or fortune placed in their hands. Gregory displayed an indefatigable activity, leaving his enemies no repose, but pursuing them at the same time with the thunders of religion and war. In addi- tion to the arms of eloquence, the pontiff did not disdain to employ satire ; the manifestoes which he published against his adversaries constantly recalled the spirit of the denun- ciations made by the prophets. These denunciations, mixed with obscme allegories, gave to his words a dark and mys- terious tone, which caused him to be considered as the inter- preter of angry Heaven. Frederick was neither a less able prince nor a less redoubtable enemy : the art of war contained no stratagems or secrets with which he was un- acquainted ; policy dictated no means that he scrupled to employ. Endowed with all the gifts of mind, and with a keen spirit of raillery, he was as competent to confound his enemies in a discussion, as to conquer them in the field of battle. Descended, on the female side, from those famous Normans who had conquered Sicily and the kingdom of Naples, he united, as they had done, courage with subtlety, and audacity with dissimulation: to please the court of Eome, he had made barbarous laws against heretics ; and, now become the enemy of the popes, he did not fear to arm heretics or Saracens against the court of Rome. AVTieu the kingdom of Jerusalem was offered to him, he set no great value upon the acquisition ; but he accepted it with 'oy, in order to increase his popularity in the Christiar, 272 HisTOEY or the oeusaues. world, and to arm himself, one day, against the sovoreigii pontiff with a title, which was then held in universal vene- ration. A war between such enemies must necessarily prove ter- rible, and spread desolation and confusion throughout Chris- tendom. Gregory, on his return to Home, repeated his excommunications in the church of St. Peter ; Frederick, . in order to revenge himself, seduced into his party most of the Eoman nobles, who took up arms, insulted the sovereign pontiff at the very foot of the altar, and compelled him to abandon the capital of the Christian world. The pope, driven from his states, pursued his enemy with more fury than ever ; and, avaihng himself of the formidable authority of the Church, he released the subjects of Frederick from their oath of fidelity, by reminding them that they could owe no obedience to those who ojjposed themselves to God and Ills saints. On his side, Frederick drove the Templars and Hospitallers from the kingdom of jSTaples, plundei-ed the churches, and ill-treated all ecclesiastics whom he suspected of being attached to the party of the Holy See. He sent troops to ravage the patrimony of St. Peter, and enlisted the Saracens established ui Sicily, under the bannei's of a Christian prince, to combat the head of the Christian cluu'ch. The Eoman states were ravaged, and given iip to the hor- rors of war. The eyes of aU Europe were fixed upon these deplorable scenes, and every one seemed to have forgotten the holy war. The Christians of Palestine, however, never ceased to im- plore aid from the West. A letter to the pope from the patriarch of Jerusalem, the bishops of Caesarea and Bethle- hem, and the grand masters of the three military orders, nainted in strong colours the despair into w-hich the Chris- tians of the East had fallen, wlien they learnt that Frederick had deferred his departure. The pope received their com- plaints with expressions of sorrow and kindness, and com- municated them to the faithful with greater zeal, from their furnishing him with a fresh opportunity of accusing the emperor of Germany. But the nations of the West, occu- pied with their own dangers, and terrified at the sight of the violent storms that had recently burst forth, were not in the least moved by either the lamentations from Palestine or HISTOBY OF THE CRUSADES. 278 fche pressing exhortations of Gregory. In this unfortunate position of European affairs, the Christian colonies, aban- doned to themselves and their own feeble resources, and a prey to the greatest disorders, must have been invaded and entirely destroyed, if Providence had not stirred up fresh discords among their enemies. During the siege of Dainietta, the common danger had united the childreu of Malek-Adel ; after victory, ambition resumed the place of fear ; and the Ayoubite princes quar- relled for the provinces which tlieir union had wrested from tlie power, or saved from the invasion 'of the Christians. Conraddin, sultan of Damascus, dreading the views of Melik-Kamel, called Gelaleddin, prince of the vast empire of Carismia, to his aid. The sultan of Cairo, in great ap- prehension of the consequences of this alliance, turned his eyes towards the princes of the West. During several years, the report alone of the preparations of Frederick had been a soiu'ce of terror to the iNlussulman powers. The emperor of Germany was considered, in the East, as the head of all the nations of Europe. The sultan of Egypt attached the greatest importance t;) the disarming of a for- midable enemy ; and as the complaints of the pope, and the report of the discords that had broken out among the Chris- tians, had reached his ears, he conceived a hope of finding in Frederick a sincere ally and a powerful auxiliary.* Melik Kamel sent presents and_ ambassadors to the emperor of Germany ; he invited Frederick to come into the East, and promised to deliv^er Jerusalem up to him. This proposition gave the emperor as much surprise as joy ; and he, in reply, sent an ambassador into Egypt, to ascertain the exact intentions of the sultan of Cairo, and offer him his friendship. The envoy of Frederick was received at the court of the sultan with the greatest honours, and returned to announce to his master that Melik- Kamel was ready to favour his expedition to Palestine. * These details, unknown to all the historians of the West, are related by Abulfeda and the greater part of the Arabian historians who treat of the events of this period. The same authors name the Mussulman envoy Fakr-eddin ; they disfiaure the name of Frederick's envoy, and say that this prince selected for this mission the person who had been hit governor in his chi dhood. 274 HISTOET OF THE CRUSADES. This negotiation, with which the pope and the Christians of the West were perfectly unacquainted, made Frederick determine to follow up the project of the crusade : he had, besides, several other motives for not renounciug tho Eastern enterprise. He knew that John of l^rienne was on the point of returniug to Palestine, and resuming pos- session of the kingdom of Jerusalem. The pope continued to represent him as the enemy of Christ, and the scoui-go of Christians. To secure the tailure of the plan of John of Brieniie, and, at the same time, reply to the sovereign pontiff in a victorious manner, Frederick resolved to embark for the Holy Land. He was desirous of proclaiming his intention with the greatest pomp ; and caused a magnificent throne to be erected in the plain of Barletta, which he ascei/ded in the presence of an immense crowd of spectators. In all the splendour of imperial magnificence, he presented himself invested with the pilgrim's cross, and announced to the assembled people that he y.as about to set out for Syria. In order to give more solemnity to this pompous ceremoity, and affect the hearts of the multitude, the emperor caused his will to be read with a loud voice ; and the barons and nobles swore at the foot of tlie throne, to see that his lasi commands should be executed, if he should chance to lost* his Hie, either in the perils of the sea or the wars of thtory of the crusades ; the continuator of William of Tyre, the letters of the patriarch of Jerusalem, or the correspondence of the pope, giv • but very incomplete information. HISTORY OF THE CBUSABES. 27^ name of the pr'uce who commanded tlie army. Frederick had been obliged to withdraw the standard of the empire, and his orders were only issued to the soldiers of the cross m the name of God and of the Christian republic. In this difficult situation, Fredei'ick and Melik-Kamel were equally sensible of the necessity for peace, and of the danger of commencing war ; they therefore gave more em- ployment to their ambassadors than to their soldiers ; this crusade was nothing but a long negotiation, disapproved of by both Christians and infidels. As tlie two sovereigns covered their policy with a veil of profound mystery, it was easy for hatred to spread and procure countenance for sinis- ter reports. Criminal intentions were discovered in the simplest actions. In the Chri-stian army it was conceived that Fredericlf had committed a crime by sending liis sword and cuirass to the sultan of Cairo, as a pledge of his wish for peace. Among the Mussulmans, Melik-Kamel was re- proached with seeking an alliance with the enemies of Islamism, by sending to the leader of the Franks an ele- phant, some camels, and the rarest productions of Arabia, India, and Egypt. The scandal reached its height when the emperor received as a present from the sultan of Cairo, a troop of girls, brought up, according to the custom of the Orientals, to sing and dance in the banqueting-hall. At length prejudices were carried so iar on both sides, that Frederick was judged more favourably of by his ene- mies than by his own army; and Melilv-Kamel would sooner have found grace among the Chi-istians than among his own troops. The infidels regarded the emperor of Germany as a prince full of wisdom and moderation; Abulfeda, and all the Arabian authors, have celebrated the qualities and virtues of the monarch of the Franks, whilst the continuator of Wil- liam of Tyre cnly speaks of this prince with bitterness, and reports in his history, that all the apostles and other Chris- tians had great doubt and great suspicion that he -was far L'one in infidelity, and warm in his belief in the law of Mahomet. Hatred soon broke out in acts of treachery and the most odious plots. As the emperor had expressed an intention of going to bathe in the waters of the Jordan, the Templars addressed a letter to Melik-Kamel, pointing out the meuna 278 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. of sur|irismg the head of the Christian army in his pil- grimage : the sultan of Cairo despised such treachery, and sent the letter he had received to Frederick. At the same time Melik-Kamel learnt that the sultan of Damascus had declared war against him, and would be joined by seveva' other Musstdman princes. The sultan of Cairo and the emperor of G-ermany had carried on their negotiations for peace during several months, but now, pressed on all sides by enemies, and surrounded by dangers, even in their own camp, they at length resolved to end the matter, and conclude a treaty, which would permit them to dispose of their forces for their security or for their personal ambition. They agreed between themselves, that they would make a truce of ten years, and that Jerusalem, Nazareth, Bethlehem, and Thoron should be given up to Frederick or his lieu- tenants.* According to the conditions of the treaty, the Mussulmans were to retain in the holy city, the mosque of Omar and the free exercise of their worship : the princi- pality of Antiocli and the county of Tripoli were not com- prised in the treaty. The emperor of Germany undertook to divert the Franks from every kind of hostility against the subjects or lands of the sultan of Egypt. When the articles of the treaty became known in the two camps, the peace was considered by both as impious and sacrilegious.t The imauns and cadis, invoking the name of the caliph of Bagdad, loudly condemned a truce which con- veyed away from the Mussulmans the holy city, which they * The Arabian authors who speak of this treaty, say that one of tlie conditions was, that the fortifications of Jerusalem should not be repairrd ; this condition is not named in the treaty which is found in the continualor of Baronius. t Quant I'apostelle oi ces nouvelles, si n'en fu mie lies, paice que remperi'Ui" e'ait excommunie, et qu'il li etoit avis qu'il avait fait niauvaise paix, parce que les Sarrasiiis teriaient !e temple et per ce ne volut-il soffrir un le s^ut fait par lui, ne que sainte eglise en fit fete, ains recommanda ])Hr toute Chrestianete (lu'on cxcoinTuuniat I'emperor come renvoye et mescreaot. — Cont. of William of Tyre. (Winn the apostle h3ard these news, lie was not at all ])leased, hecauf^e the emperor was excommunicated, and he thought he had made a bad pe. 'as repeating the songs of the trou- badours, and prayers were offered up to Heaven in the churches for the success of ^.he expeditions, the Crusaders from all the provinces of the kmgdcm commenced their march, directing their course towards the port of Marecilles, where vessels waited, to transport them into j^sia; all were animated by the most ardent zeal for the dcliverau<;p ')f the holy places ; but the pope, at whose voice they bad taken up arms, no longer applauded their enthusiasm. (rree'orY, who had made himself a great many formidable enemies in ti^e and I'Vederick, who were disputing tlu; sovereignty of Sardinia ; all the passions were soon engaged in this quarrel, and ariued themselves, by turns, with the vengeance of Heaven and the ftu-ies of war. Gregory, after having ex- communicated Frederick afresh, was deter minou i.:) atta^'k his reputation, and degrade him in the opinion of his con- temporaries. Monitories and briefs from the pope were read in all the churches of Europe, in which the emperor was represented as an impious man, an accomplice of heretics and Saracens, an oppressor of religion and humanity. Frederick replied to the accusations of the sovereign pontiff by the most violent iuvectiv^es ; he addressed himself to the Eomans, to excite them against the Holy See, and called upon all the princes of Europe to defend his cause as their own.* '' Kings and princes of the earth," said he, " look upon tlu! injury done to us as yoiir own, hi-ing water to cx- tinr/iiish tliejire that has been kindled in our neighbourhood ; •A similar danger threatens you." The irritated pope hurled all the tlninders of the Church against his adversary ; and even went so far as to preach a crusade against the emperor, saying, "There was more merit in combating a prince who was rebellious to the successors of St. Peter, than in de- livering .lerusalem." Throughout this scandalous contest, the Church was allowed to possess nothing that was sacred, the autlujrity of princes nothing that was legitimate ; on one side, the sovereign pontiff considered all who remained f^iithful subjects to the euiperor as the ministers and accom- plices of the demon ; on the other, the emperor would not acknowledge tlie pope as the vicar of Christ. At last, Gregory promised the imperial crown to any ChristiaTi prince who would take up arms against the emperor, and drag him from his throne : Louis IX., more wise than the Clnirch itself, refused the empire which was offered to him for his brotlier Robert, and employed earnest but vain eii- deavoui's to restore peace to Europe, disturbed by the pre- tensions and menaces of the pope. They soon came to hostilities ; and Frederick, after having * Upon the quarrels of the |)ope and the emperor, L'Tlalia Sacra, torn, viii., Richard de St. Germain, and particularly Matthew Paris, wtio reports the letters of Frederick, may be consulted. niSTOET OF THE CBUSADES. 293 gained a great victory over the Milanese, and carried terror amongst all the republics of Lombardy, marched towards Eome at the head of an army. Gregory, who had no troops at all, went through tlie streets of his capital at the head of a procession ; he exhibited to the Eoraans the relics of tiift apostles, and, melting into tears, told them he had no means of defending this sacred deposit witliout their assistance, The nobility and people, touched by the prayers of the pope, swore to die in defence of the Holy See. They set about preparations for war, they fortified the city with the greatest expedition ; and when the emperor drew near to the gates, he saw those same Ilomans, who, a short time before, had embraced his cause against the pope, drawn up in battle- array on the ramparts, determined to die in the cause of tlie head of the Church. Frederick besieged the city, witliout being able to get possession of it ; in his anger, he accused the Romans of perfidy, and revenged himself by exercising horrible cruelties on liis prisoners. The hatred enkindled betw'een the pope and the emperor soon passed into tlie minds of the people, and the furies of ciWl war devastated the whole of Italy. Amidst such general disorder and agitation, the cries and prayers of the Christians of Palestine were scarcely audible. At the expiration of the truce concluded witli Frederick, the sultan of Damascus re-entered Jerusalem, and destroyed the tower of David and the weak ramparts erected by the Christians : this conquest, which revived the courage of the Mussulmans, necessarily produced more than proportionate --despair among the unfortunate inhabitants of the Holy Land. Instead of receiving within its walls the innumerable armies that fame had announced, Ptolemais only had to welcome the arrival of a few unarmed pilgrims, who had nothing to relate but the deplorable quarrels of Christian nionarchs" and princes. Most of the communications with the East were closed ; all the maritime powers of It-aly were contend- ing for the empire of the sea ; sometimes in league with the sovereign pontiff, sometimes with the emperor. Several of the Crusaders who had sworn to go to Conc:.tantiiiople or Ptolemais, took part in the crusade that had been preached against Frederick ; others resolved to proceed to Syria by land, and almost all perished in the mountauis and desertg 29i HISrOUY OF THE CRUSADES. of Asia Minor ; the French lords and princes, who, in spite of the orders of tlie pope, set out for Asia from the porta of Provence, were able to bring with them into Palestine but a very small number of warriors. At the period of the arrival of these Crusaders, the East was not less troubled than the West. Melik-Kamel, the sultan of Cairo, had recently died, and his death became the sij^nal for many sanguinary wars among the princes of his family, who disputed by turns the kingdom of Egypt, and the principalities of Damascus, Aleppo, and Hamah. Amidst these divisions, the emirs and the Mamelukes, whose dan- gerous support was constantly sought for, were accustomed to dispose of power, and proved themselves more formidable to their sovereigns tlian to the enemies of Islamism. Supreme authority seemed to be the reward of victory or of skill in treachery ; the Mussulman thrones were environed by so many perils, that a sidtan of Damascus was seen abandoning his sceptre, and seeking retirement, saying, " a hawk and a hound afforded him more pleasure than empire." The princes, divided among themselves, called for the succour of the Carismians and other barbarous nations, who burnt their cities, pillaged their provinces, com- pleted the destruction of the powers they came to defend, and perfected all the evils that were born of discord. The Crusaders might have taken advantage of all these trou^:'^s^, but they never united their forces against the enemy thi-y had sworn to contend with ; the kingdom of Jerusalem had no government capable of directing the forces of the cru'.ade ; the crowd of pilgrims had no tie, no common point of interest which could hold them together for any iengtii of time under the same standards : scattered troops of soldiers were to ))e seen, but there was nowhere an army ; each of the leaders vA princes followed a plan of his own, declared war or jTO^'laiined peace in his own name, and appeared to fight cr.tiroly for his wn ambition or renowTi. The duke of jjr't;t;iny, followed by his knights, made an incursion into the lands of Damascus, and returned to Ptolema'is with a rich booty ; the other Crusaders, jealous of the succeso >f this expedition, were desirous of distin- guisliing themselves by exploits, and formed the project of attacking the city of Gaza. As the/ marched without HISTOKT OF THE CKUSADES. 293 order or precaution, they were surprised and cut to pieces by the Saracens. The duke of Burgundy, wlio was at the head of this expedition, escaped the pursuit of the con- querors almost alone, and came back to Ptolemais, to de- plore the loss of his knights and barons, wlio had all mot with slavery or death on the field of battle. This reverse, instead of uniting the Christians more closely, oidy increased their discords ; in the impossibility of effecting any triumph for their arms, they treated separately with the infidels, and made peace, as they had made war. The Templars and some leaders of the army agreed for a truce with the sultan of Damascus, and obtained the restitution of the holy places ; on their side, the Hospitallers, with the count of Champagne, and the dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, con- cluded a treaty with the sultan of Egypt, and undertook to defend him against tlie Saracens who had just given up Jerusalem to the Christians. After having disturbed Palestine by their disorders, the Crusaders abandoned it to return to Europe, and were re- placed at Ptolemais by some English, who arrived under Richard of Cornwall, brother to Henry III. Kicliard, who possessed the tin and lead mines of the county of Cornwall, was one of the richest princes of the West : if old chroni- cles are to be believed, Grregory had forbidden hbn to go to the East, hoping that he would consent to remain in Europe, and would impart a portion of his treasures to the Holy See, to procure the indulgences of the crusade. When Hichard arrived before Ptolemais, he was received by the people and the clergy, who went out to meet him, singing, " Blessed be he who comes in the name of the Lord." This prince was the grandson of Richard C(jeur de Lion,* whose courage and exploits had rendered liiin so famous in the East. The name alone of Richard spread terror among the Saracens ; the prince of Cornwall equalled his ancestor in bravery ; he was full of zeal and ardour, and his army shared liis entliu- siasm for religion and glory. He prepared to open the campaign, and everything seemed to prouiise success ; but * This is a mistake ; Richard had no iegirimate children. Richard, duke of Cornwall, who was likewise king of the Roujans, was the son of John, Richard's brother. In the same manner Gibbon calls Edward I Richard's nephew ; — he was his great nephew. — Trans. 29G HISTORY OF TUE CRUSADES. after a inarcli of some days, and a few advantages obtained over tlie enemy, finding himself very ill-seconded by the Christians of Palestine, he was obliged to renew the truce made \vith tlie sultan of Egypt. As the whole fruit of his expedition, he could only obtain an exchange of prisoners, and permission to pay the honours of sepulture to the Cliristlans killed at the battle of Gaza. AVithout having seen either the walls of Jerusalem or the banks of the Jordan, Kichard embarked for Italy, where he found tlie pope still engaged in the war against Frederick. All Europe was in a blaze ; a council convoked for the peace of the Church had not been able to assemble ; the emperor still besieged the city of Eome, and threatened the head of Christendom. Amidst this general disorder, Gregory died, cursing his implacable adversary, and was succeeded by Celestine IV., who only wore the tiara sixteen days. The war was continued with renewed fury, the Churcli re- mained without a head, and Christ without a vicar upon eartli ; the cardinals wandered about dispersed ; Ei*ederick liolding several of them in chains. "The court of Rome," says l^'leury, " was desolate, and fallen into great contempt." This deplorable anarcliy lasted nearly two years : all Chris- tendoni was loud in complaints, and demanded of Heaven a pope able to repair the evils of Europe and the Church. The conclave met at length, but the election of Inno- cent IV., made amidst trouble and discord, put an end to neither the public scandal nor the furies of the war, which grieved ail true Christians. The new pontiff followed the example of Innocent III. and Gregory IX., and soon sur- passed all their excesses. Under his pontificate, disorder continued increasing, until it had reached its height. The Christians of Greece and Palestine were quite forgotten. Mis- sionaries in vain perambulated the kingdoms of the West, to exliort the faithful to make peace among themselves, and tr.rn their arms against the Saracens; many of these angels of peace wei-e proscribed by Frederick, who was, at once, at war with the sovereign pontiff, the emperor of the East, and all those who, in taking the cross, had swoi'n to defend Eome, or to deliver Constantinople or Jerusalem. We will not attempt to describe the violent scenes of which the West, but pai ticiilai'ly Italy, was the theatre. Attention becomes HI8T0KT OF THE CRUSADES. 2.97 fatigued by dwelliug long upon the same pictures ; the wars and revolutions which lend so much life to history finish by presenting oily a wearisome, twice-told tale ; and thus, like- wise, may the reader perceive that the passions have theif uniformity and tempests their monotony. Each of the preceding crusades had a distinct object, a march which could be easily followed, and was only remark- able for great exploits or great reverses. That which we have just described, which embraces a period of thirty years, is mingled with so many difl:erent events, with so many clashing interests, so many passions foreign to the holy wars, that it at first appears to present only a confused pic- ture ; and the historian, constantly occupied in relating the revolutions of the East and of the West, may with reason be accused of having, as a European Christian, forgotten •Jerusalem and the cause of Chx'ist. When we have read the twelfth book of this history, we ])('rceive that we are already far from the age that gave birth io the crusades, and witnessed their brilliant progress. When comparing this war with those that preceded it, it is easy to si'c that it has a different character, not only in the manner ill which it was conducted, but in tlie means employed to inrtame the zeal of the Christians, and induce them to take up arms. When we observe the incredible efforts of the popes to arm the nations of the West, we are at first astonished at the small quantity of success obtained by their exhortations, their menaces, and their prayers. We have but to compare the Council of Clermont, held by Urban, with the Council of the Lateran, presided over by GJ-regory. In the first, the complaints of Jerusalem excite the tears and sobs of the auditory ; in the second, a thousand different objects intrude, to occupy the attention of the fathers of the Church, who express themselves upon the misfortunes of the Holy Land, ''v'ithout emotion and without pain. At tlie voice of Urban, knights, barons, and ecclesiastics all swore together to go and fight against the infidels ; the council became, in a moment, an assembled host of intrepid warriors : it was not 298 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. SO at the Council of the Lateran, in which no one took the cross, or burst forth into ah expression of that high enthu- siasm which the pope desired to awaken in all hearts. Vie have drawn attention, in the course of our recital, to tlie circumstance of pilgrims being permitted by the preachers^ of the holy war to buy oif their vow by paying a sum of money ; this mode of expiating sins appeared to be a scan- dalous innovation : and the indulgence of the missionaries of • tlie holy war, who thus released the faithful from the pil- grimage, made them lose a considerable portion of their ascendancy. They were not, as formerly, the messengers of Heaven ; the multitude no longer endowed them with tlie power of working miracles ; they were even sometimes obliged to employ the menaces and promises of the Church to draw hearers to their sermons ; in short, at length the people ceased to consider them as the interpreters of the gospel, and saw in them only the collectors of the dues of the Holy See. This sale of the privileges of the crusade, purchased at an extravagant price, necessarily checked the effects of all generous passions, and, in the minds of Chris- tians, confounded that which belonged to Heaven with that which belonged to earth. Precediug ages were unacquainted with any other motive but religion and its promises.* The companions of Peter the Hermit and Grodfrey, the warriors who followed Louis die Young, Philip Augustus, Eichard Coeur de Lion, Boni- face, and Baldwin of Flanders, could not have possibly be- lieved that gold could be made a substitute for the merit and glory of the holy war. We find another remarkable difference in the preaching of this crusade, — -the refusal to admit great criminals under the banners of the cross. The astonishment which the eni'ol- ment of a crowd of obscure persons in the holy militia caused among the Christian kniglits, suffices to denote a great change in the manners and opinions of the Crusaders. The sentiment of honour, which is allied with a love of * It appears to be almost incredible that our author should be so blind himself, or expect his readers to be so, to tlie lessons taught by his His- tory ! If the early Crusaders could not buy off their pilgrimages, more of them were attracted by what they might obtain on turth, than by " religion and its iiromiscs." — Trans. niSTOEY OF TUm CRUSADE8. 299 glory, and has a tendency to establish iistinctions among men, appears to hav'e prevailed over 1 ne purely religious feeling which inspires humility, acknowledges the equal rights of all Christians, and confounds repentance with virtue. The crusade, into which none were admitted but men of acknowledged bravery and good conduct, ceased, in soniv sort, to be a simply religious war, and began to re- semble other wars, in which leaders have the power of selecting the soldiers they have to command. The enthusiasm for the holy wars only reviv*'d at intervals, like a fire upon the point of going out of itself ; the people required some great event, some extraordinary circumstance, some striking example of princes or warriors, to induce them to take arms against the infidels ; the subtleties of theologians, who insisted upon everything being subservient to their discussions, contributed to cool the remains of that pious and warlike ardour, which, till that time, it had been found necessary to moderate and restrain within just limits. Disputes were started in the schools upon such questions as these : In what case was a Christian exempt from the accom- plishment of his vow ? What sum was sufficient to redeem a promise made to Christ ? If certain pious exercises could be substituted for pilgrimage ? If an heir was bound to fulfil the oath of a testator ? Whether the pilgrim who died on his way to the Holy Land, had more merit in the eyes of G-od than one who died on his return ? * Wbether a wife could take' the cross without the consent of her husband, or the husband without the consent of the wife ? »ic. From the moment in which all these questions were solemnly dis- cussed, and, upon several points, the opinions of theologians differed, enthusiasm, which never reasons, was rendered languid by the cold arguments of the doctors ; and pilgrims appeared to yield less to the transports of a generous feeling, than to the necessity of performing a duty or of following an Established rule. Tliis sixth crusade was more abundant in intrigues and scandalous quarrels than in military exploits ; the Christians never united all their efforts against the infidels ; no spirit of order presided over their enterprises ; the Crusaders, who * Most of these questions may be found in the work of the Jesuit Greutzer, which bears for title De Cruce. 300 HISTORY or THE CKUSADES. only held their mission of their zeal, set out at the time tlieir will or their fancy selected ; some returned to Europe witliout having faced a Saracen in fight ; others abandoned the colours of the cross, after a victory or a defeat ; and fresh Crusaders were constantly summoned to defend the con- quests or repair the faiUts of those that had preceded them. Although tlie West had counted in this crusade more than live hundred thousand of her warriors departing for Palestine OL- Egypt, great armies were rarely assembled on the banks of the Nile or the Jordan. As the Crusaders were never gathered together in great bodies, they were not subjected to famine, or the other scourges that had so fearfully thinned the ranks of the early defenders of the cross ; but if they experienced fewer reverses, if they were better disciplined, we may say that they showed none of that ardour, or of those lively passions which men communicate to each other, and whicli acquire a new degree of force and activity amidst a multitude assembled for the same cause and iinder the same banners. By transferring the theatre of the war to Egypt, the Chris- tians no longer had before their eyes, as in Palestine, the revered places and monuments, which could recall to them the religion and the God they were about to fight for; they had no longer before them and around them the river Jordan, Libanus, Thabor, or INIount Sion, the aspect of which liad so vividly affected the imagination of the first Crusaders. When the people of Europe heard the head of the Church exhort tlie faithful to the conquest of Jerusalem, and at the same time curse Frederick, the liberator of tlie holy city, the object of the crusade lost its sacred character in the eyes of Christians. The emperor of Germany, after his return from his expedition, sometimes said, " If God had been acquainted with the kingdom of ^Naples, he never could have preferred the barren rocks of Jerusalem to it." These sacrilegious words of Frederick must have been a great sub- ject of offence to jiilgrims ; but, indeed, this prince only sent to the Holy Land such of his subjects as he was dissatisfied with, or wislied to punish. The popes also condemned to pilgiTinage tlie gr(>at criminals whom society rejected from its bosom, which was very repugnant to the manners and opinions of the nobles and knights of Europe. As a mSTOKY or THE CEUSABES. 301 crowiiiug misfortune, the reverses or exploits of the Crusa- dfCi beyond the seas frequently created divisions among the princes of the AVest. From that time, Palestine was no longer, in the eyes of the faithful, a laud of blessedness, flowing with milk and honey, but a place of exile. From that time Jerusalem was less considered the city of God and the heritage of Christ, than a subject of discord, or the place in which were born all tlie storms that distiu"bed Christendom. In the other crusades, the popes bad been satisfied with awakening the enthusiasm of pilgrims, and addressing [)rayers to Heaven for the success of the Crusaders ; but in this wai-, the heads of tlie Church insisted upon directing all the ex- peditions, and commanding, by their legates, the operations of the Christian armies. The invasion of Egypt was de- cided upon in the Council of the Lateran, without a thought of asking the advice or opinions of any of the skilful cap- tains of the age. When hostilities began, the envoys of the pope presided over all the events of the war ; weakening the ardour of the soldiers of the cross, by their ambitious pre- tensions, as well as by their ignorance. They let all the fruits of victory slip through their hands, and gave birth to an injurious rivalry between the spiritual and the temporal powers. This rivalry, this reciprocal mistrust, were carried so far, that the sovereign pontiff and the emperor of Ger- many, by turns, arrested the march of the pilgrims ; the fir^t fearing that the Crusaders, on embarking for Palestine, would become the soldiers of Frederick ; the second, that these same soldiers might become the defenders of the temporal power of the popes. At the period of which we have just retraced the history, so many crusades were preached at once, that the eyes of the faithful were necessarily diverted from the first object of these holy expeditious. Called npoji to defend so many causes, no one could distinguish which was the cause of God and Jesus Christ ; so many interests presented themselves at the same time to the attention of Christians, and were recommended to the bravery of warriors, tliat they gave birth to hesitation and reflection ; and these produced in- difference. Europe, for a length of time ui a state of fer- mentation, was undergoing the vague uncertainty of a 302 HISTORY OF THE CRUS.VDES. change ; states began to think more of their independence, people of their liberty. The passions which politics bring forth, took the place of passions of which religion is the motive. The sanguinary quarrels of the emperor and the popes contributed greatly to the revolution which was brought about in men's minds : the motive which animated the heads of the Church was not always a religious one ; the emperor of Germany and the pontiffs of Rome had pretensions to the domination of Italy, and had been, for a long time, engaged in a rivalry of ambition. Glregory could not see Frederick master of the kingdom of Kaples without great pain ; and when he pressed him to go into Asia, to make war upon the Saracens, he might have been compared to that personage of ancient fable, who, in order to get rid of his rival, sent him to combat the Chimera. Four popes, although of a different character, finding themselves in the same circumstances, pursued the same policy. Frederick, by his cruelties, injustice, and extrava- gant ambition, often justified the violences of the Holy See, of which he was, by turns, the ward, the protector, and the enemy ; like his predecessors, he made no secret of his pro- ject of restoring the empire of the Caesars ; and, had it not been for the popes, it is not improbable that Europe would have been brought under the yoke of the emperors of Ger- many. The policy of the sovereign pontiffs, whilst weakening the imperial power, favoured, in Germany, the liberty of cities, and the growth and duration of small states ; we do not hesitate to add, that the thunders of the Church preserved the independence of Italy, and perhaps that of France, which was less ill ti'eated by the court of Eome than neigh- bouring nations. The French monarchy took advantage of the troubles that existed on the other side of the lihine, and of the interdict set upon England, to repel the invasions of the English and Germans ; and, at the same time, availed itself of the absence of the king of Navarre, the dukes of Brittany and Burgundy, with several otlier great vassals, whom the crusade attractc^d beyond tlie seas, to increase the prerogalivi's of the royal authority, ajid extend the limits of the kingdom. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 303 England herself owes something to the authority of tliG popes, who, by overwhelming John Lackland with excom- munications, rendered liim powerless in his attempts to enslave the English people, or to resist the demands of the barons and the commons. This is a truth which impartial history cannot deny or doubt, and which disposes us not to approve, but to blame with less bitterness, excesses and abuses of power of which all the effects have not been de- plorable.* The populace of London, who burn every year the effigy of tHe pope, would be much astonished if, amidst a fanatical delirium, they were told that the army which once fought for the independence of Gi-eat Britain was called the army of God atid of the Holy Church ; if they were reminded that the great charter of the Forest, the first monument of British liberty, was the fortunate fruit of the menaces and thunders of the Church of Rome, and that this charter would never have been granted by John, without the redoubtable influence and the imperious counsels of the sovereign pontifF.f Without wishing to justify the domination of the popes, we may say that they were led to grasp at supreme power by the circumstances in which Europe was placed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. European society, without experience or laws, and plunged in ignorance and anarcliy, * Althongh this is verj' like " damning with faint praise," I cannot see how the popes or their abuses are entitled to any mitigation of contem]>t or disapproval : the beneficial results were the work of Providence, an J vere never contemplated by the pontiffs. — Trans. t King John was a bad prince : he inspired mistrust in his subjects, who demanded a pledge of him, and this pledge became the English constitution. If France, before the revolution of 1789, had never asked her kings for a pledge, it was be<:ause none of them had inspired mistrust in his people : the best eulogy that can be made upon the kings of France is, that the nation had never felt under their government the want of a written or guaranteed constitution, and that they were in all times con- sidered as the safest guardians of the public libt-rty. [It is scarcely conceivable how a writer of the nineteenth century could offer his readers such opinions as these (both text and note). Some of the best portions of British liberty were obtained from oetter kings than any France had, with the exception of Henry IV,, from Louis IX. to the end of the monarchy. Our Ch&i'les I. and James II. had their faults, but they are as " unsunned snow^ '' by the side of nine French monarchs out of ten,^ — Trans. 304 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. cast itself into the arms of the popes, and belie^-ed that it placed itself under the protection of Heaven. As nations had no other ideas of civilization than such as they received from the Christian reli^cioi!, the sovereign pon- tifts natiu'ally became the supreme arbiters between rival or neighbouring countries ; amidst tlie darkness which tlie light of tlie Gospel had a continued and iicvoi'-ending tendency to diminish, their authority must naturally liavo been the first esiablislied and the first recognised: temporal power stood in need of their sanction; people and kiugs implored their sn})port and consulted their wisdom : they believed them- selves authorized to exerci.se a sovereign dictatorship. This dictatorship was often exercised to the advantage of public morality and social order ; it often protected the weak against the strong ; it arrested the execution of criminal plots ; it re-established peace between states ; and it pre- served a young society from the excesses of ambition, licen- tiousness, and barbarism. When we cast our eyes over the annals of the middle ages, we cannot help being struck by one of the most beaiitiful spectacles that human society has ever presented, — it is that of Christian Europe recog- nising but one religion, having but one law, formhig as it were but one empire, governed by a single head, who spoke in the name of God, and whose mission was to make the Gospel reign upon eartli. In the general reflections by which we shall terminate this work, we will enter into much greater developments upon this head ; we will compare modern Europe with the Europe of the middle ages, and we will make it clear that, if we have acquired some wisdom in the art of civilization, we are still far from having turned it to the advantage of public liberty : nations are at the present day led away by tlie spirit of the Erench revolution, as they were in the middle ages by the spirit ol' tlie court of Eome and enthusiasm for the crusades. Tlie Erench revolution began by liberal ideas, it was con- tinued by victories. The military spirit allied itself with the fanaticism of new ideas, as it formerly allied itself with reli- gious enthusiasm. On casting a glance over our Europe, we are astonished at seeing two contradictory things, which should naturally exclude each other ; we see almost every- where a tendency to favour the propagation of liberal ideas, HISTOUY OF THE CKUSADES. 30£ atnd at the same time an inclination to increase the mass of armies ; it is difficult to explain a policy wliicli tends, on the one side, to multiply the apostles of liberty, on the other to multiply soldiers ; which, by turns, proclaims a principle, and raises a regiment ; which speaks, at the same time, of re cruiting, and of a constitution ; which appears never to have laws enough, and yet is insatiable of cannons and bayonets It is easy to foresee the near and distant results of such a monstrous amalgamation.* Everything leads us to believe that these results, like those of the crusades and the influence of the pope in the middle ages, will not turn out entirely foi the advantage of civilization. But without dwelling longer on these distressing reflec- tions, we will return to our subject, from which, perhaps, we have strayed too long. In the eleventh and twellth centuries, the nations of Europe, subject to the authority of St. Peter, were united together by a tie more strong than that of liberty. This motive, this tie, which was that of the universal Church, for a length of time kept up and favoured the enthusiasm for and the progress of holy wars. AVhatever may have been the origin of the crusades, it is certain they never would have been undertaken without that unity of religious feelings which doubled the strength of the Christian republic. The Christian nations, by the agree- ment of their sentiments and their passions, showed the world all that can be done by enthusiasm, which increases by comuuuncation, and that lively faith, which, spread among men, is a miraculous power, since the Gospel accords i: the faculty of wzotvH^' mountains. In proportion as people, united by one same spirit, separated, and ceased to make one common cause, it became more difficult to collect toge- ther the forces of the West, and pursue those gigantic enterprises of which our age can scarcely perceive the possibility. It may have been observed, that the pontifical authority and the enthusiasm for the crusades experienced the same vicissitudes ; the opinions and the exaltation of the religious spirit which caused men to take up arms, necessarily, at the * M. Michaud is here more happy than usual in his political and pliiloiiopliicul reflections. We might fancy him prescient of the 2nd of Dei'cnil er. — Trans. VoT,. II.— 14 306 HISTOfiT OF THE C itUSADES. same time, increased tlie influence of tlie sovereign pontiifs. But springs so active and so powerful coidd not possibly last long ; tliey broke by the violence with which they were employed. The popes, invested with authority without limit, exer- cised that authority without moderation ; and as the abuse of pow er brings on, sooner or later, its own ruin, the empire of the sovei iign pontiffs finished by declining as other em- pires have clone. Their fall commenced with their long con- tests with Frederick ; all Europe was called upon to judge their cause ; their power, founded upon opinion, the origin of which was entirely religious, lost much of its prestige by being given over to the discussions of men of the world. At the same time that the sovereign pontiffs abused their power, the spirit and enthusiasm that had produced the holy wars were likewise abused. Many Christian princes took the cross, sometimes to obtain the protection of the popes ; sometimes as a pretext for assembling armies, and enjoying the temporal advantages accorded to the soldiers of Christ. The leaders of Christendom, without haviug originated the wars of the East, were eager to profit by them ; in the first place, to extend their dominions, and in the next to gratify violent passions. Erom that moment society sought other supports than that of the Holy See, and warriors another glory than that of the crusades. Thibault, king of Navarre, who, in his verses, had preached the war beyond the seas, was disgusted at the troubles ex- cited in Europe by the heads of the Church, and deplored with bitterness a time full of felony, envy, and treaclieri/. He accused the princes and barons of being without cowr- toisie, and reproached the popes with excommunicating those who were most in the right {ceux qui avaient le plus raisori). If a few troubadours still raised their voices to exhort Christians to take up the* ci'oss and arms, the greater part did not partake of their enthusiasm for the holy wars ; and beheld notliing in tliese pilgrimages beyond the seas, but the griefs of a long absence, and the rigoiu's of a pious exile. In a Tenson* which has come down to us, Folquet de * A dispute upon an affair of gallantry, between two or more trouba- dours. — Trans. HlSrORY or THE CJIL «.\L1 ;-. 807 Komans asks Blaccas, the model of troubadours and of knights, wlictber lie "will go to the Ht)ly Land? After having answered that he loves and is beloved, and that he will remain at home with his ladye-love, (she was countess of Provence), Blaccas thus ends liis simple song : — " Je ferai ma penitence, Entre mer et Durance, Aupres de son mai.oir." * " T will perform my penitence Between the se i and swift Durance, Near to my lady's bower.'' These sentiments belonged to the manners of trouba- dours and knights ; but at the time of the first crusades, religious ideas were much more mixed up with ideas of gallantry ; a poet, invited to take the cross, would not have dared to speak of his ladye-love,t without likewise speaking of the mercy of God and the captivity of Jerusalem. During the other crusades, the religion and morality of the Gospel resumed their empire, and spread their benefits everywhere ; at the voice of the holy orators, Christians became penitent and reformed their moi'als ; all political tempests were laid by the simple name of Jerusalem, and the West remained in profound peace. J It was not so at the period we have just described ; Europe was perhaps never more agitated, or, perhaps, more corrupted than during the thirty years which this crusade lasted. In the relations between the Christians and Mussulmans, little respect had, to this time, certainly, been paid to treaties ; but in this crusade, contempt for sworn faith and forgetfulness for the laws of nations were carried to an ex- treme : signing a truce was a preparation for war ; — the * These verses are quoted by M. Raynourd in his grammar of the Romance language. f We have but to compare the piece of the Provenfal with that of Raoul de Courcy, who died in the third crusade. X M. Michaud's parental partiality for his elder born makes him very oblivious. If we look back to his own account of the morals of the early crusades, particularly those of Jerusalem, we cannot see the justice of the.«e remarks. The Crusaders only " remembered to be pious and pt-nio tent" when they experienced reverses. — Trans. 308 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. Christian armies owed their safety to a treaty of peace ; und the sovereign pontiff, far from respecting the conditions of it, preached a new crusade against tlie infidels. It must be allowed, also, that the most solemn treaties were often violated by the Mussulmans. The duration of peace de- pended solely upon the want of power ui both parties to resume hostilities with advantage. The least hope of success ■was sufficient to induce them to fly to arms ; the slightest circumstance was an excuse for rekindling all the flames of war. The continuator of WUliam of Tyre says, with great ingenuousness, when speaking of the death of a sultan ot Damascus : " When the sultan died, all the truces died with him." These words alone are sufficient to give an idea of the state of the East during the sixth crusade, and of the small degree of respect then entertained for the laws of peace and war. If, in the preceding crusade, the expedition of the soldiers of the cross against Grreece did not produce great advan- tages to the West, it at least illustrated the arms of the Venetians and the French. In the war we have just de- scribed, the knights and barons who took the cross, added nothing to their glory or their renown. The Crusaders who were fortunate enough to revisit their homes, brought back with them nothing but the remembrance of most shame- ful disorders. A great number of them had nothing to show their compatriots but the chains of their captivity ; nothing to communicate but the contagious disorders of the East. The historians we have followed are silent as to the ravages of the leprosy among the nations of the West ; but the testament of Louis VIII., an historical monument of that period, attests the existence of two thousand leproseries (hospitals for lepers) in the kingdom of France alone. This horrible sight must have been a subject of terror to the most fervent Christians; and was sufficient to disenchant, in their eyes, those regions of the East, where, till tliat time, their imaginations had seen nothing but prodigies and marvels. Among the abuses then made of the spirit of the cru- sades, and the misfortunes they brought in their train, we HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 30S must not forget the civil and religions wars of whieli France and several other countries of Europe were the theatre. In their expeditions into the East, Christians had become fami- liarized with the idea of employing force and violence to change men's hearts and opinions. As they had long made ■war against infidels, they were willing to make it, in the same manner, against heretics ; they first took up arms against the Albigeois, then against the pagans of Prussia ; for the same reason, and in the same manner, that they had armed, themselves against the Mussulmans. Modem writers have declaimed with great vehemence and eloquence against these disastrous wars ; but long before the age in which we live, the Cliurch had condemned the excesses of blind fanaticism.* Saint Augustine, St. Ambrose, the fathers of councils, had long taught the Christian world that error is not destroyed by the sword, and that the truths of the Gospel ought not to be preached to mankind amidst threats and \aolences. The crusade against the Prussians shows us all that am- bition, avarice, and tyranny can exhibit that is most cruel and barbarous ; the tribunal of history cannot judge witli too much severity the leaders of this war, the ravages and furies of which were prolonged dui-ing more than a century ; but, whilst condemning tlie excesses of the conquerors of Prussia, we must admit the ad\'antages Europe gained by their victories and exploits. A nation that had been sepa^ rated from aU other nations by its manners and customs, ceased to be a foreigner in the Christian republic. Industry, laws, religion, which marched in the train of the conquerors, to moderate and remove the evils of war, spread their bless- ings among hordes of savages. ' Many flourishing cities arose from amidst the aslies of forests, and the oak of Kemove,t beneatli the shade of which human victims had been immolated, was replaced by churches, in which tlie vir- tues and charity of the Gospel were inculcated. The con- * It may be questioned whether the weapons since employed for the Eame purpose, the cunning and the tongue of Jesuits, were not iu all senses as bad as the sword and lance of the Crusaders. — Trans. t The city of Thorn was built on the spot where the consecrated oak grew. 810 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. quests of the Romans were sometimes more oujust, theu wars more barbarous ; tbey procured less advantages to the civilized world, and yet they have never ceased to be objects of the admiration and eulogy of posterity. The war against the Albigeois was more cruel and more unfortunate than the crusade directed against the nations of Prussia. Missionaries and warriors outraged, by their con- duct, all the laws of justice and of the religion whose triumph they pretended to aim at. The heretics, natiu'ally, sometimes employed reprisals against their enemies ; both sides armed with the steel and axe of murderers and executioners, humanity had to deplore the most guilty excesses. When casting a retrospective glance over the annals of the middle ages, we are particularly grieved to see sangui- nary wars undertaken and carried on in the name of a reli- gion of peace, whilst we can scarcely find an example of a religious war among the ancients and under the laws of paganism.* We must beUeve that modern nations and those of antiquity have, and had the same passions ; but, amongst the ancients, religion entered less deeply into the heart of man or into the spirit of social institutions. The worship of false gods had no positive dogma ; it added no- thing to morality ; it prescribed no duties to the citizen ; it was not bound up with the maxims of legislation, and existed, in some sort, only upon the surface of society. When paganism was attacked, or when a change was effected in the worship of false gods, the affections, morals, and inter- ests of pagan society were not deeply wounded. It was not thus with Christianity, wliich, particularly in the middle ages, mixed itself up with all civil laws, recalled man to all the duties due to his country, and united itself with all the principles of social order. Amidst the growing civilization ot" Europe, the Christian religion was blended with all tlie interests of nations ; it was, in a manner, the foundation of * We may name, among the Greeks, the sacred war undertaken for the lands which beh^nged to the temple of Delphos ; but on reading closely the history of this war, it is easy to see that they did not fight for a dogma or a religious opinion, as in the wars which, among the moderns have had religion for a motive or a pretence. HISTOKT OF THE CRUSADES. 811 all society ; it was society itself : we cannot wonder, then, that men were passionate in its defence. Then all who separated themselves from the Christian religion, separated themselves from society ; and all who rejected the laws of the Church, ceased to acknowledge the laws of their country. We must consider the wars against the Albigeois and the Prussians in this li^^ht ; they were rather social wars than reiigiOa£ Rars. BOOK Xlll. SEVENTH CRIJSADE. A.D. 1242—1245. When I began this work, I was far from being aware ol the task I was imposing upon myself; animated by the in- terest of my subject, full of a too great confidence in my own powers, like those villagers who, when they set out for the first crusade, fancied every city they saw to be Jerusa- lem, I constantly believed I was approaching the end of my labours. As I advanced in my career, the horizon expanded before me, difficulties multiplied at every step, so that to sustain my courage, I have often been obliged to recall to my mind the kindness with which the early volumes of this history have been received by the public. The difilculty did not consist in placing a narrative of the holy wars before our readers ; it became necessary to present exact ideas of the manners and characters of the nations which, in any way, took part in them. We have endea- voured to make all the peoples known who have in turn passed across the scene : the Franks, with their soldier- like roughness, their love of glory, and their generous pas- sions ; the Turks and Saracens, with their military reli- gion and their barbarovis valour ; the Greeks, witli tlieir corrupted manners, their character at once superstitious and frivolous, and their vanity, which with them supplied the place of patriotism : a new nation is now about to oft'er itself to the pencil of history, and mingle witli the events of which we are attempting to give the picture. AVe are about to say a few words upon the manners and conquests of the Tartars in the middle ages. The hordes of this nation, at the ptt-iod of the sixth cru- sade, had iiivaili'il sivcral cnnntries of. Asia, and the progreaa HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. 313 of their arms had a great iufluence over the policy of the Mussulman powers of Syria and Egypt, wliich were then at war with the Christians. At the time of which we are speaking, the fame of their victories filled the East, and spread terror even to the most remote countries of Europe. The Tartars inhabited the vast regions which lie between ancient Emails, Siberia, China, and the Sea of Kamschatka ; they were divided into several nations, which all boasted of having the same origin ; each of these nations, governed by a khan, or supreme leader, was composed of a great number of tribes, each tribe commanded by a particular chief, called Myrza. The produce of the chase, the milk of their mares, and the flesh of their flocks, satisfied the simple wants of the Tartars ; they lived under tents with their families ; and moveable dwellings, drawn by oxen, transported from one place to another their wives, their children, and all they possessed. In summer, the whole tribe drew towards the northern countries, and encamped upon the banks of a river or a lake ; in winter, they directed their course southward, and sought the shelter of mountains that could protect thein from the icy winds of the north. Tlie Tartar hordes assembled every year, in either autunni or spring. In these assemblies, Avhich they called Gouralta'i, they deliberated on horseback, upon the march of the tribes, the distribution of the pasturages, and peace and war. It was from the bosom of this tumultuous assembly that issued the legislation of the people of Tartarv ; a simple and laconic legislation, like those of all barbarous nations, whose only objects are to maintain the power of the leaders, and keep up discipline and emulation among the warriors. The nations of Tartary acknowledged one God, the sove- reign of heaven, to whom the}^ offered up neither incense nor prayers. Their worship was reserved for a crowd of genii, whom they believed to be spread through the air, upon the earth, and amidst the waters ; a great number of idols, the rough work of their own hands, filled their dwell- nigs, followed them in their courses, and watched over their flocks, their slaves, and their families. Their priests, brought up in the practices of magic, studied the course of the stars, predicted future events, and employed themselves in abusing th( minds of the people by sorcery. Their religious wor- ' 14* : 314 niSTOTlT OF THE CRUSADES. ship, wliieli inculcatocl no morality, had neither softened their rude manners nor ameliorated their character, which was as boisterous and unkindly as their climate. No monu- ment raised under the auspices of religion, no book inspired by it, reminded them of deeds of glory, or laid before them precepts and examples of virtue. In the course of their >\'andering life, the dead, whom they sometimes dragged with them in their waggons, appea^^sd to them an annoying burden, and they buried them in haste in retired places; where, covering them with the sands of the desert, they were satisfied with concealing them from the eyes or the outrages of the living. Evcrj'thing that might fix them to one spot rather than another, or lead them to change their manner of living, ex cited the animadversion and disdain of these races. Of all the tribes that inhabited Mogul Tartary, one alone was acquainted with writing, and cultivated letters ; all the rest despised com uierce, arts, and learning ; which constitute the true splen- dour of polished societies. The Tartars disdained the idea of building ; in the twelfth century their vast country con- tained but one city,* the extent of which, according to the monk Rubruquis, did not equal that of the little town of Saint Denis. Confining themselves to the care of their ilocks, they regarded agriculture as a degrading occupation, only fit to employ the industry of slaves or conquered people. Their immense plains had never become yellow with harvests sown by the hand of man ;. no fruit had there ripened which he had planted. The spectacle most agreeable to a Tartar was the desert, upon which grass grew without cultivation or the field of battle covered with ruin and "arnage. As the limits of their pastures were under no regulation, frequent quarrels necessarily arose among the Tartars ; the spirit of jealousy constantly agitated the wandering hordes ; the ambitious leaders could endure neither neighbours nor rivals. Thence civil wars ; and from the bosom of civil wars issued a fully-armed despotism, to support which the people * Karakoroum, the residence of the principal branch of the successors of Gengiskhan. It is only lately that the true situation of this city hag been fixed by M. Abel-Remusat ; it was on the left bank of the Orgon, not far from the junction of that river with the Selinga to the south of the Lake of Baikal, by the 49° of latitud ■ and the 102° of longitude. The same country has since been the resid 'ice of the Grand Lama. HlSTOnV OF THE CKL'SADES. ^15 flocked with cheerfuluess, because it promised them con quests. Tlie entire population was military, to whom fighting appeared to bo the only true glory, and the most uoble occupation of man. The encampments of the Tartar?, their marches, their hunting-parties, resembled military exhibi- tions. Habit imparted so m ich ease and firmness to their seat on horseback, that they took their food, and e'^en in- dulged in sleep, without dismounting. Their bow, of an enormous size, announced their strength and skill ; their sliarp steel-headed arrows flew to an immense distance, and struck down the bird amidst its rapid career, or pierced through and through the bear or tiger of the desert ; they surpassed their enemies in the rapidity of their evolutions ; they excelled them in the perfidious art of fighting whilst flying ; and retreat was often, for them, the signal of victory. All the stratagems of war appeared familiar to them ; and as if a fatal instinct had taught them all that could assist in the destruction of the human race, the Tartars, who built no cities, knew how to construct the most formidable machines of war, and were not unacquainted with any means that could spread teivor and desolation among their enemies. In their expeditions, their march was never impeded by the inclemency of seasons, the depth of rivers, the steepness of precipices, or the height of mountains. A little hardened milk, diluted with water, sufficed for the food of a horseman during several days ; the skin of a sheep or a bear, a few strips of coarse felt, formed his garments. The warriors showed the most blind obedience to their leaders, and, at the least signal, were ready to encounter death in any shape. They were di\4ded into tens, huudi'eds, thousands, and tens of thousands ; their armies were composed of all that coidd handle the bow or lance ; and what must have caused their enemies as much surprise as terror, was the order and dis- cipline that prevailed in a multitude that chance seemed to have gathered together. According to their military legis- lation, t^e Tartars were never allowed to make peace but with a conquered enemy ; he who flea from battle, or aban- doned his companions in dange-r, was punished with death ; they shed the blood of men with the same indifierence as that of wild animals, and their ferocity added greatly to the terror which they inspired in thtf r enterprises. 81G HISTORY OF THE CRUSADED, The Tartars, iu their pride, despised all other nations, and believed that the whole world ought to be subject to them According to certain opinions, transmitted from age to age, the Mogul hordes abandoned the north to the dead they left behind them in the desei'ts, and kept their faces constantly directed towards the south, which was promised to their valour. The territories and the riches of other nations excited their ambition ; and, possessing neither territories nor riches themselves, they had almost nothing to fear from conquerors. Not only their warlike education, but their pre- judices, their customs, the inconstancy of their character, everything with them seemed to favour distant expeditions and warlike invasions. They carried with them neither regrets nor endearing remembrances from the countries they abandoned ; and if it be true, when we say that country is not within the walls of a city, or the limits of a province, but in the affections and ties of family, in the laws, manners, and customs of a nation, the Tartars, wheYi changing their climate, had always their country with them. The presence of their wives, of their children ; the sight of their flocks and their idols, everywhere inflamed tlieir patriotism, or love of their nation, and sustained their courage. Accustomed to consult their own inclinations, and take them for their sole rule of conduct, they were never restrained by the laws of morality or by feelings of humanity ; as they had a profound indifference for all the religions of the earth, this indifierence even, which aroused no hatred in otlier nation , facilitated their conquests, by leaving them the liberty of readily re- ceiving or embracing the opinions and creeds of the people they conquered, and whom they thus completely subjected to their laws. In very remote antiquity, the hordes of Tartary had several times invaded the vast regions of India, China, and Persia, and had extended their ravages even into the West : the ambition or the caprice of a skilful leader, excess of population, want of pasturage, the predictions of a wizard, were quite sufficient to inflame this tumultuous race, and precipitate them in a mass upon distant regions. Woe to tiie people whom the Tartars encountered in their passage ! At their approach, empires fell with a horrible crash ; nations were d'"ven back upon one another, like the waves of the HI8T0KY OF THE CllUSADES. 317 eea ; the world was shaken and covered with ruins. History has preserved the remembrance of several of their invasions ; the most remote posterity will never pronounce without a species of terror the names of the Avari, the Huns, the Heridi, of all those wandering nations who, some Mowing from the depths of Tartary, and otliers dragged in the wake of the conquerors or driven before them, poured down upon the tottering empire of the Komans, and divided the spoils of the civilized world amongst them : in the rividdle ages, the wars of the Tartars were compared to tempests, inunda- tions, or the bursting forth of volcanoes ; and the resigned nations believed that the justice of Grod held these innume- rable swarms of barbarians in reserve in the north, to pour out his anger upon the rest of the earth, and chastise cor- rupted nations by their hands. The Tartars never proved themselves more redoubtable than under the reign of Gengiskhan. Temugin, which was the first name of the heroic barbarian, was born of a prince who reigned over some hordes of ancient Mogulistan.* Traditions relate that the seventh of his ancestors was engendered in the womb of his mother by the miraculous influence of the rays of the sun. At the birth of Temugiu, his family remarked witli joy some coagulated blood in the hands of the infant, a sinister presage for the human race, in which flattery or superstition saw the future glory of a conqueror. Some historians inform us that nothing was neglected in the education of Temugin ; others, more worthy of faith, affirm that he could not read ; but all agree in saying that he was born for war, aiid to command a warlike people. Endowed with great penetration of mind, and with a sort of eloquence, knowing how to dissemble in season, skilful in working upon the passions, uniting bravery to a boundless ambition, that was never checked by any scruple, * M. Petis de Lacroix has published a life of Gengiskhan, according to Eastern authors. This history, though fable is sometimes mixed with truth, is one of the best works that can be consulted. M. Deguignes, in his History of the Huns, has spoken at great length of the Tartars and of Gengiskhan ; he aimounces that he has deviated trom the account of Petis de Lacroix ; but as he does not always name the sources from which he has drawn, he does not insjiire perfect confidence for this part of his his- tory. We find some details upon Gengiskhan in La Bibliotheque Orien- tale of D'Herbelot. 318 niSTOKY OF THE CRXTSADES. he had all the qualities and all the vices -which lead to empire among barbarians, and sometimes even among polishc^d nations. His natural propensities developed thejnscJves in adversity, which hardened his character, and taught him to brave everything in order to carry out his desigus. From the age of fourteen, despoiled of his paternal heritage, and a fugitive Avith the khan of the Karaites, he sac \iced without pain the most holy duties of liospitality to his future gran- deur. The khan of the Karaites was known by the laame of Prester John among the Christians of the middle ages,* who celebrated his conversion to Christianity, and considered him as one of the most fervent apostles of the Gospel, which, doubtless, he never had known. He confided the care of his states to young Temugin, who insinuated himself into the favour of the army; and dethroned his benefactor. As he had outraged all the lav.s of morality to usurp empire, he violated all the laws of hum:<.nity to maintain himself in it. Seventy of his enemies plunged into seventy caldrons of boiling water, and the skull of the chief of the Karaites enchased in a golden box, announced very plainly what tlie master was whom fortune was about to place over the nations of Asia. Victory was to achieve what treachery, violence, and in- gratitude had begun ; the arms of Temugin and his lieu- tenants subdued successively all the hordes whose camps arose between the wall of Cliina and the Volga. Temugin was the all-powerful leader of many millions of shepherds and warriors, impatient to quit their own climate and hivade the regions of the south. In order to attach the companions of his victories to his fortunes, he was desirous of reigning by their suffrages, and called together a couralta'i or general diet, in which he was proclaimed sovereign of the Moguls. The ambition of Temugin did not neglect the influence of superstition : he took the title of Gengis, king of kings, or moHter of tlie world, and fame gave out that he had received * The Chronicles of the middle ages often speak of Prester John. A letter written liy a prince of this name to Louis VII. has been preserved. Seven barbarous prince,^ have been reckoned who bore the name ot' Prester Jolin. The researches made to ascertain the truth would be uninteresting nowadays. — .See the Precis de la Geographie Universelle, by M. Malta Brun, torn, i p. 441. HISTOKX OF THE CltUSADES. 319 this pompous title from a prophet who descended from heaven upon a white horse. Eastern historians have praised Gengiskhan for having given laws to nations he had conquered. These laws, the aim of which wass to maintain the peace of families, and to direct the minds of the people towards war, for a length of time retained the obedience and the respect of the Moguls. As Gengiskhan, in his legislation, acknowledged one God, the sovereign of the earth and heaven, and, at the same time, permitted all kinds of creeds, some modern writers have taken occasion to boast of his religious tolerance. But what could be the tolerance of a savage conqueror, who caused himself to be styled the son of the sun, the son of God ; who himself followed no worsliip, and to whom all religions were equally indifferent, provided they crossed neither his ambition nor his pride ? The lieutenants and warriors of Gengiskhan had recog- nised him with tlie greater joy, as imiversal conqueror and master of the earth, from the hopes they entertained of en- riching themselves with the spoils of all the nations subdued by his arms. His first enterprises were directed against China, of wliich ~ ^.le he had been the vassal. Neither the barrier of the great wall, nor the ascendancy of krow- ledge and arts, nor the use of gunpowder, said to be then known among the Chinese, was able to defend a flourishing empire against the attacks of a multitude, whom the thirst for booty and a warlike instinct, urged forward to face perils, and rendered invincible. The wars we have seen in our days, and of whicli we de- plore the calamities, give nothing but a feeble idea of these gigantic invasions, in wliich many millions of men perished by sword and fimine. China experienced twice all the evils inseparable from a war which appeared to be directed by the genius of destruction ; and, in the space of a few years, the most ancient and the most powerful kingdom of Asia, covered with blood and ruins, and deprived of half its population, became one of the pro\4nces of the new empire founded by the shepherds of Mogulistan. The conquest of Carismia soon followed that of China ; Cariamia was close to the frontiei's of the Mogul empire, and, on oua^ side extended to the Gulf of Persia, and on the 320 HISTOEY OF TlfE CRtJSABES. other, to the liinits of India and Turkiatan. Grengis loarni that a Tartar caravan and three of his ambassadors had been massacred in one of the cities of the Carismians. It is easy to imagine the effect that this news Avould protkice upon the emperor of the Moguls, who himself compared the anger of kings to the fire of conflagrations, which the lightest wind may light up.* After having fasted and prayed, during tliree days and three nights, upon a mountain, where a hermit announced to him, the second time, the conquest of the whole world, the terrible Gengiskhan commenced his march, at the head of seven himdred thousand Tartars. This army met that of the Carismians on the banks of th<3 Jaxartes ; Mahomet, sultan of Carismia, who had several times carried his victorious arms into Turkistan and Persia, commanded the host of the Carismians. The plain in which this battle was fought was covered by twelve hundred thou- sand combatants ; the shock was terrific, the carnage horri- ble ; victory was adverse to Mahomet, who, from that day, together witli his family and the whole of his nation, sunk into the lowest ab_yss of misfortune. The cities of Otrar, Bochara, Samarcand, Candahar, and Carismia, besieged by an innumerab^" multitude, fell in turn into the power of the conqueror, and witnessed the extirpa- tion of their garrisons and inhabitants. We cannot sup- press a feeling of pity when history presents to us, on one side, an entire population flying from their devastated homes, to seek an asylum in deserts and mountains ; and on the other, the family of a powerful monarch dragged into slavery or groaning in exile ; and this monarch himself, whose pros- perity all Asia had boasted or envied, abandoned by his sub- jects, and dying mth misery and despair in an island of the Caspian Sea. The army of Gengiskhan returned to Tartary, loaded with * According to what we know of Gengiskhan, we should with difficulty believe that among ii.odern historians he has been able to find panegyrists ; but Petis de Lacroix has not been able to avoid the example of most his- torians, who generally appear infatuated by the hero whose life they are writing. An Arabian historian relates, that on learning the massacre of his ambassadors, Gengiskhan was not able lo refrain from tears. Here Petis de Lacroix is very angry with the Arabian, and reproaches him bitten^ with having given the emperor of the Moguls a,/e/w»(i?;e character. All others, says lie, have given a portrait (if him more worthy of a hero. HISTORY OF THE OEUSADES. 321 the spoils of Carismia: the sovereign of the Moguls* ap- peared to form the desire of governing his conquests in peace ; but the world, agitated by his victories, and always eager to throw off liis yeke, together with the warlike spirit of his nation, to whom he had afforded a glimpse of the riches of other people, would not permit him again to enjoy repose ; he was on the point of luidertaking a third expedi- tion against China, which seemed disposed to rebel, when death put an end to his career. Some historians assert that lie was struck dead by thunder, as if Heaven had deter- mined itself to crush the instrument of its wrath ;t others, much more worthy of belief, inform us that the Tartar hero died in his bed, siu-rounded by his children, to whom he re- commended to preserve union among themselves, that they might achieve tlie conquest of the w^vld. Octai, the eldest of his sons, succeeded him in the en.pire, and, according to the custom of the Moguls, the great men assembled and said to him, " We wish, we pray, we command you to ac- cept of entire power over us." The new emperor answered by this formula, which contains the whole spirit of the despotic governments of the East : " If you desire that I should be your khan, are you resolved to obey me in every- thing ; to come when I shall call you, to go where I shall send you, and to put to death all those I shall command you to kill?" After they had answered "Yes," he said to them, " Henceforth my simple word shall serve me as a sword." Such was the government of the Tartars. Octai was about to reign over an empire composed of several great empires ; his brothers and nephews commanded the innumerable armies that had conquered China and Carismia; they governed in his name in the north, in the south, and the cast, kingdoms of which the extent was scarcely known; each of his lieutenants was more powerful than the greatest * There have been long disputes upon the terms Mogul and Tartar. We think we can make out, amidst much uncertainty, that the Moguls originally formed a distinct tiiL>e of tlie vast countries of Tartary; and tliat the Tartars, being in great numbers in the armies of the conqueiing Moguls, obliterated in a degree the names of their conquerors in the king- doms of Europe and Asia to which these armies penetrated. t Fatlier Gaubil has translated a Chinese history of Gengiskhan ; this history yields but little information, and gives no cuiious details but upon the family and the successors of the couqueror. 322 HISTORY OP THE CllUSADES. kings of the earth, and all obeyed him as his slaves, i'or the iirst time, perhaps, concord was preserved among con- querors ; and this monstrous union effected tl e ruLii of all the nations of Asia : Turkistau, Persia, India, tlie southern provinces of China, which had escaped the ravages of the iirst invasion, all that remained of the empire of tlie Abas- sides and of that of the Seljoucides — all fell before the arms ot the redoubtable posterity of Gengiskhan. Many of the sovereigns whom, in these days of disorder and calamity the chance of war hurled from their thrones, had invoked the succour of the Moguls, and favoured the enterprises of that Avarlike people against neigliboiu'ing or rival powers. For- tune enveloped them all in the same ruin, and oriental his- tory compares them to tlie three dervises whose indiscreet wishes and prayers reanimated, in the desert, the bones of a lion, who sprang up from the bosom of the sand and devoured them. The conquest of the richest countries of Asia had inflamed the enthusiasm of the Tartars to such a degree, tliat it would have been impossible for their leaders to confine them within, the limits of their own territories, or bring them back to tlie peaceful labours of pastoral life. Octai, whether desirous of obeying the paternal instructions, or whether he felt the necessity of employing the restless and turbulent activity ot the Moguls, resolved to turn his arms towards the West. Fifteen hundred thousand shepherds or warriors inscribed their names upon the military register ; five hundred thou- sand of the most robust were selected for the great expedi- tion ; the others were to remain in Asia, to maintain the submission of the vanquished nations, and complete the conquests commenced by Gengiskhan. Rejoicings, which lasted forty days, preceded the departure of the Mogul army, and were as a signal of the desohition they were about to spread among tl\e countries of Europe. In their rapid course, the Tartars crossed the Volga, and penetrated, almost without obstacle, into Muscovy, then a prey to the fury of civil war. The devastation of their country, tlie conflagrations of Kiow and Moscow, and the disgraceful yoke that so long oppressed these northern regions, were the publishments due to the feeble resistance of the Muscovites. After the conquest of Eiussia, the mul- HISTOBT OF THE CEUSADES. 323 tilude of Moguls, led by Baton, son of Tuli, directed their victorious course towards Poland and the frontiers of Ger- many, and repeated, whei-ever they went, the horrors of Attila and his Huns. The cities of Lublin and Warsaw fli^appeared on tlieir passage, and they laid waste both shores of the Baltic. In vain tlie dui\e of Silesia, tlie Polish pala- tines, and the grand master of the Teutonic order, united tlieir forces to arrest the progress of this aiew scourge of God ;* the generous defenders of Europe succumbed upon th^ plains of Lignitz, and nine sacks, filled with human ears, were the trophy of the victory of the barbarians. The Carpathian mountains presented but a feeble barrier to these invincible hordes ; and the Tartars soon burst like a fearful tempest over the teiTitories of those Hungarians who, two centuries before, had, like them, quitted the deserts of Scythia, and conquered the fei-tile banks of the Danube. Bela, king of Hungary, had recently attracted forty thou- sand families of Comans into his dominions, who betrayed him ; the palatines and magnates of the kingdom were divided among themselves, and not even the aspect of dan- ger could induce them to imite or submit themselves to the laws of the monarch. Disobedience, treachery, and discord, delivered the whole kiugdom up to the furies of a pitiless enemy ; the flocks, the harvests, the entire wealth of the country, became the prey of the Moguls ; half the popula- tion was exterminated. Of all the cities of Hungary, only thi'eo offered an earnest and true resistance, and thus pre- served themselves from scenes of carnage and destruction. The shepherds of Scythia, who could not read, have left to the vanquished the task of describing their conquests, and we have great difficulty in crediting the accoimts of the old Hungarian chronicles, when they describe the unlieard-of cruelties by which the Moguls disgraced their victories ;t but several provinces entirely depopulated and changed into * Matthew Paris speaks of the terror which the Moguls spread through Europe : his history contains i\i\ exhortation to all the nations of the West to fly to arras ; each nation is in this history characterized by an honour- able and flattering epithet. t The reader may consult Thiirocsius, vol. i., Rerum Hungaricarum, and particularly the Carmen Miserabile of Roger ot Hungary, canon of Varadin, who has dcAcribeJ in poetical prose the disasters of which he i'iruself was a witness 324 HISTORY OF TUB CEUSADES. deserts, the ruins of two thousand cliurches, fifty destroyed cities, the traditions of these great disasters transmitted from age to age, and the terror that pervaded Europe, are evidences so worthy of faitli, that we cannot reject them. In the general consternation, it is surprising that the ]Moguls did not direct their arms against the Latin empii-e ot. Constantinople, then menaced by the Greeks, and little better than a ruin ; but the shepherds of the desert did not employ themselves in inquiries concerning the interior revolutions of states or of the signs of their decay ; they preserved, as did all the nations of Asia, a vague and confused idea of the power of the armies of ancient Byzantium, but took little heed whether the moment were come to attack it and con- quer it. The great advantages which the imperial city derived from its position between Europe and Asia, did not at all strike the Tartars, wdio were ignorant of both navigation and commerce, and infinitely preferred rich pastures to the sumptuous edifices of great capitals. Thus we may equally believe, eitlier that the city of Constantine was protected on this occasion by the memories of its past greatness, or that it owed its safety to the contempt and indift'erence of the barbarians. The Franks established in Syria enjoyed the same good fortune as the Greeks of Byzantium. The armies of the Moguls had not yet crossed the Euphrates. Whilst the tumult of war and the fall of empires re- sounded from the Yellow Kiver to the Danube, the Christians of Palestine, protected by the discords of the Saracens, resumed possession of Jerusalem : they were beginning to repair the walls of the holy city, and rebuild the churches ; and thanked Heaven in peace, for having preserved them from the scourges that were devastating the rest of the world. The Tartars were scarcely aware of the existence or the name of a country for which so much blood had been spilt, and were not likely to be attracted to the revered but barren banks of the Jordan, by either the liopes of booty or by the remembrances which excited the warlike enthu- siasm of the nations of the "West. Ilapj'jy would it have been for the Cliristian colonies, if a people, conquered by the Moguls, drivcji from tlieir own territories, and seek- ing an asylum everywhere, had not come tp disturb their mSTOET or THE CEUSADES. 325 transient security, and plunge the city of Christ into fresh calamities. After the death of Mahomet, sultan of Carismia, his son Gelaleddiu gathered together an army. The valour which he displayed in several battles astonished his enemies, and, for a moment, brought back to his standard the sad remains of his empire ; fortune favoured his expeditious into Greorgia and India ; but nt last he forgot the lessons of adversity amidst the into>ication of pleasures ; he lost all his con- quests, and perished miserably among the Curds, where he had sought refuge. The Carismian warriors, incessantly piu'sued by the Tartars, abandoned a coixntry they could no longer defend, and, under the command of one of their leaders named Barbakan, spread themselves through Asia Minor and Syria. These hordes, banished from their own country, marched, sword and torch in hand, and, in their despair, seemed to wish to avenge upon other nations the evils they had suf- fered from the Tartars. History describes these furious bands, wandering along the banks of the Orontes and the Euphrates, dragging in their train a multitude of men and women that had fallen into their hands ; a great number of Avaggons conveyed the spoils of the ravaged provinces they passed through. The most brave of them ornamented their lances with the hair of those they had immolated in fight. Clothed in the produce of ])illage, their army pi'esented a spectacle at once terrific and ridiculous. The Carismian warriors had no resource but in vio^Dry, and all the ha- rangues of their leaders consisted of tiiese words : Yoti will conquer, or you will die. They gave no quarter to their enemies on the field of battle ; when conquered themselves, they submitted to death without a complaint. Their fury spared neither Christians nor Mussulmans ; all they met on their passage were their enemies ;. their approach spread terror everywhere, put the distracted peoples to flight, and changed cities and towns into deserts. The Mussulman powers of Syria several times united in a league against the Carismians, and drove them back to the other side of the Euphrates. But the spirit of rivalry which at all times divided the princes of the family oi Saladin, soon recalled an enemy always redoubtable notwith- 326 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. standing defeats. At the period of wliicli we ai-e speaking, the princes of Damascus, Carac, and Emessa had just formed an alliance with the Christians of Palestine ; they not only restored Jerusalem, Tiberias, and the principality of Gralilee to them, but they promised to join them in the conquest ol Egypt, a conquest for which the whole of Syria was making preparations. The sultan of Cairo, to avenge himself upon the Christians who had broken the treaties concluded with him, to punish their new allies, and protect himself from their invasion, determined to apply for succour to the hordes of Carismia ; and sent deputies to the leaders of these bar- barians, promising to abandon Palestine to them, if they subdued it. This proposition was accepted with joy, and twenty thou- sand horsemen, animated by a thirst for booty and slaughter, hastened from the further parts of Mesopotamia, disposed to be subservient to the vengeance or anger of the Egyptian monarch. On their march they ravaged the territory of Tripoli and the principality of Galilee, and the flames which everywhere accompanied their steps, announced their arrival to the inhabitants of Jerusalem . Portifications scarcely commenced, and tlie small number of warriors in the holy city, left not the least hope of being able to repel the unexpected attacks of such a formidable enemy. Tlie whole popidation of Jerusalem resolved to fly, under the guidance of the knights of the Hospital and the Temple. There only remained in the city the sick and a few inhabitants who could not make their minds up to nban- don their homes and their infirm kindred. The Carismians soon arrived, and having destroyed a few intrenchments that had been made in their route, they entered Jerusalem sword in hand, massacred aU they met, and as, amidst a deserted city the conquerors found no victims to glut their vengeance witli, tliey had recourse to a most odious stratagem to lure back tlie inhabitants who had taken flight. They raised Ihe standards of the cross upon every tower, and set all the bells ringing. The crowd of Christians who were retiring towards JalYa, marched on in silence, and advanced but slowly, constantly hoping that Pleaven would be touched by their misery, and, by some miracle, lend them back to the homes they had quitted : from time to time, their eyes in* HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 327 voluntarily turned towards the holy city. All at once they saw the banners of the Cross unfurled, and the sound of the sacred brass, which every day called them to prayers, re- sounded in their ears. The news soon spread that either the barbarians had marched their army in another direction, or that they had been repulsed by the Christians who were left in the city. They became soon persuaded that God had taken pity on his people, and would not permit the city of Christ to be defiled by the presence of a sacrilegious horde. Seven thousand fugitives, deceived by this hope, returned to Jerusalem and gave themselves up to the fury of the Carismians, who put them all to the sword. Torrents of blood flowed through the streets and along the roads. A troop of nuns, children, and aged people, who had sought refuge in the church of the PI oly Iriepulchre, were massacred at the foot of the altars. The Carismians finding nothing among the living to satisfy their fiuy, burst open the sepul- chres, and gave the coffins and remains of the dead up to the flames ; the tomb of Christ, that of Godfrey of Bouillon, the sacred relics of the martyrs and heroes of the faith, nothing was respected, and Jerusalem then witnessed witliin its walls such cruelties and profanations as had never taken place in the most barbarous wars, or in days marked by the anger of God.* In the mean time, the grand masters of the Templars and the Hospitallers, assembled with the patriarch of Jerusalem and the nobles of the kingdom, in Ptolemais, endeavoured to devise means by which the Carismians might be repulsed and Palestine saved. All the inhabitants of Tyre, Sidon, Ptolemais, and other Christian cities, able to bear arms, re- paired to their standards. The princes of Damascus, Carac, }ii\d Eniessa, whose assistance the Christians implored, united tlieir forces, and assembled an army to stop the progress of the general devastation. This Mussulman army soon arrived in Palestine. Its appearance before the walls of Ptolema'is raised the courage of the Franks, who, in so pressing a dan- ger, appeared to have no repugnance to fight in company 'xith the infidels. Almansor, prince of Ernessa, who com- manded the Mussulman warriors, had recently signalized * See in the Appendix the details which many of the ChroQicles give o the ravages of ^ae Carisaiians in Palestine. 326 HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. his valour against the hordes of Carismia. The Christians took pleasure in relating his victories in the plains of Aleppo, and on the banks of the Euphrates. He was re- ceived in Palestine as a liberator, and carpets bordered wick gold and silk were spread upon his passage. " The people,'* says Joinville, " considered him as one of tJie test barons of paqanismy The preparations of the Christians, the zeal and ardour of the military orders, the barons, and prelates ; the union that subsisted between the Pranks and their new allies, altogether seemed to form a presage of success in a war un- dertaken in the names of religion, humanity, and patriotism The Christian aud Mussulman armies, united under the same banners, set out from Ptolema'is, and encamped upon the plains of Ascalon. The army of tlie Carismians advancea towards Gaza, where tliej were to receive provisions aud reinforcements sent by the sultan of Egypt. The Franks became impatient to meet their enemies, and to avenge the deaths of tlieir companions and brethren massacred at Jeru- salem. A council vAas called, to deliberate upon the best mode of proceeding. The prince of Emessa and the more wise among the barons thonght it not prudent to expose the safety of the Christians and their allies to the risk of a battle. It appeared to them most advisable to occupy an advantageous position, and wait, without giving battle, till the natural mconstancy of the Carismians, want of provi- sions, or discord, might assist ui dispersing this vagabond rjiultitude, or lead them into other countries. jMost of the other chiefs, among whom was the patriarch of Jerusalem, did not agree with this opinion, and could see notliing in the Carismians but an undisciplined horde that it would be very easy to conquer and put to flight ; any delay in attacking them would only raise their pride and re- double their audacity. Every day tlie evils of war were in- creasing ; humanity and the safety of tlie Christian colonies required that they should promptly put an end to so many devastations, and that they should make haste to chastise the brigands, whose presence was at once an opprobrium and a calamity for the Clu'istians, and all tlie allies of the Christians. This opinion, too congenial with the impatient valour ot HISTORY OF THE CinJSADE3. 329 the Franks, prevailed in the council. It was resolved to march, and offer the enemy battle. The two armies met in the country of the ancient Philis- tines. Some years before, the duke of Burgundy and the king of Navarre, surprised in the sandy plains of Gaza, had lost the best of their knights and soldiers. Neither the sight of places where the Crusaders had been defeated, nor the remembrance of their recent disaster, dimiuislied the imprudent ardour of the Christian warriors ; as soon as they perceived the enemy, they were eager for tlie signal for battle. The Christian army was divided into three bodies ; the left wing, in which were the knights of St. John, was commanded by G-authier de Brienne, count of Jaffa, nephew to kiug John, and son of that Gautliier who died at the con- quest of Naples. The Mussulman troops, under the orders of the prince of Emessa, formed the right wing. The patriarch of Jerusalem, surrounded by his clergy, with the wood of the true cross borne before him, the grand master of the Templars with his knights, and the barons of Palestine with their vassals, occupied the centre of the army. The Carismians fornied their line of battle slowly, and some degree of disorder was observable in their ranks. Gauthier de Brienne was anxious to profit by this circum- stance and attack them with advantage ; but the patriarch restrained his valour by a severity not less contrary to the interests of the Christians than to the spirit of the Gospel.* The count of Jaffa, having been excommunicated for de- tainuig in his hands a castle to which the prelate laid claim, asked, before he commenced the encounter in which he might lose his life, to be relieved from his excommimication. The patriarch twice rejected his prayer, and refused to absolve him. The army, which had received the benedictions of the priests and bishops, arising from their knees, awaited in silence the signal for battle. The Carismians had formed their line and advanced, uttering loud cries and discharging * Joinville gives many particulars of this war which he had learnt dunng his sojyui n in Palestine. The eontinuator of William of Tyre may likewi.se he consulted. Matthew Paris has preserved two letters, one from the pHtriTch of Jerusalem, the other from the grand master of the Hos- pitallers, which describe this battle. Vol. 11.— 15 330 HISTORY OP rilE CRUSArES. a cloud of arrows. Then the bishop of Rama, in complete armour, impatient to signalize his bravery against the enemies of the Christians, approached the count of Jafta, ex- claiming, " Let us march, — the patriarch is "wrong : I absolve you, in the name of the Eather, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." After having pronounced these words, the intrepid bishop of Eama and Gauthier de Brienne, followed by his compani.ms in arms, rushed amidst the ranks of the enemy, burning to obtain victory or the crown of mar- tyrdom. The two armies were soon generally engaged, and mingled on the field of battle. The ardour to conquer was equal on both sides ; neither the Christians nor their enemies could be ignorant that a single defeat must cause their min, and that their only safety was in victory. On this account, the annals of war present no example of a more murderous and obstinate contest ; the battle began with the dawn, and only ended at simset. On the following morning fighting was renewed with the same fury ; the prince of Emessa, after having lost two thousand of his horsemen, abandoned the field of battle, and fled towards Damascus. This retreat of the Mussulmans decided the victory in favour of the Caris- mians ; the Christians for a long time sustained the repeated shocks of the enemy ; but at length, exhausted by fatigue and overwhelmed by a multitude, almost all were either killed or taken prisoners. This sanguinary battle cost life or liberty to more than thirty thousand Christian and Mussulman warriors ; the prince of Tyre, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and some of the pi'elates, with great difficLilty escaped the slaughter, and retired to Ptolema'is. Among the warriors who regained the Christian cities, there were only thirty-three knights of the Temple, twenty-six Hospitallers, and tliree Teutonic knights. When the news of this victory reached Egypt, it created a universal joy ; it was annomced to the people by sound of drums and trumpets ; the sulian ordered public rejoicings throughout tlie provinces, and all the public edifices of the capital were illumined during three nights. In a short time the prisoners arrived at Cairo, mounted on camels, and pursued by the insulting clamours of the multitude. Before their arrival, the heads of their companions and brethren niSTOET OF THE CRUSADES. 331 killed at the battle of Gaza were exhibited on the walls. This horrible monument of their defeat foreboded all they had to fear for tliemselves from the barbarity of the con- querors. They were cast into dungeons, where they were abandoned to the mercies of cruel gaolers, and where they had the melancholy satisfaction of embracing the barona and knights made prisoners in the last crusade. AVliilst all Eg)^t was celebrating the victory of G-aza, the inhabitants of Palestine deplored the death and captivity of their bravest warriors. As long as any hope existed of con- quering the Carismians with the assistance of the Mussul- mans of Syria, their alliance had created neither mistrust nor scruple ; but reverses quickly revived prejudices ; the last disaster was attributed to divine justice, irritated bv having seen the banners of Christ mingled with those of Mahomet. On the other hand, the Mussulmans believed they had betrayed the cause of Islamism by allying them- selves with the Christians ; the aspect of the cross on the field of battle awakened their fanaticism and diminished their zeal for a cause which appeared to be that of their enemies. At the moment of beginning the fight, the prince of Emessa was heard to pronounce these words : " I am armed for battle, and yet God tells me, in the depths of my heart, that we shall not be victorious, because we have sought the friendship of the Franks." The victory of the Carismians delivered up the greater part of Palestine to the most redoubtable enemies of the Christian colonies. The Egyptians took possession of Jeru- salem, Tiberias, and the cities ceded to the Franks by the prince of Damascus. The hordes of Carismia ravaged all the banks of the Jordan, with the territories of Ascalon and Ptolemais, and laid siege to Jaffa. They dragged the unfortunate Gauthier de Brienne in their train, hoping that he would cause a city that belonged to him to open its gates to them : this model of Christian heroes was fastened to a cross before the walls. Whilst thus exposed to the eyes of his faithful vassals, the Carismians loaded him with insults, and threatened him with instant death if the city of Jaffa ofl'ered the least resistance. Gauthier, braving death, ex- horted the inhabitants and the garrison, with a loud voice. to c.3fend themselves to the last extremity. " Your duty," 332 HISTOKT OF THE CUUSADES. cried he, "is to defend a Christian city; mine is to die for you and Jesus Christ." The city of Jaffa did not fall into the hands of the Carismians, and Gauthier soon received the reward of his generous devotedness. Sent tu the sultan of Cairo, he perished beneath the brutal blows of a furious mob, a-nd thus obtained the palm of martyrdom for which he had wished. In the mean time, fortime, or rather the inconstancy of the barbarians, came to the assistance of the Pranks, and delivered Palestine from the presence of an enemy nothing could resist. The sultan of Cairo sent robes of honour and magnificent presents to the leaders of the victorious hordes, proposing to them to crown their exploits by directing their arms against the city of Damascus. The Carismians imme- diately laid siege to the capital of Syria. Damascus, which had been hastily fortified, was able to oppose but a very slight resistance to their impetuous attacks. Having no hope of succour, they opened their gates, and acknowledged the domination of the sultan of Egypt. It was then that the Carismians, inflated by their victory, demanded, in a menacing tone, that the lands tliat had been promised to them in Palestine shoidd immediately be given up to them. The sultan of Cairo, who dreaded such neiglibours, attempted to defer the fulfilment of his promise. In the fury which his refusal created, the bai'barians oftered their services to the prince whom they had just despoiled of his states, and laid fresh siege to Damascus, in order to deprive the Egyp- tians of it. The garrison and the inhabitants defended themselves with obstinacy ; the fear of falling into the hands of a pitiless enemy supplying the place of courage. AU the evils that war brings in her train, even famine itself, appeared to them a less terrible scourge than the hordes assembled under their ramparts. The sultan of Egypt sent an army to assist the city, which was augmented by the troops of Aleppo and of several of the principalities of Syria. The Carismians were conquered in two battles. After this double defeat. Oriental history scarcely mentions their name, or furnishes us with means Oi. following their track. The greater part of those that escaped the sword perished with hunger and misery in the countries they had devastated ; the most brave and the best disciplined UISTORr OF TUB CRUSADES. 333 went to seeK an asylum ;n the states of the sultan pf Ico- nium : and if faith can oe given to the conjectures c f some historians,* they were the obscure origin of the powerful dyTiasty of the Ottomans. The Christians of Palestine must have been grateful to Jleaven for the destruction of the Carismians ; but the losa of Jerusalem and the defeat of Gaza could not permit them to indulge in many joyful sensations. They had lost their allies, and could reckon upon nothing but enemies among the Mussulmans. The sultan of Egypt, whose alliance they had rejected, was extending his dominions in Syria, and his power became every day more formidable. The cities which the Christians still retained on the coasts of the sea were almost all without defenders. The orders of St. John and the Temple had offered the sidtan of Cairo a considerable simi for the ransom of his prisoners ; but the sultan refused to listen to their ambassadors, and threatened them with all the terrors of his wrath : these two bodies, formerly so much dreaded by the Mussulmans, were no longer able to serve the cause of the Clu'istians with any advantage, and were compelled to wait, in a state of inaction, till the warlike nobility of Europe should come to replace the knights held iu captivity by the infidels, or swept away on the field of battle. The emperor of Germany made not the least effort to save the wreck of his feeble kingdom ; he had sent several warriors to protect his rights in Ptolemais ; but as these rights were not recognised, the presence of the imperial troops only added to the other scourges that desolated the Holy Land, that of discord and civil war. Palestine, threatened every day with a fresh invasion, could not entertain the smallest hope of being succoured by the other Christian states of the East. The Comans, a barbai'ous people from the confines of Tartary, and who surpassed the hordes of Carismia in ferocity, ravaged the banks of the Orontes, and submitted everything iu the principality of Antioch to fire and sword; the king of Armenia was in dread, at the same time, of the ravages of the Tar- tars, and of the aggressions of the Turks in Asia Minor ; the kingdom of Cyprus, a prey to factions, had recently been * This is the opin>jn of M. Deguigaes, in his Histoire dcs Hum, 334 HISTORY OF THE CEUSADE3. the tlieatre of a civil war, and had reason to fear the incur- sions of the Mussuhnan nations of Syria and Egypt. In tliis deplorable situation, 'c might be believed that the king- dom of Godfrey was on the eve of perishing entirely, and that all that remained of the Christians in the Holy Land would soon share tlie fate of the Carismians. But, on turning their eyes towards the AVest, the Franks of I'alestine again felt their hopes and their courage revive; more than once the Christian states of Syria had owed their safety, and even a few days of prosperity and glory, to the excess of their abasement and misery. Their groans and complaints were seldom heard in vain by the warlike nations of Europe, and their extreme distress became almost always the signal for a new crusade, the very report of which was enough to make tlie Saracens tremble. Valeran, bishop of Berytus, had been sent into the "West to solicit the protection of the pope and the assistance of princes and warriors. The pope received the envoy of the Christians with kindness, and promised his succour to tlie Holy Land. But the West was at that period agitated by troubles : the quarrel that had broken out between the Holy See and the emperor of Germany was carried on with an animosity that disgraced both religion and humanity. Fre- derick li. exercised all sorts of violences against the court of Eome and the partisans of the sovereign pontift'; the pope, every day more irritated, invoked the arms of the Christians against his enemy, and promised tlie indulgences of the crusade to all who would minister to his anger. On another side, the Latins estabhshed at Constantinople were environed by the greatest perils. The emperor Bald- win II., after having conducted a feeble reinforcement to his capital, had returned into the West, and was, the second time, soliciting the alms and the succours of the faithful to sustain the deplorable remains of his empire, exposed, almost without defence, to the attacks of tlie Greeks and Bulga- rians. At the same time, the Tartars continued to ravage the banks of the Danube, and threaten Germany ; tlieir barbarous exploits bad carried terror to the very extremities of Europe ; everywhere the excited imagination of nations represented these terrible conquerors as monsters vomited U|) by hell, clothed in hideous forms, and endowed with lIISTUIiY OF TlIE ClirSADES. 835 Btrength against which no man was able to contend. Tlia deficiency of connnunication, which did not allow ot exact information as to their march, gave birtli to the most frightful rumours. Fame declared at one time thev v/ere invading Italy, and immediately afterwards, that they were iu\aging tlie banks of the Khine ; every nation dreaded tJK'ir prompt arrival, every city believed they were at its gates. It was amidst this general disorder and consternation, that limocent 1\^., a refugee at Lyons, resolved to convoke an a'cumenic council in that city, to remedy the evils that de- solated Christendom in both the East and the West.* The sovereign pontift", in his letters addressed to tlie faithful, exposed the deplorable situation of the Eomish Church, and conjured the bishops to come around him, and enlighten him with their counsels. The patriarchs of Constantinople, Antiocli, and Aquihica, a great number of prelates and doc- tors, with several secular princes, responded to the invitation of the head of the Church. Among the crowd of bishops, one alone seemed to attract general attention ; this was the bisliop of Berytus ; his presence, and the grief impressed '"ipon his brow, reminded the assembly of all the misfortunes of the Holy Land. Baldwin II., emperor of Byzantium, created very little less notice ; and his suppliant attitude but too plainly showed what the empire founded by the sixth crusade had become. Most of the Western monarchs had sent their ambassa- dors to this assembly, in which the safety and the great interests of the Christian world were about to be discussed. Frederick in particular, who had so long been the object of the anger of the sovereign pontiff', neglected nothing to tiu'n aside the thunders suspended over his head, and ministers invested with liis confidence were commissioned to defend him before the fathers of the council. Among the deputies of the emperor of Grermany, history names Pierre Desvignes, who had written, in the name of Frederick, eloquent letters to all tlie sovereigns of Europe, to complain of the tyi .inny exercised by the Holy See ; and T'jada^us of Suesse, wh > was not prevented by the profession ot arms fi-om employ \j. g the * Consult Matthew Paris, and the Annalen Eccle'siastiques, tor par ticulars concerning the council of Lyons. 6'S6 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. arts of eloquence, or fathoming the depths of the study oi laws. The latter had often served his master with glory amidst the perils of war, but he had never had an opportu- nity of showing so mucli firmness, courage, and devotion as in this assembly, in which the court of 1-Jome was about to put forth all its power and realize ail its threats. Before the opening of the council, the pope held a congre- gation in the monastery of St. Just, where he had chosen to fix his residence. The patriarch of Constantinople exposed the deplorable state of his churcli : heresy had resumed ita empire in 3 gi^eat part of Grreece, and the enemies of the Latin church were advancing to the very gates of Constan- tinople ; the bishop of Berytus read a letter, in which the patriarch of Jei'usalem and the barons and prelates of Pales- tine described the ravages of tlie Carismians, and showed that the heritage of Christ was upon the point of becoming the prey of the barbarians, if tlie West did not take arms for its defence. The dangers and misfortunes of the Chris- tians of the East affected the fathers of the council deeply. Thada^us, taking advantage of their emotion, annomiced that the emperor, his master, fully partook of their profound grief, and that he was ready to employ all his powers for the de- fence of Christendom. Frederick promised to arrest the progress of the iiTuption of the Tartars, to re-establish the domination of the Latins in Greece, to go in person to the Holy Land, and to deliver the kingdom of Jerusalem ; he still further promised, in order to put an end to all divisions, to restore to the Holy See all he had taken from it, and to repair all wrongs oftered to the sovereign pontift'. Such lofty promises, made by the most powerful monarch of Chris- tendom, created as much joy as surprise in the greater part of the bishops ; the whole assembly appeared impatient to know what would be the reply of Innocent. The pope pri)ved inflexible, and rejected with scorn propositions, as he sail, already made several times, and which had no other guarantee but the too suspicious loyalty of Frederick. He was determined to view the new protestations of the em- peror as nothing but a fresh artifice to decei e the Church, and turn aside the course of its justice. " T/ie axe," added he, "•/.v already lifted, and ready to cut tlie roots of the tree;" wordg very ill assorted with the charity of the Gospel, aiii whir,h HISTOKY OF TJIE CEUSADES. 33/ plainly show that Innocent had prepared the solomn pomp ol a council with less purpose to oppose the foes of Christendom tlian to prepare tlie fall, and consummate the ruin of hi;3 personal enemy. The pope lield this preparatory sitting in order to make a trial of his strength, and to become acquainted with the dis- pctsitions of the bishops. A few days afterwards, the coun- cil was opened with great solemnity in the metropolitan chiu-ch of 8t. John ; tlie so sreign pontiff, wearing the tiara, and clothed in pontifical robes, was placed upon an elevated seat, having on his right hand the em.peror of Constanti- nople, and on his left the count of Provence and the count of Thoulouse. After having given out the Veni Creator, and invoked enlightenment from the Holy Ghost, he pronounced a discourse, for the subject of which he took the five griefs with which he was afflicted, and compared them to the five wounds of the Saviour of the world upon the cross. Tiie first was the irruption of the Tartars ; the second, the schism of the Greeks ; the third, the invasion of the Holy Land bv the Carismians ; the fourth, the relaxation of ecclesiastical discipline and the progress of heresy ; and the fifth, the persecution he endured from Frederick. AVhilst describing the misfortunes of Chriotendom, the pontift' could not restrain his tears. His voice, if we may believe a contemporary historian, was often stified^ by sobs ; he conveyed to all hearts the sentiments by which he was affected ; but he soon abandoned the language of compassion and despair, and assumed that of anger and menace. The Tartars, the Carismians, and the Mussulmans, inspired him with less hatred than the emperor of Germany, and it was for this prince he reserved all the thunders of his eloquence. He reproached him, in the most vehement expressions, with all the ci-imes that could draw iipon his head the maledic- tions of his age, the hatred of his contemporaries, and tlie contempt of posterity. "When the pope had pronounced his discourse, a profound silence reigned throughout the assem- bly ; it appeared to the greater part of the terrified bishops tliat the voice of Heaven had made itself heard for the pur- pose of condemning Frederick : all eyes were turned upon the deputies of the eiiperor, and no one could believe that either of them would dare to reply to the interpreter of the 1 .-)* 333 niSTOUY of the cuusades. anger of Heaven. All at once Thacla3us of Suesse arose, nnd addressed the council, calling upon God, wlio searches all hearts, to witness that the emperor was faithful to all hia promises, and had never ceased to endeavour to serve the cause of the Cliristiaus. He combated all the accusations of the sovereign pontiff, and in his reply did not hesitate to allege numerous complaints against the court of Home.* The angry pop"> replied from his lofty throne ; he again accused the emj^ror, and evinced but too great a desire to find him guilty : the first sitting of the council, entirely occupied with these violent debates, exhibited the unedifying spectacle of a contest between the head of the faithful, who accused a Christian prince of perjury, felouy, heresy, and sacrilege ; and the minister of an empei'or, who reproached the court of Eome with having exercised an odious des- potism, and committed revolting iniquities. This contest, the results of whicli were likely to prove equally injurious to the head of the Cliurch and the head of the Empire, was prolonged during several days ; it doubt- less scandalized all those that the pope had not associated with him in his resentments, and most of tlie bishops must have been afilicted at being thus diverted from the principal object of the convocation. At length, however, the calamities of the Eastern Chris- tians, the captivity of Jerusalem, and the dangers of Byzan- tium engaged the attention of the fathers of the council. Tlie pope and the assembly of prelates decided that a new crusade should be preached for the deliverance of the Holy Land and the Latin empire of Constantinople. They re- newed all tlie privileges granted to Crusaders by preceding popes and councils, as well as all the penalties directed against such as should favour either pirates or Saracens : during three years all who should take the cross would be exempted from every kind of tax or public office ; but if after taking the vow they did not perform it, they in-^urred ex- communication. The council recommended to V e barons and knights to reform the luxury of their tables and the splendour of their dress ; they advised all the faithfu", and particularly ecclesiastics, to practise works of charity, and to * Mitthew Paris affords some very carious details upon the council o. Lyons; Lc Pere Labbe may also be cons-'iited. niSTORI JF THE CRUSADES. 339 arm themselves with all the austerities of penitence against the enemies of God. In order to obtain the protection of Heaven by the intercession of the Holy Virgin, the pope and the fathers of the council ordered that the octave of the Nativity should be celebrated in the church. In several councils Christian knights had been forbidden to take part in the profane solemnities of tournaments • the council of Lyon renewed the prohibition, persuaded that these military festivals might turn aside the minds of tlie warriors from the pious thoughts of the crusades, and that the expenses they occasioned would render it impossible for the bravest of the lords and barons to make the necessary preparations for the pilgrimage beyond the seas. The council ordered that the clergy should pay the twentieth part of tlieir revenue, and the sovereign pontiff and cardinals tlie tenth of theirs, to provide for the expenses of the holy war. Half of the revenues of all non-resident benefices was specially reserved for the assistance of the empire of Constantinople. The decrees of the council ordered all whose mission it was to preach the word of God, to urge princes, counts, barons, and the corporations of cities, to contribute to the extent of their power to the success of the holy war ; the same statutes re- commended the clergy to show to the faithful that sacrifices offered to the crusade were the sm-est means of redeeming their sins ; but above all they recommended the clergy to excite the faithfid, in the ti'ibunal of penitence, to multiply their offerings, or at least to bequeath in their testaments something for the assistance of the Christians of the East. It was thus the council declared war against nations opposed to the Christians, and prepared means for assuring the triumphs of the soldiers of Christ. We are nevertheless surprised that the pope said nothing about preaching a crusaa? against the Tartars, whose invasion he had com- pared to one of the w'ounds of the Saviour on the cross. In the state of desolation in which Hungary was then placed, none of the bishops of that unfortunate kingdom had been able to appear at the council, and no friendly voice was raised to direct attention to, or implore favour for the Hun- garian nation. The Tai'tars, it is true, repulsed by the duke of Neustadt, had fillen back from the banks of the Danube ; but tiiere was great reason to dread their return: to prevent 340 HISTORY OF TH2 CRUS^VDES. fresh invasions, the council contented itself -Vt'tli advising the Germans to dig ditches and build walls on the roads the Tartarian hordes were hkely to take. These measures, which even then must liave been known to be insufficient, assist us at the present day in forming an opinion of the spirit of im- providence and blindness Avhich then presided over political councils. Who can fail to be surprised at seeing, in au assembly so grave as a council, Europe pressed to lavish its treasures and sacrifice its armies for the deliverance of Con- stantinople and Jerusalem, whilst the most redoubtable of the barbarians were at their doors, and theatening to invade their own territories ? We may, however, remark, that Frederick himself had solicited the powers of Europe to assist him in repelling the Tartars ; and the pope took much less interest in succouring the empire than he did in endeavouring to vsTest it from Erederick. Innocent seemed very little disposed to set an example of that spirit of concord and charity which the council had just recommended to Christian princes ; history can but deplore the zeal and ardour he evinced in carrying out his projects of vengeance against the emperor of Ger- many, at the risk of arousing evil passions, of perpetuating discord, and thus giving up the AVest to the invasion of the barbarians. In the second sitting of the council he was preparing to crush his enemy and completely overwhelm him with the weight of ecclesiastical power, when Thada^us of Suesse demanded a delay of a few days, to allow the em- peror to come in person to justify his conduct and demon- strate his loyalty. The defender of Frederick hoped that the presence of a powerful monarch, by awakening in the Diinds of the assembly the respect due to the majesty of knigs, would bring about the triumph of justice. The pope consented, though very unwillingly, to defer the accomplish- ment of his menaces ; but the emperor could not condescend to appear as a suppliant before an assembly convoked by the most implacable of his enemies: he did not come to the council, and when the required period of delay had expii-ed, the sovereign pontiff took advantage of his absence to re- proach him afresh with his bad faith, and his resistance to the laws oi' the Chxu'ch. IIISTOIIY OF THE CSUSADEa. 341 At the moment in which the assembly of the bishops tremblingly awaited the terrible sentence, the English am- bassadors arose to complain of the agents of tlie court cf Kome, whose ambition and avarice were ruining the kingdom of England ; they at the same time protested against the feudal supremacy which the pope, in consequence of a ces- sion made by King John, pretended to exercise over tLe English monarchy and nation. These claims could not restrain the ever-boiling anger of the sovereign pontitf. In vain Thadajus again rose to urge that a great number of bishops were absent — that several princes had not sent their ambassadors to the council ; in vain he declared that he should appeal from this to a more numerous and more solemr covnicil ; nothing could turn aside the storm or retard the hour of vengeance. Innocent at first replied with modera- tion to the deputies of England, and even to those of Fre- derick ; but soon assuming the tone of a judge and a master, " I am," said he, " the vicar of Jesus Christ ; all that which I shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, according to the promises of the Sou of God made to the prince of the apostles ; and tlierefore, after having deliberated upon it with our brethren the cardinals, and with the council, I declare Frederick attainted and convicted of sacrilege and lieresy, to be excommunicated and degraded from the em- pire ; I absolve from their oaths, for ever, all who have sworn fidelity to him ; I forbid any, under pain of excommunica- tion incurred by that single fault, to henceforth yield him obedience ; to conclude, I command the electors to elect another emperor, and I reserve to myself the right of dis- posing of the kingdom of Sicily." Daring the reading of this sentence, the pope and the prelates held lighted wax tapers in their hands, and bent towards the earth in sign of malediction and anathema. The envoys of Frederick retired filled with confusion and despair ; Thada?us of Suesse was heard to pronounce these words of the Scripture : " terrible day ! O day of anger and calamity .'"A deep and melancholy silence prevailed through- out this assembly, into the bosom of which it appeared as if the bolts of heaven had just fallen amidst awful peals. The pope alone appeared collected, and his countenance waa 312 HISTORY OF THE CKTJSADES. radiant witli joy ; he gave out tlie Te Deuii}, as if he ha^ obtained a victory over the infidels, and deo.ared that the council had terminated its labours. Such was the council of Lyons, too celebrated in the annals cf the middle ages, which has frequently supplied the enemies of religion with a pretext for attacking the judgments of the C^iu'ch. The pope in his opening discourse had deplored the, progress of heresy ; but always more eager to combat I'l^i enemies of lis power than those of religion, he did not propose a single measure to arrest the progress of the new errors. In this council, which had no tendency to the en- lightenment of i he faithful, the majesty of kings was violently outraged ; all th-e maxims of the rights of nations, and all the precepts of scriptural charity were in it trampled under foot. When Innocent announced the intention of deposing the emperor, not a single bishop raised his voice to divert the sovereign pontift' fx'om this revolting use of his power. The real wrongs that Frederick had committed against the Church ; the remembrance of the persecutions he had exer- cised towards several bishops ; the intention which they be- lieved he entertained of pluudermg the clergy ; the threaten- ing language and tone of the pope ; that invincible influence imder which all feel themselves in a numei'ous assembly — all assisted in preventing any of the bishops from pleading the cause of reason or recalling the inaxims of the Gospel to the mind of the enraged pontiff. Nevertheless the fothers of the council, whatever might be their prejudices or their resent- ments, did not take pa.H in all the fury of Innocent, and did not actively assist in carrying out his acts of injustice and violence. The pope did not appeal to their wisdom, and seemed afraid to ask their opiiiions. Without repeating here that whioh has frequently been said in schools of theology, im- partial history must disapprove of the silent neutrality of the council ; but it must at the same time assert that the odious decree against Frederick was not au act of the Church; that the bishops and prelates did not give their formal approba- tion to it; and that the shame of this great iniquity tails entirely upon the memory of Innocent.* * We find in the great theology of Tournely (TraUede I'Efflise, torn, ii.) a very learned dissertation upon this deposition of the emperor Frederick 1 1, nisTonY ov the ckusades. 3 IS It was at this deplorable period tliat the cardinals, bj order of the pope, clothed themselves for the first time in at the first council of Lyons. This theologian asserts that the council had nothing at all to do witli this great act of authority of Innocent IV., and brings several ffasons to support his opinion. We will quote some of them, leaving our readers to appreciate thiir value. " Whilst all the bulls of the pope, published in council, begin by these words : ' We have decreed, with the approbation of the council, according to the advioe of the sacred council, &c. (sacro approbante concilio, ex communi concilii approbatione, statuimus),' we read at the head of the bull in question : ' Sentence pronounced against the emperor Frederick by the pope, Innocent IV., in presence of the council (sacro prse.iente concilio),' an essential difference, which is likewise observal)ie in the body of the bull, when the sovereign pontiff only speaks in his own name, and as holding the place of Jesus Christ upon earth. All the fathers of the council, says Matthew Paris, on hearing the sentence, vere struck with surprise and horror, sentiments they certainly would not have felt if they had had any part in the judgment. " All the historians of the time attribute this act of authority to the pnpe, without even mentioning the council; and Frederiok II., when accusing the incompetence of the judge, his partiality, his blindness, and his ingratitude, when writing to the kings of France and England and the barons of his kingdom on the subject, only complains of the pontiff, and does not attach the least reproach to the prelates who composed the assembly. The sentence was considered as so completely the work of the pope, that the Church, which received the decisions of the council, attached little importance to the bull, and that this bull became absolutely a party affair, it was rejected by a great number of the churches of Germany and Italy. The kings of France and England considered it as injurious to sovereign majesty, aiid continued to treat Frederick as legitimate emperor. It only rendered the wars between the Guelphs and Ghiuellines more ac ive and more inveterate. " The pope said truly that he had deliberated with the fathers of the council ; but he adds, that the deliberation turned upon no other object but the excommunication of the emperor ; that he did not at all speak of the article of the deposition, and that thence came the surprise and horror which the prelates manifested " It is nevertheless objected that the pope and the fathers of the coun- cil, after the reading of the sentence, turned down the waxlights which they held and extinguished them, and that afterwards the pope gave out the Te Deum, in which the prelates assisted; but Matthew Paris believes that the circumstances are here not exact. He thinks that some priests only, attached to the court of Rome, lent themselves to the passion of the pope against Frederick, and performed the ceremony of the waxlights, which may still further only relate to the excommunication ; otherwise how can we reconcile this passage of the historian with the surprise and horror that were manifested, according to him, in the assembly »' the reading of the sentence. " The pope did not even endeavour to persuade anybody that he was 3-44 HISTORY OF THE CRPSADr.a. the scarlet robe, a symbol of persecution, and a sad presage of the blood that was about to flow. Frederick was at Turin ■when he heard of his condemnation ; at this news he called for his unperial crown, and placing it upon his head, ex- claimed in a loud and angry voice, " There it is, and before it shall be wrested from me, my enemies shall well know the terror of my arms ; let tliis pontilf tremble, who has broken every tie that bound me to him ; he at length permits me henceforth to listen to nothing but the dictates of my just anger." These threatening words announced a formidable contest, and every friend of peace must have been seized with terror : the fuiy which animated the emperor and the supported by the authority of the council. He declared that he should know how to maintain irrevocably all that he had done relative to Frederick." After having discussed all these points, Tournely raises doubts upon the cecumenicity of the tirst council of Lyons. " The council of Florence," says this theologian, " which makes an ■temimeration of the general councils held before that period, passes by that of Lyons in silence, and in fact several countries, as Germany, Italy, Spain, Brittany, Sweden, and Poland, had no bishops there ; there were few prelates from France or England. " In the same way the council of Constance, enumerating in a formula, that the pope about to be elected was to sign all the oecumenic councils wliich had preceded, only mentions one council of Lyons. Now, this rould only be the second, for that was very solemn. There were more than five hundred bishops at it, as well from the East as the West, and the Greeks in it acknowledged the divine filiation. " Thadajus ot Suesse, representative of the emperor Fredei ick II. at the council or Lyons, and zealous defender of the rights of that prince, appealed publicly from this council to a future general and oscumenic council. One of the causes which might, according to Tournely, lead several bishops into error, but which will appear very strange at the present day, was, that they imagined the empire really was a feudatory of the court of Rome. It is the sovereign pontiff, they say, who crowns the emperor ; he has tlien a particular and special rinht over tlie emjiire ; he can depose the liead of it for a serious matter. Frederick, in his letters to the kings of France and England, mentions and combats strongly this ridiculous prejudice, and the foolish pretensions of the popes. Gregory IX,, in a letter addressed to Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, informs him that Frederick is engaged by oath to go to the Holy Land, abandoning, if lie failed in his promise, his states and his p( rson to the sovereign jiontitf. According to this, the fathers niiglit believe that the deposition was a con- sequence of the penalty the prince had incurred as a jierjurer. We must refer to the ages in which these questions were agitated to a|preci&te iha influence they had upon events. mSTOKT OF THE CKUSADES. 315 pope quickly passed into the minds of tlie people ; in the provinces of Gri rmany and Italy all flew to arms. Amidst the ayitatiou in which the AVest was then plunged, it is probable that Jerusalem and the Holy Land would have been quite forgotten, if a powerful and highly-revered monarch had not placed himself at the head of the crusade which had been proclaimed in the council of Lyons. The preceding year, at the very moment the nations of the "West heai'd of the last misfortunes of Palestine, Louis IX. of France fell dangerously ill. The most earnest prayers Mere offered up by the people of his kingdom for the pre- sei'vation of the virtuous monarch. Tlie malady, the attacks of which became every day more violent, at length created serious alarm. Louis sunk into a mortal lethargy, and the intelligence was soon circulated that he was dead. The court, the capital, the provinces were struck with the deepest grief ; nevertheless, the king of France, as if Heaven had not been able to resist the prayers and tears of a whole nation, recovered, even wiien apparently at the portals of the tomb. The first use he made of speech, after again beholduig the light, was to ask for the cross and express his determination of going to the Holy Land. Those who surrounded him considered his return to life as a miracle effected by the crown of thorns of Christ, and by the protection of the apostles of France ; they cast them- selves on their knees to return thanks to Heaven, and in the joy they experienced, scarcely paid attention to the vow Louis had made of quitting his kingdom and going to fight against the ir^.dels in the East. When the king began to recover his strength, he repeated his yow, and again asked for the cross of the Crusaders.* The queen Blanche, his * This great incident in the life of Louis IX. differently, and indeed more strikingly, related by innst French historians. " When he felt him- self better, to the great astonishment of all, he ordered the red cross to be affixed to ifis bed and his vestments, and made a vow to go and fight for the tomb of Christ. His mother, and the priests tnemselves, implored him to renounce his fatal design. It vras all in vain ; and scarcely was he convalescent than he called his mother and the bishop of Paris to his bedside, and said to them, ' Since you believe that I was not perfectly myself when I pronounced my vows, tht re is my red cross, which I tear from my shoulders ; I return it to you : but now, fthen you must perct^ive tVat I am in the full enjoyment of all ray faculties, restore to me my cross ; b iG niSTOKT or THE CRUSADES. mother, the princes of his family, and Pierre d'Auvergne, bishop of Paris, then endeavoured to divert him from hia purpose, and conjured him, witli tears in their eyes, to wait till he was perfectly restored to health before he directed his thoughts to so perilous an enterprise ; but Louis thought he ^as only obeying the will of Heaven. His imagination had been forcibly affected by the calamities of the Holy Land ; Jerusalem given up to pillage, the tomb of Christ profaned, were constantly present to his mind. Amidst the height of a burning fever, he had fancied he heard a voice which came from the East, and addressed these words to him : " Kinff of France, thou seest the outrages offered to the city of Christ ; it is thou whom Heaven hath ap2)ointed to avenge them.''^ This celestial voice resounded still in his ears, and would not allow him to listen to the prayers of friendship or the coun- sels of human wisdom. Steadfast in his resolution, he re- ceived the cross from the hands of Pierre d'Auvergne, and caused it to be announced to the Christians of Palestine — sending them at the same time succours of both men and money — that he would cross the seas as soon as he could assemble an army, and had reestablished peace in his dominions. This information, which conveyed such joy to the Chris- tian colonies, spread grief and consternation through all the provinces of Prance. The sieur de Joinville expresses warmly the regret of the royal family, particularly the despair of the queen mother,* by saying, that when this princess saw her son wearing the cross, she icas struck as fearfully as if she had looked upon him dead. The late disasters of Jeru- salem had drawn tears from most Christians in the West, but without inspiring them, as in the px'ecediug age, with any earnest desire of going to fight the infidels. It was im- possible to see, in these distant expeditions, anything but great perils and inevitable reverses ; and the project of for He who is acquainted with all things, knows also that no kind of food shall enter into my mouth until I have again been marked with His holy eign.' ' It is the hand of Henven,' cried all who were present ; ' its will be done.' " {Bonnechose). — Trans. * English readers should acknowledge a familiar acquaintance in this excellent mother and good queen : she is the Lady Blanche of Shakespear's Kiny John. — Trans. niSTOET OF THE CRUSADE3. 347 recovering the city of God awakened more alarm than enthusiasm. The sovereign pontiff, however, sent ecclesiastics into all the Christian states with a charge to preach the holy war. Cardinal Eudes, of Chateauroux, arrived in France with the express commission of publisliing and caushig to be executed the decrees of the council of Lyons respecting the crusade. The holy expedition was preached in all the churches of the kingdom. Contemporary history scarcely mentions the effect of these preachings, and everything leads us to believe that tliose who then took the oath to fight against the Saracens were induced to do so more by the example of the king than by the eloquence of the holy orators. In order to give more solemnity to the publication of the crusade, and to excite the ardour of the warriors for the de- liverance of the holy places, Louis IX. convoked a parlia- ment in his capital, in which were assembled the prelates and magnates of the kingdom. The cardinal legate there repeated the exhortations addressed by the head of the Church to the faithful. Louis IX. spoke after the cardinal of Chateauroux, and retraced the picture of the disasters of Palestine. " According to the expression of David, an im- pious nation has entered into the temple of the Lord ; blood has flowed like water around Jerusalem ; the servants of God have been massacred in the sanctuary ; and their remains, deprived of sepulture, are abandoned to the birds of heaven." After having deplored the miseries of Sion, Louis IX. reminded his barons and knights of the example of Louis the Young and of Philip Augustus ; he exhorted every generous soldier who heard him to take arms, to go across the seas, fight against the infidels, and defend the glory of God and of the French name in the East. I^ouis, invoking by turns the charity and the warlike vii"tiies of his auditory, endeavoured to awaken in all hearts both in- spirations of piety and sentiments of chivalry. There is no necessity for repeating what was the effect of the exhorta- tions and prayers of a king of France who addressed him- self to the honour, and appealed to the bravery of his subjects. He had scarcely ceased speaking, when his three brothers, liobert, count c'Artois, Alphouse, duke of Poictiers, and Charles, duke of Anjou, took the oath to go and defend the 348 HISTOET OF THE CKUSAPES. heritage of Christ and the French colonies in Asia. Queen Marguerite, the countess d'Artois, and tlie duchess of Poic- tiers, likewise took the cross and resolved to accompany their husbands. Most of the bishops and prelates who were pre- sent at this assembly, influenced by the discourse of the king and the example of the cardinal-legate, did not hesitate to enrol themselves in a war for -which, it is true, less en- thusiasm was shown than had appeared in a former age, but which was still termed the war of God. Among the great vassals of the crown who swore to quit France for the pur- pose of fighting the Saracens in Asia, the friends of the French monarchy must have numbered, with much joy, Pierre de Dreux, duke of Brittany, Hugh, count de la Marche, and several other lords whose jealous ambition had so long disturbed the kingdom. Quickly after them were seen tlie duke of Burgimdy, Hugh de Chatillon, the count de St. Pol, the counts of Dreux, Bar, Soissons, Blois, Ehotel, Montfort, and Vendome ; the seigneur de Beaujeu, constable of France, and John de Beaumont, great admiral, and great chamberlain ; Philip of Courtenay, Guy of Flanders, Ar- chambaud de Bourbon, young Eaoul de Coucy, John of Barres, Gilles de Mailly, Robert de Bethune, and Oliver de Thermes. There was not an illustrious fixniLly in the king- dom that did not supply one hero for the crusade. In the crowd of these noble Crusaders, history is gratified in ob- serving the celebrated Boileve, who was afterwards provost of the traders of Paris, and the sieur de Joinville, whose name will for ever appear in the history of France by the side of that of Louis IX. In the assembly of prelates and barons several measures were adopted for tlie maintenance of public peace and the preparations for the holy war. An immense number of pro- cesses at that period disturbed the peace of families, and those ])rocesses, of which many were decided by the sword, often amounted to actual wars. The tribunals were enjoined to terminate all afTairs brought before them, and in cases in which they could not oblige the parties to acquiesce in a definite judgu.snt, tlie judges wei-e directed to make them swear to a truce of five years. In agreement \\'\i\\ the authority of the pope, and the decrees of the council of Lyons, it was ordered that ecclesiastics should pay to the HISTORY OF TKE CRUSA.DES. 349 king the tenth of their revenues, which created a dissatisfac* tiou in the clergy that Louis had great trouble in dispelling. A prescript, issued by royal authority, in concert with the ■will of the pope, decreed that Crusaders should be protected during three years from the pursuits of their creditors, reckoning from the day of their departure for the Holy Land ; this prescript, which likewise excited much murmux'- ing, had great effect in determining many barons and knights to leave the West. Louis IX. occupied himself constantly in carrying his design into execution, and neglected no means of winning to liis purpose all the nobility of his kingdom ; his piety did not disdain to employ, for what he considered a sacred cause, all the empire that kings generally possess over their cour- tiers ; he sometimes even lowered himself to seduction and trick, persuaded that the sanctity of the crusade would «^xcuse everything. After an ancient custom, the kiugs of France, at great solemnities, gave such of their subjects as were at court certain capes or furred mantles, with which the latter immediately clothed themselves before leaving the court. In the ancient comptes (a sort of audits) these capes were called livrees (whence, no doubt, our word livery), because the monarch gave them {les livrait) himself. Louis ordered a vast number of these to be prepared against Christmas Eve, upon which crosses were embroidered in gold and silk. The moment being come, every one covered himself with the mantle that had been given to him, and followed the m.onarch to the cliapel. What was tlieir astonishment when, by the light of the wax tapers, they at once perceived upon all before them, and then upon tliem- selves, the sign of an engagement they had never contracted. Such was, however, the character of the French knights, that they believed themselves obliged to respond to this appeal to their bravery ; all the courtiers, as soon as divine service was ended, joiued in the laugh with the sliilfulji slier of men* aud took the oath to accompany him into Asia. Kot^vithstanding all these efforts, the pubKcation of the holy war created in the nation much more sorrow than war- like ardour, and the approaching departure of the monarch • See in oui Appendix this fact related by Matthew Paris. 350 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. afflicted all France. Queen Blanche, and the most prudent of the ministers, who had at first endeavoured to divert Louis IX. from tlie crusade, repeated their atte:npts several times : resolved to make a last eftbrt, they went to the king in a body. The bishop of Paris was at their head, and spoke for all ; this virtuous prelate represented to Louis, that a vow made in the height of a disease ought not to bind him in an irrevocable manner, particularly if the in- terests of his kingdom imposed upon him the obligation of dispensing with it. "Everything demanded the presence of the monarch in his dominions ; the Poitevins were threat- ening to take up arms again ; the war of the Albigeois was ready to be rekindled ; the animosity of England was always to be dreaded, as it paid little heed to treaties ; the w'ars occasioned by the ])retensions of the pope and the em- peror inflamed all the states adjoining to France, and the conflagration was not unlikely to extend to that kingdom." Many of the nobles to wheat Louis had confided the most important functions of the state, spoke after the bishop of Paris, and represented to the monarch that all the institu- tions fotmded by his wisdom would perish in his absence ; that France would lose by his departure the fruits of the victories of Saintes and Taillebotirg, with all the hopes that the virtues of a great prince made her entertain. Queen Blanche spoke the last. " My son," said she, " if Pi ovidence has made use of me to watch over your infancy and preserve yotir crown, I have perhaps the right to remind you of the duties of a monarch, and of the obligations w hich the safety of the kingdom over which God has placed you imposes upon you ; but I prefer speaking to yoti with the tenderness of a mother. You know, my son, that I can have but few days to live, and yotir departure leaves me only the thotight oi' an eternal separation : happy still if I die before fame may have borne into Europe the intelligence of some great disasters. Up to this day, you have disdained both my counsels and my prayers ; but if you will not take pity on my sorrows, think at least of your children, whom you abandon in the cradle ; they stand in need of your lessons and your assistance ; what will beoome of them in your absence ? are they not as dear to you as the Christians of the East ? If you were BOW in Asia, and were informed that your deserted family HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 351 was the sport and prey of factions, you would not fad to hasten to us. Well ! all these evils that my tenderness makes me dread, yoiu- depai'ture is most likely to give birth to. Remain then in Europe, where you will have so many opportunities of displaying the virtues of a great king, of a king the father of his subjects, the model and support of the princes of his house. If Christ requires his heritage to be de- livered, send youf treasures and your armies into the East ; God wdl bless a war undertaken in his name. But this God, who hears me, believe me, never commands the accomplish- ment of a vow which is contrary to the great designs of his providence. No ; that God of mercy who would not permit Abraham to complete his sacrifice, does not permit you to complete yours, and expose a life upon which so entirely depend both the fate of your family and the welfare of your kingdom." On finishing these words, QueenBlanche could not restrain her tears ; Louis himself was deeply moved, and threw him- self into the arms of his mother ; but soon resuming a calm and serene countenance, he said : " My dear friends, you know that all Christendom is acquainted with my resolution ; during several months the preparations for the crusade have been carried on under my orders. I have written to all the princes of Europe that I was about to leave my dominions and to repair to Asia ; I have announced to the Christians of Palestine that I would succour them in person ; I have myself preached the crusade in my kingdoms ; a host of barons and knights have obeyed my voice, followed my ex- ample, and sworn to accompany me into the East. AVhat do you now propose to me ? to change my projects publicly proclaimed, to do nothing that I have promised to do, or that Europe expects of me, and to deceive at once the hopes of the Church, of the Christians of Palestine, and of my faithful nobility. " Nevertheless, as you think that I was not in possession of my reason when I took the cross ; well, I give it back to you ; there is that cross which gives you so much alarm, and which I only took, you say, in a fit of delirium. But now that I am in the fidl enjoyment of my reason I ask it of you again, and I solemnly declare that no food shall enter my u.outh until you have returned it to me. Your reproaches ;/52 HISTORY or TUE CUTJSADES. and your complaints aiFect me with the deepest s trrow; but learu to be better acquainted witli my duties and your own ; aid me in seeking for true glory; second me in the powerful cause in which I am engaged, and do not alarm yourselvea on account of my destiny or that of my family and people. The God who made me victorious at TaiLlebourg will watch over the designs and plots of our enemies ; yes, the God who sends me into Asia to deliver his heritage, will defend that of my children, and pour his blessings upon Trance. Have we not still her who was the support of my childhood and the guide of my youth, her whose wisdom saved the Btate in so many perils, and who, in my absence, will want neither courage nor ability to crush factions ? Allow me, then, to keep all the promises I have made before God and before men ; and do not forget that there are obligations which are sacred for me, and ought to be sacred for you— 1 mean the oath of a Christian and the word of a king!" Thus spoke Louis IX. : Queen Blanche, the bishop of Paris, and tlie other counsellors of the king preserved a reli- gious silence, and from that time only thought of seconding the endeavours the monarch was making to forward the execution of an undertaking which appeared to emanate from God.* The crusade was preached at this time in all the countries of Europe ; but as most states were filled with agitation and discord, the voices of the sacred orators were lost amidst the din of factions and the tumult of arms. When the bishop of Berytus went into England, to entreat the English monarch to succour the Christians of the East, Heiny III. was fully employed in repelling the aggressions of the king of Scotland, and in appeasing the troubles of the country of Wales. The barons menaced his authority, and did not permit him to engage in a distant war. This prince not only refused to take the cross, but forbade the preaching of a crusade in his kingdom. * It is Matthew Paris who furnishes us with information relative to this attempt to persuade St. Louis. This is the chronicler that throws most light upon the events of that period ; such as the council of Lyons, the quarrel of Frederick and the pope, and the crusade of the king of France. We aUo find some details in William of Nangis, in Joinviile, and in the Eco ?siasttcal Annals of Raynaldi. HISTOKT OF THE CEUSADES. 35o All Germany was in a blaze in consequence of the (juar- rel between the Church and the Empire. After having deposed the emperor at the council of Lyons, Innocent IV. offered the imperial crown to any one who would take up arms against tue excommunicated prince, and bring about the triumph of the Holy See. Henry, landgrave of Thu- ringia, allowed himself to be seduced by the promises of the sovereign pontiif, and was crowned emperor by the arch- bishops of Mayence and Cologne, and a few other ecclesias- tical electors. From that event civil war broke out in all parts ; Germany was filled with missionaries from the pope, with the power of the evangelical word against Frederick, wliom they styled the most redoubtable of infidels. The treasures collected for the equipments of tlie holy war were emploj'ed in corrupting fidelity, laying plots, fomenting trea- sons, and keeping up troubles and discords ; so that it may well be supposed the cause of Christ and the deliverance of Jerusalem were entirely forgotten. Italy was not less agitated than Germany ; the thunders of Eome, so often hurled at Frederick, had redoubled the fury of the Guelphs and the Ghibelliues. All the republics of Lombardy were leagued in opposition to the party of the emperor ; the threats and the manifestoes of the pope woidd not allow a single city to remain neuter, or leave peace an asylum in the countries situated between the Alps and Sicily. The missionaries of Innocent employed, by turns, the arms of religion and of policy ; after having declared the emperor to be a heretic and an enemy to the Church, tliey represented him as a bad prince and a tyrant, and dazzled the eyes of the people with the charms of liberty, always so powerful a motive upon the minds of nations. The sovereign pontiff sent two leg<'*tes into the kingdom of Sicily, with letters for the clergy, the nobility, and the peo^ pie of tlie cities and country. " We have not been able to see without some surprise," wrote Innocent, " that, bur- dened as you are, living i;nder tlie opprobrium of servitude, and oppressed in your persons and your propert}^, you have hitherto neglected the means of securing yourselves the sweets of liberty. Many other nations have presented you with an example ; but the Holy See, far from accusing you, is satisfied with pitying you, and finds your excuse in the Vol. 11.— 16 354 niSTOET OF the CEIlBADES. fear that must hold possession of your hearts under the yoke of a new Nero." On terminating his letter to the Sicilians, the pope endeavoured to make them understand that God had not placed them in a fertile region and beneath a smil- ing sky to wear disgraceful chains ; and that by shaking off the yoke of the emperor of Germany, they would only second the views of Providence. Frederick, who had at first defied the thunders of Eome, was terrified at the new war declared against him by the pope. The interdict placed upon his states, the terrible array of the maledictions of the Church, strongly affected the minds of the multitude, and might at length shake the fidelity of his subjects ; he himself felt his courage forsake liim ; his party in Italy grew weaker every day ; his armies had experienced some checks in Germany ; many conspira- cies had been formed against his life, and amongst the con- spirators, he had the grief to find some of his servants whom he had loaded with kindnesses. This haughty monarch became convinced that he had no course but to seek a reconciliation with the Church, and addressed himself to Louis IX., whose wisdom and piety rendered him the arbiter of sovereigns and nations. Frederick, in his letters, promised to abide by the decision of the king of France and his barons, and engaged, beforehand, to go in person to the conquest of the Holy Land, or to send his son, tlie king of the Homans. In order to interest Louis in his cause, the emperor offered to supply him with provisions, vessels, and everything he should stand in need of in the expedition to the East. Louis eagerly embraced this opportunity for reestablish- ing peace in Europe and assuring the success of the holy war. Several ambassadors were sent to the pope at Lyons, conjuruig the father of the faithful to listen to the voice of mercy rather than to that of anger. The king of France had two long conferences with Innocent in the monastery of Cluui, and supplicated him afresh to appease by his cle- mency the troubles of the Christian world ; but enmity had been carried too far to leave any hopes of peace ; it was not possible for Innocent and Frederick to pardon each other sincerely the outrages they had mutually committed. The emperor had spared neither threats nor violences against the UISTORT OF THE CEUSADES. 355 popes ; he did not hate them more for the injuries ue had received from them than for those he had done them. Ou the other side, it had for a length of time heen determined, in tlie councds of Home, to effect the overthrow of the house cf Swabia, which was suspected, and with reason, of enter- taining the project of invading Italy and establishing the seat of imperial domination in the city of St. Peter. Tliis policy, embraced with ardour, had assumed all the character of a personal vengeance in the mind of Innocent. The triumpli, even, of the pontiff, whilst flattering his pride and ambition, appeared to double his hatred, and the hope of completing the ruin of his enemy rendered him implacable. In vain the emperor of Germany, overcome by fear rather than won by tlie love of peace, promised to descend from his throne, and pass the remainder of his days in Palestine, on condition that he should receive the benediction of the pope, and that his son Conrad should be raised to the empire. This entire abnegation of power, tliis strange abasement of royal majesty, produced no effect upon Iimocent, who did not be- lieve, or feigned not to believe, the promises of Frederick ; in vain Louis IX., whose mind was incapable of suspecting imposture, represented to the pope the advantages that Europe, Chi'istendom, and the com't of Eome itself might derive from the repentance and offers of the emperor ; in vain he spoke to him of the vows and the safety of pilgrims, of the glory and peace of the Church ; the discourses of tlie holy king were scarcely listened to, and his pious mind could not view, without being moved with disgust, this inflexible rigour in the father of the Christian world. Whilst the report of these discords, upon gaining the East, spread joy among the infidels, the unhappy inhabitants of Palestine gave themselves up to despair on learnmg that so many untoward events retarded the preparations for the crusade. Sevemd messages from the Christians beyond the seas were sent to the sovereign pontiff' to intercede for a prince from whom they hoped for such powerful assistance. The patriarch of Armenia wrote to the court of Eome to demand favour for Frederick ; he demanded it in the name of the threatened Christian colonies ; in the name of the city of God, fallen into ruins ; in the name of the sepulchre of Christ, profaned by barbarians. The pope made no reply S50 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. wliatever to the patriarch of the Armenians, and appeared to have forgotten Jerusalem, the lioly sepulchre, and tlie Christians of Syria ; he liad, indeed, but one thought,— that of carrying on the war against Trederick. Innocent pursued his redoubtable enemy even to the East, and endeavoured to induce the sultan of Cairo to break his engagements witli llio emperor of Germany. The sidtan of Cairo received, with as great joy as surprise, a message which informed him 80 authentically of the divisions that existed among the Christian prmces ; he answered the pope witli a severity full of contempt ; and the more he was pressed to be unfaithful to the treaties made with Frederick, the more he affected to display a fidelity from which he hoped to obtain an advantage over the Christian Church. It was at this period that the emperor of Germany, urged on to despair, in some sort justified the most violent pro- ceedings of the court of Rome by his conduct. He could not pardon Louis IX. for having remained neuter in a quarrel that interested all Christendom, and if the Arabian historian Yafey may be believed, he sent an ambassador seci'etly into Asia to warn the Mussidraan powers of the expedition projected by the king of France. Throwing off at once the tone of submission to the pope, he resolved to repel force by force, and violence by violence. Some suc- cesses which he obtained in Germany, raised his courage, and completely dissipated all his scruples. He laid siege to the city of Parma, at the head of a formidable army. Hor- rible cruelties signalized his first triumphs ; the bishop of Arezzo, w^ho fell into his hands, with many other prisoners of war, were loaded with irons, and handed over to the executioner without even the ceremony of a trial. In the iutoxication of success, Frederick threatened to cross the Alps, and attack Innocent within the walls of Lyons. Heaven, however, would not permit the execution of a project formed by hatred and revenge. The Guelphs beat and dispersed the imperial army. Fortune changed, and the irresolute character of Frederick changed as sud- denly witli it. Victory had inflamed his pride and redoubled his fury ; a single defeat cast him into despondency, and rendered him again accessible to fear. From that time he resumed the part of a suppliant to the pope ; from that HISTORY O^ THB CKUSADES, 357 time protestations and prayers &ti*med to cost his terrified mind no effort. As the extent of his empire gave umbrage to the court of Rome, Frederick promised to divide his dominions, and giv« Sicily to his son Henry, and Germany to his son Conrad. He submitted his religious belief to the examination of several bishops, and sent their decision to the pope. He went at last even so far as to promise to come in person to solicit the clemency of Innocent. The sovereign pontiff had just caused the count of HoJand to be nominated emperor, in the place of the landgrave of Thuringia, who had died on the field of battle. In this state of things he dreaded less the hostilities and angry threats of Frederick, than he did his protestations of submission and repentance. The sup- plications of princes and nations, who demanded favour for a power he wished to destroy, annoyed Innocent ; they seemed to accuse him in the eyes of Christendom, of obsti- nacy in his refusal, and without inducing him to renounce his policy, only embarrrassed him. in the execution of his designs. The pope remained constantly inflexible ; but astonished Europe began to ask what powerfid interest it was that commanded all these rigours. Frederick, pui'sued with so much inveteracy, found at length the number and zeal of his friends and partisans increase. Germany, Cologne, and several other cities, rejected the decrees of the Holy See, and proceeded to violent excesses. The angry pope launched all his thunders against the guilty, and by an injustica which characterizes these times of discord and ven- geance, many of the penalties he pronounced extended to the fourth generation. This senseless rage completed the alienation of men's minds, and the fanaticism of heresy was added to the furies of civil war. As the court of Eome, under the imposing pretext of the crusade, levied tributes in all the states of Europe to keep up the fire of sedition and revolt, so many violences, and so much injustice infused dissatisfaction everywhere, and gave birth to a spirit of opposition among nations even, that had been exempt frem the consequences of the terrible quarrel. The commissaries of the Holy See ruined the provinces of France ; they pervaded the cities and countiies, compelling 358 nisTOET OF tub crusades. the curates and cliaplains of the nobles to sell all their littU property ; they required from all, church dues ; and from reli gious communities, now the twentieth for the crusade against Constantinople, then the tenth for that of Palestine, and at last a contribution towards carrying on the war against the emperor. The French nobility, stimidated by a feeling of patriotism, by the spirit of chivalry which led all the preux of tliat time to enter the lists against iniquity of any kind, and perhaps also by the fear of being oppressed in their turn, spoke loudly in favour of Frederick, and expressed their anger at seeing the kingdom of France a prt;y to the agents of the pope. Just remonstrances were at first made ; but in a short time no measures were observed, and they proceeded so far as to agitate the question, whether they ought to acknowledge a pontiff, whose conduct appeared so contrary to the spirit of the Grospel, as the vicar of Jesus Christ. The principal French nobles at length formed a confederacy against the proceedings of the pope and the clergy. Throughout this new struggle, Louis IX., equally removed from that sacrilegious impiety which pretends to brave everything, and from that superstitious pusillanimity which believes itself obliged to suffer everything, managed to restrain the excesses of both parties, and maintain peace ; tlie league which was then formed, without embittei'ing men's minds, succeeded in enlightening them ; it served, during the absence of the king, to repress the enterprises of the Holy See, and many writers trace to this period the origin of those Galilean hberties which have constituted the glory of the French clergy up to modern times. Nevertheless, Louis IX. was constantly employed in pre- parations for his departure. As no other route to the East was available but that by sea, and as the kingdom of France had no port in the Mediterranean, Louis made the acquisition of the territory of Aigues-Mortes, in Provence ; the port, choked with sand, was cleansed, and a city large enough to receive the crowd of pilgrims was built on the shore. Louis at the same time busied himself in proAdsioning his array, and preparing magazines in the isle of Cyprus, where he meant to land. Thibaidt, count de Bar, and the sieur de Beaujeu, sent into Italy, found everything necessary for the HISTOIIY or THE CKUSADES. 35S provisioning and transport of an army, either in the repnbh'c of Venice, or in the rich provinces of Apulia and Sicily, whither the directions of tlie emperor Frederick had pre* ceded them. Tlie fame of these preparations soon reached Syria, and the authors of the times describe the Mussulman powers aa struck with terror, and as immediately and earnestly em- ployed in fortifying their cities and their frontiers against the approaching invasion of the Franks. Such popular rumours as'were then in circulation that history has deigned to pre- serve, accuse the Saracens of having employed perfidious means and odious stratagems to avenge thelnselves upon the Christian nations, and ruin their enterprise. It was asserted that the life of Louis IX w^as in danger from the emissaries of tlie Old Man of the Mountain ; it was reported.in cities, and the multitude did not fail to give credit to it, that the pepper which came from the East was empoisoned ; and Matthew Paris, a grave historian, does not hesitate to affirm that a great number of persons died of it before this horrible artifice was discovered. We may well believe that the policy of the time itself invented these gross fables, to render the enemies they were about to combat more odious, and that indignation might inci'case and animate the courage of the warriors. It is natural also to suppose, that such rumours had their origin in popular ignorance, and that they gained credit from the opinion that was then entertained of the manners and characters of infidel nations. Three years had passed away since the king of France assumed the cross. He convoked a new parliament at Paris, in which he at length fixed the departure of the holy expedition for the month of June of the following year (1248). The barons and prelates renewed with him the promises of fighting against the infidels, and engaged to set out at the period assigned, under the penalty of incurring ecclesiastical censures. Louis took advantage of the mo- ment that the magnates of his kingdom were assembled in the name of religion, to require that they should take the oath of fealty and homage to his children, and to make them swear (these are the expressions of Joinville) " that they should be ioyal to his family, if any misadventure 3G0 niSTOKY OF TnE CRUSADES. Bhould befall his person in the holy voyage beyond the seas."* It was then that the pope addressed a letter to the nobility and people of Prance, in which he celebrated in solemn terms the bravery and other warlike virtues of the French nation and its pious monarch. The sovereign pontiff gave his bene- diction to the French Crusaders, and threatened with the thunders of the Church all who, having made the vow of pilgrimage, deferred their departure. Louis IX., who had no doubt requested this warning from the pope, saw With joy all the nobility of his kingdom hasten to join his stan- dard ; many nobles, whose ambition he had repressed, were tlie first to" set the example, for fear of awakening old mis- trusts or incurring fresh disgraces ; others, seduced by the hiibitual spirit of courts, declared themselves with ardour champions of the cross, in the hope of obtaining, not the rewards of Heaven, but those of the earth. The character of Louis IX. inspired the greatest confidence in all the Christian warriors. " If, till this time," said they, " God has permitted the crusades to be nothing but a long course of reverses and calamities, it is because the imprudence of the leaders has compromised the safety of the Christian armies ; it is because discord and Hcentiousness of manners have reigned too long among the defenders of the cross : but what evils have we to dread under a prince whom Heaven appears to have inspired with its own wisdom, — under a prince who, by his firmness, has succeeded in suppressing every division in his own country, and is about to exhibit to the JEast an example of all the virtues ? " Many English nobles, among whom were the earls of Salisbury anil Leicester, resolved to accompany the king of France, and share with him the perils of the crusade. The earl of Salisbury, grandson of " Fair Rosamond," who had gained by his exploits the surname of " Long Sword," had just been stripped of all his possessions by Henry III. In order to place himself in a condition to make preparations for the war, he addressed himself to the pope, and said to him, " Beggar as I am, I have made a vow to perform the pilgrimage to the Holy Land. If Prmce Eichard, brother * Que loyaute ils porteraient a sa famille, si aucune malle chose avenait 4e la personne au saint veage d'outre-mer. MISTOEY OF THE CEU3ADES. 361 to the king of England, has been able to obtain, without taking the cross, the privilege of levying a tax upon those who have just laid it down, I have thought that I might obtain a similar favour; — I, who have no resource but in the charity of the faithful." This discourse, which informs us of a very curious fact, made the sovereign pontiff smile : the earl of Salisbury obtained the favour he asked, and deemed it his duty to set out for the East. The preachings for the holy war, which had produced but little effect in Italy and Grermany, had nevertheless been successful in the provinces of Friesland and Holland, and in some of the northern kingdoms. Jiaco, kmg of Norway, celebrated for his bravery and exploits, took the oath to fight against the infidels ; and the Norwegians, who had several times distmguished themselves in the holy wars, followed the example of their monarch. Haco, after com- pleting his preparations, wrote to Louis IX. to announce his approaching departure. He asked him permission to land upon the coast of France, and to furnish himself there with the supplies necessary for his army. Louis made a most cordial reply, and proposed to the Norwegian prince to share with him the command of the crusade. Matthew Paris, who was charged with the message from Louis IX., informs us in his History that the king of Norway declined the gene- rous offer of the French king, persuaded, be said, that har- mony could not long subsist between the Norwegians and the Fi'ench, — the first, of an impetuous, restless, and jealous character, the others, full of pride and haughtiness. Ilaco, after having made this reply, thought no more of embarking, and remained quietly in his kingdom, history being perfectly unable to discover the motives which pro- duced this sudden change. It may be behoved, that in accordance with the example of several other Christian mo- narchs, this prince had made use of the crusade as a cloak for his political designs. By le\'yin^ a tax of a third upon the revenues of the clergy, he had amassed treasures which he might employ in strengthening his power. The army he had raised in the name of Christ might minister to his am- bition much more effectually in Europe than in the phiins of Asia. The pope, from whom he had received the title of king, at first exhorted him to assume the sign of the Cru- 16* 3G2 nisTOET OF the ceusades, saders ; but everything leads us to believe that 'le afterwarda advised him to remain in the West, where he lioped to raise in him one more enemy against the emperor of Germany Thus the king of Norway had promised to go into the East in the hope of obtaining the favour and protection of tlie court of Rome ; and to preserve this favour and this support, he had but one thing to do, and that was to forget his promises. However this may be, it is certain that the pope, at that time, took but very little interest in the success of the eastern crusade. W? may judge of this by the facility with which he liberated so many from their vows of fighting against the infidels : he went even so far as to forbid the Crusaders from Friesland and Holland to embark for Pales- tine. In vain Louis IX. made some serious remonstrances on this head ; Innocent would not listen to him. Engrossed by one passion, he found it much more advantageous to grant dispensations for the voyage to Syria ; for, on one part, those dispensations which were bought with solid money, contributed to fill his treasury, and on the other, they left soldiers in Europe that he might arm against his personal enemies. Thus Erance was the only country in which the crusade was really an object of interest ; the piety and zeal of Louis IX. brought back all those whom the indifterence of the pope had cooled ; and the love of the French for their king, replacing religious enthusiasm, sufliced for the removal of all obstacles. The cities whose liberties the monarch had protected, voluntarily sent him considerable sums. The farmers of the royal domains, whicli were then very extensive, advanced the revenues of a year. The rich taxed themselves, and poured their hoards into the coffers of the king ; poverty dropped its mite into the poor-boxes of cliurches ; and we may add, that at that period there was scarcely a will made in the kingdom which did not contain some legacy towards tlie expenses of the holy war. The clergy were not content with addressing prayers to Heaven for the crusade, they paid the tenth of their revenues for the support of the soldiers of the cross. The barons, nobles, and princes, who equipped themselves at ^hfxr awn expense, imposed taxes on their vassals, and HTSTOET OF THE ?I17BADE8. 3G3 found, after the example of the king of Prance, the money necessary for the voyage in the revenues of their domains and in the pious generosity of the towns and cities. Many, as in other crusades, pledged their lands, sold their property, and ruined themselves, to provide means to support their soldiers and knights. They forgot their families, they forgot themselves in the sad preparations for departure, and appeared never to look forward to the period of return. Many pre- pared themselves for the voyage as they would have prepared for exile or death ; the most pious of the Crusaders, as if they only went to the East to find a tomb, were pai'ticularly anxious to appear before God in a state of grace ; they ex- piated their sins by penitence ; they pardoned offences, repaired the ill they had done, disposed of their goods, gave them to the poor, or divided them amongst their natural heirs. This disposition of men's minds was greatly to the advan- tage of humanity and justice ; it imparted generous senti- ments to people of property ; whilst, in the wicked, it awakened a remorse that was nearly allied to virtue. Amidst civd wars and feudal anarchy, a crowd of men had enriched themselves by strife, rapine, and brigandage ; religion in- spired them -nith a salutary repentance, and this time of penitence was marked by a great number of restitutions, which for a moment made the triumphs of iniquity to be forgotten. The famous count de la jNfarche set the example ; his conspiracies, his revolts, his unjust enterprises had often troubled the peace of the kingdom, and ruined a great number of families ; he became desirous of expiating his faults ; and to mitigate the just anger of God, he, by his will, ordered a complete restitution to be made of all the property lie had acquired by injustice and violence.* The sieur de Joiuville tells us, with great simplicity, in his History, that his conscience did not reproach him with anything eerious, but that, nevertheless, he assembled his vassals and neighbours to offer them reparation for the wrongs he might have done them without knowing it. In those days of repentance monasteries were founded * We do not observe that this worthy penitent opened his hand and relaxed his grasp whilst living ; deuth-bed repentances and posthumous restitutions art very suspicious affairs. — Trans. SGi HISTOEY or THE Ca"SADES. and treasures lavished on churches : " The most sure means," said Louis IX., " to avoid perishing like the impious, is rK love and enrich the place in which dwells the glory of the Lord." The piety of the Crusaders was not forgetful of the poor and infirm ; their numerous offerings endowed cloisters as asylums for want ; hospices, or small convents, for the re- ception of pilgrims ; and particularly leper hospitals, which were established in all the provinces, the melancholy abodes of victims of the holy wars. Louis IX. distinguished himself by his liberality towards churches and monasteries ; but that which must particularly have drawn upon him the blessings of his people, was the care he took to repair all injustice committed in the adminis- tration of government. The holy monarch knew, that if kings are the images of God upon earth, they are never so truly so as when justice is seated beside them on the throne. Eestitution-offices, established by his orders in the royal domains, were charged with the repairing of all wrongs that might have been committed by the agents or farmers of the king. In most of the great cities it was the duty of two commissaries, one an ecclesiastic, the other a layman, to hear and decide upon complaints made against his ministers and officers : a noble exercise of the supreme authority, which rather employs itself in seeking out the unfortunate to assist them, than the guilty to punish them ! \\ hich watches for the murmurs of the poor, encourages the weak, and submits itself to the tribunal of tlie laws ! It was not sufficient for Louis to have established regula- tions for the administration of justice, — their execution ex- cited his most anxious solicitude. Preachers announced the intentions of the king in all the chm*ches, and as if he thought himself responsible to God for all judgments pro- nounced in his name, the monarch secretly sent holy ecclesiastics and good monks to make fresh observations, and learn from faithful reporters, if the judges whom he believed to be worthy men, were not themselves corrupt. Q'he historian pauses complacently over this touching picture ; so noble an example presented to the kings of the earth, appeared likely to bring down the blessings of Heaven upon Saint Louis ; and when we reflect upon the deplorable results of this crusade, with the chroniclers of hia own time, wo HISTORY OF THE LUTJSADES. 365 feel astonished that so many calamities should have been the reward of such exalted virtue.* The preparations were now carried on with redoubled zeal aud activity ; all tlie provinces of France appeared to be in arms ; the people of cities and country had but one thought, and that was the crusade. The great vassals assembled their knights and troops; the nobles and barons visited each other, or exchanged messengers, in order to settle the day of their departure. Eolations and friends engaged to unite their banners, and place everything in common — money, glorv, and perils. Devotional practices were mingled with military preparations. M arriors were seen laying aside the cuirass and sword, and walking, barefooted and in their shirts, to visit monasteries and churches, to which the relics of saints attracted the concourse of tlie faithful. Processions were formed in every parish ; all the Crusaders appeared at the foot of the altars, and received the symbols of pilgrimage from the hands of the clergy. Prayers were put up in al' churches for the success of the expedition. In families, abundance of tears were shed at the moment of departure ; and most of the pilgrims, on receiving these last endearments of their friends, seemed to feel, more than ever, the value of all they were leaving behind them. The historian of Saint Louis tells us, that after visiting Blanchicourt and Saint- TJrbain, where holy relics were deposited, he would not once tiu'u his eyes towards Joisivjiie, for his heart was softened at tlie idea of the beautiful castle he was leaving, and of his two children.t The leaders of the crusade took with them all the warlike youth, and left in many countries nothing but a weak and luiarmed papulation ; many abandoned castles and fortresses must, naturally, fall to ruins ; much fiourishing land must be changed into a desert, and a vast many famiUes must be left without support. The people, no doubt, had cause to regret the nobles whose authority was supported by kindnesses, and who, after the example of * These calamities were but a portion of God's great law of cause and effect — they were begun in error and ended in failure. M^hat connection is there between Louis' just government of hi-s kingdom and his mad and foolish expeditions to the East } — Trans. t II ue voulut oncques retourner ses yeux vers Joinville, pour ce que la coeur J li attendrit du biau chastel qu'il laissait, et de ses deux enfants. 366 nisTOKY OF the crusades. Siiin*- Louis, loved truth and justice, and protected the weak and the innocent ; but there were some whose departure was witnessed with gladness ; and more tlian one town, more than one village, rejoiced at seeing the donjon, from which they had been accustomed to experience all the miseries of servitude, empty and abandoned. It was an affecting spectacle to see the families of artisans and poor villagers lead their children to the barons and luiights, and say to them : " You will be their fathers ; you will watch over them amidst the perils of war and of the sea." The barons and knights promised to bring back their soldiers to the West, or to perish with them in fight ; and the opinion of the people, the nobility, and the clergy, de- voted, beforehand, all who should fail in this sacred promise, to the anger of God and the contempt of men. Amidst these preparations, the most profound calm pre- vailed throughout the kingdom. In all preceding crusades, the multitude had exercised great violence against the Jews ; but by the firmness and wisdom of Saint Louis, the Jews, though depositaries of immense wealth, and always skilful in taking advantage of circumstances to enrich themselves, were respected among a nation they had plundered, and Avhich was now completing its own ruin by the holy war. Adventurers and vagabonds were not admitted beneath the banners of the cross ; and, upon the demand of Saint Louis, the pope forbade all who had committed great crimes to take up arms in the cause of Christ. These precautions, which had never been observed in former crusades, were highly calculated to insiu'e the maintenance of order and discipline in the Christian army. Among the crowd that presented themselves to go into Asia, artisans and labourers met with the best reception, — which is a remarkable circum- stance, and clearly proves that views of a wise policy wore mingled with sentiments of devotion, and that, though the ostensible object was the deliverance of Jerusalem, hopes were entertained of founding useful colonies in the East. At the appointed time Louis IX., accompanied by his brothers, the duke of Anjou and the count d'Artois, repaired to tlie abbey of St. Denis.* After having implored the * Concrniing the departure of Saint Louis, and the facts that follow. consult William of Nangis, William of Puits, Matthew Paris, Sanuti, &6- HISTOllY OF THE CKUSAUES. 367 support of the apostles of France, he received from the hands of th'j legate the pilgrim's statf and scrip, and that oriflarame which his predecessors had already twice unfurled before the nations of the East. Louis then returned to Paris, where he heard mass in the church of Nctre Dame. The same day he quitted his capital, not again to enter it before his return from the Holy Land. The people and clergy were softened to tears, and accompanied him to the abbey of St. Antoiue, singing psalms by the way. There he mounted on horseback to go to Corbeil, at which place the Queen Blanche and Queen Marguerite were to meet hhn. The king gave two more days to the affairs of his king- dom, and confided the regency to his mother, M'hose firmness and wisdom had defended and preserved the crown during the ti'oubles of his minority. If anything coidd excuse Louis IX., and justify his pious obstinacy, it was his leaving his country in profound peace. He had renewed the truce Avith the king of England ; and Grermany and Italy were so occupied with their own internal discords, that they could not give France the least subject for alarm. Louis, after having employed every precaution against the spirit of dis- affection, took with him into the Holy Land almost all the powerful nobles that had disturbed the kingdom. The county of Macon, sold at the end of the preceding crusade, had recently reverted to the crown ; Normandy had escaped from the yoke of the English ; the counties of Thoulouse and Provence, by tlie marriage of the counts of Anjou and Poictiers, w^ere about to become apanages of the princes of the royal family. Louis IX., after he took the cross, never ceased in his endeavours to preserve the recent conquests of France, to appease the murmurs of the people, and remove every pretext for revolt. The spirit of justice, which was observable in all his institutions ; the remembrance of his virtues, which appeared more estimable amidst the general grief caused by his departure ; the religion which he had caused to flourish by his example, were quite sufficient to maintain order and peace during his absence. As soon as Louis had placed the administration of hia kingdom in other hands, he gave himself up to the exercisea of piety, and appeared to be no more than the most meek 368 HISTORY OF THE CRCSAJiES. of Christians. The dress and attributes of a pilg im became the only adornments of a powerful monarch. He wore no more splendid stuffs, no more valuable furs ; his arms even, and the harness of his horses, glittered with nothing but the polish of steel and iron. His example had so much intlu- f uce, says Joinville, that on the voyage not a single instance of an embroidered coat was seen, either upon the king or any one else. AVhen endeavoimng to reform splendovu' in equipages or dress, Louis caused the money he had been accustomed to expend in these to be distributed to the poor. Thus royal magnificence was in him nothing but the luxury of charity. Queen Blanche accompanied him as far as Cluny. This ^^rincess was persuaded she should never see her son again until they met in heaven, and took leave of him in the most affectionate manner ; the tears of mother and son bearing witness to the truth of their grief at parting. On his way, be saw the pope at Lyons, and conjured him, for the last lime, to be merciful to Frederick, whom reverses had humi- iiated, and who implored pardon. After having represented the great interests of the crusade, after having spoken in the name of the numerous pilgrims who were abandoning everything for the cause of Christ, the pious mind of the king was astonished to find the pontiff still inexorable. The king then directed all his attention to the prosecution of his journey. Innocent promised to protect the kingdom of France against the heretic Frederick and the king of England ; the latter of whom he always styled his vassal : he witnessed without regret the departure of a prince venerated for his love of justice, whose presence in Europe might be an obstacle to his policy. The sovereign pontiff" had not much ti'ouble in keeping his promise of defending the inde- pendence and peace of France ; for the discords he excited in other states preserved that kingdom from all foreign annoyance during the time of the crusade. The fleet, which awaited Louis at Aigues-lNIortes, was composed of twenty-eight vessels, without reckoning those that were to transport the horses and the provisions. The king embarked, followed by his two brothers, Charles duko of Aiijou, and liobert count d'Artois, and the queen Mar- guerite, who did not dread less the idea of remaining witb HISTOET OF THE CKU8ADES. 369 her raotber-in-law than tliat of living away from her hus- band.* Alphonse, count of P:)ictiers, deferred his departure till the following year, and returned to Paris to assist the queen regent with his counsels and authority. When the whole army of the Crusaders was embarked, the signal was given, the priests, according to the cistom in maritime ex- peditions, sang the Veni Creator, and the fleet set sail. France had then no marine, the sailors and pilots were almost all Spaniards or ItaKans. Two Genoese performed the functions of commanders or admirals. A great part of tlie barons and kuiglits bad never before seen the sea, and everything they saw filled them with surprise and dread ; they invoked all the saints of Paradise, and recommended their souls to Grod. The good Joinville does not at all dis- semble his fright, and caniiot help saying : " A great fool is he who, having any sin on his soul, places himself in such a danger ; for if he goes to sleep at night, he cannot be cer- tain he shall not fi.nd himself at the bottom of the sea in the morning."t Louis IX. embarked at Aigues-Mortes, the 25th of August, and arrived at Cyprus on the 21st of Septembei-.J Henry, grandson of Guy of Lusignan, who obtained the kingdom of Cyprus in the third crusade, received the king of France at Limisso, and conducted him to his capital of Nicosia, amidst tlie acclamations of the people, nobility, and clergy. * Like many good and affectionate mothefs, Blanche was very jealous of the influence of a young wife over her son. Principally for territorial advantig3s, Louis married Marguerite of Provence, when he was nineteen and the princess thirteen. Immediately after the ceremony, Blanche separated the newly-married couple and kept them apart for six years, under j)retext of the youth of tlie new queen. — Trans. t Bien fou celui qui, ayant quelque peche sur son ame, se met en un tel danger; car si on s'endort au soir, on ne sait si on se trouvera ie matin au fond de la mer. X Mictiaud has omitted to mention the cause of Louis' unfortunate clioice of a routp, — the residence in Cyprus proving so injurious to the army. Tlie most regular and advisable route wouhl have been by Sicily ; but after Louis had in vain tried every means of subduing the anger of the { (>j)e, his .superstitious reverence for the head of the Ci-nrch jirevrdled over even his goi d sense and his pradciice, and be declined stopping in Sicily, bemuse that island was part of the douiiuions of an ezcommuni- cated prince. — Trans. 370 niSTOKY OF THE CEC SAJ)E8. A »liort time after the arrival of the Crusaders, it waa decided in a council, that the arms of the Christians should, in the first place, be directed against Egypt. The reverses that had been met with on the banks of the Nile, in pre- ceding vs'ars, did not at all alarm the king of France and his barons ; it is even more than probable that Louis, before he left his kingdom, had formed tlie design of carrying the war into the country from which the Mussvdmaus drew their wealth and their strength. The king of Cyprus, who had recently received the title of ki^ig of Jerusalem from tlie pope, the more strongly applauded this determination, from its giving himgreason to hope to be delivered from the most formidable of his neighbours, and the most cruel enemy of the Christian colonies in Syria. This prince also caused a crusade to be preached in his kingdom, for the sake of being placed in a condition to accompany the French Crusaders, and associate himself usefully in their conquests. He pro- posed to the king of France and his barons to wait till he had concluded his preparations. " The lords and prelates of Cyprus," says WiUiam of Nangis, " all took the cross, appeared before Louis, and told him they would go with him wherever it should please him to lead tliem, if he would stay tiU the winter had passed away." As Louis and the principal French nobles appeared but little disposed to delay their march, the Cypriots spared neither protestations of friendship, caresses, nor prayers to detain them. Every day was devoted to rejoicings and feastings, in which the nobility and wealthy men of the kingdom exhibited \he splendour of eastern courts. The enchanting aspect of the isle, a conn* try rich in all the delicious productions of nature, particu- larly that Cyprus wine which Solomon himself has not dis- dained to celebrate, seconded in a powerful manner the entreaties and seductions of the court of Nicosia. It was decided that the Christian army should not depart before the following spring. It was not long before they became fuUy aware of the error they had comiuitted. Amidst the excessive abundance that reigned in their camp, the Crusaders gave themselves up to intemperance ; in a country in which pagan fables placed the altars of voluptuousness, the virtue of the pil- pfrims was every day exposed to fresh trials ; a protracted niSTOKY or TUE CEtJSAUES. 371 idleness relaxed the discipline of the army, and, to crown these evils, a pestilential disease exercised great ravages among the defenders of the cross. The pilgrims had to lament the death of more than two hundred and fifty knights from this calamity. Contemporary chronicles mention among the lords and prelates that were victims to it, the counts of Dreux and Vendome, Eobert, bishop of Beauvais, and the brave William des Barres ; the army had likewise to regi'et the loss of the last of the race of the Archambault de Bour- bons, whose county became afterwards the heritage of the children of Saint Louis, and gave to the royal family of IVance a name that it has rendered for ever illustrious in the annals of that country. A great number of barons and knights were in want of money to maintain their troops, and Louis freely opened his treasury to them. The sieur de Joinville, who had no more than one hundred and twenty livres toui'nois* left, received from the monarch eight hundred livres ; a considerable sum in those days. Many of the nobles complained of ha\'itag sold their lands and ruined themselves to follow the king to the crasade. The liberality of Louis could not possibly satisfy all these complainants. A great number of knights, after being ruined by the abode in the isle of Cyprus, could not endure the idleness they were condemned to, but were anxious to set out for Syria or Egypt, hoping to make the Saracens pay the expenses of the war. Louis had a great deal of trouble to restrain them ; historians agree in saying that he was only half obeyed ; therefore, he had much more frequent occasion to exercise his patience and evangelical mildness than his authority ; and if he succeeded in appeasing all dis- cords and suppressing all murmurs, it was less by the ascen- aancy of his power than by that of his virtue. Differences arose between the Greek clergy and the Latin clergA^ of the isle of Cyprus. Louis succeeded in putting an end to them. The Templars and Hospitallers appealed to him as judge in their constantly reviving quarrels ; he made them swear to be reconciled, and to have no other * The French had a custom of reckoning sums by twenties : in the text of JoinvLUe this stands, " six vingts livres touruois.'" — Trans. 372 aisTOKY or tue crusades. enemies than those of Christ. The Genoese and Pisans resident at Ptolemais, had long and serious disputes, both parties having recourse to arms, and nothing appeared able to check the lury and scandal of a civil war in a Christian city. The wise mediation of Louis reestablished peace. Aitho, king of Armenia, and Bohemond, prince of Antiocli and Tripoli, implacable enemies, both seat ambassadors to the kiiig of France : he induced them to conclude a truce : thus Louis IX. appeared among the nations of the East a3 an angel of peace aiud concord. At this period the territory of Antioch was ravaged by vagabond bands of Turcomans ; Louis sent Bohemond five hundred cross-bowmen. Aitho had just formed an alliance wdth the Tartars, and was preparing to invade the states of the sultan of Iconium in Asia Minor. As the Armenian prince enjoyed a great reputation in the East for skill and bravery, many French knights, impatient to display their valour, left Cyprus for the pm'pose of joining his standard and sharing the fruits of his victories. Joinville, after having spoken of their departure, says nothing of their ex- ploits, and only informs us of their unhappy destiny by these words: " not one of them ever came back."* Fame had announced the arrival of Louis throughout all the countries of the East, and the news produced a great sensation among both Mussulmans and Christians. A pre- diction, that was credited in the most distant regions, and which missionaries found spread even through Persia, announced that a king of the Franks was destined speedily to disperse all infidels and deliver Asia from the sacrilegious worship and laws of Mahomet. It was believed that the time was now come for the accomplishment of this predic- tion. A crowd of Christians hastened from Syria, Egypt, and all the countries of the East, to salute him whom Groa had sent to fulfil his divine promises. It was at this period tliat Louis received an embassy that excited the curiosity and attention of the Crusaders in the highest degree ; the marvellous account of it occupies a conspicuous place in the chronicles of the middle ages.f * Oncques nul d'eux ne revint. t Maithesv Phhs, William of Nangis, Mid Zanflietare agreed concerning LJiis embassy. We shall reveit to it in our Appendix, HISTOET OF THE CKUSADES. 37S Tins embassy came from a Tartar prince, named Ecalthai,* who professed liimself to be converted to the Christian faitb, and displayed the most ardent zeal for the triumph of tlie Gospel. The head of this deputation, named David, remitted to the king a letter filled with sentiments expressed with so much exaggeration as ought to have rendered it doubtful ; he said that the great khan had received baptism three years before, and that he was prepared to assist the expedition of the French Crusaders with all his power. The news of this embassy soon spread througli the army, and from that time nothing was talked of but the promised succour of the great khan or emperor of tlie- Tartars ; the leaders and soldiers flocked to the residence of Louis to see the ambassador of the prince Ecalthai, whom they considered as one of the jirst barons of Tartary. The king of France interrogated the deputies several times respecting their journey, their country, and the character and disposition of their sovereign ; and as all he heard flattered his most cherished thoughts, he conceived no mistrust, and discovered no signs of imposture in their re- plies. The Tartar ambassadors were received at his court, and admitted to his table ; he himself conducted them to the celebration of divine service in the metropolitan church of Nicosia, where all the people were edified by their devotion. At their departure, tlie king of France and the legate of the pope charged them with several lettersf for the prince Ecalthai and the great khan of the Tartars. To these letters were added magnificent presents ; among which was a scarlet tent, upon which Louis had caused to be worked " The Annunciation of the Virgin Marv, the Mother of God, and all the other points of faith." Tlie king wrote to Queen Blanche, as did the legate to the sovereign pontitf, to announce the extraordinary embassy that had arrived from the most distant regions of the East. The propitious news of an alliance with the Tartars, who were thea looked upon * Deguignes informs us that the prince Ecalthai was the lieutenant of the khan of the Tartars in Asia Minor. f Most of the articles which form the correspondence between Christen - Aom and the Tartars are collected, in the book of Moshemius, entitled Historia Tartoi urn Ecclesiasiica : the letters of this correspondence do not all merit the same attention or the same confidence. 374 HisTOUT or riiE crusades. as the most formidable of all nations, spread joy among tlie people of the West, and increased their hopes of the success of the crusade. Missionaries that were sent into Tartary by Louis wore very soon satisfied that the conversion of the great khan was . nothing but a fable. The IMogul ambassadors liad advanced many other impostures in their accounts, which has induced some learned moderns to thiidt that this great embassy* Avas notliing but a trick, the contrivance of which may be attributed to some Armenian monks. However it may be, there can be no doubt that tlie Moguls, who were at war with the Mussulmans, might have some interest in con- ciliating the Christians, and might be led, from that time, to consider the Franks as useful auxiliaries. AVinter, in the mean time, was drawing towards an end, and the period fixed upon for the departure of the French Crusaders was approaching. The king of France ordered a, great number of fiat-bottomed boats to be constructed, to facilitate the descent of the Christian army upon the coast of Egypt. As the Genoese fleet, in which the French had embarked at Aigues-Mortes, had left the port of Lemisso, it required considerable trouble to get together, from all parts, vessels sufficient to transport the army and the nu- merous magazines formed in the isle of Cyprus. Louis IX. applied to the Genoese and Venetians established on the coast of Syria, who, to the great scandal of the knights and barons, showed, in this instance, more cupidity than devo- tion, and placed an exorbitant price upon services demanded of tnem in the name of Christ. At this time Louis received a communication from the * M. Abel-Remusat, in his learned Memoir upon the Tartars, explains several doubtful circumstances of this embassy ; he examines the opposite versions, and does not at all adopt the opinion of M. Deguignes, who views the Mogul ambassadors as nothing but impostors. If it inny be allowed me, after these two great authorities, to offer an opinion, I should ^ay that the arrival of Louis having created a great sensation in the East, Ecalthai, governor of aU the provinces of Asia, n)ight send emissaries to ascertain the designs and strength of the Frai'ks ; and it may be believed that these emissaries, to perform their mission with more success, feigned several circumstances calculated to increase their credit in the minds of the Christians. It ajipears to us that this opinion may reconcile tii&t which is opposite in that of the two writers quoted. HTSTOET OF THE CRUSADES. 375 emperor of Germauy, still pursued by tlie thunders of Homo. This prince sent provisions to the Crusaders, and expressed great grief, in his letters, at being unable to share the perils of the holy war. The king of France thanked Frederick, and sighed at the obstinacy of the pope, which deprived th(^ defenders of the cross of such a powerfui auxiliary. Preparations were continued with the greatest activity ; every day fresh Crusaders arrived, who came from the ports of the West, or had passed the winter in the isles of the Archipelago, or on the coasts of Greece. All the nobility of Cyprus had taken the cross, and were preparing for their conflict witli the infidels. The greatest harmony prevailed between the two nations ; in the Greek as well as the Latin chui'ches, prayers were oifered up to Heaven for the success of the Christian arms ; and throughout the host nothing was talked of but the wonders of the East, and the riches of Egypt, which they were about to conquer. whilst enthusiasm and joy were thus exuberant among the Christian warriors, the grand masters of St. John and the Temple wrote to Louis IX., to consult him upon the possibility of opening a negotiation with the sultan of Cairo. The leaders of these two orders anxiously desired to break the chains of their knights who were detained in captivity since the defeat of Gaza ; they did not otherwise partake with the Crusaders their blind confidence in victory ; ex- perience of other crusades had taught them that the warriors of the West, at first very redoubtable, almost always began their wars with spleudour, but that afterwards, weakened by discord, exhausted by the fjitigues of a distant expedition, and sometimes led away by their natural inconstancy, they only thought of returning into Europe, abandoning the Christian colonies to all the furies of an enemy irritated by former defeats. According to these considerations, the two grand masters would have wished to take advantage of the powerful succours from the West, to conclude a useful and durable peace. The mode of negotiation presented them much greater future advajitages than a war, whose chances were doubtful, and whose perils might, in the end, all recoil upon them. Tiieir pacific message arrived at the moment when nothing v/as spoken of in the Christian army but the conquests thej 376 niSTonr of the cbtjsades. were about to make ; when all minds were heated by the enthusiasm of glory, and the hope of a rich booty. The proposition alone of peace with the infidels was a true sub* iect of scandal for these warriors, who believed themselve# called upon to destroy, throughout tlie East, the domuiation mid the power of all the enemies of Christ. The general surpi'ise and indignation gave credence to the blackest ca- lumnies against the grand master of the Temple, who wat3 loudly accused of keeping up a secret intelligence with the sultan of Cairo, and of having joined in barbarous ceremo- nies to bind this impious union. Louis IX., who did not come into the East to sign a treaty of peace and to deliver only a few prisoners, shared the indignation of his compa- nions in arms, and forbade the grand masters of the Temple and St. John to reiterate propositions insulting to the Cliristian warriors, insulting to him. The Crusaders, intoxicated with their future success, were not aware of half the obstacles they were about to encoun- ter ; they thought more about the wealth than the strength of their enemies ; acquainted with neither the climate nor the country to which their wishes were directed, their igno- rance redoubled their security, and fed hopes that were doomed soon to fade away. The leaders of the crusade were particularly sanguine w ith respect to the divisions of tlie Mussulman princes, who were quarrelling for the provinces of S 'ria and Egypt : in fact, since the death of Saladin, discord had rarely ceased to trouble the family of the Ayoubites. But as their dissen- sions broke out in civil wars, and as civil wars rendered the population more warlike, their empire, which grew weaker every day inwardly, often, consequently, became the stronger outwardly ; when common danger united the Mussulman powers, or that one of those ])owers mastered the rest, every- tliing was to be dreaded from an empire always tottering in peace, but which seemed to derive fresh strength from tlie animosities and perils of a war against the Clu'istians. Malek Saleh Ncgmcddin, who then reigned in Egypt, was the son of the sultan Camel, celebrated by the victory gained at Mansourah over the army of Jolni of Brieime "and the legate Pelagius. Driven from the throne by a conspiracy, he endeavoured to recover it by arms ; conquered, he fell HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 37V into the chains of his rival, and profited by the lessons of adversity. Very soon, the esteem in which his abilities were held ; the hatred which the prince who reigned in his place inspired ; the want of change, and perhaps a certain par- tiality for revolt and treason, recalled him to empire. The new sovereign showed himself mnch more skilful and more fortunate than his predecessors ; he knew how to preserve obedience in the provinces; to maintain discipline iu liis army ; and to keep fear alive among his enemies. He had taken ad\'autage of the arms of the Carismians to get pos- fefssion of Damascus, and to crush both the Christians and their allies. From this period INegmeddin extended his conquests upon the banks of the Euphrates, and at length gathered imder his laws the greater part of the empire of Saladin. At the moment Louis IX. landed in the isle of Cyprus, the sultan of Cairo was in Syria, where he was making war against the prince of Aleppo, and held the city of Emessa in siege. He was acquainted with all the projects of the Christians, and gave orders for the defence of all the avenues of Egypt. When he learnt that the Christian army was about to embark, he immediately abandoned the siege of Emessa, and concluded a truce with enemies of whom he entertained very little dread, to return to his states that were threatened with invasion. Tiie Orientals considered the French as the bravest people of the race of the Franks, and the king of France as the most redoubtable monarch of the West. The preparations of Negmeddin were commensurate with the dread these new enemies naturally inspired. He neglected nothing iu for- tifying the coasts or in provisioning Damietta, which was most likely to be the object of the first hostilities. A numerous fieet was equipped, descended the Nile, and was placed at the mouth of the river ; an array, commanded by Fakreddin, the most skilful of the emirs, encamped on the coast, to the west of the mouth of the river, at the very same point where, thirty-three years before, the army of John of Brienne had landed. All these preparations would, no doubt, have been sufii^ cient to meet the first attacks of the Crusaders, if the sultaa of Cairo had been able to direct them himself, and command Vol. II.— 17 378 HI8T0ET OF THE CEtTSADES. his troops in person ; but he was attacked by a disease which liis physicians pronounced to be mortal. In a state of things in which everything dejDcnded upon the presence and life of the prince, the certainty of his approaching end necessarily weakened confidence and zeal, cooled the general courage, and was injurious to the execution of all the measures taken for the defence of the country. Such was the military and political situation of Egypt at the time Louis embarked from the ports of the isle of Cyprus. Many historians say, that before his departure, according to the custom of chivalry, he sent a herald-at-arms to the sultan Negmeddiu, to declare war against him. In the early crusades, many Christian princes had in this manner addressed chivalric messages to the Mussulman powers they were about to attack : it is quite possible that Louis might imitate this example ; but the letter attributed to him bears no character of truth about it. The same historians add, that the sultan of Cairo could not refrain from tears on reading the letter of St. Louis. His reply, quoted in Ma- krisy, is at least conformable to his known character, and to the spirit of the Mussulman princes. He affected to brave the unexpected threats and attacks of the disciples of Christ ; he referred with pride to the victories of the Mus- sulmans over the Christians ; and whilst reproaching the king of Prance with the injustice of his aggressions, he quoted in his letter this passage from the Koran : — " They who fight unjustly shall perish." This message contained predictions that were but too fidly realized in the end. There is nothing, however, to lead us to believe that any correspondence was then established between Louis and the sultan of Cairo. Prudence, at leajst, required the king of France to send messengers and emis- saries into Egypt, to reconnoitre the state, strength, and resoiu'ces of the country. It is more than probable, that in preceding crusades it was not only in obedience to the spirit of chivalry, but to ascertain the position of their enemies that ambassadors were sent ; we must confess, however, that we cannot find in any chronicle of tlie times evidence of their having taken any precaution of this kind. A foresiglit which might bear the slightest association with timidity, stratagem, or even policy, was not the least in accordance niSTOET OF THE CRUSADES. 37S witli tlie character of Louis and his knights. History ii.as no hesitation iii affirming that the Crusaders, ready at this period to embark for Egypt, knew nothing of the countriea into wliich they were about to carry their arms, but thut which they had learnt from the uncertain accounts of common report. The signal of departure was given on the Friday before Pentecost ; and a numerous fleet, in which embarked the French army and the warriors of the isle of Cyprus,* sailed gallantly out from the port of Limisso. " This was a thing most beautiful to behold," says Joinville ; " for it appeared as if the sea, as far as the eye could reach, was covered with the sails of vessels, which were to the number of eight hun- dred, as well large as small." All at once a wind blowing full from the coast of Egypt gave rise to a violent storm, which dispersed all the fleet ; and Louis IX., who was forced to put back to port, found, with great grief, that at least the half of his vessels had been carried by the wind on to the coasts of Syria. At this moment of disappointment, how- ever, imexpected reinforcements arrived, which restored the hopes of Louis and his captains. These consisted of the duke of Burgundy, who had passed the winter in the INIorea ; AVilliam of Salisbury, at the head of two hundred English knights ; and William of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, who forgot the dangers of the Latin empire of Constanti- nople to go and fight the infidels on the banks of the Nile and the Jordan. Without waiting for the vessels which the tempest had dispersed, they again set sail, and the fleet, with a favourable wind, directed its course towards Egypt. On the foiu'th day, at sunrise, the watch on deck cried, "Land! land !" A sailor, who served as pilot, ascended to the round top of the leading vessel, and such was the sentiment which tlie sight of the land inhabited hy the infidels iuspii'ed in the Christians, that this man cried out, " We have nothing to do hut to recommend ourselves to God; for here we are, before Damietta." These words flew from rank to rank, and the whole fleet drew as near as they could to ^-he vessel of Louis IX. The principal leaders endeavoiu'ed to get on * No clironicle says that the king of Cj^irus svent with Louis, altliough he h.iil taken the woss. This prince is neve, mentioned in any of the events of the war. 3R0 niSTORT OF THE CETJSADES, board of it ; the king awaited them in a warlike attitada mid exported them to otter thanks to Grod for having brought them face to face with the enemies of Jesus Christ. As the greater part of the leaders seemed to fear his life would be too much exposed in the course of a war which must be terrible : " Follow my example," said he to them ; " leave me to brave all perils, and in the midst of the hottest fight never once think that the safety of the state and the Church re- sides in my person ; you yourselves are the state and the Church, and you ought to see in me nothing but a man whose life, like that of any other, may be dissipated like a shadow^, when it shall please the God for whom we combat." Thus Louis forgot himself and his state, and before the infidels, the king of France was but a simple soldier of Jesua Christ. This discourse animated the courage of the barons and knights ; orders were given for the whole fleet to prepare for action. In every vessel the warriors embraced each other with joy at the approach of peril ; such as quarrels had alienated, swore to forget all divisions and injuries, and to conquer or to die together. Joinville says he forced two knights, who had been irreconcilable enemies, to make peace, by persuading them that their discord might draw down the maledictions of Heaven, and that union among the Christian soldiers could alone open to them the road to Egypt. Whilst the Crusaders were thus preparing, the Mussul- mans neglected nothing for their defence ; their sentinels fiad perceived the Christian fleet, from the walls of Damietta, niid the news was soon spread through the city ; a bell, which had remained in the great mosque since the conquest of John of Brienne, gave the signal of danger, and was heard on both sides of the river. Four Mussulman galleys advanced to reconnoitre the strength of the Crusaders ; tliree of them were sunk, and the fourth, getting back with great diificuk}- to the JSile, announced to the infidels what enemies they had to contend with. In the mean time the Christian fleet advanced in order of ])attle, and cast anchor within a quarter of a league of the coast, at the mtaient at which the sun had performed hali his daily course. The shore and sea presented th.e most im- HISTOKY 01' THE CEUSADES. 38i posing spectacle ; the coast of Egypt was lined icith all the powers of the solJan, who were people goodly to look upon The sea appeared to be covered with ships, over which floated the banners of the cross. The Mussulman fleet, laden with soldiers and machines of war, defended the entrance of the Nile. Fakreddin, tlie leader of the infidei army, appeared amidst their ranks in a panoply so splendid, that Jomville, in his surprise, compares him to the sun. The heavens and the earth resounded with the noise of the bended horns and the naccaires,* a kind of enormous kettle- drum, a thing very frightful to hear, and very strange to the French.t All the leaders assembled in council in the king's vessel ; some proposed to defer the descent till the vessels which had been dispersed by the tempest should rejoin them : "To attack the infidels without having all their forces, would be to give them an advantage that might greatly elevate their pride ; and even if success were certain, it appeared but just to wait, that all the Crusaders might have their share of the glory they came so far to seek." Some went still further, and spoke of the embarrassments and perils of a descent in an unknown country ; of the disorders which must accom- pany a first attack; and of the diflTiculty of rallying the army and fleet, if the obstacles they met \di\\ should prove invin- cible. Louis IX. did not at all agree with this opinion : " We have not come thus far," he said, "to listen coolly to the menaces and insults of our enemies, or to remain, during several days motionless spectators of their preparations. To temporize is to raise their courage, and weaken the ardour of the French warriors. AVe have neither road nor port, in which we can shelter ourselves from the winds, or from the unexpected attacks of the Saracens ; a second tempest may again disperse what remains of our fleet, and deprive us of all means of beginning the war with a chance of success. To-day God ofi'ers us victory ; later he will punish us for having neglected the opportunity to conquer." The majority of the leaders were of the opinion of • This word comes to us from the Arabs, with the instrument which it designates. The Arabs pronounce it nakarah. f chose epouvantable a ouir et moult etranga aux Franfais.— JoiiH}iUe. 382 HISTOki' OF THE CKtJSADES. Louis IX., and it was resolved that the descent should be made on the morrow. A strict watch was preserved durii^g the night ; a vast number of flambeaux wei"e kept burning, and vessels were placed near the mouth of the !Nile, to observe the motions of the Saracens. At daybreak the whole fleet weighed anclior, and t^-e Mussulmans at the same time got under arms. Their in- fantry and cavalry occupied the entire shore of the point at which they expected the Crusaders to land. When tbe vessels di'ew near the shore, the Christian war- riors got into the barks that accompanied the fleet, and ranged themselves in two lines. Louis IX., accompanied by the two princes his brothers, and his chosen knights, placed himself at the right point. The cardinal legate, bear- ing the cross of the Saviour, was on his right hand, and in a bark in front of him floated the oriflamme of France. The count of Jaffa, of the illustrious family of Brienne, was at the left point towards the mouth of the Nile ; he ap- peared at the head of the knights from the isle of Cyprus and the barons of Palestine. He was on board the lightest bark of the fleet. This boat bore the arms of tlie counts of Jaft'a, painted on its poop and prow. Around his standard floated banderoles of a thousand colours, and three hundred rowers impelled the vessel through the waves like the flight of the swallow over the stream. Erard of Brienne, sur- rounded by a chosen troop, oc(5upied the centre of the line, withBaldwin of Rheims, who commanded a thousand warriors. . The knights and barons stood erect in their boats, looking earnestly at the shore, lance in hand, with their horses beside them. In the front and on the wings of the army, a crofld of crossbow-men were placed to keep ofl" the enemy.* As soon as they were within bowshot, a shower of stones, arrows, and javelins was poured at the same instant f-i'om the sliore and from the line of the Crusaders. The ranks of the Christians appeared for a moment shaken. The king com- manded the rowers to redouble their effbrts to gain the shore. He himself set the first example ; in spite of tlie legate, who endeavoured to restrain him, he plimged into the waves, in full armour, his buckler over his breast, and his sword in hand ; the water being up to his shoulders : the * ) n af these, condemned to suifer with his son, a young man of >ingular beauty, implored the sultan to allow him to die first ; the sultan refused even this grace, and the unhappy father luiderwent the agony of seeing his son killed before his eyes, ere he himself was handed over to ihe executioner. When we reflect upon the barbarity of these executions, we are astonished that a prince without an army should find instruments to execute his wrath, or even that he shoui'd dare to display it in this frightful manner upon deserters and cowards ; but this public and awful exhibition of punish- ment, which kept up the belief in the power of the master, acted strongly upon the minds of the nniltitude, and assisted in bringing back the vulgar crowd of the Mussulman sol- diery to discipline and order. But it was not thus witli the principal emirs ; already but little disposed to tremble; before a sovereign whom they regarded as their own work, and who stood in such need of theii- support. The sultan would nirfJ'OKl' OF THE CHUSAUES. S8? ^dllingly have pimished Fakreddin, but the circunistanco?), says an Arabian historian, dictated patience. He contented himself with addressing a few reproaches to him. " Tht presence of these Franks," said he to him, "must havt something very terrible in it, since men like you cannot support it during one whole day." These words created more indignation than fear among the emirs that were present, and some of them looked at Fakreddin, as if to tell bim they were ready to sacrifice the sultan ; but the print of the cold hand of death was on the brow of the sultan, and the sight of a dying man took away the wish to commit a useless crime : — deplorable situation of a prince who had within a few leagues of him a formidable enemy, that he was not able to contend with ; near him traitors, that he did not dare to punish ; and who, whilst seeing his authority every day diminish, and feeling himself hourly dying, appeared to have no salvation to expect lor either himself or his empire ! During this time the Crusaders established themselves in Damietta without obstacle ; Queen Marguerite and the other princesses, with the legate and the clergy, occupied the palaces and principal houses ; the rest of the city was abandoned to the pilgrims who did not bear arms : the towers and ramparts were guarded by five hundred knights, and the Christian army was encamped upon the plain on the banks of the Nile. In this situation the Crusaders only thought of enjoying the fruits of their victory in peace, and appeared to have forgotten that they had still enemies to contend with. The sultan of Cairo had caused himself to be transported to Mansourah, whei-e he endeavoured to rally his army, and re-establish discipline among the troops. Whetlier he had recovered from his terror, or that he was willing to conceal his alarm and the progress of his malady, he sent several messages to Louis IX. In one of these letters, Negmeddin, joining menaces to irony, congratulated the king ol" France upon his arrival in Egypt, and asked him at wliat period it would please him to depart again. The Mussulman prince added, among other things, that the quantity of i)n)visions and agricultural instruments witli which the Crusaders had burdened theii' vessels, appeared to him to be a useless pre- oSvS IIISXOBY OF THE CRUSADES. caution ; and to perform the duties of hospitality towards the I'rauks, in a manner worthy of himself and them, he engaged to supply them with corn during their sojourn in his states. Negmeddin, in another message, offered the king of France a general battle on the 25th day of June, in a place that should be determined upon. Louis IX. answered the first letter of the sultan by saying that he had landed in Egypt on the day he had appointed, and as to the day of his departure, he should think about it at leisure. With regard to the proposed battle, the king contented himself with replying, tliat he would neither accept the day nor choose the place, because all days and all places were equally fit for fighting with infidels. The French monarch added, that he would attack the sultan wherever he shoidd meet with him ; that he would pursue him at all times and without inter- mission ; and woidd treat him as an enemy till God had touched his heart, and Christians might consider him as a brother. Fortune presented King Louis with an opportunity and the means of accomplishing his threats. The Crusaders, whom the tempest had separated from the fleet, continued to arrive every day, and the knights of the Temple and of St. John, who had been accused of being anxious for peace, ioined the banners of the army, and breathed nothing but war. They were acquainted with the count)-y, and with the best manner of cojnbating the infidels; and v\ith this usefid reinforcement, the king was able to undertake an expedition against Alexandria, or, by obtaining possession of Mansourali, render himself master of the route to Cairo. After the taking of Damietta, several of the lenders had proposed to pursue the Mussulmans, and take advantage of the terror that the iirst victory of the Christians had inspired. But the period was approaching at which the waters of the Nile began to rise, and the remembrance of the overthrow of Pelagius and John of Briemie, dispelled the idea of marching against the capita! of Egypt. Before he pursued his conquests, Louis wished to wait the arrival of his brother, the count of Poic- tiers, who was to embark with the arriere ban of the kingdom of France. Most historians view in this delay the cause of all the evils that after wards befell the Crusaders. We liave nothing like sufficient positive documents to test the truth HISTORT OF THE CRUSADES. 389 of tlieir opinion ; but we may say with certainty, that thk inaction of the Christian army became, from tliat time, a 80urc3 of most fatal disorders. These disorders began to break out when the division took place of the booty made at the taking of Damietta. To ani- mate the courage of the Crusaders, the treasures of this citv, the entrepot of the merchandises of the East, had often been boasted of; but as the richest quarters had been de- stroyed by the conflagration, and as the inhabitants had, when they fled, taken their most valuable effects with them, ^he spoils were very for from answering the hopes of the viccorious army. In spite of the threats of the legate, several of the Crusadera had not brought all that fell into, theii hands to the common stock. The whole of the booty ob- tauied in the city only produced the sum of six thousand livres tournois* to be di\ided among the Crusaders, whose surprise and indignation found vent in violent murmurs. As it had been determined that no division should be made of the provisions, but that they should be preserved in the royal magazines, for the support of the army, this reso- lution, so contrary to ancient usages, gave birth to loud complaints. Joinville informs us that t\\c prud'homme John of Yalery, whose stern probity and bravery were the admi- ration of the whole army, addressed some warm representa- tions to the king on this subject. John of Valery alleged the laws of the Holy Land, and the custom pursued till that time in the crusades ; he mentioned the example of John of jBrienne, who, at the first conquest of Damietta, had only retained one-third of the riches and provisions found in the City, abandoning the rest to the gene^-al army. This custom wts even less consecrated by the holy wars than by the feudal laws, according to which every lord carried on the war at his own expense, and by right had a share in all the plunder obt ined from the enemy. But it might be objected, that Lo is IX. furnished most of the leaders of the army with mcney, and by that the counts and barons had renounced * The livre Tournois was so called from being coined at Tours, and was one-fifth less in value than the livre coined in Paris ; thus afterwards the livre Tournois was v8./ued at twenty sous, that of Paris at twenty-five. The sum mentioned would thus only iimoimt to little more than j^200 which appears almost inpossiblr — TuanS! 390 HISTOHY OF THE CRUSADES. tlie conditions of the fendal compact. This law of the di- vision of provisions, which had, in fact, been observed in preceding crusades, sufficiently accounts for the ' scarcity that had so often desolated the Christian armies. The pious monarch was anxious to avoid evils tliat were the fruit of want of prudence and foresight, and refused to listen to the complaints of most of the French nobles. Thus, says Join- ville, scarcity continued, and made the people very much dissatisfied.* This spirit of dissatisfaction was quickly joined by other disorders, the consequences of which were still more de- plorable. The knights forgot, in their fatal inactivity, both tlieir warlike virtues and the object of the holy war. The riches of Egypt and the Kast being promised to them, the loi'ds and barons made haste to consume, in festivities and pleasures, the money which they had obtained from the libe- rality of the king, or by the sale of their lands and castles. The passion for gaming had got entire possession of botli leaders and soldiers ; after losing their fortune, they risked even their horses and arms. Even beneath the shadow of the standards of Christ, the Crusaders gave themselves up to all the excesses of debauchery ; the contagion of the most odious vices pervaded all ranks, and places of prostitution were found even in the close vicinity of the pavilion inhabited by the pious monarch of the French. To satisfy the boundless taste for luxury and pleasure, recourse was had to all sorts of violent means. The leaders of the army pillaged the traders that provisioned the camp and the city ; they imposed enormous tributes upon them, and this assisted greatly in bringing on scarcity. The most ardent made distant excursions, surprised caravans, devas- tated towns and plains, and bore away Mussulman women, whom they brought in triumph to Damietta. The sharing even of this sort of booty often gave rise to angry quarrels, and the whole camp resounded with complaints, threats, and confusion. One of the most afflicting phases of this picture was, that the authority of the king became less respected daily ; aa corruption increased, the habits of obedience declined ; the * Ainsi demeura la besogne, dont tnaintes gens se tinrent mal satis* faits. — Joinv'Me. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 39T laws were without power, and virtue had no longer any empire. Loiiis IX. met with opposition to his wishes, even from tlie princes of his own family. The count d'Artois, a young, ardent, and presumptuous prince, unable to en- dure either rivalry or contradiction, proud of his military renown, and jealous to excess of that of others, was in the habit of constantly provoking the other leaders, and of heaping upon them, without motive, the most outrageous atironts. The earl of Salisbury, to whom he had beliaved very ill, complained of him to Louis, and being unable to obtain the satisfaction he demanded, in his anger pro- nounced those memorable words : " You are then not a king, if yon are unable to administer justice^ This indocility of the princes, and the licentiousness of the great, completed the disorder ; every day relaxation of discipline was observed to increase : the guarding of the camp, which extended far over the plains and along the banks of the Nile, was scarcely attended to ; the advanced posts of the Christian army were constantly exposed to the attacks of the enemy, without being able to oppose any other means of resistance than imprudent and rash bravery, which only increased the danger. Among the Mussulman soldiers sent to harass the Cru- saders, the most successful in their mission were the Bedouin Arabs ; intrepid warriors, indefatigable horsemen, having no other country but the desert, no other property but their horses and arms, the hopes of plunder supported them through all toils, and taught them to brave all dangers. With the Arabs of the desert were joined some Carismiau horsemen, who had escaped from the ruin of their warlike nation. Accustomed to live by brigandage, both these watched night and day, to dog the Christian soldiers, and appeared to possess the instinct and activity of those wild animals that prowl constantly around the dwellings of man in search of their prey. The sultan of Cairo promised a golden byzant for f very Christian head that should be brought into his cam{ ; sometimes the Arabs and Carismians surprised the Crusaders who wandered from the army, and often took ad- vantage of the darkness of night to get access to the camp ; Bentinels asleep on their posts, knights in bed in theii' tents, were struck by invisible hands, and when day appeared to 392 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. lighten tlie scene of carnage, the barbarians fled along the banks of the Nile, to demand their wages of the sultan of Egypt. These surprises and nocturnal attacks had a considerable elll^ct in reanimating the courage of the Mussulmans. To raise the confidence of the multitude and the army, great care was taken to exhibit the heads of the Christians ; all captives were paraded about in triumph, and the least ad- vantage obtained over the Franks was celebrated through- out Egypt. • Contemporary liistorians, led away by common exaggeration, talk of the most trifling combats as memorable victories; and we are astonished, at the present day, to read in the history of a period so abounding in great military events, that in the month of Eamadau thirty-seven Chris- tians were brought in chains to Cairo, that they were followed, some days afterwards, by thirty-eight other cap- tives, among wliom were distinguished five knights The activity of Negmeddin appeared to increase as his end ap- proached. He employed the greatest exertions to get to- gether all his troops ; was indefatigably attentive in watching the movements of the Crusaders, and seldom failed to take advantage of their errors. Men were employed night and day in repairing the towers and fortifications of Mausourah ; the Mussulman fleet, which had ascended the Nile, cast anchor immediately in front of the city. Whilst these pre- parations were going on, news arrived that the garrison of Damascus had taken possession of ilie city of Sidon, belong- ing to the Franks, and that the important place of Carac had just declared in favour of Negmeddin. This unexpected intelligence, the sight of the prisoners, but above all, the in- activity of the Christian army, whicli was attributed to fear, completed the dissipation of the terror of the Mussulmans. Whilst new reinforcements were every day arriving in the camp of the sultan, the people flocked in crowds to the mosques of Cairo and the other cities of Egypt, to invoke the protection of Heaven, and return thanks to the G. ^d of Mahomet, for having prevented the Christians from taking advantage of their victories. BOOK XIV. A.D. 1248—1255. Whilst the Christian army was forgetting in its sojourn at Damietta both the laws of discipline and the object of the holy war, Alphonse, count of Poictiers, prepared to set out for the East. All the churches of France still resounded with pathetic exhortations addressed to the Christian war- riors ; the bishops, in the name of the sovereign pontiff, conjured the faithful to second, by means of chanty, the enterprise against the Saracens ; an apostolic brief, granted to the brother of the king not only the tribute imposed upon the Crusaders who repurchased their vow, but all tlie sums destined by testament to acts of piety, the object of which was not distinctly signified. These sums must have been considerable, but could scarcely suffice for the expenses of an expedition which bore the appearance of another crusade. The knights and barons who had not been affected by the example of Louis IX. showed but very little enthu- siasm, or else wanted money for so long a voyage. Piety and the love of glory were not powerful enough to seduce them to join the banners of the holy war. History has pre- served an agreement, by which Hugh Lebrun, count of Angouleme, consented to set out for the crusade with twelve kniglits, but on the express condition that the count of Poictiers should feed tliem at his own table during the ex- pedition ; that he would advance the seigneur Hugh Lebrun the sum of four thousand livres ; and should pay Lim, in perpetuity, a pension of six hundred livres tournois. This agreement and several other similar ones were innovations in the military usages of feudalism, and even in the usages consecrated by the holy wars. The English nobles, however, were impatient to follow the (jxample set them by Louis IX. We read in Matthew 394 HISTORY or the crusades. Paris, that the English lords and knights had already sold or enipawTied their lauds, and i)laced themselves entirely at the mercy of the Jews ; which appeared to be the pre- liminary of a departure for the Holy Land. It is not out of place to add here, that this impatience to set out for the East, arose less from a religious motive than from the spirit of opposition that ani-nated the uai'ons against their monarch, Henry III., who was accused of being desirous of taking advantage of the absence of Louis IX., and did ail in his power to retain the barons and lords of his kingdom ; and aa tlie latter resisted his solicitations with contempt, he resolved to employ the influence of the Church ; " so that," saya ]\[atthew Paris, " like a young child who, having been ill- used, goes to its mother to complain, the king of England carried his complaints to the sovereign pontiff", adding tliat he proposed to go himself, and lead his barons shortly to the Holy Land." The pope, in his replies, forbade Henry III. to undertake anything against the kingdom of France; but, at the same time, he threatened with the thunders of the Church, all the knights and barons that should leave the kingdom against the will of the king. Henry, supported by the autliority of the pope, ordered the commanders at Dover and the other ports to take measures that no Crusader should embark. Thus the court of Rome .on one side preached the crusade, and- on the other prevented the de- parture of the soldiers of the cross ; which must have tended to dissipate all the illusions and annihilate the spirit of the holy war. Eaymond, count of Thoulouse, had likewise taken the oath to combat the infidels ; but the inconstancy of his character, and the policy of the pope, soon led him into other enterprises. His age had seen him, by turns, full of 'ieal for the Church, ardent to persecute it ; the apostle of heresy, and the terror of heretics ; sometimes abandoned to the furies of revolt, sometimes submissive to servitude ; braving the thunders of the court of Eome, afterwards seeking the favour of the pontiffs ; pursued by unjust wars, and himself declaring war without a motive. At the epoch of which we are speaking, the count of Thoulouse had given up ail idea of fighting against the infidels, and was preparing to minister to tlie personal vengeance of Innocent IV., bj HI STOUT )F THE CRUSADES. 395 turning his arms against Thomas of Savoy, who had recently married a daughter of the emperor Frederick, in opposition to the commands of the pope. He had already received tht money necessary for his preparations from the pope, and had taken leave of his daughter, the countess of Poictiers, about to depart for the East, when he fell sick at Milan. From that time all the projects of his ambition faded away, and, to borrow the expression of a modern historian, he went into another ivorld to learn the result of the incomprehensible varieties of his life. AVith him the illustrious house of Thoidouse became extinct, a house of which several of tlie princes had been heroes of the holy wars, others deplorable victims of crusades. The county of Thoulouse thus became a property of the family of the king of France, and whilst Louis IX. was dissipating his armies and his treasures in vain endeavours to make conquests in the East, conquests less brilliant, but also less expensive, more useful and more durable, were in- creasing the power of the monarchy and extending the limits of the kingdom. Grermany, Holland, and Italy, filled with troubles, at that time occupied all the attention of Frederick II., and did not allow him to turn his thoughts towards the East. He sent the coimt of Poictiers fifty horses and a quantity of pro- Aasions, delighted, as he said, to seize an opportunity of acquitting some of the obligations he had received irom France ; he put up prayers for the success of the crusade, and deeply regretted his inability to take a part in it. Frederick had lived as the count of Thoulouse had done, and like him, he was soon, in another world, to behold the end of his ambition, of the inconstancy of his designs, and of the vicissitudes of fortune. Although the count of Poictiers was little favoured by circumstances, he finished his preparations and got together an army. The new Crusaders embarked at Aigues-Mortes, at the moment the news of the taking of Damietta arrived in the West. The Christian army expected them in Egvpt with greater anxiety, from the circumstance of the Sea ol Damietta having been, for more than a month, agitated, un- ceasingly, by a furious tempest. Three weeks before their arrival, all the pilgrims had put up prayers on tlieir account ; 396 HISTOKT OF THE CRUSADES. on the Saturday of each week they went in procession to the seashore, to implore the protection of Heaven in favour of the warriors about to join the Christian army. At length, after a passage of two months, the count of Poictiers disem- barked before Damietta. His arrival not only diffused joy and hope among the Crusaders, but permitted them to leave their long and fatal state of inactivity. Louis IX. assembled the council of the princes and barons, to consult them on the line of march most advisable to be taken, and upon measures for perfecting the conquest of Egypt. Several of the leaders proposed to lay siege to A-lexandria : they represented that that city had a com- modious port ; that the Christian fleet would there find certain shelter ; and that tliey could there procure munitions and provisions with great facility : this was the opinion of all that had experience in war. The headstrong youth of the array, persuaded that they had sacrificed sufficiently to prudence, by remaining several months in idleness, main- tained that they ought to proceed iuunediately against Cairo ; they thought nothing of the dangers the Christian army must encounter in an unknown country, where they must expect to meet with enemies irritated by fanaticism and despair. The count d'Artois put himself particularly for- ward among those who wished them to attack the capital of Egypt. " AV'^hen you wish to kill the serpent," cried he, " you ought always first to endeavour to crush his head." This opinion, expressed with warmth, prevailed in the council ; Louis himself partook of the ardour and hopes of short- sighted youth, and the order was given for marching towards Cairo.* The army of the Crusaders consisted of sixty thousand fighting men, more than twenty thousand of whom were horse. A numerous fleet ascended the Nile, laden with pro- visions, baggage, and machines of war. Queen Marguerite, with the countesses of Artois, Anjou, and Poictiers, remained at Damietta, where the king had left a garrison under the command of Olivier de Thermes. The Crusaders encamped at Pharescour the 7th of Decern* ber ; terror had preceded their triumphant march, and every * At this period Louis IX. was but thirty-three yeais old. — Trans. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 397 thing seemed to favour their enterprise. One crcumstance, of which tliey were ignorant, wouhl have increased the security and joy of the Christian knights if they liad known of it ; Negineddin, after having struggled for a long time against a cruel malady, was at length dead. This death mig-lit have produced serious trouble in both the Egyptian nation and army, if it had ]iot been carefully concealed for several days. After the sultan had breathed his last, the Mamelukes guarded the gates of his palace as if he had been still living; ])rayers were put up, and orders were issued in his name : with the Mussulmans, nothing interrupt ed the preparations for defence or attention to the war against the Christians. All these precautions were the work of a woman — a woman who had been purchased as a slave, and had become the favourite wife of Negmeddin. The Arabian historians are eloquent in the praise of the courage and talents of Chegger-Eddour, and agree in saying, that no woman surpassed her in beauty, and no man excelled lier in genius. After the death of Negmeddin, the sultana assembled tlio principal emirs ; in this council the command of Egvpt was given to Fakreddin, and they acknowledged as sultau Almoadain Touranschah, whom his father had banished to Mesopotamia : some authors assert that in this council it was resolved to send ambassadors to the king of the Franks, to propose peace in the name of the prince of whose death he was still ignorant. The ambassadors, in order to obtain a truce, were to offer tiie Christians Damietta with its territories, and Jerusalem with several other cities of Pales- tine. It was not probable that this negotiation should succeed ; the Christians had advanced too far, and had too mtich ciHifidence in their arms, to listen to any proposition. The Christian army pursued its march along the banks of the Nile, and entered the town of Scharmesah, without meeting any other enemy than five hundred Mussvilmau horsemen. These horsemen at first evinced nothing but pacific intentions, and, from the smallness of tlunr nund)ers, they inspired no dread.* Louis IX., whose protection they * There is here an apjiarent contradiction between the version of Ducange and tliat of MM. Meiot, Sfillier, and Caperonier : in tlie latter Kc read that these five hundred Mussulmans were sent to harass the S98 HISTORY OP THE CRUSADES. seemed to implore, forbade the Crusaders to attack tliem ; but the Mamebikes, abusing the confidence that was placed in them, and taking advantage of a favourable opportunity, fell all at once upon the Templars, and killed a knight of that order. A cry to arms immediately rung through the French army, and the Mussulman battalion was assailed on all sides : such as did not fall beneath the swords of the Crusaders, were dro^vrled in the Nile. In proportion with the approach of the Christians to Mansourah, the anxiety and terror of the Egyptians increased : the emir Fakreddin exposed the dangers of the country in a letter that was read at the hour of prayer in the great mosque of the capital. After the formula, " In the name of God and of JSLaliomet his prophet," the letter of Fakreddin began by these words of tlie Koran : " Hasten, great and small, the cause of God has need of your arms and of your wealth.''^ " The Fi-nnka," added the emir, "the Franks (Heaven curse them) are arrived in our country with their standards and their swords ; they wish to obtain possession of our cities and ravage our provinces : what Mussulman can refuse to march against them, and avenge the glory of Islamism ?" Upon hearing this letter read, all the people were melted to tears ; the greatest agitation prevailed throughout the city of Cairo ; the death of the sultan, which began to be known, added greatly to the general consternation ; oi'ders were sent to raise troops in all the Egyptian ])rovinces ; war was preached in all the mosques, and the imauns endeavoured by every means to awaken fanaticism, in order to combat the depression of despair. The Christian army arrived before the canal Aschmoum French army, but there is no mention of a deceit, or ruse de guerre ; in that of Ducange. on the contrary, we find this sentence: "He [the sultan] sent to the kinc;, as a rvse, five hundred of his best-mounted horsemen, they tclHiig the king that they were come to assist him, him and all his army." We find nothing like this in the edition of MM. Melot, Sallier, and Caperouier ; it is probable that this seiitfuce mny have been interpolated in the manuscript, for we cannot believe that five hun- dred Mussulman horsemen could have been received as friends in tlie Christian army, who stood in no need of auxiliaries, and who certairdy did not look for them among the Saracens. \\'^e avail ourselves of this opportunity lu warn our readers that the various editions of Joinville often v:ir\ Ml important (urcumstances. and that they should at all tiroes oe suljeiled to a very critical r.vamination. HISTORY OF TUB CJtUSADES, 30G Theriah on the 19th of December. The Mussulman army was encamped on the opposite shore, having the Isile on its left, and behind it the city of Mansourah ; close to them, in the direction of Cairo, the Saracens had a numerous fleet upon the river. That of the Christians had advanced to the head of the canal. Everything seemed to announce that the fate of the war would be decided on this spot. The Crusaders marked out their camp in the place in which the army of John of Brienne had encamped thirty years before. The remembrance of a great disaster ought to have served them as a lesson, and, at least, have tempered the excessive confidence that the too easy conquest of Damietta had given them. The canal of Aschmoura was of the width of the Seine, its bed was deep, and its banks steep. In order to cross it, it was necessary that a dike should be constructed : the work was begun, but as fast as they heaped up the sand and stones, the Saracens dug away the earth in front of the dilie, and thus removed further back the opposite bank of the canal ; in vain the causeway advanced, the Crusaders had always the same distance to fill up, and each of the trenches dug by the enemy tended to make their labours useless. lu addition to which, they were night and day interrupted in their works, and were constantly exposed to the arrows and javelins of the Saracens. xllthough the Mussulman general had fled without fight- ing at the first appearance of the Franks, the chronicles of the times speak very highly of his bravery and military talents. They add that he had been made a knight by Frederick II., and that he bore the arms of the emperor of Germany with those of the sultans of Cairo and Damascus upon his escutcheon. These distinctions might draw the attention of the multitude ; but that which was for F'akred- din a true title of glory is, that he was able, by his speeches and his example, to reanimate the courage and confidence of a conquered army. Scarcely had the Crusaders seated themselves down in their camp, and begun the works necessary for the passage of the Aschmouni, than Fakreddin sent a party of troops to Scharmesah, to attack the rear of the Christian army. The Saracens, by this unexpected assault, spr^'ad disorder and 400 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. terror tliroiigh the camp of their enemies. The first advan- tage redoubled their audacity, and soon after an assault was made upon the Christians, along the whole line of their camp, extending from the canal to the Nile. The Mussul- mans several times passed the intrenchments of the Crusa- •ders ; the duke of Anjou, Guy count of Forest, the sieur de Joinville, and several other knights, were compelled to exert all their bravery to repidse from their camp an enemy whom every fresh combat taught that the French were not invincible, and that it was at least possible to stop them on their march. Conflicts took place every day in the plain and upon the river. Several vessels belonging to the Christians fell into the hands of the Mussulmans; the Arabs, constantly prowl- ing round the camp, bore away into captivity every man that ventured to stray from his colours. As the emir Fak- reddin could only learn from the reports of prisoners the state and disposition of the Cln-istian army, he promised a recompense for every captive that should be brought into his tents : all the means that audacity and cunning could sug- gest were employed to surprise the Crusaders. It is related that a j\[ussulman soldier having buried his head in a melon that had been hollowed out, threw himself into the JSTile, and swam down the stream. The melon, which appeared to float upon the water, attracted the eyes of a Christian war- rior, who sprang into the river, and as he stretched out his hand to seize tl)e floating melon, he himself was seized and dragged away to the camp of the Mussulmans. This anec- dote, more whimsical than instructive, is related by several Arabian historians, who scai'cely say anything of the pre- ceding combats. Such are the spirit and character of the greater part of oriental histories, in which the most frivo- i?us details often take the place of useful truths and impor- tant events. Whilst the armies were thus in face of each other, the Crusaders pursued the work they had begun upon the Asch- moum. Towers of wood and machines were constructed, to protect the workmen employed in making the dike upon which the Christians were to cross the canal. On their side, the Mussulmans redoubled their eflbrts to prevent their enemies from completing their work. The dike advanced HISTOHT OF THE CHUaADKS. 401 but very slowly, and tlie wooden to^vcra that liad bco^i con- strueted in front of the causeway, c<)uld not defend eitlicr the workmen or tl;e eoWiers against the arrowa, Ktonea, and fiery dartt* tlmt were being constantly launched from the camp of the Egyptians. Xotliing could equal the surpri.'^e and terror that the slight alone of the Greek fire cau>sed iiie Christian anny. According to the relation of ocular wit- nesses, this redoubtable fire, cast sometimes through a brass tube, and .sometimes by an instrunu'iit that was called the 2)erri€re, was of the size of a tuii or large cask ; the flaming tail, which it drew after it, was many feet in length ; the Crusaders imagined they beheld a fiery dragon flying tlirough the air; the noise of its explosion resembled that of thun- der, whicli rolls in repeated peais. When it was launched during the night, it cast a lurid splendour over the whole camp. At the first siglit of thi;^ terrible fire, the knights set to guard the towers, ran !iei-e and there, like Uien 6e-' wildered ; some called their companions to their aid, whilst others threw themsel'"es on the ground, or fell on their Knees, invoking the celestial powers. Joluville could not conceal his fright, and th.anked Heaven with all his heart when the Greek fire fell at a distance from him. Louis W. was not less terrified than his barons and knights, and when he heard the detonation of the tire, he bui'st into tears, exclaiming: " Great God! Jesus Christ, protect me and all n,'y people ! " * " The good prayers and orisons of the king," says his histo- rian, " were of great service to us ;" nevertheless, they were not able to save the towers and wooden works constructed by the Crusaders : all were consumetl by the flanies in siglit of llie Christian army, without their having any power to arrest their devastation. 'J'his misfortune was a lesson bv wliich tl:ey ought to jiave profited ; the Christians ought to have perceived that they had undertaken an impossible en- terprise, and that they ought to seek for some means, more easy and more certain, of crossing the canal. But, unhap- pily, the leaders persisted in causing either ere('tions to he made, which shared the late of the ftrst. They thus lust *" II s'ocriiiit, {I'eiinint a grant larmes : Beau Sire, Uieu Jesus Clirist, g.-.r4.' ."i.ni et tou'e ina gent." — Juinville. Vol. II.— 18 402 nT'^TORT OF THE CIIUSADES. much time, and the futility of their attem_ ta assisted in raising tlie pride and confidence of tlie Saracens. The JMamelukes at tliis time h^ai-ned that their new sovereign had arrived in Damascus, and that he was hourly expected in his capital. This arrival gave them fresh hopes, and rendered them more confident of victory. To redouble the ardour of his soldiers, Fakreddin often repeated, with a tone of assurance, that he should soon go and sleep in ^.]\^ tent of the king of the Franks. The Christians had been a month before Aschmoum, ex- hausting themselves in useless elibrts. Their leaders never took the trouble to examine if it were possible to ford the canal, or cross it by swimming, as the Egyptian cavalry had done. They were beginiiing to despair, when chance re- vealed to them a means oi extricating themselves from their embarrassment, a means they might have known much sooner, if they had had less obstinacy and more foresight A Bedouin Arab came to propose to Imbert de Beavijeu, constable of France, to show him, at a distance of half a league from the camp, a ford, by which the Crusaders might cross without danger or obstacles, to the opposite bank of the Aschmoum.' After having ascertained tliat the Arab told tlie truth, they paid him the sum of five hundred golden byzants, which he had demanded, and the Christian army prepared to profit by this happy but late discovery. The king and the princes his brothers, with all the ca- valry, began their march in the middle of the night; tl'> duke of Burgundy remained in the camp with the infantr\ , to observe the enemy, and guard the machiiu^s and the bag- gage. At daybreak, all the squadrons that were to cross the canal, awaited the signal on the bank. Tlie count d'Artois was ambitious of crossing first ; the king, who knew the impetuous character of his brother, at first wished to restrain him ; but Eobert insisted warndy, and swore upon the Gfispel, that when he arrived on the opposite shore, he would wait till the Christian army had passed. Louis im- prudently placed faitli in the promise of a young, fiery, and haughty knight, to master his warlike transports, and resist ail the temptations of glory on the field of battle. The count d'Artois phiced himself at the head of the van, in which were the Hospitallers, the Templars, and th© JIISTOlii' OF THT; CJiUSADKS. 403 English. This van crossed tlie Ascltnioum. and put to flight three himdrcd Saracen horsemen. At the sight of the tlyiug Mussubnans, young Robert was on fire to pursue them. In vain the two grand masters represented to him tliat the fliglit of iho enemy was perhaps nothing but a stratagem, and that he ought to wait for tiie army, and follow the orders of the kiug. liobert feared to lose an opportunity of tri- umphing over the infidels, and would listen to nothing but his ardour for conquest. He rushed on to the plain, sword in hand, drawing the whole van after him, and pursuing the Saracens to their camp, into which he entered witli them. Fakreddin, the leader of tiie Mussulman army, was at the moment in the bath, and, after the custom of the Orientals, was having his beard coloured. He sprang on horseback, almost naked, rallied his troops, and resisted for some time ; but soon, left almost alone on the field of battle, he was surrounded, and died, covered with a thousand wounds. The whole Mussulman army fled away to\\ards ]\Ian- sourah. How was it possible to resist the inclination to pursue them ? What was to be feared from enemies that abandoned their camp? Might it not be believed that the Saracens fled as they had done at Damietta, and that terror would prevent their rallying ? All these tlioughts arose in the mind of the count d'Artois, and would not permit him to wait for the rest of the army to complete liis victory. The grand-master of the Temple in vain renewed his representa- tions ; the young prince replied with great heat to the counsels of experience. In his passion he accused the Templars and Hospitallers of maintaining an intelligence with the infidels, and with wishing to perpetuate a war that was advantageous to their ambition. "Thus, then," replied the two grand masters, " it would appear that we and our knights have abandoned our families and our country, and would desire to pass our days in a foreign land, amidst the fatigues and perils of war, in oruer to betray the cause of the Christian church !" On finishing these words, the master of the Templars sternly bade the standard-bearer of his order to unfurl the banner of battle. Ttie earl of Salisbury, who commanded the English, ventured to speak of the danger to which the army would be exposed, thus separated from its vau ; but the count d'Artois interrupted him by ower ; he had ["reserved the name of Bondocdar from that of his ancient master, so tailed b.'cause he was the bondocdar, or general of the arbalatiers, in tha iHiign of Malek-Saleh. inSTORT OF THE CRUSADES. 405 troops, poured duwii upon the Crusaders, v.-ho were pillaging the palace of the sultan. " The Mamelukes, lions of fights,'^ says an Arabian histoi an, " rushed upon the Franks, like a furious tempest ; their terrible maces dealing deaths and ivounds in all directions.'''' The Christians, dispersed abcvt m the city, had scarcely time to rally ; pressed together in narrow streets, they could neither "tight on horseback nor make use of their swords. From the roofs of the houses and from the windows, the Mussulmans hurled stones and other mis.sives, or poured down upon them heated sand and boiling water. The gates of the city were closed, a multitude of Mussulmans occupied all the roads, and there remained not a single hope of salvation for warriors who had so recently put to flight a whole army. This first disaster brought on several others ; and soon the Christian army, which had just crossed the canal, found itseH in the greatest danger. As itist as the Crusaders arrived on the other bank of the Aschmoum, some learned that the count d'Artois was pursuing the enemy, others that he was sliut up in Mansourah, and most of the barons and knights, wlio burned, according to what they heard, to share his glory or aid him in his danger, without waiting for those who followed them, flew first towards the camp of the Sara- cens, and then towards the city. The count of Brittany was one of the first who moved foi-- ward, and he was quickly followed by Guy of Malvoisin, the sieur de Joinville, and tlie bravest knights of the Christian army. They advanced in great haste, and without the least precaution, through a country covered with enemies ; they were not long in being separated from each other, when some retraced their steps, but the greater part were surrounded by the Mussulmans. A thousand combats were fought at once upon the plain ; here the Christians were conquerors, further on they were conquered ; in every direction they, by turns, attacked their enemies or defended themselves, at one moment putting the Saracens to flight, and the next flying before them. All at once a cloud of dust arose from the bank of the Aschmoum, and the sound of trumpets and clarions arose, mingled with the neighing of horses and the shouts o*. warriors, it was the main body of the Christian army ad- 406 HISTORY OF THE CETJSA.DES. vancing. Saint Louis, marcliing at the head of the cavalry, halted on the sum iiit of an acclivity, where all eyes were turned towards him. The knights scattered about at the foot cf the hill, no longer able to resist the Saracens, believed they saw the angel of battles come to their assistance ; Joinville, in particular, who, though pressed hard by the enemy, was, nevertheless, struck by the majestic aspect of the monarch. Louis wore a golden helmet, and held in his hand a G-erraan Bword ; his armour was resplendent, and his noble bearing animated all his warriors; "in short," says the ingenuous sene- schal, in whom, perhaps, tlie feeling of danger increased that of admiration, "I declare that a more noble armed man was never seen."* INIany of the knights who accompanied the French king, seeing the Christian warriors engaged with the Saracens in all directions, broke from their ranks, and rushed down to the melee. Then the confusion proceeded fast to its climax ; every one hastened forward without knowing where the enemy's army was, and they very soon became equally ignorant where that of the Christians was, or the king that com- manded it ; there was no one to issue an order, and no signal was given, except that of peril. In this horrible tumult, prudence and caution were useless, streiigth and skill iu arms alone were triumphant ; the mace and the battle-axe dash polished casques and proudly-deviced shields to frag- ments ; some knights sink covered with wounds, others are trampled to death beneatli the feet of the horses ; the cry of the Preuch, " Montjoie, St. Denis !" and that of the Mussulmans, " Islam ! Islam !" are confounded together, and mingle with the plaintive voices of the dying, and the menacing clamours of the triumphant, with the clash of cuirasses, lances, and Bwords. From the canal to Mansourah, and from the Nile to the shore whereon the Crus.-uier.s liad just landed, the country presented but one vast iield of battle, where fury and despair by turns animated the combatants, where tor- rents of blood were shed on both sides, without allowing either Christians or Mussulmans to claim the victory. The Crusaders had the advantage in almost all the com- bats, or more properly duels, as the fight.s were generally ♦ Je vous promets -jue oncques plus bel hormd wme ne vij. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 407 man to man ; but tlieir army was in a great measure dispersed. At this moment, Bibars, having left in Mausourah a suffi- cient number of troops to triumpli over the resistance of the count d'Artois and his knights, set forward with all his forces, directing his course towards the canal, for the purpose of sustaining the Mussulmans, who were beginning to Hy, or to bring on a decisive battle. Louis and the leaders that surrounded him at once perceived the movement and the plans of the enemy. It was immediately decided uhat the Christian army should draw near to the canal, in order to prevent its being surrounded, and, at the same time, to pre- serve some communication with the duke of Burgundy, who remained on the opposite bank. The oriflamme, at the head of the battalions, already pointed out the direction the army was to take, when the coiuits of Poictiers and Flan- ders, who had advanced into the plain, sent word to the king that they nmst succumb unless speedily succoured : at the same moment, Imbert de Beaujeu came to announce that liobert of Artois was perishing in Mansourah. Struck by the conflicting demands, Louis hesitated for a moment, aud in that moment a crowd of impetuous warriors, unable to wait for his orders, galloped off, some to the succour of the Poitevins and the 'Flemings, others to the aid of the count d'Artois ; the Saracens completely covered the countiy, and the French warriors, who had thus separated themselves from the king, were totally unable to contend with such a mul- titude of enemies, and, falling back upon the Clnnstiau army, produced disorder and created terror. Amidst the general confusion, a report was spread that tlie INIussulmans were everywhere \dctorious, and that the king had given orders for retreat. Several squadrons disbanded, and rushed towards the canal. In an instant the waters appeared covered with dro\niing men and horses. In this extreme peril, Louis in vain endeai oured to rally his troops. His voice was scarcely heard, no one executed the orders he endeavoured to give. He then precipitated himself into the thickest of the fight, and so impetuously was he carried forward by his ardour, that his squires had great difficulty in keeping uj) with him ; at last he remained alone, sur- rounded on all sides by Saracens. Thu3 situated, he had to defend himself againft six Mussulman horsemen. ■« ho were 408 lilSTORT OF THE CRUSADES. determined to take him prisoner. Louis defeated all Iheii endeavours, and succeeded in disengaging himself", and putting them to flight. This brilliant act of bravery re- aniiiiated the flying Crusaders that witne-ised it; they erovrded after their gallant king, recommenced the light, and once more dispersed the Mussulman battalions. Whilst the whole Christian army was thus figliting to repair the faults and save the life of the count d'Artois, this unfortunate prince was defending himself with heroic bi-a- very ; but all his efforts, without the walls and within the walls of Mansourah, could not free him from the host of Saracens his imprudence had drawn upon him. Robert, with his knights, the Templars, and the English, forgetting all their fatal quarrels, resolved to die together as knights and Christian soldiers. The combat had lasted from ten o'clock in the morning till thi-ee in the afternoon ; the Crusaders, covered with wounds and stained with blood and dust, fought on bravely, though oidy sustained by the flickering strength of exhausted life. They fell almost all at the same time ; Salisbury was killed at the head of the warriors he com- manded ; Robert de Vair, who bore the English banner, folded it round him before he died ; Raoul de Coucy expired on a heap of dead ; the count d'Artois, intrenched within a house, defended himself for a long time, but at length sank amidst carnage and ruins. The Christian warriors had entered Mansourah to the number of fifteen hundred, and almost all met with death there. The grand master of tlie Hospitallers, left alone upon the field of battle, was taken prisoner. The master of the Templars escaped by a miracle, and came back in the evening to the Christian camp, wounded in the fiice, his vestments torn to rags, and his cuirass pierced in several places. He had beheld two hundred and eighty of his knights fall around him. Most of those who advanced towards Mansoxxrah to suc- cour the count d'Artois, fell victims to their intrepid zeal. The brave G-uy de INLalvoisin succeeded in reaching the walls, but not in gaining entrance to the city. The duke of Brittany made incredible eflbrts to gain the place of combat ; he heard the threats, cries, and tumult with which the city resounded, without being able to force the gates or scale the ramparts. He returned towards nightfall ; he vomited blood niSTORT or THE CTIITSADES. 409 in streams ; "his horso, stuck all over with arrows, had lost its bridle and part of its furniture ; and every warrior that followed him was wounded. Even in this state he proved himself teri-ible to the enemy, killing or driving away, with powerful thrusts of his lance, all who dared to pursue or oppose him, and jeering at their abortive attempts.* Wlien night separated the combatants, the prior of the hospital of Rosnay came towards the king, and kissing hia hand, aslced liim if he had received any tidings of the count d' Artois. " All tliat I know," replied the pious monarch, " is that he is now in Paradise." The good knight, to remove such sad thoughts, was about to expatiate upon the advantages they had gained ; but then Louis, raising hia eyes towards heaven, burst into tears. The prior of Eosnay became silent; the barons and 'lords assembled round the king were unable to ofler a word of consolation, but were all ()ppressed with pain, compassion, and pity at seeing him weep.f The Christian army, although it had to reproach the count d' Artois for all the misfortunes of this day's conflict, sympathized with the sorrows of Louis. Such was tb.e ascendancy of bravery among the French warriors, that the greatest faults appeared to them to be expiated by a glorious death. It was likewise acknowledged in all the crusades, that they who died with arms in their hands were placed in the rank of martyrs. The Christian warriors only considered the count d' Artois as a soldier of Christ, whom God had re- called to his bosom : it was thus that piety accorded with glory, and that men honoured as saints the same persons they adiuii-ed as heroes. Matthew Paris asserts in his History that the mother of Salisbury saw her son ascending into heaven on the day of the battle of INfansourah. The same opinion wfis established among the Saracens ; all who fell in the field of battle, in the wars against the Christians, passed * Leur disant paroles en signe de mocquerie. — Joinville. f .... et tous furent moulr oppresses d'angoisse, de compassion et de pilie de le voir ainsi plorer. — Joinville. [I hope my readers will excuse uiy reuetitions of this kind ; 1 make theiri from a sense of inability to convey liie touching and chiiracteri>tic simplicity of the original, and from a wish that others should partake with lue the feeling they create.]— Tr.\ns. 18* 1^.0 HISTOKT OF THE CKU8ADES. for mariyrs of Tslam'.sra. " The "Franks," sa3^s the coiitinuator of Tabary, " sent J'akreddin to the banks of the celestia. river, and his end was a glorious end." History has not preserved the names of all the warriors who signalized their valour at the battle of Mansourah. The seneschal of Champagne was not one of those who were backward in seeking danger, or in evincing want of courage ; one of six, he defended a bridge against a host of Saracens. He was twice unhorsed. In such grer.l distress, the pious knight did not forget his patron saint, and exclaimed to him : " My lord, great sire, St. James, I supplicate thee, aid me and succour me in this my need." Joinville continued fighting during the whole day ; his horse received fifteen wounds, and he himself was pierced by five arrows. The seneschal informs us that during the battle of this memorable day, he saw several men of high distinction running disgracefully away, in the general confusion : he does not name them, because at the time he wrote they were dead, and it does not appear becoming to him to speak ill of the departed. The reserve with which the historian here expresses himself, shows plainly enough what was the general spirit of the French army, in which it was considered as an ineftaceable shame, and as the greatest of misfortunes, to have ever experienced a single moment of fear. The greater part of the French warriors, when in the presence of danger, were never abandoned by that sentiment of honour that constituted the spirit and character of chivalry. Erard de Severy, whilst fighting bravely with a small number of knights, received a sabre-cut in the face ; his blood flowed fast, and it appeared not at all likely that he would survive the wound ; when, addressing the knights that fought near him, he said, " If you will assure me that I and my children shall be free from all blame, I wi:i go and demand help for you, of the duke of Aujou, v>-hom I see yonder on the plain." All praised this determination liighly, and he immediately mounted on horseback, pierced through the enemy's squadrons, reached the duke of Anjou, and re- turned with him to rescue his companions, who were near perishing. Erard de Severy expired shortly after this heroic achievement : he died, bearing away with him, not the senti- ments of a vain glory, but the eonsoli ag certainty that no HISTORY OF TtlE CRUSADES. 411 blame, as lie had desired, should stahi his name, or that of his children. That which at the same time astonishes and charms us in the relations of the old chroniclers who have spoken of tliis battle of Mansourah is, to fine, amidst scenes of carnage, traces of French gaiety, of that gaiety which despises death and laughs at peril. We have spoken of six knights who defended the passage of a bridge against a great nuinber of Saracens ; whilst these 'preux chevaliers, surrounded by enemies, maintained such a perilous post, the count de Soissons, addressing Joinville, exclaimed : " Seneschal, let us leave this rascally canaille to cry and bray as they please, vou and I will yet talk of this day, and in ladies' bowers too." The Mussulmans having retired, the Christian army occu- pied their camp, which the van had taken possession of in the morning, and which the Arabs had plundered during the battle. The camp of the enemy, and the machines of war they had left in it, were the only fruit of the exploits ot this day. The Crusaders had shown what valour could effect, and their triumph would have been complete if they had been able to rally and fight together. Their leaders had not sufficient ability or ascendancy to repair the error of the count d'Artois ; the Mussulman leaders, who proved themselves to be more skilful, were also better seconded by the discipline and obedience of the Mamelukes. When they became fully aware of the losses they had ex- perienced, the Christians gave up all idea of celebrating their victory. To appreciate the result of so many bloody conflicts, it was quite sufficient to contemplate the contrast between the sentiments that animated the two armies. A melancholy sadness prevailed among the conquerors ; whilst the Saracens, on the contrary, although driven from their camp, and obliged to fall back upon Mansourah, considered it a triumph to have stopped the marcl of their enemies ; and, reassured as to the issue of the war, they abandoned themselves to the greater joy, from Laving, beiore the battle, entertained the most depressing fears. In fact, nothing can paint the consternation which the first attack 5f the count d'Artois had created among the i:>- fidela. At thf beginning of the day, a pigecn that we.: t-^z^X 412 HISTOKT OP THE CRUSADES, to Cairo, conveyed a message expressed in these words , " At the moment this bird is dispatched, the enemy is attacking Mansourah ; a terrible battle has been tbuglit between the Christians and the Mussulmans." At this news the people of Cairo were seized with the greatest terror ; and sinister reports soon added to the alarm. The gates of the city were left open all night, to receive such as might have fled ; and all of these exaggerated the danger to excuse their desertion. It was believed that ihe days of Islamism were numbered, and many were already abandoning the capital, to seek an asylum in Upper Egypt, when, on the morrow, another pigeon arrived, bearing news calculated to raise the spirits of the Mussulmans. The fresh message announced that the God of Mahomet had declared himself to be against the Christians ; then all fears were dispersed, and the issue of the battle of INIansourah, says an Arabian author, was the note of joy for' all true believers. During the very night that followed the battle, the Mussulmans made several attempts to recover their camp and the machines @f war that remained in the hands of the Franks. The Clu'istian warriors, oppressed by fatigue, were repeatedly aroused by cries to arms ; the continual attacks of the enemy would not allow them to repair tlieir strength by sleep ; many among them were so weakened by their wounds, they could scarcely put on their cuirasses ; never- theless, they defended themselves with their accustomed bravery. The day after the battle was Ash-Wednesday, and the priests performed the ceremonies ordered by religion for the opening of Lent. The Christian army passed a part of the day in prayer, the rest of it in preparations for defence. Whilst the soldiers of the cross prostrated themselves at the foot of their ait'irs, or prepared to repulse the intidels, images of mournmg wei'e mingled in their hearts with sen- timents of piety and bravery. Whilst remembering their past victories, they could not forbear dreading the future ; and the symbol of human fragilities, that the Church offers to each of her cliiidreu on that solemn day, nu'st have k'.'pt up their sad presentiments. Oil the same day they employed themselves in throwing I brlcge over the Asclnuoum. in order to form a junction HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 411 witli the camp of the duke of Burgundy. The leaders and eoldiLTs all lent a hand to the work, which was fiuiahed in the space of a few hours. The infantry, which had been left on tlie other side of the canal, came to reinforce the armv, which was fated to b soon engaged in fresh contests. E. bars, who had tlie command of the MamelukeL^, hastened to take advantage of liis first successes. AVhen the bodv of tie count d'Artois was foiuid, the Mamelukes exliibited his cuirass, sown over with ficurs de lis, and declared it was the spoil of the king of France. They carried about the lieads of .several knights in triumph, and heralds-at-arras repeated in a loud voice : " The Cliristian army is nothing but a trunk without life, like the heads you behold on the points of these lances." Tliis spectacle completely inflamed the ardour of the Alussidniaus. The leaders and soldiers, witli great cries, .lemanded to be led against the Christians. The Mussulman .a-my had orders to liold tliemselves in readiness for battle on the morrow, the first Friday in Lent. Louis IX. was warned of tlie intention of the Saracens ; he gave orders to the leaders to fortify tlie camp, and prepare their troops fox the conflict. On the Friday, by davbreak, the Christians Mere all under arms ; and at th(> same time ttie leader of the Mussulmans appeared in the plaiii, rangi)ig his men in battle-array. He placed liis cavalry in tlie front, behind them the infantry, and still further back, the reserve. He extended or strengthened his lutes according to the posi- tions he saw his enemies take. His army covered the plain ^rom the canal to the river. At midday he unfui'led the b.uniers and sounded the charge. The duke of Anjou was at the head of tlie camp on the ^ido towards the Nile ; he was the first attacked. The infantry of the Saracens commenced by launching the Greek fire. This fire seized the clothes of the soldiers and the caparisons of the horses. The soldiers, enveloped in flames they could not extinguish, ran about uttering the most triglitful cries ; the horses broke away, and created confusion in the ranks. By means of this disorder, the enemy's cavalry opened themselves a passage, dispersed such as were still fighting, and penetrated within the intrench- nteuts. The duke of Anjuu was unable to resist the mul- 414 HISTORY or THE CKTJSADES. tiplied attacks of the Saracens; his horse having been killed under him, he fought on foot, and, nearly overwhelmed by the number of his enemies, he at length sent to Louis IX. for aid. The king, himself engage* with the Mussulmans, re- doubles his ardour and his efforts, drives the enemy back on to the plain, and then flies where other dangers call hiin. T!ie knights who follow him p]-eci])itate thenisclves upon the Mussulman battalions which were attacking the quarter of the duke of Anjou. liouis is not stopped, either by the numberless arrows shot at him, or by the Greek fire, which covers his arms and the caparison of his horse. In the account of this battle, Joinville is astonished that the king of France escaped being killed, and can in no other Avay explain this species of miracle than by attributing it to the power of God : " Then it may well be believed " (we let the peneschal of Champagne speak) " that the holy king had his God in remembi-ance and wish : for, in truth, our Lord was tlicn a great friend to him in his need, and aided him so eftectually, that he delivered his brother, the duke of Anjou, and drove away the Turks." On the left of tlie duke of Anjou, the Crusaders from the isle of Cyprus and Palestine were encamped, under the command of Guy d'Ibelin and his brother Baldwin. These Crusaders had not been engaged in the last battle, and had lost n ither their horses nor their arms. Near them fought the brave Gauthier do Chatillon, at the head of a chosen troo]). These intrepid warriors were proof against all attacks, and remaining firm at the post confided to them, contributed greatly to the saving of both the camp and the army. The Templars, having lost the greater part of their knights in Mansourah, formed an intrenchment or barricade in front of them, of the wood of the machines taken from the Sara* cens ; but this feeble defei\ce Avas of little avail against the Greek fire. The enemy rushed into the camp thi-ough the flames; the Templars formed an impenetrable rairpart of their bodies, aiul resisted the violent attacks of the assailants durnig several hours. The conflict was so severe at this point, that the earth could scarcely be seen behind the s])ot jccupied by th" Templai's, so completely w'as it covered with » HISTOllT or THE CHUSADES. 411 arrows and javelins. The grand master of the TempLirsIost his life iu the melee, and a great number of knights died in defending or avenging him. The prodigies of their bravery at last succeeded in arresting the progress of the enemy, and the last who fell in this hardly-contested battle had the consolation, when dying, to see the Sarilcens fly. Guy de Malvoisin was placed near to the post which the knights of the Temple defended so bravely ; the battalion he commanded was composed almost entirely of his rela- tions, and in battle presented the spectacle of a family ot warriors, ever united and ever invincible. Gruy incurred the greatest peril ; he was wounded several times, but never di'eamt of retiring from the contest. His example and the sight of his wounds redoubled the courage of his compa- nions, who, at length, repulsed the Mussulmans. Not far from G-uy de Malvoisin, descending towards the canal, the Flemish Crusaders were posted. William, tlieir count, was at their head ; they sustained the furious shock of the Mus- sulmans without giving way in the least : Joinville, with some other knights, fought on their left, and on this occasion owed his safety to the warriors of Flanders, to whom he accords the warmest praises. The Flemings, united with the Cham- penois, put the Mussulman cavalry and infantry to flight, pursued them out of the camp, and returned loaded with the bucklers and cuirasses they had taken from their enemies. The count of Poictiers occupied the left wing of tlie army ; but as this prince had only infantry under his com- mand, he was unable to resist the cavalry of the Saracens. Such were the warriors of these remote times, that when they were not on horseback, they seemed to be disarmed, and could not fight even for the defence of intrenchmeiits. The quarter confided to the Poitevins was attacked by the Mussulmans at an early period of the fight ; the Mamelukes plundered the tents of the Christians, the brother of the king was dragged out of the camp by some Saracen horsemen, and was being carried away a prisoner. In this extreme peril the count of Poictiers could not look to Louis IX. for any assistance, as he had gone to the succour of the tMiat a l*sson is this letter to all such as designate their G^d " the Gcd of amies,' or are worshippers of military glory ! The archbishop IIISTOKT Of TUE CRUSADES. 431 The day after that on which tho Christiau army lixd laid down tbeir arms, the king of France was taken to INJan- Bourah en board a war-boat, escorted by a great number of Egyptian vessels. The trumpets and kettle-drums carried the notes of triumph to a vast distance. The Egyptian army, in order of battle, marched along the eastern bank of the Nile as the fleet advanced. All tho prisoners whom the fmy of the enemy had spared, followed the INIussulmau troops, with their hands tied behind them. The Arabs were in arms on the western bank, and the multitude flocked from all parts to witness this strange spectacle. On his arrival at Mansourah, Louis IX. was confined in the house of Fakreddin ben Lokmau, secretary of the sultan, and ])laced under the guard of the eunuch Sabyh. A vast in- closure, surrounded by walls of earth, and guarded by the fiercest of the Mussulman warriors, received the other prisoners of war. The news of these disasters carried consternation and de- spair to the city of Damietta, over the walls of which the standard of the French still floated. Confused reports at first were circulated ; but soon a few Crusaders, who had escaped from the carnage, announced that the whole Chris- tian army had perished. Queen Marguerite was on the point of being confined : her terrified imagination, at one moment, represented to her her husband falling beneath the swords of the enemy, and at the next, the Saracens at the gates of the city. Her emotions became so violent, that her servants believed her to be expiring. A knight of more than eighty years of age served her as esquire, and never left her either night or day. This unhappy princess, after having, for a moment, sobbed herself to sleep, started up in the greatest terror, imagining that her chamber was filled with Saracens about to kill her. The old knight, who had held her hand while she slept, pressed it, and said : " Be not afraid, madam, I am with you." An instant after she had reclosed her eyes, she awoke iigain, and uttered loud and fearful cries, and the grave esquire reassured her agaui. At length, to free herself frOm these cruel alarms, the queen ordered every one to leave her chamber except her knight, and then, throwing of Canterbury could not have written a better, or one apparently more pica, after the battles of Trafalgar or Waterloo.— Trans. 4;>2 IJISTORY OF THE CRUSADES, ]ierricU' upon her kijeeu before liitn, with tearful eyes, she ex elaiuied : " Sir luiij^lit, promise tlu\t you will grant the favour I aiu about to ask of you." lie promised vipon his oath. INlarguerite then contiiuied : "I require yoiL, on the faith you ba\e pledged to me, that if the iSaracens should take this city, you will cut off my head rather than allow me to become their captive." " Certainly, I will do it," replied the old knight ; " I meant to do so, if the thing should so happen !"* ()n the morrow the queen was brought to bed of a son, v,ho was named Jean Tristan, on account of the melancholy circumstances amidst which he was born. The same day her attendants informed her that the Pisans, and many Crusaders from the maritime cities of Europe, were desirous of aban- doning Damietta and returning to theii" homes. Marguerite caused the leaders of them to be brought before her bed, and said to them : " Seigneurs, for the love of God, do not quit this city ; its loss would bring on that of the king and of the whole Christian army. Be moved by my tears, have pity on the poor child that you behold lying beside me!" The merchants of Genoa and Pisa were at first but very little affected by these words. Joiuville reproaches them with bitterness for their want of feeling for the cause of Christ, or for that of humanity. As they answered the queen that they had no provisions left, this princess gave orders that all the provisions in Damietta should be immediately bought up, and caused it to be announced to the Genoese and Pisans, that from that time the}^ should be supported at the expense of the king. By this means, the city of Damietta preserved a garrison and defenders, whose presence, more than their valour, produced an effect upon the Saracens. It is even asserted that the Mussulmans, after the victory of JMinieh, being desu'ous of surprising Damietta, presented uhemselves before the walls, clothed in the arms and bearing the standards of the conquered Christians ; but they were betrayed by their laugaage, their long beards, and their bronzed countenances. As the Christians showed them- Bclves in great numbers upon the ramparts, the enemy drew off in haste from a city which they believed was disposed to * Tres volontiers le ferai, et si ai-je cu en pciiscc d'ainsi fwe, si le cts y ucheait, — Joinville. HISTOET OF TUE CKUSABES. 433 defend itself, but in which, really, notliing but despondency and fear prevailed. Daring this time, Louis IX. was more calm at IMausoural than they were at Damietta. That which misery and mis- fortune have of the most bitter for the exalted of tins world, only served to develop in him the virtue of a Christian hero and the character of a great king. He had no covering at night but a coarse cassock, which he owed to the charity of another prisoner. In this state, he never addressed one petition to his enemies, nor did the tone of his language announce either fear or submission. One of his almoners afterwards attested upon oath, that Louis never suftered a word of despair or a movement of impatience to escape from him. The Mussulmans were astonished at this resignation, and said among themselves, that if ever their prophet should leave them a prey to such great adversities, they would abandon his faith and his worship. Of all his riches, Louis had only saved his book of psalms, too sterile a spoil to be worth tlie attention of the Saracens ; and when all the world seemed to have abandoned him, this book alone consoled him in his misfortunes. He every day recited those hymns of the prophets in which God himself speaks of his justice and his nierc_y, reassures virtue which suffers in his name, and threatens with his anger those whom prosperity intoxicates, and who abuse their triumph. Thus religious sentiments and remembrances sustained the coin-age of Louis even in fetters ; and the pious monarch, surrounded every day by fresh perils, amidst a Mussulman army that he had irritated by his victories, might still cry oat with the prophet-king : " Supported by the li'ving God, who is my buckler and my glory, I will not fear the Ci*owd of enemies encamped around me." The sultan of Cairo, appearing inclined to soften his rigorous policy, sent Louis fifty magnificent dresses for him- self and the lords of his train. Louis refused to clothe himself in them, saying that he Avas the sovereign of a greater kingdom than Egypt, and that he would never wear the livery of a foreign prince. Almoadam ordered a great feast to be prepared, to which he invited the king. But Louis would not accept of this invitation, as he was persuaded it was only meant to exhibit him as a spectacle to the 19* 434 HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. Mussulman army. At length the sultan sent his most skil- ful physicians to him, and did all he could to preserve u prince whom he destined to adorn his triumph, and by whose means he hoped to obtain the advantages attached to his last victory. Before long he proposed to the king to break his chains upon condition of his giving iip Damietta and the cities of Palestine that were still under the power of the Franks. Louis replied, that the Christian cities of Palestine did not belong to him ; that God had recently replaced Damietta in tlie hands of the Christians, and that no human power had the right to dispose of it. The sultan, irritated by this refusal, resolved to employ violence. At one time he thi-eatened Louis to send him to the caliph of Bagdad, who would closely imprison him tUl death ; at another, he announced the project of leading his illustrious captive throughout the East, and of exhibiting to all Asia a king of the Christians reduced to slavery. At length he went so far as to threaten to have him placed in the hernicles* a fright- ful punishment reserved for the greatest criminals. Louis still showed himself firm, and, as the only reply to all these menaces, said, " I am the sultan's prisoner, he can do with me what he pleases." The king of France suffered, though he did not complain ; he feared nothing on his own account, but when he thought of his faithful army, and of the fate of the otlier captives, his heart was a prey to the deepest sorrow. The Christian prisoners were crowded into one open court, some sick, others wounded, the greater part naked, and all exposed to hunger, the injuries of the elements, and the ill-treatment of their pitiless guards. A Mussulman was commanded to write the names of all these wretched captives, whose num- ber amounted to more than ten thousand. They led aU such as could purchase their liberty into a vast tent ; the others remained in the place into which they had been driven like a flock of animals, destined to perish miserably. Every day an emir, by the sultan's orders, entered this abode of despair, and caused two or three hundred prisoners * I am unable to discover the nature of this punishment, or the mean- ing of the word, but cannot help thinking they are connected with the French proverbial expression, ^wwyer quelquun au berniquels, as meaning to ruin him. — Trans. HISTOKY OF THE CRUSADES. 435 to be dragged out of tlie iuclosure. They were asked \i they would abjure the religiou of Christ, and those Mhom the fear of death induced to desert their faith, received their liberty ; the others were put to the sword, and their bodies were cast into the Nile. They were slaughtered during tlift night ; silence and darkness adding to tlie horrors of tlie execution. During several days the steel of the executioner thus decimated the unhappy prisoners. None were ever seen to retiu'n who went out of the iuclosure. Their sad companions, on bidding them farewell, wept beforehand over their tragical end, and lived in certain expectation of a similar fate. At length the lassitude of slaughter caused those tliat remained to be spared. They were led away to Cairo ; and the capital of Egypt, into which tliey had flattered them- selves they should enter in triumph, beheld them arrive covered with rags and loaded with chains. They were thrown into dungeons, where many died of hunger and grief; the others, condemned to slavery in a foreign land, de- prived of all assistance and of all communication with their leaders, without knowing what was become of their king, were hopeless of ever recovering their liberty, or of revisiting the West. The Oriental historians relate the scenes we have just described with indifference ; many even seem to consider the massacre of prisoners of war as a second victory ; and, as if the misfortune and murder of a disarmed enemy could heighten the glory of a conqueror, they exaggerate in tlieir accounts the misery of the vancpiished, and particularly the number of the ^^c■tims immolated to Islamism. The barons and knights that were shut up in the pavilion, were not ignorant of the fate of their companions in arms ; they passed their days and nights in continual terrors. The sultan wished to obtain from them that which he had not been able to obtain from Louis IX. He sent an emir to inform them that he would set them at liberty if Damietta and the Cliristian cities of Palestine were restored to the IMussidmans. The count of Brittany replied in the name of all the prisoners, that that wliich was asked of them was not in their power, and that French warriors had no other will than that of their king. " It is plainly to be perceived," said the messenger of Aliuoadam, " tliat you care very little 436 HiSTOKy OF the cuusades. for liberty or life. You shall see some men accustomed td sword-jylai/inq.' ' The emir retired, leaving the prisoners in tlie expectation of an early death. The apparatus of punishment •was exhibited before them. The sword remained several days suspended over their lieads ; but Almoadam could make no impression upon their firmness. Thus, neither the cap- tivity of an entire army, nor the death of so many warriors, had been able to deprive the Christians of a single one of their conquests, and one of the bulwarks of Egypt was still in their hands. The conquerors prayed and threatened by turns ; the conquered resisted all their endeavours, and always appeared masters. In the mean time several ♦French nobles offered to pay their own ransom. Louis was informed of this ; and as he feared that many, not having the means to redeem them- selves, would remain in chains, he forbade any particular treaty. The barons and knights, but latel}^ so intractable, did not persist in opposing the will of an uufortunate king, and instantly gave up all idea of a separate negotiation. The king said he would pay for everybody, and that he would never think about his own liberty till after he had assured that of all others. "Whilst the sultan of Cairo was thus making useless attempts to overcome the pride and lower the courage of Louis and his knights, the favourites he had brought with him from Mesopotamia pressed their master to conclude the peace quickly. " You have," said they to him, " enemies much more dangerous tlian the Christians ; they are the emirs, who wish to reign in your place, and who never cease to boast of their victories, as if you had not yourself con- quered the Franks, as if the Grod of Mahomet had not sent ])estilence and famine to aid you in triumphing over the defenders of CJhrist: hasten, then, to terminate the war, in order that you may strengtlien yoiu- power within, and begin to reign." These speeches, which flattered the pride of Almoadam, induced him to malic rather more reasonable proposals to his enemies. Tlie sidtan limited his demand to a ransom of a million of golden byzants, and the restitution of Damietta. Louis, aware that the city of Damietta could not resist, consented to the proposals that were made tc him, if' the queen approved of them. As tlie Muss'dmans ci HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. 437 pressed some surprise at this, the king added, " Tlie queen it my lady, I can do nothing icitJiout her consent^ The ministers of the sultau returned a second time, and told the French monarch, tliat if the queen would pay the sum agreed upon, he should be free. " A king of France," answered he, " is not to be redeemed by money ; the city of Damietta shall be given up for my deliverance,* and a million of golden bvzants paid for that of my army." The sultan agreed to ail ; and, whether he was pleased at having terminated the negotiations, or whether he was touched by the noble cha- racter the captive monarch had displayed, he reduced the sum fixed upon as the ransom of the Cliristian army a fifth. The knights and barons were still ignorant of the con- clusion of the treaty, and were revolving in their minds their customary melancholy reflections, when they saw an old Saracen enter their pavilion. His venerable figure and the gravity of his carriage inspired respect. His train, composed of men-at-arms, inspired fear. The old man, without any preliminary discourse, asked the prisoners, by means of an interpreter, if it was true that they believed in a God, born of a woman, crucified for the salvation of the human race, and resuscitated the third day ? All having answered at once that that was their belief: " In that case," added he, " congratulate yourselves at sutfering for your God ; you are yet far from having suffered as much for him as he suf- fered for you. Place your hopes in him, and if lie has been able to recall himself to life, he will not want power to puc an end to tlie evils that afflict you now." On finisliing these words, the old Mussulman retired, leaving the Crusaders divided between siu-prise, fear, and hope. On the next day it was announced to them that the king had concluded a truce, and wished to take counsel of his barons. John of Vallery, Philip de Montfort, and Guy and Baldwin d'Ibelin were deputed to wait upon the king. It was not long before the Crusaders learnt that their cap- tivity was about to end, and that the king had paid the ransom of the poor as well as the rich. When these brave * Joinville speaks of a sum of five Imndred thousand livres. Ducange has made a dissertation on this head, that gives very little information : — • in the first place, we must be able to ascertain what was then the value o' 500,000 livres of our money. 438 nisroTiT of the ckusades. kniglits turned their tliouglits towards their victories, they never could conceive how it was possible for them to have fallen into the hands of the infidels ; and when they reflected on their late misfortunes, their deliverance appeared equally miraculous to them. All raised their voices in praises tc God and benedictions to the king of France. All the cities of Palestine that had belonged to the Chris- tians at the an'ival of the Crusaders in the East, were com- prised in the treaty. On both sides, the prisoners of war made since the truce concluded between the emperor Fre- derick and Melik-Kamel, were to be given np. It was agreed, also, that the munitions and machines of war belonging to the Christian army should remain provisionally at Damietta, luider the safeguard of tlie sultan of Egypt. It next became the object to perform the conditions of the treaty of peace. Four large galleys were prepared to trans- port the principal prisoners to the mouth of the Nile. The sultan left Mansourah, and repau'ed to Pharescour by land. After the battle of Minieh, a vast palace, built of fir timber, of which tlie chronicles of the times have left pom- pous descriptions, had been erected in that city. It was in this palace Almoadam received the felicitations of the Mus- sulmans, upon tlie happy issue of a war against the enemies of Islamism. All tlie cities, all the principalities of Syria, sent ambassadors to salute the conqueror of the Christians. The governor of Damascus, to whom he had sent a helmet, found on the field of battle, tliat had belonged to tlie king of France, replied to him thus : " There is no doubt that God destines for you the conquest of the universe, or that you w ill proceed from vick)ry to victory ; who can doubt of this when we already see your slaves clothed in the spoils of con- quered kings ?" Thus the young sultan imbibed intoxi- cating draughts of praise, and passed liis time in the festi- vities and pleasures of peace, forgetting the cares of his empire, and foreseeing none of the dangers which threatened him amidst his triumphs. Almoadam had disgraced, and deprived of their places, many of the ministers of his father ; most of the emirs were in fear of a similar foil, and this fear even led them to brave everything for the preservation of their fortunes and their lives. Among tliese malcontents, the Mamelukes and tlieif HISTORY OF THE CKIJSADES. 439 ^eador were most conspicuous. This military body owed their origin to Saladiy, and they had enjoyed the greatest privileges under the preceding reign. They reproached the sultau with preferring young favourites to old warriors, the support of the throne and the saviours of Egyplj^ They re- proached him witli having concluded a peace, without cons-ult ing those who had supported the burden of the war ; and with Iiaving bestowed the spoils of the vanquished upon courtiers, who had only deserved them by coming from the banks of the Euplu-ates to the shores of the Nile. Inorder to justify beforehand all they might attempt against the prince, they attributed to him projects of the most sinister nature ; and nascent rebellion inflamed itself by the recital of futiu-e per- secutions. The emirs who were to die were designated ; the instruments of death were named, the day was fixed, everything was appointed, everything was ready. It was asserted that the sultan, in the course of one of his nocturnal orgies, had cut olf the tops of the flambeaux in his apart- ment, crying, "Thus shall iiy the heads of all the Mamelukes." A woman animated the minds of the warriors by her dis- course : this was Chegger-Eddour, who, having disposed of the empire, could not endure the neglect of the new sul- tan. Erom complaints they soon passed to open revolt ; for it was less perilous to attack the prince sword in hand, than to declaim for any length of time against him. A con- spiracy was formed, in which the Mamelukes and all the emirs who had outrages to avenge or to fear were concerned. The conspirators were impatient to execute their project, and fearing that the sultan, if once arrived at Damietta, might escape them, tliey resolved to proceed to the consum- mation at Pharescour. The galleys which transported the Christian prisoners arrived before that city. Tlie king landed, with the princes, his brotliers, and was received in a pavilion, where he had an interview with the sultan. History says nothing of this conference between two princes, who equally commanded attention, and whose position was so difterent ; the one, in- toxicated by his vicnries, blinded by his prosperities; the other, the conqueror of ill-fortune, coming out much greater from the ordeal of adversity. The two sovereigns had appointed Saturday, the eve of 440 HISTOET or THE CEUSADES. the Ascension, for the giving up of Damietta. According to this convention, the Crusaders, who l^ad heen detained more than a month in chains, had only to endure the pains of captivity three days longer ; but new misfortunes awaited them, and their courage and resignation were doomed to further trials. The day after their arrival before Phartrf- cour, the sultan of Cairo, in celebration of the peace, de- termined to give a banquet to the principal ofhcers of tha Mussulman army. The conspirators took advantage of this opportunity, and, towards the end of the repast, all rushed Tipon him, sword in hand. Bendocdar struck the first blow. Almoadam, being only wounded in the hand, arises in a state of terrified amazement, escapes through his motionless guards, takes refuge in a tower, shuts the door of it, and appears at a window, sometimes imploring succour, and sometimes demanding of the conspirators what they required of him. The envoy of the caliph of Bagdad was at Pharescour. He mounted on horseback, but the Mamelukes threatened him with instant death if he did not return to his tent. At the same moment some drums were heard, giving the signal for assembling the troops ; but the leaders of the conspiracy told the soldiers that Damietta was taken, and immediately the whole army precipitated themselves upon the road to that citv, leaving the sultan at the mercy of men who thirsted for his blood. The Mamelukes accuse and threaten him. He endeavours to justify himself; but his words are drowned in the tumult. A tliousand voices cry out to liim to descend ; he hesitates ; he groans ; he weeps ; arrows fly against the tower in sliowers; the Greek tire,luirled from every direction, gives birth to a conflagration. Almoadam, nearly surrounded by the flames, precipitates himself from the window ; a nail catches his mantle, and lie remains for a moment suspended. At length he falls to the earth ; sabres and naked swords wave over him on all sides ; he casts himself on lus knees, at the feet of Octal, one of the principal ofilcers of his guard, who repulses hiiu with contempt. The unhappy prince arises, holding forth his imploring hands to all the assembly, saying, that he was willing to abandon the throne of Egypt, and would return into jNLesopotamia. These supplications, unworthy of a prince, inspire more contempt than pity ; uevertheless, the crowd of conspirators hesitate ; but I'le HISTORY OF TUE CRU3ADE3. 441 leaders know too well there can be no safety for tliem but m completing the crime they have begun. Bendocdar, who had indicted the fu'st blow, strikes him a second time with his sabre ; Almoadam, streaming with blood, throws himself into the jSfile, and endeavours to gain some vessels that ap- pear to be drawing near to the shore to receive him ; nine jMamelukes follow him into the water, and povn upon him a thousand blows, within sight of tlie galley which Joinville was on board of! * Such was the end of Almoadam, who neither knew how to reign nor how to die. Arabian authors point it out as a remarkable circumstance, that he perished at once by the sword, fire, and water. The same authors agree in saying, that he himself provoked liis ruin by his impru- dence and his injustice. But oriental history, accustomed to laud success and blame all who succumb, repeats the complaints of the Mamelukes without examining tliem ; and, passing lightly over this revolution, contents itself with saying, " if7ien God wills an event, he jjrepares the causes beforehand.'^ The Nde and its shore presented, at that moment, two very different spectacles : on one side was a prince, whilst revelling in all the pomps of grandeur, in all the triumphs of victory, massacred by his own guards ; on the other, an unfortunate king, surrounded by his knights, as un- fortunate as himself, inspiring tliem with more respect in his adversity tlian when he was encompassed with all tlie splendour of prosperity and power. Tlie French knights and barons, althougli they had been victims of the bar- barity of the sultan, felt more astonishment than joy at the sight of his tragical death ; they could not comprehend the murderous attack of the Mamelukes ; and these revo- lutions of military despotism, at war with itself, filled them with dread. After this sanguinary scene, thirty Saracen ofBcers, sword in hand and battle-axes on their shoulders, entered the galley in which were the counts of Brittany and de Montfort, Baldwin and Guy d'lbelin, and the sieur de Joinville. These * The coiitinuator of Tabary and the History of St. Lonis, b} Joinville, furnish information upon this event. Their accounts agre« exactly. 44-2 HISTOUT OF THE CRUSADES. furious men vomited imprecations, and tlireatening the prisoners with both voice and gesture, made them believe that their last hour was come. The Christian warriors pre- pared themselves for death, and tlirowing themselves on their knees before a monk of the Trinity, asked him for absolution of their sins ; but as the priest could not hear them all at once, they confessed to each other. Gruy d'Ibelin, constable of Cyprus, confessed to Joinville, who gave him "such absolu- tion as Grod had given him the power to give." It was thus, in after-times, history represents the Chevalier Bayard, wounded to death, and ready to expire, confessing himseit at the foot of an oak to one of his faithful companions in arms.* But these menaces and violences of the emirs might have a politic aim. At the conclusion of a conspiracy that had divided men's minds, in order to awaken fresh passions, it was necessary for the leaders to excite the fanaticism of the multitude, and direct the general fury against the Christians. It was important for them to make others believe, and they might have believed it themselves, that Almoadam had endeavoured to find an asylum amongst the enemies of Islamism. The lords and barons did not meet with the fate they ex- pected ; but as if their understanding with Almoadam had been really dreaded, they were thrust into the hold of the vessel, where they passed the niglit with the terrible images of death constantly before their eyes. Louis, shut up in his tent with his brothers, had heard the tumult. In ignorance of what was passing, he concluded that either they were massacring the French prisoners, or else that Damietta was taken. He was a prey to a thousand terrors, when he saw Octa'i, the chief of tlie Mamelukes, enter his tent. This emir ordered the guards to retire, and pointing t) his bloody sword, exclaimed: " Almoadam is no more ; what will you give me for having delivered you from an enemy who meditated youi" destruction as well as ours ?" Louis made no reply. Then the furious emir, presenting * Would not the death of the accomplis^hed Sidney assort worthily with these pictures, as not only exemplifying the good and true knight, but the Christian hero, imbued with charity, the great principle of the Gospel ? —Trains. HISTORY OF THE CEUSIDES. 443 the point of his sword, cried, " Dost thou not Vnow that I am mast3r of thy person ? Make me a knight, or thou art a dead man." " Make thyself a Christian," replied the monarch, "and I ■will make thee a knight."* Without in- sisting further, Octa'i retired, and in a very short time the tent of the king was filled with Saracen warriors, armed with sabres and swords. Tlieir demeanour, their cries, tlie fury painted on their countenances, announced sufficiently that they liad just committed a great crime, and that they were ready to commit others ; but by a species of miracle, changing, all at once, botli countenance and language at tlie sight of the king, they approached him with respect ; then, as if tliey felt in the presence of Louis the necessity for justifying themselves, they told him that they had been forced to kill a tyrant, who aimed at their destruction as well as that of the Christians ; now, they added, they had only to forget the past ; all they required for the future was the faithful execution of the treaty concluded with Almoadam. Then lifting their hands to their turbans, and bending their browa to the ground, they retired in silence, and left the monarch in a state of astonishment at seeing them thus pass, all at once, from transports of rage to sentiments apparently the most respectful. This singular scene has made some historians say that the Mamelukes offered the tin-one of Egypt to St. Louis. This opinion has rather gained ground in our days, so easy is it for us to give faith to everything that appears flivourable to the glory of the French name. The sieur de Joinville, who is quoted in support of this assertion, only relates a con- versation he had held with Louis. The king asked him what he thought he ought to have done, in case the emirs had offered him the supreme authority. The good seneschal con- ceived it was not possible to accept a crown from the h nda of those seditious emirs, who had killed their sovereign. Louis was not of this opinion, and said that, truly, if they * Tliis is really cne of tliose tales that require " seven justices' names" to vouch tor tlifir authenticity. How such a man, at such a time, could be ambitious of the honour of knightliood, it is very difficult to imagine. But when we recollect tiiat the evidence of sixty- five miracles performed by him, was prodaced to procure his canonization, we must not be seep, teal in what regards Louis IX. — Trans. 444 HISTOET OF THE CHUSADE3. had proposed to liim to become the successor of the sultan, he would uot in the least have refused to be so (il ne Veiit mie refuse).* These words alone prove sufficiently that they had proposed nothing to the captive monarch. Joinville, it is true, adds to this recital, that according tc reports that were circuJated in the Christian army, the emirs had caused the trumpets to be sounded and the drums to be beaten before the tent of the king of France, and that at the same time they deliberated among 'themselves, whether it would not be best to break the chains of their prisoner, and make him their sovereign. The sieur de Joinville relates this fact, without affirming it ; and as oriental history preserves the most profound silence upon it, an historian of the present day cannot adopt it without compromising his veracity. It is, without doubt, ])ossible that the emirs might have ex- pressed the desire of having a prince amongst them possessed of the firmness, bravery, and virtues of Louis IX. ; but how- can it be believed that Mussulmans, animated by the double fanaticism of religion and war, could liave, for a moment, entertained a thought of choosing an absolute master among the Christians, whom they had just treated with imexampled barbarity ; and thus place their property, their liberty, their lives in the hands of the most implacable enemies of their country, their laws, and their faith ? The supreme power, of which the emirs liad shown them- selves to be so jealous, and which tliey had wrested with so mucli violence from the hands of Almoadam, appeared at first to terrify their ambition, when they had it in their poAver to dispose of it. In a council called to nominate a sidtan, the wisest declined to rule over a country filled with * We hail at first consulted the edition of Ducange ; and we have been surprised to find an account and expressi'ms totally different in that of Caperonier, otherwise called the edition of the Louvre ; however this may be, we cannot conclude, from either one version or the other, that any jiroposal of the kind was made to Louis IX. [As the reader may like, without tiouble, to see the opinion of our great historian upon this in- teresting subje<;t, I venture to subjoin it : — " The idea of the emirs to choose Louis for their sultan is seriously attested by Joinville, pp. 77-78, and does not appear to me so abs-urd as to M. de Voltaire. The Mame- lukes tiiemselvi's were strangers, rebels, and equals ; they had felt his valour, they hoped for his conversion ; and such a motion, which was not seconded, might be made perhaps by a secret Christian, in their tumul. tuous assembly." — Gibbon.] — Trans. UlSTOKi' OF TJIE CULSADKS. 445 troubles, or command an army given up to the spirit of sedition. Upon their refusal, the cronu was given to Chegger-Eddour, who had had so great a share, first in the elevation, and then in the fall of Alraoadam. As governor with her, in the quality of Atabec, they chose Ezz-Eddin Aybek, who had been brouglit a slave into Egypt, and whose barbarous origin prociu'ed him the surname of the Turcoman, The new sultana soon arrived at Pharescour, and was pro- claimed under the name of Mostassemieh Salehieh, queen of the Mussulmans, mother of ALalek-Almansor Khalil. Alman- sor Khalil, a young prince, the son of Negmeddin, had pre- ceded his father to the tomb. Thus finished the p>owerful dynasty of the Ayoubites, a dynasty founded by victory, and overturned by an army which the pride of victory had ren- dered seditious. AVhilst they were thus forming a new- government, the body of Almoadam was abandoned on the banks of the Nile, where it remained two days without sepul- ture. The ambassador from the caliph of Bagdad at length obtained permission to bury it, and deposited in an obscure place the sad remains of the last successor of ISaladin. Tlie elevation of Chegger-Eddour astonished the Mussul- mans ; the name of a woman or of a slave had never till that time been seen engraved upon the coins, or pronounced in public prayers. The caliph of Bagdad protested against tlie scandal of this innovation ; and when lie afterwards wrote to the emirs, he asked them if they had not been able to find a single man in all Egypt to govern them. The supremo authority, placed in the hands of a woman, could neither restrain the passions which troubled the empire, nor cause treaties to be respected ; which became very fatal to the Cliristiaus, condemned to sufter by turns from the revolt and the submission, from the union and the discord of their enemies. Among the emirs, some wished that the treaty concluded with the sultan should be executed ; whilst others were de- sirous tliat a fresh one should be made : many were indignant that the Christians should be treated with at all. After long debates, they returned to that which had been done at first, adding to it the condition that the king of France should give up Damietta before he was set at liberty, and that ha 4tiQ nisTOKr of the cuusadis. should pay half of the sum agreed upon for the ransom of himself and his army, before he left the banks of the Nile. These last conditions announced the mistrust of the emirs, and might give the Christian prisoners reason to fear that the day of their deliverance was not yet arrived. When the observance of the treaty was to be sworn to, the forms of the oaths caused some discussion. The emirs swore that if they failed in their promises, " they consented to be jeered at like the pilgrim who makes the journey to Mecca bareheaded ; or else to be as much despised as he who takes back his women after having left them." The MusslJ- maus, according to their manners and customs, had no more solemn expression with which to guarantee their sworn faith. They proposed to Louis JX. the following formula : " If I keep not my oath, I shall be like to him who denies his God, who spits upon the cross, and tramples it under-foot." This formula of the oath which they wished the king to take, appeared to him to be an insult to Grod and himself. He refused to pronounce it. In vain the emirs showed their anger and their passion ; he braved all their menaces. This resistance of St. Louis, celebrated by his contemporaries, will not perhaps obtain the same eulogies in the age we now live in ; nevertheless it must be considered that the king was not only restrained on this occasion by the scruples of an ex- aggerated devotion, but by a feeling of royal dignity. It may be remembered, that in the third crusade, Eichard and Saladin had judged it unworthy of the majesty of kings to degrade their word to the formula of an oath ; and had been satisfied with a touch of the hand, to cement the peace. Seditious emirs, still stained with the blood of their master, might undervalue the dignity of the supreme rank ; but, on im- portant occasions, Louis never forgot he was a great king ; and the supposition of a perjury, the tho\ight even of a blasphemy, could not ally itself in his mind with the charac- ter of a Christian prince and of a king of France. The Mussulmans, irritated at seeing a king in festers dic- tate laws to them, and resist all their demands, began to talk of putting him to death accompanied by toi-tures. " You are masters of my body," he replied, " but you have no power over my will." The princes, his brothers, implored him to pronounce the required f^ rmula; but he was as firm against aiSTOEY or THE CHUSADE8. 447 the entreaties of friendship and affection, as he had been against the threats of his enemies. Even the exhortations of the prelates had no more effect. At length the Mame- lukes, attributing such an obstinate resistance to the pa- triarch of Jerusalem, seized this prelate, who was more than eighty years of age, fastened him to a post, and tied liis hands behind him so tightly, tliat the blood sprang from beneath the nails. The patriarch, overcome by the pain, cried, " Sire ! Sire ! swear ; I will take the sin upon myself." But Louis, who was tliroughout persuaded that they insulted his good faitli, and that they demanded of him a thing unjust and dishonourable, remained immovable. The emirs, at length subdued by so much firmness, consented to accept the simple word of the king, and retired, saying that " this Frank prince was the most haughty Chi'istian that had ever been seen in the East." All now gave their attention to the execution of the treaty. The galleys, on board of which were the prisoners, heaved their anchors, and descended towards the mouth of the Nile ; the IMussulraan army accompanying them by land. The Christians were to deliver up Damietta the next morning at daybreak. It is impossible to describe the trouble, conster- nation, and des])air that reigned in the city throughout tlie night. The unfortunate inhabitants ran about the streets, asking eaeli otlier questions, and communicating their fears with breathless anxiety. The most sinister reports prevailed ; it was said tliat tlie wliole of the Christian army had been massacred by the Mussulmans, and that the king of France was poisoned. When they received orders to evacuate the place, most of the warriors declared aloud that they would not obey, and that they preferred dying on the ramparts to being slaughtered as prisoners of war. At the same time excitement began to prevail in the Mussulman army. It was whispered that the king of France refused to execute the treaty, and that he had ordered the garrison of Damietta to defend themselves. The soldiers and their leaders repented of having made a truce with the Franks, and appeared determined to take advantage of the least pretext for breaking it. The commissioners of Louis IX., liowever, at length per- suaded the Christians of Damietta to evac iate the citv. 448 nisToEY OE the crvsades. Queen Marguerite, scarcely recovered from her confinement, went on board a Genoese vessel. She was accompanied by the duchess of Anjou, the countess of Poictiers, and the inihappy widow of the count d'Artois, who, amidst present calamities, still wept over the first misfortune of the war. Towards the end of the niglit, Olivier de Thermes, who com- manded the garrison, the duke of Burgundy, the pope's legate, and all the Franks, except the sick that remained in the city, embarked on the Nile. Geoffrey de Sergines having entered Damietta, brought the keys to the emirs ; and wlien day broke, the Mussulman standards were seen floating over the towers and ramparts. At sight of this, the whole Egyptian army rushed tumul- tuously into the city. The reports that had been circulated during the night, had excited the fury of the soldiers, and they entered Damietta as if the opening of the gates had been the result of a sanguinary contest ; they massacred the sick wherever they found them, they pillaged the liouses, and gave to the fiames the machines of war, the arms, and all the munitions that belonged to the Christians. This early violation of the treaty, the intoxication of car- nage, and the impiuiity of license, only served to inflame stiU further the minds of tlie Mussulmans, and to lead them to greater excesses. The emirs, partaking of the fury of the soldiers, formed tlie idea of putting all the Christian prisoners to death. The galleys in which the French barons and knights were crowded, immediately received orders to re- ascend the river towards Pharescour, " which caused great grief amongst us," says Joinville, " and many tears issued from our eyes ; for we all believed they were about to kill us." Whilst the galleys re-ascended the Nile, the Mussulman leaders deliberated in council upon the fate of the king of France and the French warriors. " Now we are masters of Damietta," said one of the emirs, " and a powerful monarch of the Franks, with the bravest of his warriors, may receive from our hands death or liberty. Fortune offers us an opportunity of securing peace to Egypt for ever, and with it tlie triumph of Islamism. We have shed the blood of Mussidman princes without scruple ; why sliould we then ri-piKvt tliat of Christian princes, who have come into the HISTORY OF THE CRU3ADES. 449 East to sot fire to our cities and reduce our provinces to slavery ?" This opiuion was that of the people and the armv ; and most of the emirs, actuated by the general spirit, held similar language. An emir of Mauritania, whose name Joinville has not preserved, opposed, almost alone, this violation of the laws of war and peace. " You have," said he, " put to death your prince, whom tlie Koran commands you to cherish as the apple of your eye. This death might, doubtless, be necessary for your own safety ; but what can you expect from the action that is proposed to you, except the anger of God and the maledictions of men ?" This speech was interrupted by murmurs ; the language of reason only added heat to hatred and fanaticism. As violent passions are never at a loss for motives of self-justification, or for excuses for their excesses, the Crusaders were accused of perfidy, treachery, and all the crimes that they tliemselves contemplated against them. There was no imputation that did not appear probable, consequently no violence that did not appear just. " If the Koran ordered Mussulmans to watch over the lives of their princes, it likeAvise commanded them to watch over the preservation of the Mussulman faith : death ought to be the reward of those who came to bring death, and their bones ought to whiten upon the same plains that tliey had laid waste. The safety of Egypt and the laws of the prophet required that it should be so." After a very stormy deliberation, the terrible sentence of the captives was about to be pronounced ; but cupidity came to the aid of justice and humanity;* the emir who had spoken in favour of the Christian prisoners, had, in his speech, more than once repeated the words, Dead men pay no ransom ; and they at length acknowledged that the sword, by immolating the Crusaders, would only rob victory of its dues, and deprive the conquerors of the fruit of their labours. This observation at length calmed the minds of the assem- bly, and brought about a change of opinions. The fear of losing eight hundred thousand golden byzants caused tlie * If we compare this council with that of the Christians which sat after the taking of Jt-rusalem, atid the results of both, we shall be less incUiifd to blame the hesitation of the Mnssulnwns. The Crusaders were tlie invaders of the country of the Mussulmans, the assailants of their faith- can it be wondered at if ihey awakened vindictive passions ? — Trans. Vol. II.— 20 450 HISTORY OF THE CRUSABES. treaty to be respected, and saved the lives of the "ling of Prance and his companions in inisfortuue. The emirs issued orders for the galleys to be brouglit back towards Damietta. The Mamelukes appeared, all at once, to be governed by the most pacific sentiments ; and, as it is natural for the multitude to pass from one extreme to another, they treated with all the attentions of hospitality the very men whom, a few hours before, they had wished to put to death. On their arrival before the city, the prisoners were treated with fritters cooked in the sun, and with hard eggs, "which," says Joinville, "in honour of our persons, were painted of various colours." The knights and barons at length had permission to leave the ships that had been their prisons, to go and join the king, whom many of them had not seen since the disaster of Minieh. As they left their vessels, Louis was marching towards the mouth of the Nile, escorted by Mussulman war- riors ; an innumerable multitude followed him, and contem- plated, in silence, the features, the bearing, and the arms of the Christian monarch. A Genoese galley awaited him ; as soon as he was on board, eighty archers, with their cross- bows strung, appeared suddenly upon the deck of the vessel • the crowd of Egyptians immediately dispersed, and the ship glided away from the shore. Louis had with him the count of Anjou, the count de Soissons, Geoffrey de Sergines, Philip de Nemours, and the seneschal de Joinville. The count of Poictiers remained as a hostage in Damietta, until the pay- ment of the four hundred thousand golden byzants, which the king ought to have paid to the emirs before he put to sea, should be completed. Louis had not enough by thirty thousand livres ; this sum was requested of the Templars, wlio, to the great scandal of the lords and barons, at first refused it. They were threatened with being forced to fur- nish it ; and then complied. The amount stipulated in the treaty was paid to the Saracens. The count of Poictiers had left Damietta, and everything was ready for the depar- ture of the Crusaders, when Philip de Montfort, who had been directed to make the payment, returned to give an account of his mission, and told the king that he had con- trived to cheat the emirs out of ten thousand livres. Louis expressed himself much dissatisfied with such a proceedi;;g, HISTOET OF THE CRUS.VDE3. 45i and sent Philip de Montfort ba^-K to Damietta, to make res* titution of tlie money he had kept back — a lesson of justice which he wished to give to both his enemies and his servants. This last mission is spoken of by an Arabian author, who attributes it to a very whimsical and singidar motive. He says that Philip de Montfort was sent to the emii's to tell them thfit they were deficient in religion and good sense ; in religion, because they had murdered their sovereign ; in good sense, because, for a moderate sum, they had released a powerful prince, wlio would have given half of his kingdom to recover his liberty. This explanation, however improbable it may be, at least serves to inform us of the opinion then common in the East, that the Egyptian emirs were re- proached with having destroyed their sultan, and allowed their enemy to escape. Louis IX., with the miserable wreck of bis army, soon passed out at the mouth of the Nile, and in a few days arrived at Ptolemais, where tlie people and the clergy were still putting up prayers for his deliverance. The Egyptians celebrated the restitution of Damietta with public rejoicings ; the Mussulman army broke up their camp, and returned towards the capital. The sultana, Chegger-Eddour, caused vests of gold and silver to be dis- tributed to the leaders, and her liberality even extended to the soldiers. An Arabian poet composed some verses upon this occasion, which history has preserved, and which contain the remarkable passage that follows : — "When thou shalt see this Frenchman (the king of France), tell him these words from the mouth of a sincere friend ; " Thou earnest into Egypt, thou covetedest its riches ; thou believedgt that its poA'ers would fade away as smoke. " Behold now thine army ! see how thy imprudent conduct has pre- cipitated it into the bosom of the tomb ! " Fifty thousand men ! and not one that is not either killed, a prisoner, or covered with wounds ! " And if he should be ever tempted to come to avenge his lefeat ; if any motive should bring him back to these places ; " Tell him, that the house of the son of Lnkman is reserved for hiao ; that he will sti:l find there both his chains and the eunuch Sabyh." * * These Arabian verses were translated by M. I'Abbe Renard. Se« UExtrait d'Abulfeda, vol. "i. ^52 lusTOBy or the cuusABiis. Wliilrft Louis IX. was landing at Ptoleniais, general con sternation prevailed in the West; as it always happens in distant wars, fome had spread the most extraordinary reports relative to the expedition of tlie Crusaders. At tirst it was believed that the Christian standards were floating from the walls of Cairo and Alexandria ; but to these news otlier rumours soon succeeded, announcing great disasters. The most marvellous accounts had found plenty of credulous minds in France to receive them ; they refused to believe in reverses, and the first who spoke of them were given up to the hands of justice, as enemies of religion and of the king- dom. The sinister reports, however, were not long in being contirmed ; the people passed from the excess of joy to the excess of grief; there was not a family in the kingdom that had not to deplore a loss in the disasters of which they acquired the painful certainty. But for the French, that which rendered so many^ misfortunes irreparable, and for which no one coidd find consolation, was the captivity of the king ! Dances, festivals, spectacles,* everything that bore the air of joy or pleasui-e, was forbidden : the kingdom, plunged in sorrow and abasement, appeared, all at once, to be like one of those cities of which the Scripture speaks, — thieatened with the wrath of Grod, they gave themselves up to grief, and covered themselves with the mourning garb of penitence. The whole Church deplored so great a misfortune with torrents of tears ; the father of the faithful was nearly in despair for the safety of Christendom. He addressed letters filled with affliction to all the prelates of the West. He ordered the clergy to put up public prayers ; he exhorted the faithful to take up arms. Innocent wrote to Blanche to console her, and to Louis to sustain him in his adversity. When iddressing the king of France, he is astonished at fijiding one man oppressed by so many calamities, and en- dowed with so many virtues ; and demands of Grod what justice had been able to find in the most Christian of kings, which deserved to be expiated by misfortunes so great. England was likewise much afflicted by the capti\aty of the Frencli monarch ; the barons and knights were indignant * Matthew Paris gives curious details upon the effects produced by t'le news of the captivity of the king. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES, 453 fcowards their king for having prevented them from going into the East to share the perils of the Crusaders. The king of Castile, then at war with the Moors, was sensible only of the evils of the Christians beyond the seas, and swore to go and fight with the victorious infidels on the banks of the Nile or the Jordan. No monarch of the West expressed more grief than Frederick II., emperor of Ger- many ; in his letters he spoke of the king of France as hia best friend, and deplored the disasters of the crusade with bitterness. Frederick, still at variance with the pope, did not neglect this opportunity of accusing Innocent, whom he reproached with the ruin of the Christians. Frederick re paired to Sicily, for the purpose of arming a fleet that might convey prompt assistance to the Crusaders ; and whilst tlie vessels were getting ready, he sent an embassy into the East, to solicit of the sultan of Egypt the deliverance of the king of France and his army. Amidst the universal desolation, a single Christian city gave demonstrations of joy : Florence, according to Yillani, celebrated the reverses of the French Crusaders with festi- vities. Some pirates from Genoa, Pisa, and Venice took advantage of the disasters of Louis IX. to put to sea, and pillage the Crusaders that were returning into Europe. The joy of the Florentines, and the brigandages of the Italian pii'ates, were subjects of great scandal for ail Christendom. Louis IX., on his arrival at Ptolemais, had only been able to retain a small number of faithful knights ; many of the French nobles, the companions of his captivity, instead of following him to Palestine, returned into the West. Among those who had quitted the banner of the crusade, were the duke of Burgundy and the brave count of Brittany : the latter, worn out with sickness and covered with wounds, died on his passage : his mortal remains, preserved by his knights, were transported to the abbey of Villeneuve, near Nantes, where, many ages afterwards, his tomb was still to be seen. The appearance of the sad remains of the Christian army must have excited the compassion of the inhabitants of Ptolemais. Both knights and soldiers w^ere almost naked ; the seneschal of Champagne, in order to appear at the king's table, was forced to make liimself a vestment of the shreds of a bed-quilt. An epidemic disease, the fruit of lengtliened 454 HISTORY OF THE CEU8ADE8. misery and all sorts of privations, broke out among the Cru- Baders, and soon extended its ravages to the city. Joinville, who vras lodged in the house of the cure of Ptolemais, in- forms us that he saw daily twenty convoys pass beneath his windows ; and that every time he heard the funeral words, " Libera me, Domine,'" he burst into tears, and addressed him- self to Grod crying, Mercy ! In the mean time the king of France was engaged iu en- deavouring to deliver the captives that still remained in Egvpt. These captives amounted to twelve thousand, and most of them might be able to I'esume their arms and serve under the banner of the crusade. Louis sent his ambassa- dors to pay the four hundred thousand francs tliat lie still owed to the Saracens, and to press the execution of the last treaties. These ambassadors found Egypt filled with troubles; the emirs were divided into several factions, all disputing for power: fanaticism animated these divisions; they recipro- cally accused each other of having favoured or spared the Christians. Amidst these debates, many captives had been massacred, and some forced to abjure the faith of Christ. The messengers of Louis IX. could scarcely obtain a hearing ; in answer to their demands, they were told that the king of France might esteem himself fortunate in havinsr re";ained his liberty, and that the Mamelukes would soon go and besiege him in Ptolemais. At length the Christian ambassa- dors w^ere obliged to quit Egypt without having obtaiued anything ; and only brought back to Palestine four hundred prisoners, the greater part of whom had paid their own ransom. On their return, Louis IX. was plunged in the deepest C'stress ; he had just received a letter from Queen Blanche, w JO exhorted him to leave the East. He, thereupon, was desirous of returning to France ; but how could he make up his mind to abandon twelve thousand Christians in slavery, or to quit the Holy Land when it was threatened with in- vasion ? The three military orders, the barons, and the nobles of Palestine, conjured Louis not to abandon them ; repeating with accents of despair, that if they were deprived of his support, the Christians of Syria would have no other resource than to follow him into the West. Louis was touched by their prayers, but bf 'ore he would HISTOltr OF THE CRUSADES. 455 form a resoiiitlcn, he was desirous of consulting his two brothers and the principal nobles that had remained with him. He exhibited to them the reasons he had for returning to France, and those that would lead him to remain in Palestine : on the one side, his kingdom threatened by the king of England, and the impossibility of his undertaking anything against the infidels, ought to induce him to quit the East ; on the other side, the want of good faith in the emirs, who had failed in executing tlie first conditions of the treaty ; the perils to which the Holy Land would be exposed by his departure ; the hope, in short, of receiWng succours, and profiting by them, to break the chains of the Christian prisoners and deliver Jerusalem, in some sort, imposed upon him the obligation to defer his return. After having thus described the state of things, without saying a word that might reveal his own opinion, he requested his knights and barons to reflect seriously upon the line of action it would be best for them to pursue. On the follow- ing Sunday he again convoked them, and demanded their opinion. The first that spoke was Guy de Malvoisin, whose bravery in fight and wisdom in council were admired and re- spected by all the Crusaders. " Sire," said he, addressing Louis, "when 1 consider the honour of your person and the glory of your reign, I do not think you ought to remain in this country. Remember that flovu'ishing army with which you left the ports of Cyprus, and then turn your eyes upon the warriors you have with you ; on that day we reckoned two thousand eight hundred knights with banners in the Christian army ; now, one hundred knights constitute your whole force ; most of them are sick ; they have neither arms nor horses, nor the means of procuring any ; they have not the power of serving you with eitlier honour or advantage. You do not possess a single city of war in the East ; that in which you now are belongs to several difterent nations ; by remaining here, you inspire no fear in the jnfidels, and you allow the audacity of your enemies in Europe to increase ; you expose yourself to the risk of losing both the kingdom of France, where your absence may embolden ambitious neighbours, and the kingdom of Jesus Christ, \ipon which your presence will draw the attacks of the Mussulmans. We are all persuaded that the pride of the Saracens should be iSG HISTOKT OF THE CKUSABES. punished ; but it is not in a country far distant from home tliat the pre])arations for a decisive and glorious war can be carried on. Thus, tlien, we advise you to return iiito the AVest, where you will watch in safety over the welfare of your states ; where you will obtain, amidst a peace which is your own work, the necessary means for avenging our defeats, and, some day, repairing the reverses we have undergone." The duke of Anjou, the duke of Poictiers, and most of the French nobles, who spoke after Guy de Malvoisin, expressed the same opinion. When they came to the count of Jaffa, he refused to speak, saying, "that he possessed several castles in Palestine, and might be accused of defending his own per- sonal interests." Upon being pressed by the king to give his opinion as the others had done, lie contented himself with saying, "that the glory of the Christian arms, that the safety of the land of Jesus Christ, required that the Crusa- ders should not at that time return to Europe." When it came to Joinville's turn, the good seneschal remembered t]ie advice that his cousin, the sei.gneur de Bollaincourt, had given him on the eve of his departure for the crusade. " You are going beyond the seas," — it was thus the good seigneut' Bollaincourt expressed himself, — " but take care how you re- turn ; no knight, either poor or rich, can come back without shame, if he leaves any of the common people in whose com- pany he quits France in the hands of the Saracens." Join- ville, full of the remembrance of these words, declared that they could not abandon the great numbers of Christian prisoners without shame. "These unhappy captives," added he, " were in the service of the king as well as in the service oT God ; and_ never will they escape from their capt'vity if the king should go away." There was not one of the lords and knights whi; had not either relations or friends among the prisoners ; therefore, many of tlicm could not restrain their tears whilst listening to Joinviile ; but this kindly feeling \' as not sufficiently strong to stifle in their hearts their desire to revisit their own country. In vain the seneschal added that the king had still a portion of his treasure left ; that he could raise troops in the Morea and other countries ; and that with the succours which would come from Europe, they should soon be in a condition to renew the war. These reasons, with many others, made no impression upon the HISTOHT OF THE CRUSADES. -457 greater part of the assembly : tliey could only view tlie cru- sade as a long and painful exile. The sieur de Chastenai, and Beaumont marshal of France, were all that agreed with the opinion of Joinville. " What shall we reply," said they, " to those who shall ask us on our return wliat we have done with the heritage and the soldiers of Jesus Christ ? Listen to the unfortunate inhabitants of Palestine : they accuse us of having brought war to them, and i*eproacli us with pre- paring their entire ruin by our departure. If we do not receive succours, it will be then time enough to go ; but why anticipate days of despair ? The Crusaders, it is true, are not in great numbers ; but can we forget that their leader, even when in chains, made himself respected by the Sara- cens ? Seport, likewise, tells us, that discord prevails among our enemies, and that the sultan of Damascus has declai'ed war against the jVIamelukea of Egypt." These two knights spoke amidst the murmurs of their companions ; and the more reasonable the opinions they advanced appeared, the greater was the impatience with which they were listened to. The seigneur de Beaumont was about to continue ; but he was interrupted with great warmth by liis uncle, John de Beau- mont, who loaded him with the most bitter reproaches. In vain the king urged the right that every one had to express his opinion ; authority of blood prevailed over the authority of the king ; the stem old man continued to raise his voice, and reduced his nephew to silence. When he had received the opinions of the assembly, the king dismissed them, and convoked them again for the following Sunday. Upon leaving the council, Joinville found himself exposed to the railleries and insults of the knights, for having expressed an opinion contrary to that of the general meeting. To complete his chagrin, he thought he had incurred the displeasure of theking; and in his despair, he formed the resolution of joining the ^^rince of Antioch, his relation. As he was revolving these gloomy thoughts in his mind, the king took him aside, and opening his heart to him, declared that it was his intention to renaain some time longer in Palestine. Then Joinville forgot all the scoffs of the barons and knights ; he was so joyous with what the king had told him, that all his griefs were at an end. On the following Sunday the barons assembled for the third time. The king of France invoked 20* 158 HISTOEY OF THE CRL'SADES. the inspiration of the Holy Ghost by a sign of the cross, and pronounced the following words : — '' SeigneiU's, I thank equally those who have advised "me to remain in Asia, and those who have advised me to return to the West. Both, I am convinced, \d no other view but the interest of my kingdom and the glory of Jesus Christ. After the most serious and lengthened reflection, I think I may, without injur\' or peril to my states, prolong my sojourn in this couutrv. The queen, my mother, has defended the honour of mv crown in troublesome times ; she will now exhibit the fiame firmness, and will meet with fewer obstacles. No, my kingdom will not suifer by my absence ; but if I quit this land, for which Europe has made so many sacrifices, who will protect it against its enemies ? Is it to be wished, that, having come here to defend the kingdom of Jerusalem, I shall be hereafter reproached with its ruin ? I remain then to save that which is left, to deliver our prisoners, and if pos- sible, to take advantage of the discords of the Saracens. I am not willing, however, to impose restraint upon anybody ; such as are desirous of quitting the East are free to de- part ; as to those who shall determine to remain beneath the banners of the cross, I promise that they shall want for notliing, and that I will ever share with them both good and ill fortune." After these words, says Joinville, most were astonished, and many began to shed hot tears. From that time, the dukes of Anjou and Poictiers, with a great number of the leaders, made preparations for their departure. Louis charged them with a letter addressed to the clergy, the nobility, and people of his kingdom. In this letter, Louis described, with a noble simplicity, the victories, defeats, and captivity of the Christian knights, and conjured his subjects cf all classes to take up arms for the assistance of the Holy liand. As soon as the two brothers of the king were gone, a levy of soldiers was commenced, and Palestine was placed in a state of defence. But that which most materially favoured the Crusaders, and gave a chance of security to the Christian colonies, was the discord that then prevailed among the Saracens. After the murder of Almoadam, the Mussuhnans of Syria rri'used to recognise the authority of the Mame- HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. 459 a:kes. Tiie principality and city of Damascus had recently been given up to Nasser, wiio was preparing to march against Cairo, at the head of a formidable army ; the great- est agitation reigned amongst the Mamelukes of Egypt, in whom remorse seemed to be accompanied bv fear. The sultana, Chegger-Eddour, was forced to descend from the throne, and to yield the supreme authority to the Tui'comau Ezz-Eddiji, whose wife she had become. This change allayed agitation for a time ; but in such a state of things, one revolution seemed immediately to bi-ing on another. The turbulent, restless soldiery, that had overthrown the empire of the Ayoubites, could neither endure that which was ancient, nor that which was new. To supprer.s sedition, the leaders at one time exhibited to the multitude a child ot that family which they had proscribed, and decorated him with the vain title of sultan. They afterwards declared that Egypt belonged to the caliph of Bagdad, and that they governed it in his name. It was at this period that the sultan of Aleppo and Damascus sent ambassadors to Louis IX. to invite the French monarch to unite with him to chastise the pride and the revolt of the soldiery of Cairo. He promised the Chris- tians to share with them the spoils of the conquered, and to restore to them the kingdom of Jerusalem. These brilliant promises were likely to produce an eifect upon the king of Eranee, and at least merited all his attention. The emirs of Egypt equally solicited the alliance of the Christians, and proposed very advantageous conditions. In the choice before him, there were powerful motives to incline the king to the party of the sultan of Damascus. He had, on one side, to treat with emirs whose good-will was very uncertain, whose fortune might be transitory, and whose authority was menaced and tottering. On the other, he had to deal with a powerful prince, whose authority being mueli better established, offered a more sure guarantee to his allies. Another motive, which could not be indift'erent in the eyes of the virtuous monarch, was, that the only aim ot tlie policy of the Mamelukes was to secure impunity for a great crime, and that the sovereign of Damascus was aiming to avenge the cause of princes. All these consider- ations were, no doubt, presented in the council of Louis, it60 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. and iTiust have left the monarch great diificulty in deciding which side it would be best for him to take. But he could not forget that he had signed a treaty w't\i the emirs, and that nothing could liberate him from his oath ; but above all, he could not forget that the Mamelukes still held in their hands the destiny of twelve thousand Christian pri- soners, and tliat by breaking with them, he should renuunce the hope of delivering tlie unhappy companions of his cap- tivity. Louis answered the Syrian ambassadors, that he would willingly join his arms to those of the sultan of Damascus, if the Mamelukes did not perform their treaties. At the same time, he sent John de Valence to Cairo, with directions to offer the emirs peace or war. The latter pro- mised at length to fulfil all the conditions of the treaty, if Louis should consent to become their ally and aus-iliary : more than two hundred knights were immediately set at liberty. These unfortunate victims of the crusade arrived at Ptole- mais about the month of October (1251) : the people flocked in crowds to see them land ; they exhibited too e^'i- dent signs of their late captivity, and the remembrance of what they had undergone, together with their present wretchedness, drew tears of compassion from all the specta- tors. These prisoners, whose chains Louis had succeeded in breaking, brought with them, in a kind of triumph, a cofHn, containing the bones of Gauthier de Brienne, who fell into the hands of the infidels at the battle of Gaza, and had been massacred by a furious mob at Cairo. The clergy accompanied the remains of tlie Christian hero to the church of the Hospitallers ; and the companions in arms of Gauthier described his exploits and the glorious death he had undergone for the cause of Christ. Religion displayed all its pomps, and in its holy songs celebrated the glory of a martyr, and the devotion that it alone had inspired. The charity of the faithful relieved and consoled the misery of the captives, and Louis took into his service all whom age or infirmities rendered incapable of bearing arms-. The king learnt with much pain that many Christian pri- Bjners still remained in Egypt. As the Egyptian ambassa- dors arrived at tliat time at Ptolemais, Louis IX. declared that they must not at all depend upon the. alliance they HISTOET OF THE CKUSADKS. 46i «ame to solicit, if the emir.s did not hasten to liberate all tba captives and all the children of Christians brought up in the JMussuhnau faith, and even send to him the heads of the Crusaders tliat had been exposed upon the walls of Cairo. Thus the position of the Christians was ameliorated daily by the divisions among their eneinies. The king of France dictated the conditions to the emirs, and if he had had troops, he might have repaired some of the reverses he had experienced in Egypt; but the East furnished him with but a very small number of soldiers, and the AYest did not seem at all disposed to send him any supplies. The king of Castile, who had taken the cross, died at the moment he was preparing to set out. In England, Henry III., who had likewise assumed the cross, obtained from the pope and the pai-liament the power to levy a tenth upon his people and clergy ; he at the same time imposed enormous taxes upon tlie Jews of his kingdom. The preaeliers of the crusade were directed to announce his approaching departure for the East, and he himself swoi-e upon the Cxospel, in the presence of the assembled barons and people, that he would go to the Holy Land, at the head of his army ; but after having obtained what he wanted, he foi'got all his promises. Frederick IL, at the moment he was about to assist Louis IX., died at Naples ; and his death proved to be a fresh source of trouble and agitation for Christendom. Al- though he had, when dyuig, bequeathed" a hundred thousand ounces of gold for the succour of the Holy Land, and by his testament had restored to the Church all that had belonged to it. Innocent received the news of his death with a joy that he did not seek to conceal. "Let the Heavens rejoice !" wrote he to the clergy and people of SicUy ; "let the earth be in gladness!" and he pursued with anathemas the memory of a prince who had borne the title of king of Jerusalem during thirty-eight years. He excommunicated Conrad, whom Frederick had named as his successor to the empire ; he sent emissaries into the kingdoni of Naples, .to cortupt the fidelity of the people ; and ecclesiastics in Grer- many received the mission to preach a crusade against the princes of the house of Swabia. France .vas not less agitated than other countries ; on the 462 msTOBT OF the CUL'SADKS. return of the dukes of Anjou and Poictiers. the letter of Louis addressed to his subjects was read in all the churclies. This letter revived all the sorrow that had been felt when the account was received of the captivity of the king and his army. The exhortations which Louis addressed to the French to obtain assistance, together with the news that arrived daily from the East, affected all hearts ; and as the people have no idea of moderation in either grief or joy, a spirit of sedition, mixed with enthusiasm for the crusade, agitated the cities, pervaded the provinces, and, for a time, placed the kingdom in peril. Princes and magnates having failed in their enterprise, the multitude was led to believe that Christ rejected the great ones of the earth from his service, and was only willing to have for defenders humble men, shepherds, and labourers. A man appeared, who undertook, with the help ol" this popular opinion, to inflame the public mind, and to create a general movement. This man, named Jacob, born in Hun- gary, and far advanced in age, w^as said to have preaclied the crusade of children, of which we have spoken in the twelfth book of this work. A long beard, which descended to his girdle, with a pale face and mysterious language, gave him the air of a prophet. He passed from hamlet to hamlet, saying that he was sent by Heaven to deliver the city of God, and avenge the king of France. Shepherds left their ilocks, labourers laid down the plough to follow his footsteps. Jacob, who was called the master of Hungary, caused a standard to be borne before him, upon which was painted a lamb, the symbol of the Saviour of the world ; provisions were brought to him from all parts, and his disciples asserted that, like Christ, he had the gift of multiplying loaves. The name of Pastors was given to these villajre Crusaders. Their first meetings, to which little attention was paid, were held in the provinces of Flanders and Picardy ; they then directed their course towards Amiens, and afterwards towards the capital ; increasing as they went, with a crowd of vaga- bonds, thieves, and prostitutes. Although they had com- mitted some disorders, Queen Blanche tolerated them, in the hope they might be the means of procuring some assis*:anee for the king. The implied protection of the queen regent uiflaraed their pride, and impunity increased their license HISTORY OF CHE CEUSADES. 103 and redoubled their audacity. The impostor Jacob and tlie other heads of his gang, with whom chance or corruption had associated Idm, declaimed with vehemence against the wealth and the supremacy of the clergy, which pleased the multi- tude they drew at their heels ; to the great scandal of all pious men, they themselves performed aacerdotal functions, iiid took the place, in the pidpits, of the sacred orators, em- ploying violence against the ministers of the altars, and seeking to awaken the passions of the people. At length, assembled to the number of more than a hundred thousand, these redoubtable pilgrims left Paris, and divided themselves iirto several troops, to repair to the coast, whence they were to embark for the East. The city of Orleans, which hap- pened to be in theii' passage, became the tlieatre of friglitful disorders. The progress of their enormities at length created serious alarm in the government and the magistracy; orders were sent to tlie provinces to pursue and disperse these turbulent and seditious bands. The most numerous assemblage of the pastors was fixed to take place at Bourges, where the master of Hungary was to perform miracles and communicate the will of Heaven. Their arrival in that city was the signal for murder, fire, and pillage. The irritated people took up arms and marched against these disturbers of the public peace ; they overtook them between Morteiuer and Villeneuve-sur-le-Cher, where, in spite of their numbfrs, they were routed, and received the punishment due to their brigandages. Jacob had his head cut off by the blow of an axe ; many of his companions and disciples met with death on the field of battle, or were consigned to punishment ; the I'emainder took to flight.* Thus this storm, formed so suddenly, was dispersed in the same manner; another band, which had directed its course towards Bordeaux, was likewise subdued ; some of the * Among the great number of historians who have spoken of this movement, William de Guy, Matthew Paris, William of Nangis, and the Annals of Waverley may be consulted. [Some historians relate the catastrophe differently. One says: "The pastors were aocustomed to preach, surrounded by armed men for their defence; one day, by the command of Blanche, an executioner introduced himself among these, and gliding behind Jacob, struck his head off at a blow, before the eyes of the spectators, who were chilled with horror, Some knights then appeared and dispersed the pastors."] — Trans. 464 HISTORY' OF THE CRrSAUES. pastors who succeeded in getting to England, were served h the same way. A report was spread that correspondoices Avith the Saracens had been found upon tlie persons of their leaders, and they were accused of having formed the project of delivering up Christian people to the swords of the in- fidels ; which accusation, however improbable, completed the hatred the people began to entertain for them. Tlie govern- ment, which had not at first strength enough to oppose Ihem, armed the passions of the nudtitude against them, and tranquillity was soon reestablished in the kingdom. In tlie mean time the crusade to the East was preaclied iu most of the countries of Europe ; new indulgences were added to those which had been accorded to the soldiers of Christ ; the bishop of Avignon received power to absolve tliose who had stru.'k clerks, or burnt churches ; the same bishop had the faculty of converting all vows, except that of religion, into a vow for the crusade: similar powers were given to the prior of the Jacobins at Paris. These new eiicouragenients might have aroused a momentary ardour in the faithful, if the coui-t of Home had not been constantly diverted from the cares of a crusade in the East, by the war it had declared against the house of Swabia. The Holy See willingly granted dispensations to Crusaders who took a part in its cause, or who paid it a tribute; which made the good bishop of Lincoln accuse Innocent of exchanging the treasures of heaven for those of earth, and of selling the Crusaders as the heifers and rams of sacrifice were formerly sold in the Temple. At length, no longer concealing either his hatred or his ambition, the sovereign pontifi" ordered the Cordeliers to preach a crusade against the heir and successor of Frederick ; the indulgence for those who took the cross extended to the father and mother of the Crusaders, a thing that had never taken place in any other crusade. At the moment when Louis IX. was so earnestly requesting suc- cour, the preaching of this impious crusade excited great scandal among the French nobility ; the new Crusaders were treated as rebels ; Queen Blanche caused their lands to be seized ; and the princes and lords ibilowed the example of the queen in their domains. The Cordeliers were severely reprimanded, and their preaching proved ineifectual. Whi'st the crusade against Conrad was being suppressed. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 465 no increased zeal was exhibited for the war iu the Eaet. Those who entertained the warmest attachment for Louis IX. might with justice believe, that by sending him assistance they should prolong liis absence. Thus, in spite of the reiterated prayers of the king, France, which had shed so many tears over his captivity, could not resolve to take up arms to succour him, and was satisfied with putting up vows lor his return. All that Blanche was able to do for her son was to send him a vessel laden with mojiey, which was lost on the coast of yyria. A small number of those who had taken the cross in the West, determined to cross the sea; the young count of Eu, and Raymond count of Turenne, whom the queeu commanded to set out for Palestine, were almost the only nol^les of this party. Most of the knights and barons that had remained in Palestine with the king, having spent everything, and being entirely ruined, fixed so high a price upon their services, and, according to the expression of the commissaries of Louis, 7na(/e fhfinsclves so clear, that the treasury of the monarch would not suffice to support them.* Levies were made in Greece, in Cyprus, and in the Christian cities of Syria; but these levies only brought to the banners of the crusade a few adventurers, very ill calculated to share the labours and dangers of a great enterprise. Among the warriors whom the love of danger and distant adventures led at this time to the Holy Land, history speaks of Alemar of Selingan. This knight had come from a country of the West,t in which the summer, he said, had almost no nights. Selingan and his companions sought every oppor- tunity for signalizing their skill in arms and their romantic bravery. "Whilst waiting for the happy moment at which they might fight vvitli the Saracens, they made war upon the 1 ons, which they pursued on horseback into the deserts, and Killed with their arrows ; which was a subject of great sur- prise and admiration for the French warriors. Another very noble knight also arrived, says Joinville, * There can be no doubt that this wf r ;he case with those who re- mained with him ; sven the worthy senfs lial and all. His determination to go to Antioch proves that he had no res./urce in Europe. It wa? a dcs))eiate game, and they were obliged to play it out. — Trans. f Norway. 466 niSTORT OF TKE CRUSABES, who was called De Toucy. The chevalier de Touey had beer regent of the Latin empire of Constantinople, in the absence of Baldwin, and prided himself npon belonging to the farc'V of the kings of France. In company with nine other knights, he abandoned an empire which was falling rapidly to rnin, in order to endeavou' Vo snpport the miserable re- mains of the kingdom of Jerusalem. Toucy related the misfortunes of Baldwin, and the deplorable circumstances that had forced a Christian emperor to ally himself with a chief of the Comans. According to the custom of the bar- barians, the prince of the Comans and the emperor of Con- stantinople had punctured themselves, and mixing the blood in a cup, had both drunk of it, as a sign of alliance and brotherhood. The knights who accompanied the seigneur de Toucy had borrowed this practice of the barbarians : the French warriors at first were disgusted with it ; but soon, led away by the strange novelty of the thing, they them- selves mingled their blood with that of their companions, and diluting it with floods of wine, they got intoxicated together over the mystical draught, which, as they said, made them brothers. The manners and customs of the Eastern nations strongly raised the curiosity and fixed the attention of the Crusaders. When the missionaries whom Louis IX. had sent into Tar- tary returned to Ptolema'is, the French warriors were never tired of interrogating and listening to them. Andrew de Lon- jumeau, who was at the head of the mission, had set out from Antioch, and travelling ten leagues every day, had prosecuted his journey for a year before he arrived at the place at which the great khan of the Tartars resided. The missionaries traversed deserts where they met with enormous heaps of human bones — sad monuments of the victories of a barbarous people : they related marvellous things of the court of the monarch of the Moguls, of the manners and customs of the countries they had travelled through, of the conquests and legislation of Gengiskhan, and of the prodigies which had prepared the power and greatness of the cor- queror of Asia. Among the extraordinary and somewhat fabulous circumstances they related, the Christians learned with much joy that the religion of Christ was extending its HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. 467 empire among the most distant nations ; the missionaries declared they had seen, in a single horde of Tartars, more than eight hundred chapels, in ^vllich the praises of the true God were celebrated. Louis IX. hoped that the Mogids might some day become auxiliaries of the Christians in the great struggle against the infidels ; and this hope made him resolve to send fresh missionaries into Tartary. But if the Crusaders were thus astonished at all they heard concerning the most distant regions of Asia, they liad close to them a barbarous colony which must have excited their surprise to a still greater degree. Some months after his arrival, Louis received an embassy from the Old Man of the Mountains, who, as we have already said, reigned over about thirty villages or towns, built on the southern declivity of Mount Libanus. The envoys of the prince of the Assas- sins, when admitted into the presence of the king of France, asked him if he was acquainted with their master. " I have heard of him," replied the monarch. " Why, then," added one of the ambassadors, " have you not sought after his friendship by sending him presents, as the emperor of Ger- many, the king of Hungary, tlie sultan of Cairo, and so many other great princes have done ? " The king listened to this strange language without anger, and appointed the ambassadors another audience, at wliich the grand masters of the Templars and the Hospitallers were present. The name alone of the two military orders, which the poniard of the Assassins did not venture to attack, inspired some degree of terror in the Old Man of the Mountain, who had been con- strained to pay them a tribute. In the second audience, the two grand masters sternly reproved the ambassadors, and told them that if the lord of the Mountain did not send presents to the king of France, his insolence would draw upon him a prompt and just chastisement. The envoys repeated these threatening words to their master, who him- self experienced some of the fear he wished to Inspire, and sent them back to Louis to express much more pacific sen- timents. Among the presents which they were charged to offer to the king of the Franks, there were several vases, a chess-board, and an elephant in rock crystal ; to these the lord of the Mountain added a slurt and a ring, as symbola ^68 HISTORY OF THE CRUSAJES. of alliance, according to which, said the envoys to the French monarch, " you and our master will remain united as the fingers of the hand are, and as the shirt is to the body."* Louis IX. received this new embassy with distinction, and by their hands sent to the prince of the Assassins vases of gold and silver, and stuffs of scarlet and silk ; he commanded brother Yves, a man learned in Arabic, to accompany them. Yves, who remained for some time at the court of the Old Man of the Mountain, on his return related many curious particulars, which history has not despised. The prince of the Assassins belonged to the sect of Ali, and prol'essed some admiration for the Gospel. He had, in particular, a veneration for Monseigneur St. Feter, who, according to his belief, was still living, and whose soul, he said, had been successively that of Abel, Noah, and Abraham. Brother Yves spoke strongly of the terror with which tlie Old Man of the Mountain inspired his subjects. A fearful silence reigned around his palace, and when he appeared in public, he was preceded by a herald-at-arms, who cried with a loud voice, " Whoever you may be, dread to appear before him wlio holds the life and death of kings in his hands." AYhilst these marvellous recitals were amusing the leisure of the Crusaders, war was declared between the sultans of Damascus and Cairo. The Christian warriors, impatient for fight, sighed at being thus condemned to waste their time in listless idleness. But they mustered scarcely seven hundred knights beneath the banners of the cross ; and their small number would not permit Louis to think of attempting any important enterprise. Whilst anxiously looking forward to the perils and hazards of war, the holy monarch never relaxed in his endeavours to anu^liorate the destiny and break the chains of the captives who still remained in the hands of the Mussulmans. But the captivity of the Christian warriors was not tlie only grief with which his heart was afilicted : it added greatly to his sorrow to learn that many of his companions in arms had embraced Islamism. It is a singular circumstance to * The reader may remember a curious ceremony of alliance, in th« last volume, wherein tlie one party passes through the shirt of the other whilst he has it on. — Trans. HISTORY OF :HE CUUSADE8. 469 i-eniark,* that the Crusaders, ,vhose aim always was to bring about the triumph of Christianity, present us with frequent examples of apostasy, and liistory does not hesitate to alhrni, tliat during the course of the holy wars more Christians be- came ]\lussulmans than Mussulmans became Christians. Join- ville informs us in his Memoirs, that most of the mariners who manned the Christian fleet in the retreat from Mansourah, renounced their faith to save their lives : in these disastrous days, many warriors were unable to resist the menaces of the Saracens, and the fear of death made them forget a religion for which they had taken up arms. We have seen what evils the Crusaders had endured in the expeditions to the East ; among the crowd of pilgrims there were always some who had not sufficient virtue to pass through tlie ordeal of great misfortunes : on the arrival of Louis IX. in Egypt, 'that country already contained many of these perjured and unfaithful Christians, who, in the perils and calamities of preceding wars, had forsaken the God of their fathers. All these renegadoes were despised by the Saracens. Oriental authors quote a saying of Saladiu's on this subject, which expresses an opinion generally established, and which was maintained to the very last days of the crusades ; he said that a good Christian was never made of a bad 3IussuJman, nor a good Mussulman of a bad Christian. H istory affords a few details upon the lives of these degenerate Franks, who had renounced tlieir religion and their country ; many em- ployed themselves in agriculture and the mechanical arts ; a great number were enrolled in the Miissulman armies ; some obtained employments, and succeeded in. amassing great wealth. We may well, hovvever, believe, that remorse era- poisoned every moment of their lives, and would not permit them to enjoy the advantages they liad acquired among the infidels :t the religion they had quitted still inspired them * M. Michaud observes this is a remarkable circumstance; but it is rruch more remarkable, that whilst instructing his readers, he appeals to gather no wisdom himself. Every page of his book tells us, that though there were many examples of sincere piety and virtue among the Cru- saders, the bulk of them were adventurers, to whom the most profitable religion would be the best. He is so iii love with his drama, that he wishes to think the actors and their motives of action much better than they are. — Trans. t M. Ancel(;t, in his tragedy of Louis IX., has painted with much truthfulness the character of a renegade. 4:70 HISTOEY OF THE CRUSADES. \vitli respect, and the presence and language of the Franks, who had been their brothers, recalled to thei i the most sad- dening remembrances ; but, withheld by I know not what false shame, and as if God had struck them with an eternal reprobation, they remained chained to their error by an invincible link, and although sensible of the misery of living in a foreign land, they did not dare to entertain the idea of returning to their own country. One of these renegadoes, born at Provins, who had fought uuder the banners of John of Brienne, came to salute Louis IX., and bring him presents, at the moment the monarch was embarking on the Nile, to repair to Palestine. As Joinville told him, that if he persisted in practising the religion of Mahomet, he ivould go straight to hell after his death ; he replied, that he believed the religion of Christ to be better than that of the prophet of Mecca; but, he added,* that if he returned to the faith of the Christians, he shoidd sink into poverty, and that during the rest of his life he should be loaded with infamous reproaches, and be every- where hooted as a renegade ! a renegado ! Thus, the fear of poverty, together with, a dread of the judgments of the Avorld, held iiist the desertei's from the Christian ftiith, and prevented their return to the belief they had abandoned. Louis IX. neglected no means to bring them back to the right path ; his liberality always met half-way sucli as were disposed to revert to Christianity ; and to shield them from the contempt of men, he issued an ordinance that none should reproach them with their apostasy. The king of France expended considerable sums in placing several of the Christian cities in a state of defence ; the towers and walls of C"sesarea, as well as those of Ptolemais, were heightened and enlarged; the walls and fortifications of Jaffa and Caipha, whicl\ were almo&t in ruins, were re- paired. Amidst these useful labours, carried on in peace, the warriors remained idle, and not a few of them began to be forgetful of both military discipline and Gospel morality. The precaution that the sieur de Joinville took to place his bed in such a manner as to remove all evil thoughts respect- iug his familiarity with Avoinen, proves that the morals of the Christian knights were not entirely free from suspicion at least. Louis was much more severe asainst licentiousness HISTORY OF rUK CKUSVDKS. 471 of mauners than he had been during his abode at Dainietta. History mentions several instances ot" his severity ; and such was the strangeness of the penal laws charged with the protection of public decency and morality, that excess of libertinism would at the present day appear less scandalous than the punishments then inflicted on the guilty. Tlie clergy, however, never relaxed in their endeavours to recall the Crusaders to the principles of the Christian reli- gion ; and their efforts were not fruitless. There was no city, no place in Palestine, that did not remind the warriors of the holy traditions of the Scriptures, or of the mercy and justice of Grod. Many of the French nobles, who had been models of courage, showed an equally bright example of devotion and piety ; it was common to see the bravest knights lay down their arms, and assuming the scrip and staff' of the pilgrim, repair to the spots consecrated by the miracles and the presence of Christ and the holy personages whose memory is preserved by religion. Louis himself visited Mount Thabor and the village of Cana several times, and went on a pilgrhnage to Nazareth. The sultan of Da- mascus, who sought every opportunity of forming an alliance with him, invited him to come as far as Jerusalem ; and this pilgrimage woidd have crowned the wishes of the pious monarch ; but his barons, and more particularly the bishops, represented to him that it was not befftting for him to enter Jerusalem as a simple pilgrim, and that he had come into the East not only to visit, but to deliver the holy tomb. They added, that the Western princes who should take the cross after him, would believe, from his example, that they had fultilled their duty, and pei'forraed their vow, by merely visiting the holy city ; and thus the devotion of the Crusaders would no longer have the deliverance of the sepulchre ol Clirist for its object. Louis IX. yielded to the representa- tions of the prelates, and consented not to visit Jerusalem at that time, as he still cherished the hope of one day en- tering it sword in hand. But this hope was doomed soon to fiide away — God never afterwards permitted the holy city to be wrested from the yoke of the iuffdels. The sultans of Cairo and Damascus continued to nego tiati) with the monarch of the Pranks. Each of these two JMn>-iilinan princes ho ed to have the Christians for allieb, 472 HISTORY OF THE CKUSADES. and was particularly anxious not to liave them fo: e*iemies Every time they eutertained a fear of being vanqu shed, the emirs of Egypt renewed their proposals, and they at leugth accepted all the conditions that the Cln-istians required. A treaty was concluded, by which the Mamelukes engaged to liberate all the captives that remained in Egypt, the children of Christians brought up in the Mussulman faith, and, whi^h had often been demanded by ]jouis, the heads of the martyrs of the cross that had been exposed upon the walls of Cairo. Jerusalem and all the cities of Palestine, v\ith the exception of Gaza, Daroum, and two other fortresses, were to be placed in the hands of the Franks. The treaty likewise stipulated that, during fifteen years, the kingdom of JeiMisalem should have no war with Egypt ; that the two states should combine their forces ; and that all conquests should be shared between the Christians and the Mamelukes. (Some ecclesiastics expressed their doubts and scruples upon an alliance with the enemies of Christ; but the pious monarch disdained to notice their reprei'.entations ; no treaty had ever offered so many advantages for the Christian cause, if good faith had presided over its execution : but the generous loyalty of Louis rendered him incapable of sus- pecting fraud or perfidy in his allies, or even in his enemies. The leaders of the Mussulmans were to repair to Gaza, and from thence to Jafla, to confirm the alliance they had just contracted, and to arrange with the French king the plan for carrying on the war. When the sultan of Damas- cus heard of the treaty thus entered into, he sent an army of twenty thousand men to take a position between Gaza and Daroum, so as to prevent the junction of the Egyptians and Franks. Whether the Mame! 'kes were prevented by their internal divisions, or whether they did not dare to face the troops of Damascus, they did not appear at Jaffa at the time agreed upon. They, however, fulfilled all the other con- ditions of the treaty, and added to the convoy of caiitives and funereal relics, the present of an elephant, which Louis sent to Henry III. of England. As they often repeated their promise of coming to Jaflli, Louis was constantly in expec- tation of them, and waited for them an entire year. The French monarch being thus deceived in his hopes, might, UISTORY OF THE CRU3ADE3. 478 without injustice, have renounced a treaty that the other con- tracting party did not execute ; he might again have opened a communication with the sultan of Damascus, who offered the same advantages, with much more probability of his promises being fulfilled. The emirs of Egypt had sought the alliance of the Christians when their own situation appeared despe* rate, and when they had reason to believe that the king of Trance would receive succours from the West ; seeing, how- ever, that Louis had no army, and that all the forces he could muster did not amount to more than seven hundred knights, they were fearful of entering too deeply into en- gagements that would expose them to the hatred of the Mussulmans, without offering them any substantial support against their enemies. All these emirs besides, only fought to secure for themselves impunity for their crime, and to be left in quiet possession of the fruits of their revolt. They were at all times ready to lay down their arms, if they pro- cured pardon for the past, and had Egypt abandoned to them. The caliph of Bagdad was always anxious to estab- lish peace among the Mussulman powers ; he prevailed upon the sidtan of Damascus and Aleppo to forget his causes of resentment, and upon the emirs of Egypt to expresi^ re- pentance, with a desire for peace. Several battles were fought without any decisive results ; in one of these battles a party of Syrian troops were defeated by the Mame- lukes, and fled away towards Damascus ; whilst other bodies of Mamelukes were beaten by the Syrians, and pur- sued up to the gates of Cairo. A war in which victory was always uncertain, necessarily weakened the courage and exhausted tlie patience of both parties ; and they appealed to the spiritual father of the Mussulmans to arbitrate between them. The sultans of Syria and Egypt at length concluded a peace, and agreed to unite their arms against the Chris- tians. From that time the hopes of the Crusaders all Tanished ; the king of France, from having procrastinated so long, and at the same time neglected a favourable opportunity, liad, all at once, two united enemies to dread. It is necessary to be perfectly acqtiamted with the situation and policy of the Mussulman powers, to ascertain how far history has reason to blame the indecision and tardiness of Louis IX. Le pere Maimbourg does not scruple to blame Vol. IL— 21 474 UISTOKi' OF THE CllUSABKS. him with much severity, aud dechires phiiiily, that to he a saint, it appears not necessary to he infallihle, particularly in political affairs, and even stiU less in those of war. The treaty concluded between the Mamekdies aud Syrians was tlie signal for war ; the sultan of Damascus, at the head of an army, came under the very walls of Ptolemais, and threatened to ravage the gardens and fields which supplied the city with provisions, if the inhabitants did not pay him a tribute of fifty thousand golden byzants. The Christians were not in a condition to resist their enemies, if the latter had theu had any intention of attacking them in earnest ; but the Syrians, exhausted by fatigue, were in want of pro- visions, and returned to Damascus, whilst the Mamelukes, at the same time, retook the route to Cairo ; both of them departing with an intention of returning on the first favour- able occasion to invade and desolate Palestine. The threats of the Mussulmans redoubled the zeal and the efibrts of Louis to place the Christian cities in a state of defence ; he determined to restore the fortifications of Sidon, which had been demolished by the Saracens of Da- mascus, at the time that the Crusaders landed in Egypt. He sent a great number of workmen into this city, and the Avorks were rapidly advancing, when they were all at once interrupted by the most deplorable occurrence. The place having a weak garrison, was surprised, and every Christian it contained put to the sword by the Turcomans, a wander- ing, ferocious race, accustomed to live by murder and plunder. Loius was at Tyre when he learned this disastrous news, and was about to go to Sidon. Some of the few Syrian in- habitants that had escaped the carnage, described to him the unheard-of cruelties of the barbarians ; the fury of the Turcomans had spared neither age nor sex, and in their re- treat they had slaughtered two thousand prisojiers. Louis, deeply afflicted by what he heard, formed at once the deter- mination to go and attack the Turcomans in Beliuas, to which place they had retired. At the first signal all the warriors that accompanied him eagerly assumed their armour. The king vvashed to place himself at their held, but the barons strongly opposed his intention, saying, " that he uuist not expose a life of so much consequence to the Holy Laud, in such an ex])('dition." The Christian warriors set forward UlSTORY 01' Tin; CKUSADES. 475 on their inarch. Beliuas, or Ciesarea Philippi, was biiilt upon a declivity of Mounii Libauus, near the sources of tlie Jordan : the place was only to be approached by narrow roads and steep ascents ; but nothing could stop the Cru- saders, impatient to avenge their murdered brethren. Upon tlieir arrival at Beiinas, the enemy fled in all directions ; the city was taken, and tliis victory would have been complete, if the Christian warriors had observed the laws of discipline, and followed the orders of their leaders. AV^hilst the French were taking possession of Beiinas, the Teutonic knights weiit to attack a Mussulman castle, built upon the neigh- bouring heights, whose towers appeared mingled with the peaks of Libauus. The Saracens, who had rallied at this place, and began to recover their courage, repulsed the as- sailants, and pursued them across the rocks and precipices. The precipitate retreat of the Teutonic knights threw the other Christian warriors into confusion ; these latter being huddled together upon a mountainous piece of ground, wliei-e they could neither fight on horseback nor form a line of battle. The sieur de Joinville, who led the king's guards, was more than once upon the point of losing his life, or of falling into the hands of the Turcomans. At length the French, by hard fighting, repaired the error of the Ger- mans ; Olivier de Thermes, and the warriors he commanded, succeeded in repulsing the Mussulmans. The Crusaders, after having pillaged Beiinas, abandoned it, and returned to Sidon. Louis IX. arrived there before them : on his approach to the city, wliat was his sorrow at seeing on his route the ground covered \\'ith plundered and bloody carcases ! These were the miserable remains of the Christians that had been slain by the Turcomans.* They were putrefying fast, and * Joinville's account is very confused here ; indeed, almost, unintelligible. He says at first that the king was at Sidon, and that he retired into t)ie castle on the arrival of the Saracens. Two panes further on he says : " V\hsn the king had finished the fortifying of Jaffa, lie formed the inten- tion of doing the same for Sidon as he had done for Jaffa'' We cannot foil to observe a contradiction here. We can suppose that Louis had been to Sidon, had left it, and had again returned ; but one circumstance proves the contrary. Histury says that two tlmusand Christians were killed at Sidon, or in the vi<:inity of that city ; if Louis had then been opou the spot, It is most probable he would have buried the dead before 17G HlSTOllY OF THE CKUSAUES. there bad been no one to undertake the charge of burying thorn. Louis stopped at beliolding the melancholy spectacle, and turning to the legate, requested him to consecrate a cemetery, and then gave orders for the burial of the dead that covered the roads; but instead of obeying him, every one turned away his eyes and recoiled with disgust. Louis then sprang from his horse, and taking in his hands one of the bodies from which exhaled an infectious odour, exclaimed, " Come, my friends, come, Jet its bestow a little earth upon the martyrs of Jesus Christ.'" The example of the kiug reanimated the com-age and the charity of the persons of his suite ; all were eager to imitate him, and the Christians, whom the barbarians had slaughtered, thus received the honours of sepulture. This act of pious devotedness of Louis IX. to the memory of his companions in arms, has been celebrated by all historians ; it presents a strange contrast to the in- sensibility of a hero of modern times, who, in a circumstance almost similar, and in the same country, caused all the wounded who were left upon a field of battle to be poisoned. The king remained several months at Sidon, employed in fortifying the city. In the mean time Queen Blanche was constantly writing to him and entreating him to retui'u to Prance, as she greatly feared she should never see her sou again. Her presentiments were but too quickly realized. Louis was still at Sidon, when a message arrived in Palestine, announcing that the queen regent was no more. It was the legate of the pope who first received this melancholy jiews. He went to seek the king, accompanied by the arch- bishop of Tyre and Geoffrey de Beaulieu, Louis's confessor. As the prelate announced that he had something important to communicate, and at the same time exhibited marks ot great grief upon his countenance, the monarch led him into his chapel, which, according to an old author, " was his arsenal ayainst all the crosses of the loorld." The pre- late began by reminding the king that all that man loves ^pon the earth was perishable ; " be thankful to God," added his departure, and would not have dfferi-ed the performance of this pioua duly till his return. It is e\ddent that Joinville's account lias been altered at this part; unfortunately, this alteratioc is not t!.e only ons ifhicli this precious historical uioiiument ha» undergone. HISTORY Ol' THE CHL'SAUES. 477 he, " for having given you a mother vi'ho has watched over your family and your kingdom with such anxious care, and so much ability." The legate paused for a mo- ment, and theuj breathing a profound sigh, continued, " This tender mother, this virtuous princess, is now in heaven." At these words, Louis uttered a piercing cry, and then burst into a torrent of tears. As soou as he had a little recovered himself, he fell on his knees before the altar, and joining and raising his hands, exclaimed, " I thank you my Grod ! for having given me so good a mother ; it was a gift of your mercy ; you take her back to-day as your own ; you know that I loved her above all creatures ; but since, before all tilings, your decrees must be accomplished, O Lord! be your name blessed for ever, and for ever!" Louis sent away the two prelates, and, remaining alone with his confessor, he recited the service for the dead. Two days passed away before he would see anybody. He then desired Joinville to be called, and upon seeing him, said, " Ah ! se- neschal, I have lost my mother." " Sire," replied Joinville, " I am not surprised at that ; you knew that she must die at some time ; but I marvel at the great and extravagant grief that you feel for it, you who have always been so wise a prince." When Joinville left the king, Madame Marie de bonnes Vertus came to beg that he would come to the queen and endeavour to console her. The good, seneschal found IMarguerite bathed in tears, and could not refrain from ex- pressing his surprise by saying to her, "It is a difficult matter to believe you are a woman by your weeping, for the grief you show is for the loss of a woman that you hated more than any other in the world." IMarguerite replied that it was not, in fact, for the death of Blanclie she was weeping, " but for the great vuieasiness in which 1 see the king, and also for our daughter, left under the guardianship of men." Louis IX. was present every day at a funeral service cele- brated in memory of his motlier. He sent into the AV^est a great number of jewels and precious stones to be distributed among the principal churches of France ; at the sune time exhorting the clergy to put up prayers for him and for the repose of the queen Blanche. In proportion with his en- deavours to procure prayers for his mother, his grief yielded to the hope of seeing her again in heaven ; and his mind, i7S HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. when calmed by resignation, found its most effectual conso- lations in that mysterious tie which still unites us with those we have lost, in that religious sentiment which mixes itself with our affections to purify them, and wifh our regrets to mitigate them. The death of Queen Blanche seemed to impose an obhga- tion upon Louis IX. to return to his dominions ; and the news he received from the West convinced him that his pre sence was becoming more necessary every day. A war for the succession of Flanders had broken out again : tlie truce with England had just expired ; the people were murmuring : on the other hand, Louis had now nothing he could under- take in Palestine. He therefore gave his serious attention to the subject of his return ; but as if, on this occasion, he mistrusted his own understanding, he determined, before he formed a definitive resolution, to consult the will of God. Processions were made, and prayers were put up in all the Christian cities of Palestine, that Heaven might deign to enlighten those who had been charged with the directing of a war undertaken in its name. The clergy and barons of the kingdom of Jerusalem, persuaded that the presence of Louis was no longer necessary, and that his return to the West might rouse the enthusiasm of the French warriors for a new crusade, advised him to embark for Europe ; at the same time expressing their fervent gratit\ide for all the ser- vices he had rendered to the cause of Jesus Christ during five years. On preparing for his departure, Louis left a hundred knights in the Holy Land, under the command of Geoffrey de Sergines, who fought against the Saracens for thirty years, and became, in his old age, viceroy of Jerusalem. Louis quitted Sidon, and, with the queen and three cliildren that he had had in the East, repaired to Ptolemais, in the spring of 1254. A fleet of fourteen vessels was ready to receive him and all that remained of the warriors of the crusade. The day being arrived (April 24th), the king, walking on foot, followed by tlie legate, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and all the nobles and knights of Palestine, took the road to the port, amidst an immense crowd collected on his passage. All classes, as they saw him depart, recollected the virtues of which he had given so bright an example, particularly his kindness to the inhabitants of Palestine, UISTOKY OF THE CRV JADES. 47% wlwm he had treated as his own subjects. Some expressed their gratitude by warm acclamatious, others by a melancholy silence ; but all proclaimed him the father of the Christians, and implored Heaven to shower its blessings upon the vir- tuous monarch, and upon the kingdom of France. The countenance of Louis plainly indicated that he fully partook uf the regrets of the Christians of the Holy Land ; he addressed a few consoling words to them, gave them useful counsels, reproached himself with not haWng done enough lor their cause, and expressed an earnest desire that God ■wo\dd some day judge him worthy of finishing the work of their deliverance. At length the fleet set sail. Louis had obtained per- mission from the legate to take with him, in his vessel, the Holy Sacrament, for the assistance of the dying and the sick ; so, when beholding altars raised on board a ship, priests clothed in their sa^'.'rdotal habits, celebrating divine service, and invoking thr protection of Heaven at every hour in the day, it was easy to recognise the pious wreck ot a crusade, and the last trophies of the war of Jesus Clirist.* As the fleet approached the isle of Cyprus, the vessel in which the king was struck violently against a saiid-bank ; all the crew were seized with terror ; the queen and her children uttered piercing cries; but Louis prostrated himself at the foot of the altar, and addressed himself to Him who connnands the sea. When the vessel was examined, it was found that it had received considerable damage, and the pilots pressed the king to leave it ; but seeing that they themselves did not purpose to abandon the ship, he determined to remain in it. " There is no one here," said he, " who does not love his body as dearly as I do mine ; if I leave, they will leave also, and, ])erhai)s, ■will not see their country for a length of time ; I prefer placing myself, my queen, and my children in the hands of God, to doing such an injury to so great a number of people * It is not uninteresting or Iwrren of instruction, to think how different would be the rr-flections of a Voltaire or a Gibbon on this subject ! Th« reader may safely take a po.-ition between the two extremes : Louis was a good and i)ious nan, but a very mistaken one ; as king of a great peopio; he certainly liad not performed his duties during the last five years.—- Trans, i>SO IlISTOKY OF THE CRUSADES. as tliere are here." These words, inspired by an lieroic charity, revived the courage of the sailors and the pilgrirus*. and they resumed their course. AVhen leaving the coasts oi Sicily, the fleet very carefully kept clear of the coast of Tunis, as if a secret presentiment warned the French Cru- saders of the misfortunes that awaited them upon that shore in a still more disastrous expedition. A tempest placed the fleet in great peril ; it was upon this occasion Queen JNlar- guerite made a vow to offer a ship of silver to St. Nicholas of Lorraine, and requested Joinville to become her security with the patron saint of such as are shipwrecked. Whilst everybody else was in despair, Louis found calmness in a philosophy derived from religion ; and when the danger was past, he said to his companions : " See if God has not proved to us how vast is his power, when by means of a smgle one of the four winds, the king of France, the queen, their children, and so many other persons have escaped drowning." The navigation lasted more than two months, during which many marvellous adventures and accidents were encountered by the pilgrims, which history has preserved an account of, and which would not figure unworthily in a Christian Odyssey. The fleet at length cast anchor at the isles of Hierea. Louis crossed Provence, and passing by Auvergne, arrived at Yincennes on the 5th of September, 1254. The people flocked from all parts to greet him on his passage ; the more they appeared to forget his reverses, the more strongly was Louis aftected by the remembrance of his lost companions ; and the melancholy that clouded his countenance formed a paxuful contrast with the public joy. His first care was to go to St. Denis, to prostrate himself at the feet of the apo-itle of France; on the following day he made his public ent' nnce into his capital, preceded by the clergy, the nobility, and *^he people. He continued to wear the cross upon his shoi ider, the sight of which, whilst recalling the cause of his lon/j absence, gave his subjects reason to fear that he had not yet abandoned his enterprise of the crusade. The greater number of the barons and knights that had gone with Louis, had found a grave in either Syria or Egypt. Such as had survived so many disasters, reentered their castles, which they found deserted and falling to ruins. The good seneschal, after having revisited his home, repaired. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 481 barefooted, to the church of St. Nicholas of Lorraine, to dis- charge the vow of Queen Marguerite. He then set earnestly- about repairing the evils his absence had caused, and swore never again to quit the castle of Joinville to seek adveutiu-es in Asia. Thus terminated this holy war, the commencement of which had filled the Christian nations with so much delight, and which had, in the end, plunged the whole West into mourning. Throughout the events I have just described, the seneschal de Joinville has been my guide, and I cannot terminate my recital without paying him the just tribute of my gratitude. The unpretending tone of his narration, the simplicity of his style, the gaiety of his character, have aiforded me a happy relief amidst a labour always dry and sometimes revolting. I take delight in beholding him in- trepid in the field of battle, preserving his cheerfulness amidst the misfortimes of war, resigned in his captivity, and in all his actions recalling to our minds the true spirit of chivalry. Like his compatriot Yillehardouin, he often makes his heroes weep, and as often weeps himself. He braves danger, when danger is present ; but he thanks God with all his heart when he has no longer anything to fear. When I read his memoirs, I am transported back to the thirteenth century, and I think I am listening to a knight who is returned from the crusade, and who tells to me all he has seen and all he has done. He has neither method nor rule ; he drops the line of his discourse, and takes it up again ; and he extends or abridges his narration, as his imagination is more or less struck by that which he .'elates. AVhen we read the narratives of Joinville, we are not sur- prised that Louis should have taken so much delight in hia conversation ; there is not one of his readers wlio does not feel the same confidence and friendship for him that the vir- tuous monarch accorded him, and history adopts without hesitation all that he affirms tcpon his honour, persuaded that he who was bold enough to speak the truth in the courts of kings \v\\\ not deceive posterity. The crusade of St. Louis was like thafwhich immediately preceded it. The enthusias!n for these distant expeditious was daily losing its vivacity and its energy : the ciusade no longer appeared anything to the knights beyond a coinnioxj 21* 4.82 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. war, in which the spirit of chivalry was a r lore powerfu. principle than religion. It was only a religious affair to Louis IX. The manner in which tliis crusade was preached in Europe, the troubles amidst which the voices of the preachers were raised, and particidarly the means that were employed to levy the tributes in the AVest, were calculated to turn away all minds from the object that would be supposed to be the governing one in a holy expedition. And yet Louis took precautions that had been neglected in preceding wars. Three years were employed in preparing this great enterprise ; the knights who arrived in the isle of Cyprus could not express their astonishment at seeing the casks of wine piled one upon another, so high that they ap- peared like houses ; and heaps of wheat, barley, and other grains, so immense, that they miyht he helieved to be moun- tains. Tliere is no doubt that the princes and nobles who accompanied Louis imitated his example : happy had it been for tlie Crusaders, if their leaders had slaown in war the same prudence and sagacity they displayed in preparing for their expedition ! The French warriors upon all occasions evinced their accustomed bravery ; but throughout the crusade there was never exhibited one instance of the genius of a great cap- tain ; Louis himself, wlien in danger, afforded no example to his troops beyond courage and firmness. We have related ^ the prodigies of French valour, and we have described the prodigies of pious resignation in reverses ; the Crusaders and their leaders merited, even in their disasters and in th(; depth of their misery, the esteem and admiiation of tlieir enemies ; and it is here that history presents the most beau- tiful spectacle she can offer to man : " Olory, the faithful companion of misfortune.^'' AVe have had occasion, in the course of our narrative, to remark that French gaiety never abandoned the cro^^s- knights in their distant expeditions. Tliis gaiety often mixed itself with the saddest images, and sometimes even did not respect severe propriety. AYe beg to be permitted to repeat on this head a singular anecdote related by Join- viUe. On the eve of the battle of Mansourah, one of tiie kuiglits of the seneschal of Champagne, named Landricourt, HISTORY OF THE .CRUSADES. 483 died ; and wliilst the funeral honours were being paid to him, six of his companions in arms talked so loud that they interrupted the priest who was chanting mass. Joinville reproved them warm.ly, and they then laughed aloud, saying they were talking about remarrying the wife of Messire Hugh de Landricourt, loho teas on the bier there. The good Joinville was very much scandalized at such discourse, and ordered them to keep silent. When speaking of this indis- creet gaiety of his knights, the seneschal takes care to add that God punished them on the day of battle ; for of all tlie six, he says, there was not one that was not killed and buried, and whose wife did not afterwards find it conve- nient to marry again. The manners of the European knights formed a veiy striking contrast with those of the Mussulmans, who were always grave and serious, even amidst the festivities in which they celebrated the deliverance of their country and the defeat of the Christians. We have spoken many times of the want of discipline of the Crusaders ; the Saracens were very little better in this respect; but in addition to having the advantage of fighting in their own country, with every foot of which they were acquainted, fortune gave them, in their greatest dangers, skilful and experienced leaders, who knew how to take ad- var.tage of all the errors of the Christians, and bring back to their banners that victory that appeared to have been driven away b,y the valour of their enemies. History describes the whole Egyptian nation as struck with terror at the first appearance of the Crusaders ; but the Mussulmans, reassured by their leaders, soon felt as much security and confidence as they had experienced alarm ; and as if there was nothing that men forgot so easily as danger, a year after the taking of Damietta, they could not conceive what species of madness had led a king of France to the banks- of the Nile. The continuator of Tabary relates a circumstance on this subject, which paints at once tlie opinion and the character of the Mussulmans. The emir Hossam-Eddin, in the course of a conference with the cap- tive monarch, said to him : " How did it come into the mind of the king, whom I perceive endo\\ed with wisdom and pood qualities, — how did it ever enter his tlioughts to trust 184 HISTORY OF TKJ. CRTSADES. himself to a fragile wooden bark, to brave the rocks ol" the sea, to venture into a country filled with warriors impa- tient to fight for the Mussulman faith ; how could he pos- sibly believe that he should take possession of Egypt, or that he should land upon these coasts, without exposing both himself and his people to the greatest dangers ?" The king of France smiled, but made no reply ; arid the emir thus continued : " Some of the doctors of our law have decided that he who embarks upon the sea twice consecu- tively, by thus exposing his life and his fortime, renders himself unfit to have his evidence taken in a court of justice, because such gross imprudence sufficiently proves the weakness of his reason and the unsoundness of his judgment." Louis IX. again smiled, and answered the emir : " He who said so was not deceived ; that is a wise decision."* We have transcribed the account of the Arabian histo- rian, without according him rhore credit than he merits. Christian authors have not been less severe towards St. Louis, and can find no excuse for his expedition beyond the seas. Without seeking to justify this crusade, we will con- tent ourselves with saying here* that the aim of Louis IX. was not only to defend the Christian states of Syria and to fight with the enemies of the faith, but to found a colony which might unite the East and the West by the happy interchange of productions and knowledge. AV^e have pro- duced, in the thirteenth book of this history, a letter from the sultan of Cairo, by which it may be plainly perceived, tliat the king of France had other views than those of a mere conqueror. The historian Mezerai formally says that the project of the king of France was to establish a colon^j in Egypt, a project of which the execution has been at tempted in modern times. " For this purpose," says Meze rai, " he took with him a great niunber of labourers and artisans, capable, nevertheless, of bearing arms and fighting in case of need." To support our opinion, we might add to the authority of Mezerai that of Leibnitz, who, in a memoir addi'essed to Louis XIV., does not hesitate to affirm that * The continuation of the conversation of King Louis with the emii has for its object the manner in which the Mussnlman doctors inter})ret the precept for the pilgrimage to Mecca. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADE8. 486 the motives wHch determined Louis IX. to undertake the conquest of Egypt, were inspired by profound wisdom, and merited the attention of the most slvilful statesmen, and of the most enliglitened political writers. AYc must however believe that Louis IX. did not con- template in their full extent the advantages that might be derived from his expedition, or that have been discovered in our age. All the policy of those distant ages consisted in religious ideas, which insinuated themselves into human affiiira, and often directed them towards an end that human intelligence was incapable of perceiving. What we do now for the interests of commerce or ci\'ilization, was then done for the interests of Christianity ; and the results were often the same. Religion, in those times of barbarism and igno- rance, was like a mysterious reason, like a sublime instinct, given to man to assist him in his search for all that was doomed to become good and useful to him.. AVe must not forget that the Christian religion always directed the con- duct of Louis IX., and that it was to the religious inspira- tions of this monarch, that France owed those treaties, at which frankness and good faith presided ; those institutions that consecrated the principles of justice ; and all those monuments of a wise policy, to which modern philosophers have not been able to refuse their admiration. The expedition of Louis IX. produced two results for Egypt that were not at all expected. Two years after the deliverance of the king, and whilst he was still in Palestine, the Mamelukes, fearing a fresh invasion of the Pranks, in order to prevent their enemies from taking Damietta and fortifying themselves in that city, entirely destroyed it. Some years after, as their fears wei'e not yet removed, and the second crusade of Louis IX. spread fresh alarms through- out the East, the Egyptians caused immense heaps of stones to be cast into the mouth of the Nile, in order that the Christian fleets might not be able to sail up the river. Since that period a new Damietta has been, built at a small dis- tance from the site of the former city ; but the entrance to the Nile is still, in our days, closed against all vessels, a sad and deplorable testimony of the terror which the arms of the Franks formerly inspired. History has a deeper lament to make over the second 486 HISTOKY OF THE CKUSADE8. consequence of this crusade. It is certain that it contributed ~ greatly to cliange the form of the Egyptian government, and to hll that unliappy country witli all the scourges that military despotisui brings in its train. It was a spectacle worthy of our attention and our pity, to see, after a bloody revolution, a rich and vast country abandoned all at once to slaves purchased m the most barbarous regions of Asia. Despotism, which always suspects everything that approaches it, dreaded the natural defenders of Egypt, and was willing to confide its safety to men without country and without family ; to those men who, according to the expression ot Tacitus, when speakiug of the guards of Artabanus, have not the least idea of virtue, are incapable of remorse, are in- struments always ready for crime, and only know the hand that pays them. Most of the dynasties of Syria had ali'eady perished victims of their imprudent confidence in foreign soldiers. That of Saladin shared the same fate, and was, like all the others, overthrown by the barbarians whom it had intrusted with its defence. The dynasty of the Baharite Mamelukes, which succeeded that of Ayoub, was not des- tined to have a long duration ; and a body of slaves, pur- chased in Circassia, in their turn got possession of the power that had armed them. Two centuries after, the Ottoman empire overcame the second dynasty of the Mame- lukes ; but their military government, amidst the crimes oi tyranny and excesses of disorder, for a long time braved the power of the conqueror, and subsisted to the end of the eighteenth century, when the presence of a French army completed its annihilation. Thus, two French expeditions into Egypt were marked, one by the revolt and elevation of the Mamelukes, the other by their destruction. Philosophy and humanity, however, derived some advan- tages from the expedition of St. Louis, which history does not dispute. The French monarch heard in Syria that a powerful emir was collecting a great number of books, and forming a library which was to be open to all the learned, and to all desirous of gaining knowledge. He became anxious to imitate this noble example, and gave orders for having all the manuscripts preserved in the monasteries transcribed. This literary treasure, confided to the care of Vincent de Beauvais, was placed in an apartment near the HISTOBY OF THE CRUSADES. 487 holy chapel, and became the first model of those bibliogra- phical establishments, of those precious depositories of letters and sciences, of which the capital of France is now so justly proud. it has often been said, that the hospital of the Quinze- Vingts was established by Louis IX. as an asylum for three h.undred gentlemen who had returned bluid from the holy war. The ordinance by which Louis founded this hospital Bays nothing to confirm the opinion at first spread by several writers, and which has since become sanctioned as a popular tradition.* Joinville speaks of the institution of the Quinze- Vingts ; but he says nothing of the motives that induced the pious monarch to found this establishment. Besides, we should add that the origin of the Qiiiuze-Vingts is pos- terior by several years to his return from the crusade. Mezerai relates in his history, that an hospital for the blind was established at Rouen in the middle of the twelfth cen- tury ; and this ancient monument of charity might give Louis the idea of founding a similar institution in his capital. Before this crusade, Tartary was only known by the for- midable emigrations of the Moguls. This vase region was in some sort revealed to the West by the missionaries sent thither by the king of France. AVilliam de Longjumeau, who set out from the isle of Cyprus, collected a great number of fabulous traditions in the course of his voyage ; but he likewise brought back some curious notices and some exact observations. Eubruquis, who started during the king's abode in Palestine, and returned after the departure of the Crusaders, did not succeed in his embassy to the powerful emperor of the Moguls : but, as a traveller, he observed with sagacity the country, the manners, and the laws of the Tartars ; and his relation is still a valuable monument, that more recent voyages have not thrown into oblivion. The chroniclers of the time, even Joinville himself, who never tux-ned their attention to anything but the events of * But there is one piece of internal evidence in this tradition, tliat we think should obtain it credit, notwithstanding the silence of history. When we remember how the European armies in Egypt, at the end of the last century, suffered from ophthalmia, we think there is strong reason to believe that Louis might found such an iastitutiou on his return. — Trans. 488 HISTOBT OF THE CBUSADES. the war, and gave no heed to the progress of cmlizatiori, have said nothing of the knowledge Louis miglit liave acquired concerning.the legislation of the East. What interest would not the old chronicles possess in our eyes, if they had re- ported the conversations of the royal legislator w'th the Oriental Cliristians versed in the study of the laws and customs that prevailed in the colonies of the Eranks ! It was during the sojourn of the king in Syria, that the chan- cellor of the kingdom of Cyprus collected all the laws that formed the Assizes of Jerusalem. Should we not be warranted, then, in saying that we owe this precious collection to the counsels, and still more to the encouragement, of Louis IX. ? It is certain that the pious monarch neglected nothing that would enable him to acquire a knowlmlge of the usages and customs of the countries he visited ; and that the Assizes of Jerusalem served as a model for the monument of legislation which afterwards constituted the greatest glory of his reign. One advantage of this crusade, and that, doabtless, the greatest of all, was, that Louis returned much better than he was when he went, and that adversity deveioped and perfected in him all the qualities to which his subjects looked for their future prosperity. A Protestant historian, when speaking of this subject, makes use of these remarkable words : " The fruit of his voyage and of his affliction was, that he returned a much better man, having increased in. zeal, modesty, prudence, and diligence ; and that he was more honoured and beloved by his people than he Lad ever been before his departure ; and by the universal ea^'th was held in singular admiration for his good life and constancy amidst dangers, as a miracle among kings."* Far from seeking to forget his misfortunes, Louis was constantly referring to them, as a great example that God had been willing to present to the world. He attributed them principally to his own faults; and the austeiities to which he condemned himself during the remaindei- of his life, were, says Fatlier Daniel, a kind of mourning, which he always wore for the brave men who had perished in the crusade. On his return, he reformed the coinage, and by hia order, silver Parisis and Gros Toui'nois were struck, upop * Verit. Invent, de V His loir e de France, by John de Serres, p. 152. UISTOBT OF THE CRUSADES, 489 which chains were figured, in order to preserve the memory of his captivity. These remembrances rendered him more dear to his people, and greater in the eyes of all -Christians. Happy are princes upon whom the lessons of misfortune are not lost ! happy also is the age in which men are not judged according to the favours of fortune, and in which the adver- aitv of the great ones of the earth has in it something respectable and sacred ! The misfortunes of the time, as we have already said, had ruined a great number of the most illustrious families of the kingdom. We know that many nobles had sold their lands to provide means for luidertaking the crusade ; and history has preserved acts passed in the camp, even of ]\Iansoiu"ah, by which several gentlemen sold their domains to the crowu. Louis was not at all willing tliat his companions in arms should be condemned to poverty for having followed him into the East, and for having shared with him the labours and perils of the holy war ; he therefore ordered a list to be made of the indigent nobility, and found means to assist them out of his own revenue ; he relieved, with affecting kindness, the widows and orphans of the brave knights he had seen fall by his side ; and his solicitude ex- tended even to the poor labourers who had suffered, either in the war of the Pastors, by his absence, or by the in- efficiency of the laws. " Serfs," said he, " belong to Jesus Christ as well as to us, and in a Christian kingdom we ought never to forget that they are our brethren." Since his war with the Mussulmans, he could not endure the idea of the blood of Christians being shed in battle. His ordinances forbade war between individuals in all the do- mains of the crown ; and the authority of his example contributed to maintain order and peace throughout the provinces. Before his departure, Louis had sent commissaries to repair the iniquities committed in the government of his kingdom. On his return, he was determined to see every- thing himself, and pervaded his pro\ances ; being convinced that God will not pardon kings who have neglected any opportunity or means of becoming acquainted with the truth. What a touching spectacle it must have been to see a king as anxious to discover all the ills that had ■iOO niSTOET OF THE CBUSADES. been effected in his name, as other men are to trace out any injustice done to themselves ! In short, his paternal vigilance succeeded in destroying all abuses, and repairing all faults; "and finally," says the noble confidant of hia thoughts, " in lapse of time, the kingdom of Prance multi- plied so greatly by tlie justice and rectitude that reigned m it, that the domains, feudal fines, rents, and revenues, increased in one year by a half, and vastly improved the kingdom of France." We cannot finish the account of this crusade without speaking of the emperor Frederick II. and Innocent IV., who had so much influence over the events we have de- scribed. It may be said of Frederick, that his glory under- went as many vicissitudes as his fortune. Contemporary chronicles sometimes praise him with exaggeration, and at others blame him without measure. Such is ever the fate of princes who have lived amidst the conflict of parties. The spirit of party, which has judged them in their life- time, leaves to history nothing but uncertainties, and ap- pears still to exist for them in posterity. No historian has denied the talent or the genius of Frederick ; he was one of the most illustrious captains of his times ; he is placed among the princes who, by their example and their muni- ficence, encouraged the re\aval of letters in the middle ages. He displayed great qualities upon the throne, but he did not know how to put himself in harmony with the spirit of his contemporaries ;* he had neither the defects nor the virtues of his age, and that is the reason that he succumbed in the obstinate struggle with the popes. If this struggle had not troubled and divided Europe, and if Frederick had been animated by the same sentiments aa St. Louis, there is no doubt that Christianity woidd have triumphed over Islamism, and that the Crusaders would have subdued a great portion of the East. Tiie memory of Innocent IV. has been judged as variously as that of his redoubtable adversary. When looking at hia manifestoes, his warhke enterprises, his spiritual and tem- * One thing worthy of remark is, that the emperor Frederick resembled closely, both in character and policy, Frederick II., king of Prissia; but the latter was in harmony with his age, and his age has named fiim the great Frederick. HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 491 poral triumphs, we might believe that the most able and ambitious of conquerors was seated in the chair of St. Peter. The events to which he has attached his name, and which he directed bj liis policy, leave us nothing to say regarding his genius or his character. After the deatb of Frederick, this pontiff retui'ned to Italy, which counrry he traversed in triumph ; but by a singular contrast, he^nho had shaken the power of emperors, only entered Eome trem- blingly. The Romans had sent envoys to him to expn.^ss their surprise at seeing him lead a wandering life far from his capital, and from the flock of which he would have to render an account to the sovereign judge. Although obedient in this respect to the will of the people of Eome, Innocent pursued his projects against the remams of the imperial family, and death surprised him in the king- dom of Naples, of which he was taking possession in tlie name of the Church ; having lost all care for the fate of the Christian colonies of the East. The pontiff" who succeeded him, although he had neither his ambition, nor his authority, nor his genius, followed not the less the career that had been marked out for him. He endeavoured to accomplish all the threats of the Holy See, and the thunders of Eome re- posed no more in the hands of Alexander VI. than they had done in those of his predecessors. That which might justify the persevering, obstinate ardour with which the popes pursued the posterity of Frederick, is that bv it they liberated Italy from the yoke of the empe- rors ol Germany ; and that this rich country remained sixty years without seeing the armies of the Germanic empire. But, on the other side, this advantage was purchased by so much violence, and by so many calamities, that the nations were never able to enjoy or know the value of it. The popes, who were not always sufficiently strong to maintain the work of their policy, were sometimes obliged to call in foreign princes to their aid, who introduced fresh subjects of discord into Italy. War constantly brought on war ; conquerors were expelled by other conquerors. This revolution lasted during several centuries, and became fatal, not only to Italy, but to Germany, France, and Spain, to all who wished to partake of the spoils of the house of Swabia. It is not our task to describe these afflicting scenes: to 492 HiSTOEY or the ceusades. return to that which more particularly belong:s to our sub« joct, we will glance, whilst terminating these general con- siderations, at the crusade which was then being preached in all the Italian cities against Eccelino de liomano, whom the voice of the people, as well as the voice of the Churcli, bad declared to be the enemy of God and men. This Italian noble had taken advantage of the disorder of the civil wars, to usurp a tyrannical domination over several cities of Lombardy and Trevisano. All that we are told of the tyrants of fabulous antiquity falls short of the cruelties of Eccelino. Contemporary history compares his barbarous reign to pestilence, inundations, conflagrations, and the most terrible convulsions of nature. The pope at first excom- municated Eccelino, in tvJiom he could see nothing but a wild beast in a human form ; a short time afterwards he published a crusade against this scourge of God and humanity. John of Vicenza, who had preached public peace twenty years before, was the first preacher of this holy war. The faithful who took up arms against Eccelino, w^ere to receive the same indulgences as those wdio went to Palestine. This crusade, which was imdertaken in the cause of humanity and liberty, was preached in all the republics of Italy : the eloquence of the holy orators easily prevailed over the multitude ; but that which most inflamed the zeal and ardour of the people, was the sight of the wretches whom Eccelino had caused to be mutilated amidst tortures, and the groans and lamenta- tions of the families from which the t3a\ant had chosen his victims. In most of the provinces of Italy, the inhabitants of the cities and country took up arms to defend the cause of religion and their native land ; eager to obtain the civic crown, if tliey triumphed over tyranny, and the crown of martyrdom, if they chanced to fall. The standard of the cross was displayed at the head of the army ; the crowd of Crusaders marched against Eccelino, singing this hymn of the Church, — " Vexilla regis prodeunt, Fulget crucis mysteriuin. '' The army of the faithful at first obtained rapid successes j but as the archbishop of Eaveuua, who commanded it, wanted skill, and as the Crusaders of each town had no leaders but monks and ecclesiastics, they did not profit by HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 493 their early advantages. The intrigues of policy and the spirit of rivalry relaxed the ardour of the combatants ; vic- tory -was sometimes balanced by reverses : four years of labours and perils scarcely sufficed for the suppression of an impious domination, or to avenge humanity by the defeat and death of Eccelino. I regret that the plan of this work does not permit me to speak in greater detail of this war, in which religion so hap- pily assisted the cause of liberty, and which forms so great a contrast with most contemporary events. At this period such a number of crusades were preached, that history can scarcely follow them, and we feel astonished that the popu- lation of the AVest was not exhausted by so many unfor- tunate wars. Whilst Louis IX. was retiu-niug from the East, where he had left his army, and a holy league was being formed in Italy against the tyrant Eccelino, sixty thousand Crusaders, conmianded by a king of Bohemia, marched against the people of Lithuania, still addicted to the worship of idols ; and another army of Crusaders was leaving the banks of the Oder and the Vistula to combat the pagans of Prussia, so many times attacked and conquered by the Teutonic knights. History is gratified at being able to remark that in this last expedition the cities of Brunsbad and Konigsberg were founded ; but the founding of two flourishing cities cannot obliterate the remembrance of the desolation of many pro\dnees. If any advantages could arise from these sanguinary expeditions, they were certainly the progressive steps of Christianity, which brougb.t together people till that time separated by difference in man- ners and religious belief; they were the lessons of misfor- tune and the fruits of experience, which in the end enJigbt- ened Europe, and gave to the human mind a new direction more conformable with the laws of justice and reason, more favourable to the interests of humaruty. It is thus that ProWdence, always mixing good with evil, renews human societies, and sows the prolific seeds of civilization in the veiy heart of disorder and barbarism. BND OF VOL. U.