University of California Berkeley 
 
 
CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Page 40 ninth line for " Mr. Teller," read "Mr. 
 Chaffee." 
 
 Page 159 Carlile's vote for State Treasurer 
 should be 43,494. 
 
 Page 200- twelfth line Waited plurality should 
 be 5436. 
 
 Page 280 sixteenth line Mclntlre's plurality 
 should be 17,613. 
 
THE 
 
 Political Campaigns 
 
 OF COLORADO, 
 
 WITH COMPLETE TABULATED STATEMENTS OF 
 THE OFFICIAL VOTE. 
 
 BY R. G. DILX. 
 
 THE ARAPAHOE PUBLISHING CO., PUBLISHERS, 
 
 1623 CURTIS ST., DENVER. 
 
 DENVER : 
 
 JOHN DOVE, BOOK AND JOB PRINTER. 
 1895. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year A. D. l 
 in the office of the Librarian of Congress, Washington, D. C. 
 By R. (T. DILL, Denver, Colorado. 
 
PS 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IT has been the intention, in compiling this lit- 
 tle work, while keeping 1 as closel}' as possible 
 to the occurrences having 1 an influence upon the 
 state campaigns, in their chronological order, to 
 omit all details and incidents which, while inter- 
 esting in themselves, were not so closely con- 
 nected with final results as to render them neces- 
 snry to a proper understanding of the work. It 
 will possibl}' be suggested to the reader that 
 while the details of the Democratic conventions 
 have been slighted, an undue prominence has 
 been given to Arapahoe county. This is in strict 
 accordance with the object of the work and the 
 method of construction adopted. As a rule the 
 only acts of Democratic conventions which have 
 had an influence upon the results of a campaign 
 have been their nominations. Being the minori- 
 ty party, no internal arrangement, party rule or 
 policy, or method of party government, could or- 
 dinarily affect the general result. Political his- 
 tory is made \yy the dominant party. But when 
 the acts of the Democratic, or of -any other party 
 have affected the campaign, they have been given 
 clue prominence, with all the necessary attention 
 to detail. As regards the prominence given to 
 Arapahoe county, it must be remembered that 
 Arapahoe necessarily has a preponderating in- 
 
> 
 
 fluence on account of its large population. This 
 is the stor}' of the entire country the political 
 influence of large cities is not onl}^ great, but is 
 constantly growing- in importance. The nomi- 
 nation of a governor of Colorado may have an 
 intimate connection with the election or defeat of 
 a Denver alderman, and whoever desires to trace 
 all the political influences of the state must of 
 necessity investigate the internal political condi- 
 tions of a community containing one-third of its 
 population. 
 
 Those who expect to find in this book a vehi- 
 cle for the dissemination of political scandal 
 will be disappointed. If facts having an impor- 
 tant bearing on the issues of the political cam- 
 paigns of Colorado arc' scandalous the facts are 
 given, but there is no attempt to retail the gos- 
 sip that always follows political careers, and 
 peddle out the scandals which, if the}' have any 
 foundation at all, should only be whispered be- 
 hind closed doors, or, better still, buried in obliv- 
 ion. This book is only what is represented in its 
 title a truthful story of the political campaigns 
 of Colorado, compiled in the main from personal 
 recollections and private memoranda, supple- 
 mented by consultations with nearly all the lead- 
 ing actors in the scenes described. The conclu- 
 sions may be erroneous; the facts cannot be 
 denied. 
 
WHILE the political history of Colo- 
 rado properl} r commences with her ad- 
 mission to the Union, several circum- 
 stances connected with her history prior to that 
 time are necessary to a proper understanding- of 
 the situation in 1876. 
 
 It would serve no good purpose to refer in de- 
 tail to the causes which led to the revolt against 
 Grant in 1874. Governor Klbert had been re- 
 moved, and Mr. Chaffee, representing the best Re- 
 publican sentiment of the state, was furious, and 
 was indefatigable in his efforts to secure his re- 
 instatement. In this he was unsuccessful. In 
 many respects Grant was exceedingly tenacious 
 of his opinion, and refused to reappoint Klbert. 
 Hon. J. D. Ward, of Denver, then a member of 
 Congress from Chicago, a warm friend of Mr. 
 Chaffee, and an earnest admirer and stanch po- 
 litical adherent of Piesident Grant, with a num- 
 ber of other well known public men, acted as 
 mediators and effected a compromise. John L. 
 Routt, then an assistant postmaster general, was 
 suggested for governor. Chaffee was not spe- 
 cially intimate with Routt, but he was indifferent 
 as to who should be the appointee, so that Gov- 
 ernor McCook was removed, and therefore Routt 
 was appointed. The main cause of the quarrel 
 was the appointment of the territorial officers 
 from the ranks of broken down political hacks 
 from the eastern states. The people of Colorado, 
 
6 RETROSPECTIVE 
 
 without regard to party affiliations, felt that east- 
 ern senators having political debts to pay were 
 using- Colorado as a hospital for crippled and 
 superannuated henchmen, and naturally resent- 
 ed the filling of federal offices with men to whom 
 the}^ applied the term " carpet-baggers," when 
 there was superior material at home men who 
 had been identified with the territory from its 
 earliest days, and were never found wanting when 
 the interests of Colorado were at stake. The re- 
 sult of this feeling was the election of Hon T. M. 
 Patterson as delegate to Congress in 1874, an elec- 
 tion which taught the Washington authorities a 
 much needed lesson, and resulted in the appoint- 
 ment of Governor Rontt, but which, as a political 
 experiment, was fraught with serious possibili- 
 ties to the Republican part}' when the state was 
 admitted. 
 
 It was by no means clear that the Republicans 
 could carr} r Colorado in 187(3. Governor Routt, 
 as shown above, had been appointed as a com- 
 promise, but still he was a "carpet-bagger," and 
 there were very man}- who still resented "carpet- 
 bag" domination, and declined to consider the 
 circumstances of his appointment. But the 
 movement for statehood had taken possession of 
 all classes, and under the stimulus of this move- 
 ment it was resolved to so far as possible make 
 an effort to heal existing differences in the Re- 
 publican party, with a view to the possibilities 
 of Republican success in the first state election. 
 
 Mr. Patterson labored earnestly for the pass- 
 age of the enabling act, promising" his party as- 
 
RETROSPECTIVE 7 
 
 sociates new Democratic state, in making* which 
 promise he was full} 7 warranted b\ r the apparent 
 situation. Mr. Chaffee took the higher ground 
 with the Republican side of the House that Colo- 
 rado should be admitted because she was clearly 
 entitled to the honors of statehood. Mr. Chaffee, 
 vhen a delegate, had made many warm friend- 
 ships among his colleagues, and received valua- 
 ble aid now, one of his principal assistants being 
 Hon. J. D. Ward, to whom, as much as to any one 
 man outside of Messrs. Chaffee and Patterson, is 
 due the admission of Colorado in 1876. Of course, 
 when success had crowned their labors, hosts of 
 claimants to the honor of having secured the ad- 
 mission of Colorado sprang to the front in the 
 hope of substantial reward. But the truth is, that 
 to the three gentlemen named, is, in the main 
 due the admission of the state at that time.. Pres- 
 ident Grant was not readil} T impressed with the 
 wisdom of the movement, and besides he was 
 still smarting under the sting of the opposition 
 to the administration shown by the election of 
 Mr. Patterson in 1874, but his objections were 
 finally overruled, and the act was passed. Mr. 
 Patterson was for a long time subjected to the 
 unkind criticisms of his political friends for his 
 lack of political judgment in urging the passage 
 of the enabling act by a Democratic House. 
 
 The passage of the enabling act made the 
 election for members of the Eleventh Territorial 
 Assembly one of more than ordinary importance, 
 and both sides put forth earnest efforts to secure 
 a majority. The result was a Republican victory* 
 
8 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 but by so narrow a margin that it miglit easily 
 have been turned into defeat. The election was 
 held on September 14, 1875, and resulted in the 
 election of a Democratic Council, as the upper 
 house was called, with one majorit}', and a Re- 
 publican majorit}' of four in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives. The vote was close all over the 
 territory, and indicated very clearly that there 
 \vas a fighting chance for either part}' in the 
 coming* contest for supremacy' in the new state. 
 In illustration: In Arapahoe county the average 
 vote was 3609; for member of the council Baxter 
 B. Stiles, Republican, received 1882 votes, while 
 Bela M. Hughes, Democrat, received 1905. The 
 vote for county clerk was still closer, Wilbur C. 
 Lothrop receiving 1815 to 1808 for Charles D. Cobb. 
 
 By proclamation of the governor the 25th day 
 of October was fixed for the election of members 
 of the constitutional convention, and the 20th 
 day of December for the meeting of the conven- 
 tion. The effect of the Republican victor} r in 
 September, narrow as it was, was to inspire the 
 Republicans, who secured a good working ma- 
 jorit}" of the convention, the vote on organization 
 standing 25 Republicans to 12 Democrats. The 
 average vote in Arapahoe count}- was somewhat 
 smaller than in September -only about 2500. 
 
 But little interest was taken in the proceedings 
 of the convention except in so far as the} r affect- 
 ed the struggle for state officers. When the Ter- 
 ritorial Assembly met, however, on January 3 
 IS 70, the Republicans were confronted by a new 
 and unlocked for clanger. Ry law the two houses 
 
LAST TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLY 9 
 
 were to be called to order at noon of the first 
 Monda}' of January. Karl}- Mondaj- morning it 
 was whispered about that the Democrats had se- 
 cured three men who had been regarded as Re- 
 publicans I. N. Peyton of Saguache, R. J. McNutt 
 of Rio Grande, and T. M. Trippe of San Juan. In- 
 vestigation proved the truth of the rumor in so 
 far that the gentlemen named had declined to 
 attend the Republican caucus at the office of 
 W. B. Mills, on Larimer street, near the corner of 
 lOth. The Democratic caucus was held at the 
 American House, and inquiries at that place dis- 
 closed the fact that while the hold-outs had not 
 attended the Democratic caucus, a committee 
 was out in conference with them. It was felt that 
 the control of both houses b}^ the Democrats 
 would be a serious menace to Republican su- 
 premacy, and a committee of prominent Repub- 
 licans was requested to ascertain the causes, and 
 the probable remedy for the threatened defection. 
 To this committee, of which N. H. Meldrum and 
 Amos Steck were members, Mr. Peyton admitted 
 the scheme, which was to secure certain posi- 
 tions for himself and his friends. He demanded 
 the nomination for speaker, agreeing to with- 
 draw in favor of the caucus nominee, the elec- 
 tion of his brother as clerk, and several appoint- 
 ments and committee chairmanships. The mat- 
 ter was finall}^ settled by Hon. Jerome B. Chaffee, 
 and the combine secured practically all ihey de- 
 manded, a compromise being effected whereb}^ 
 Peyton's brother was appointed assistant clerk 
 of the house, and at the appointed time the leg- 
 
10 CONSTITUTION ADOPTED 
 
 islature was organized, with Adair Wilson Presi- 
 dent and James T. Smith Secretary of the Senate, 
 Alfred Butters Speaker and Joseph T. Bo}~d, of 
 Golden, Clerk of the House. 
 
 The proceedings of the legislature during- the 
 remainder of the session were devoid of special 
 interest, save in regard to a resolution introduced 
 b} r Mr. Pisko, of Arapahoe, dispensing with the 
 services of a chaplain, which, being adopted, 
 caused considerable discussion among the vari- 
 ous religious societies, and gave rise to the sobri- 
 quet of " The Pray erlesa House." 
 
 On March 16 the constitutional convention ad- 
 journed, having completed the work for which it 
 was called together, and submitted the instru- 
 ment to the people at an election to be held on 
 Julyl. The election, so far as Denver was con- 
 cerned, and, in fact, at nearly ever}' polling place 
 in the territory, was a mere formality. The act 
 provided that no registration should be required, 
 and that his presence at the poll should be the 
 sole qualification of the voter. With such regu- 
 lations it is not surprising that Denver, which 
 polled fewer than 4000 votes at the preceding 
 count}' election, and fewer than 2,100 at the elec- 
 tion for members of the constitutional conven- 
 tion, rolled up a vote of 5200 for and none against 
 the constitution, out of a population of about 
 17,000. The state gave 15,413 for, and 4039 against 
 the instrument. 
 
 From the moment of the ratification of the 
 fundamental law, aspirants for honors under the 
 new state government commenced maneuvering 
 
GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATES 11 
 
 for the advantage of position. Naturally the 
 chief struggle was for the gubernatorial chair. 
 Governor Routt, ex-Governor Klbert, Hon. George 
 M. Chilcott, of Pueblo, and Hon. Lafayette Head, 
 of Conejos, were the principal candidates for the 
 nomination. 
 
 There is little doubt now that Governor Klbert 
 was the favorite, both with the people and with 
 the Republican leaders. He had been removed 
 from office by President Grant, against the re- 
 monstrances of a majority of the people, which 
 removal was one of the causes of the revolt of 
 1871; he was a gentleman of fine abilities, a good 
 lawyer, and possessed of all of the higher quali- 
 fications demanded in the nominee for so high 
 an office. His candidacy was not in the nature 
 of mere self-seeking; it was dignified and honor- 
 able, and met with the approval of the best men 
 of the party, notably of Hon. Jerome B. Chaffee, 
 and the strong political following of \vhich he 
 was the acknowledged chief. Klbert was willing 
 but not over anxious for the honor. It was an 
 open secret that his father-in-law, ex-Governor 
 Kvans, would be gratified if he should be chosen 
 as one of the senators, and for that reason Gov- 
 ernor Klbert was ready to stand aside at an} 7 time 
 should party harmony demand his withdrawal. 
 
 Governor Routt based his claims on the fact 
 that he had been governor of the territory for a 
 little over a year, and the allegations that he had 
 been one of the principal factors in the admis- 
 sion of Colorado, and had been chiefly instru- 
 mental in the healing up of the breach between 
 
1 2 KEPU B LIC A X COX VEX Tl OX 
 
 the factions. Whatever of merit there may have 
 been in these claims was not allowed to suffer by 
 neglect, nor to lose weight in their application to 
 Routt's candidacy. The fact that he was a " car- 
 pet-bag- " appointee was against him, but he pos- 
 sessed an energetic persistence that was at that 
 time a comparatively unknown quantit}- in Colo- 
 rado politics. His peculiar claims were scarcely 
 considered at first, but they were well stuck to, 
 while other important interests were not neglect- 
 ed, and before the preliminary caucussing was 
 over he had convinced the delegates that though 
 a " carpet-bagger," he had come to Colorado to 
 
 George M. Chilcott was the second choice of 
 the Republican leaders. He was eminently re- 
 spectable, a man of more than average ability, 
 and had served as delegate to Congress with 
 credit to himself and with benefit to his constitu- 
 ents. But he did not want the nomination for 
 governor, having- fixed his aspirations upon the 
 United States Senate. 
 
 Mr. Head was popular in the south, and with 
 the Mexicans, and had a large and enthusiastic 
 following, but there were vital reasons which 
 rendered his nomination undesirable. 
 
 The Republican state committee met at Mani- 
 tou on July 21, with Mr. Chaffee in the chair, and 
 called the convention to meet at Pueblo on Au- 
 gust 23. 
 
 The delegates met at Pueblo with no definite 
 idea upon an}- of the offices, except for governor, 
 and upon this office there seemed to be no possi- 
 
ROUTT NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR 13 
 
 bility of harmon} 7 . It was only the good sense 
 of the delegates that prevented serious dissen- 
 sion and possible defeat. The convention met in 
 the morning and organized \)y the selection of 
 John H. Cleghorn as temporary, and Alvin Marsh 
 of Gilpin as permanent chairman. Two ballots for 
 governor were taken without result, when an ad- 
 journment was had until afternoon. Upon reas- 
 sembling in the afternoon two more ballots were 
 taken, still without result, \vhen an adjournment 
 was had until evening". During the intermission 
 Routt was indefatigable in pressing his claims, 
 both upon the delegates and upon his rivals. 
 Elbert was his principal antagonist, but a num- 
 ber of Elbert's friends and supporters were anx- 
 ious that he should accept the nomination for 
 one of the justices of the supreme court, and 
 aided by this sentiment Routt's persistent energy 
 won the day, and mainly through his own efforts 
 he succeeded in securing the nomination. Ear- 
 nest efforts had been made during the day to 
 force a nomination, but the convention resolutely 
 crushed ever} 7 move in that direction, determined 
 that a spirit of harmony should be evoked before 
 the making of an} 7 nominations. The four bal- 
 lots taken were as follows: 
 
 1st 
 
 2d 
 
 3d 
 
 4th 
 
 Head, 58 
 
 64 
 
 40 
 
 34 
 
 Elbert, 51 
 
 62 
 
 53 
 
 40 
 
 Routt, 32 
 
 1 
 
 24 
 
 29 
 
 Chilcott, 4 
 
 18 
 
 23 
 
 20 
 
 The personal appeals of Routt, the dignified 
 position of Elbert, and the indifference, at least, 
 
14 DEMOCRATS NOMINATE 
 
 of Chilcott, were productive of harmony. Klbert 
 and Chilcott withdrew in favor of Routt, arid 
 Head was placated with the second place on the 
 ticket. When the convention assembled in the 
 evening it was evident that the gubernatorial 
 contest had been eliminated from the proceed- 
 ings of the convention. Routt and Head were 
 nominated by acclamation, Belforcl was unani- 
 mously chosen as the candidate for congress. 
 \V. M. Clark for secretary of state, and the other 
 places on the ticket were filled with but little 
 friction. The campaign was inaugurated, the 
 part}' was united, and a vigorous canvass was 
 decided upon. 
 
 On August 29 the Democrats met at Maniton 
 and nominated Bel a >I. Hughes for governor, 
 Michael Beshoar for lieutenant-governor, James 
 T. Smith for secretary of state, and T. M. Patter- 
 son for congress. 
 
 'Shortly before the election, which had been 
 fixed by the. constitution for October 3, the first 
 Tuesday in the month, it was discovered that 
 provision had been made for the election of a 
 congressman for one term only. A portion of 
 the 44th and all of the 45th congress were to be 
 provided for. A discussion arose regarding the 
 matter, and it was contended by some of the Re- 
 publican leaders that both terms could be pro- 
 vided for at one election under the terms of the 
 enabling act. This was disputed 1)}' others, and 
 legal opinions were given sustaining both sides 
 of the controversy. It was finalh^ decided that 
 the Republican ticket should be printed with the 
 
CAMPAIGN INCIDENTS 15 
 
 name of Mr. Belford ns the candidate for both 
 the 44th and 45th congresses. Territorial Secre- 
 tary Taffe, however, took a different view of the 
 matter, and issued a call for an election for mem- 
 ber of the 45th congress on November 7. But lit- 
 tle attention was paid to this, and the campaign 
 \vas vigorously pressed. 
 
 Patterson and Belford took the stump and tor- 
 rents of eloquence echoed and re-echoed from the 
 cliffs and canons of the continental divide. Gov- 
 ernor Routt made a few speeches, in one of 
 which he referred to the facility with which he 
 could crawl through the lower rails while his op- 
 ponent was getting* over the fence, a remark 
 which caused him to be mercilessly cartooned 
 by the Mirror, a bright Sunday paper then pub- 
 lished in Denver by Stanley Fowler, and of which 
 John Arkins was foreman. 
 
 When the election was over it was claimed by 
 both parties. Nearly a week elapsed before a 
 sufficient number of returns had been received 
 to afford a basis for an intelligent estimate. The 
 exact figures could not be ascertained for some 
 time, as the count in L/as Animas county was de- 
 layed for several days. There is no doubt that 
 the Democratic managers really believed that 
 the} 7 had carried the state, though before the re- 
 turns from Las Animas county were received it 
 was figured by the Republicans that the}' had 
 carried the state by from 500 to 2000 majority, an 
 estimate that was fully justified by the official 
 returns. Mr. Beshoar, Democratic candidate for 
 lieutenant-governor, and manager of his party's 
 
16 REPUBLICANS vSUCC 
 
 interests in Las Aniinas couiit3", kept the wires. 
 warm with telegrams to chairman Butler, all of 
 which were faithfull;v delivered to chairman Wil- 
 son, of the Republican committee, through a con- 
 venient leak in the wire, and much amusement, 
 and not a little virtuous Republican indignation 
 was created by an alleged telegram to Mr. Butler 
 asking what majority was needed from Las Ani- 
 mas, and signed " M. Beshoar," the authenticit}' 
 of which was always denied by the alleged 
 signer. 
 
 Pending the receipt of the Las Animas returns, 
 and after it was a moral certainty that no figures 
 that were likely to be received from that count}- 
 could affect the result, the state was still claimed 
 by the Democracy, and telegrams were sent to 
 "Doc/' Miller, of the Omaha Herald, to 59 Libert}" 
 street, New York City, the private office of Mr. 
 Tilclen, and to the chairman of the Democratic 
 state central committee of Indiana, that state be- 
 ing regarded as one of the pivotal states, claim- 
 ing Colorado for the Democracy. 
 
 The official figures from Las Animas count}' 
 were not received until just before the meeting 
 of the board for the canvass of the vote for mem- 
 ber of congress, on October 28, which was held 
 in the g-overnor's office in the Tappan building 4 , 
 at the corner of 15th and Holladay streets. When 
 the returns were opened it was found that Las 
 Animas had given a majority of 602 against 
 Routt. The returns were in such a condition that 
 the propriety of considering* them vas seriously 
 questioned, The footings were in several in- 
 
AX IMPORTANT QUESTION. 17 
 
 stances wrong-, were carried out on the wrong- 
 lines, and the entire document was such a mass 
 of contradictions that a special clerical force was 
 found necessary for the elucidation of its iii3 r ste- 
 ries. The room was filled with interested parties, 
 including 1 representatives of each of the city pa- 
 pers, and the document was passed around for 
 inspection. It was the opinion of every one pres- 
 ent that the board was justified in its doubts re- 
 garding- the propriety of accepting the returns. 
 But even with so heavy a Democratic majority 
 the result was not changed, and the vote of Las 
 Animas was counted, the complete canvass show- 
 ing 1 that Mr. Belford had received 510 majority for 
 the Mth, and 1020 majority for the 45th congress. 
 
 Immediately after the election the necessit}^ 
 for an election in November for member of the 
 45th congress again became the subject of dis- 
 cussion. Secretar} r Taffe insisted that it was nec- 
 essar}^. Governor Routt and Mr. Chaffee were 
 equall3 r positive that it was not. Mr. Hamill saw 
 the danger of allowing the election to go by de- 
 fault with a Democratic house of representatives 
 as the court of final resort, and sided with Mr. 
 Taffe. There was no doubt felt that the Republi- 
 cans could carr}" the election, but there was a 
 doubt in the minds of verj' mari3 r of the party 
 leaders whether there was an} 7 leg*al necessit}' for 
 having' an election. 
 
 During the discussion upon the question it 
 was charged by the Republicans that an agree- 
 ment had been entered into bet \veen the leaders 
 of the two parties that one election should settle 
 
18 AX ALLEGED AGREEMENT 
 
 the representation in both the 44th and 4oth con- 
 gresses. This was always strenuous^ denied by 
 Mr. Patterson and Mr. Butler, though the charge 
 took the color of truth from the fact that the 
 Democratic tickets, like those of their opponents, 
 were printed with Mr. Patterson's name as the 
 candidate for each congress. Mr. Patterson, how- 
 ever, always denied that this was done with his 
 consent, alleging that being in the field, looking 
 after the interests of his canvass, he knew noth- 
 ing about the arrangements made by his com. 
 mittee for pi inting the tickets until after the}^ had 
 been made; that he had alwa} T s contended that 
 the November election was necessary; that he 
 protested against the printing of the tickets in 
 that manner, and that where he had an opportu- 
 nit} r , which was in half a dozen of the mountain 
 counties, he had caused his name as a candidate 
 for the 45th congress to be omitted from the tick- 
 et. Mr. C. S. Thomas, who had charge of the 
 preparation and printing of the Democratic tick- 
 ets, alleged that he had them printed in that form 
 for the reason that he knew that the Republicans 
 were of the opinion that one election was all that 
 was necessary, and as he fully believed that Mr. 
 Patterson would be elected, he thought that the 
 Republicans would give up the contest, and that 
 the necessit}^ for the November election would 
 be obviated by the giving of both certificates to 
 the Democratic candidate. 
 
 On the other side, Chairman Wilson, of the Re- 
 publican committee, furnished important evi- 
 dence against the assertion that an agreement 
 
"TOM PATTERSON'S ELECTION" 19 
 
 between the two parties had been entered into, by 
 the publication, a few days after the election, of 
 a congratulate^ address to the Republicans of 
 the state, in which he cautioned them that anoth- 
 er contest was to be had, and urged them to see 
 that the full part}' strength was polled at the 
 election called for November 7. The weight of 
 the testimony therefore, is in favor of Mr. Patter- 
 son's position, that no agreement was made, and 
 that no agreement that might have been made 
 would have been binding* against the plain pro- 
 visions of the act of congress providing for the 
 election of members of congress. In the exam- 
 ination upon Mr. Patterson's contest Mr. Chaffee 
 gave the strongest testimony that was brought 
 forward in support of the allegation that an 
 agreement had been made, and that was that in a 
 conversation with him Mr. Patterson had stated 
 that if he was beaten in October he would go to 
 work. The fact is that the Republicans made a 
 serious mistake, and the assertion of some extra 
 legal agreement was a poor excuse for an inex- 
 cusable political error. 
 
 The advertisement calling the election had 
 been running nearl}^ a month when Mr. Taffe final- 
 ly 3 T ielcled to the arguments of the Republican 
 leaders, and withdrew it on October 14, on which 
 date Mr. Wilson issued another circular, advising 
 Republican voters to pa}- no attention to Mr. Pat- 
 terson's election. 
 
 Mr. Patterson, however, insisted that the polls 
 should be opened in accordance with the call of 
 the territorial secretary, which had been obeyed 
 
20 SENATORIAL 
 
 1>3^ the sheriffs of the several counties, and the 
 vote taken, and while Republicans laughed or 
 sneered, went on serenely with his preparations 
 for what was facetiously termed "Tom Patter- 
 son's election." The affair was treated as a joke, 
 and on the day of election very few Republicans 
 offered their ballots. When the regular^ ap- 
 pointed judges of election were not present, their 
 places were filled from among the b3 T stanclers, 
 and the election proceeded with all due observ- 
 ance of the forms of law. The returns were 
 properly forwarded to the state canvassing board, 
 but were not received. He laughs best who 
 laughs last, and Mr. Patterson proved the truth 
 of the proverb. 
 
 During the campaign a quartette composed 
 of Porter Warner, Charles Y. McClure, W. W. 
 Knight and C. W. Sanborn, created considerable 
 amusement by singing a song entitled " Tommy 
 don't go," but Tommy did go. 
 
 The legislature met on November 6, and one of 
 its first duties was the canvass of the vote for 
 state officers, the result showing that Routt had 
 received a majority of 838, J. C. Shattuck, for su- 
 perintendent of public instruction leading the 
 ticket with a majority of 1831. 
 
 When the time came for the election of sena- 
 tors several candidates were in the field, includ- 
 ing ex-Governor Evans, Jerome B. Chaffee, Henry 
 M. Teller, Moses Hallett, W. S. Jackson, George 
 M. Chilcott and Wm. H. Van Giesen. Hon. S. H. 
 Klbert, though he had been elected a member of 
 the supreme bench, was also favorably consider- 
 
SENATORIAL 21 
 
 ed. The claims of Mr. Chaffee were universally 
 conceded. His position as the most prominent 
 Republican in the state was be3 T ond question, 
 and his labors for the admission of the state and 
 for the success of the Republican party fairly en- 
 titled him to the honor. He vas possessed of 
 large means for that time, and had not been spar- 
 ing- of his contributions to the expenses of the 
 campaign. The Rio Grande railroad, in 1876, end- 
 ed at Pueblo, with a branch to Canon City; the 
 Colorado Central had its terminus at Central City. 
 This was the extent of our mountain railroad 
 system. Everything- was at the highest notch, 
 and the necessary contributions for the legiti- 
 mate expenses of the campaign, if the candidates 
 alone had been depended upon, would have ab- 
 sorbed a great part of the salary roll for the two 
 years' term. The candidates were all compara- 
 tively poor men, and their assessments \vere 
 merely nominal. Mr. Chaffee assumed the bulk 
 of the expense, and was liberally seconded by 
 Hon. Wm. A. Hamill, and to these two men was 
 in great measure due the success of the Repub- 
 lican party. The members of the assembly knew 
 this, and there was no question of the election of 
 Mr. Chaffee. As to his colleague, it was solely a 
 matter of availability. Either of the candidates 
 would have been acceptable to the people, but 
 which would most contribute to the necessary 
 party harmony? 
 
 Mr. Teller's special fitness for the senate was 
 conceded, but there was considerable feeling 
 against him among the members of the assem- 
 
22 CHAFFEE AND TELLER ELECTED 
 
 bly, growing out of certain political matters in 
 the old territorial days, together with some re- 
 sentment because he had not taken a more active 
 part in the canvass. His ejection, therefore, was 
 a matter of some doubt. Mr. Hamill had, b}' 
 force of natural ability, attained the leadership 
 of the upper house, of which he was a member. 
 He had been a trusted lieutenamt of Mr. Chaffee 
 during the campaign, knew that the bitterness 
 engendered by the campaign of 1874, in which 
 Teller and Chaffee had taken opposite sides, 
 must be softened down to insure future success, 
 and therefore addressed himself to the task of 
 healing the breach between the friends of the 
 two leaders, and securing the election of Mr. Tel- 
 ler. Mr. Hamill was vigorouslj r opposed at first, 
 but was finally successful. 
 
 The legislature stood 19 Republicans and 7 
 Democrats in the senate and 31 Republicans and 
 18 Democrats in the house. The Republican cau~ 
 cus was held on November 14. Mr. Chaffee was 
 nominated without opposition. On the informal 
 ballot for his colleague, Mr. Teller received 6 
 votes. On the first formal ballot Teller received 
 16 votes, on the second 16, on the third 18, on the 
 fourth 13, on the fifth 15, and on the sixth 16. The 
 caucus then adjourned to the following day. On 
 the 15th Teller received 23 votes on the first bal- 
 lot. At this juncture W. A. Hamill and A. C. 
 Phelps, who had been voting for Judge Hallett- 
 changed to Teller. Immediately afterward \V. 
 H. Green of Hinsdale changed his vote to Teller, 
 followed by W. H. Meyer of Costilla and Isaac 
 
PATTERSON'vS CONTEST 23 
 
 Gotthelf of Sag"uache. This was a majority of 
 the caucus, and Teller was declared the nominee 
 of the Republican party. Messrs. Chaffee and 
 Teller received the full Republican vote, the 
 Democrats voting- for Thomas Macon and W. A. 
 H. Loveland. 
 
 The short term expired on March 4, 1877; the 
 long- term on March 4, 1879. When lots were 
 drawn Mr. Teller drew the short term, and on De- 
 cember 12 was elected for the full term of six 
 years, commencing- March 4, 1877. Mr. Teller's 
 career, in the senate and in the cabinet, has fully 
 justified the confidence then felt in his ability, 
 notwithstanding- the political objections to his 
 election which then existed. 
 
 While these events were transpiring- Mr. Pat- 
 terson was industriously laboring to turn his de- 
 feat into victor}^ He did not then occupy hand- 
 some rooms in one of our business palaces. He 
 had achieved distinction at the bar, but his quar- 
 ters were in dusty, illy-ventilated rooms in the 
 Tappan building. Here, after both certificates of 
 election had been given to Mr. Belford, he was at 
 work on his contest, the testimony being- taken 
 before United States Commissioner Robert H. 
 Buck. Notice of contest had been served upon 
 Judge Belford, but to the average Republican it 
 seemed a farce. Patterson knew better. He has 
 always obtained the credit of being a consum- 
 mate actor, but his ability is far from farcical. 
 He knew his grounds from the start, and the 
 event justified his course. 
 
 When the case came [up in congress the re- 
 
2 MK>. PATTERSON SEATED. 
 
 suit was a matter of very serious doubt. Mr. Chaf- 
 fee conducted a vigorous fight for Belford, and 
 at one time it seemed as if he might win the con- 
 test. The committee was divided on the merits 
 of the case, regardless of the partisan phases of 
 the question. Three reports were submitted to 
 the house a majority report favoring the seating 
 of Patterson, a minority report in favor of Bel- 
 ford, and a third declaring neither of the contest- 
 ants elected, and referring the matter back to the 
 people of Colorado. The minority report was 
 defeated b3' but one majority. The majority re- 
 port was adopted bj~ several majority, and Pat- 
 terson was seated. 
 
 The action of Mr. Patterson and the Demo- 
 cratic house of representatives was fiercely de- 
 nounced. It was persistently alleged that there 
 was an agreement that if there was not a valid 
 agreement there was a tacit, mutual understand- 
 ing, which was ruthlessly violated, and that the 
 occupancy of the seat to which Mr. Belford was 
 elected in October was a steal, and with this 
 opinion most Republicans who' participated in 
 that election will agree tocla\ r . But at this dis 
 tance, apart from the heat and smoke of actual 
 conflict, while it must be acknowledged that it 
 was a good enough steal for partisan purposes, 
 it is as well to admit the truth. Mr. Patterson's 
 position was legally and technicalty correct, 
 while the weight of testimony is against the 
 probability of there being any agreement. Mr. 
 Patterson knew that the Republicans had decided 
 to rest their case upon the October election, for 
 
BELFORI) SEATED IN THE 44TH CONGRESS 25 
 
 both congresses, but did not admit that he should 
 do so, when under his reading- of the law the No- 
 vember election was a legal requirement. Kvery 
 Republican in the state knew that the election 
 had been called by the proper authorit3 r and that 
 it was to be held, and Mr. Patterson declined to 
 be held responsible for the neglect of his politi- 
 cal enemies. 
 
 The sting" of Patterson's success was intensi- 
 fied by the fact that the result could have been 
 easily prevented had the Republicans taken into 
 consideration the usual practice of political 
 bodies in such cases. In Clear Creek county alone 
 did the Republicans, under the leadership of Mr. 
 Hamill, pay any general attention to "Tom Pat- 
 terson's election," and there Patterson was be- 
 hind in the returns. 
 
 It was alleged at the time that Mr. Patterson 
 had contested the seat in the 44th congress. No 
 particle of evidence sustains the accusation. 
 The opposition to the seating of Mr. Belford 
 arose from the Democratic policy of refusing to 
 recognize Colorado as a state on account of its ef- 
 fect upon the presidential election. Mr. Belford's 
 recognition carried with it the recognition of the 
 presidential electors. The rejection of the elec- 
 toral vote of Colorado necessarily carried with it 
 the rejection of her member of congress. After 
 the election Mr. Randall, then speaker, wrote to 
 Mr. Patterson that he would be recognized as 
 the delegate from Colorado, to which the repl} r 
 was made that Colorado was a state, and Mr. Bel- 
 ford had been elected to the 44th congress. There 
 
^6 THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 was a dense atmosphere of trickery, falsehood 
 and treacher}^ surrounding- the political contests 
 of 1676, and when possible the blame should rest 
 where it belongs. From start to finish Mr. Pat- 
 terson labored earnestly for the admission of the 
 state, even when its admission involved the loss 
 of a Democratic president. Mr. Belforcl was 
 finally admitted to his seat in the 44th congress 
 during the last days of the session. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 President Joseph C. Wilson 
 Secretary W. W. Coulson. 
 
 H. P. H. Bromwell, Wm. R. Kennedy, 
 
 Casimero Barela, Alvin Marsh, 
 
 George Boyles, Wm. H. Meyer, 
 
 Wm. E. Beck, S. J. Plumb, 
 
 Byron L. Carr, George E. Pease, 
 
 Wm. H. ("ashman, Robert A. Quillian, 
 
 Wm. M. Clark, L. C. Rockwell, 
 
 A. D. Cooper, Wilbur F. Stone, 
 
 Henry R. Crosby, Wm. C. Stover, 
 
 Robert Douglas, Henry C. Thatcher. 
 
 Lewis C. Ellsworth, Agapito Vigil, 
 
 Clarence P. Elder, W. W. Webster, 
 
 F. J Ebert, George G. White, 
 
 W. B. Felton, E, T. Wells, 
 
 Jesus M. Garcia, P. P. Wilcox, 
 
 Daniel Hurd, John S. Wheeler, 
 
 John S. Hough, J. W. Widderfield, 
 
 Lafayette Head, Abram Knox Yount. 
 Wm. H. James, 
 
OFFICIAL VOTK, 1876. 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 
 
 The constitution provided that the presidential electors should 
 be elected by the legislature in 1876. Accordingly on November 3 
 an act was passed providing for such election on November 7. On 
 that date Otto Mears, Wm. L. Hadley and Herman Beckurts were 
 elected, receiving 50 votes to 24 for M. A Otero, J. H. Jones and 
 Adair Wilson, the Democratic candidates. Otto Mears was chosen 
 as the messenger to convey the electoral vote to Washington, 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 4tth Congress J. B. Belford 13,686 T. M. Patterson 13,170 
 
 45th " - J. B. Belford 13,916 T. M. Patterson 12,849 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor-John L. Routt 14,154 Bela M. Hughes 12,316 
 
 Lt-Gov. Lafayette Head 14,191 Michael Beshoar .... 13,093 
 
 Secy St'e-Wm. M. Clark 11,582 James T. Smith 12,843 
 
 Auditor D. C. Crawford 14,117 Jas. F. Benedict 13,29') 
 
 Treas. Geo. C. Corning 14,038 Thomas M. Field .... 13,310 
 
 Atty Gen A. J.Sampson 13.729 Geo. Q. Richmond. ..13,182 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 J. C. Shattuck 14,304 J. B. Groesbeck 12,473 
 
 Regents of the University* 
 
 F. J. Ebert 24,412 Geo. Tritch 26,128 
 
 Wm. H. Van Giesen..,.25,108 Junius Berkley 25,918 
 
 L. W. Dolloff 25,310 C. Valdez 26,093 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 
 Judges of the Supreme Court 
 
 E. T. Wells 14,437 
 
 H. C. Thatcher 14,304 
 
 S. H, Elbert 14,153 
 
 District Judges 
 
 1st Dist. Wm. E. Beck 4181 
 
 21 tk Victor A. Elliott 3748 
 
 3d " John W. Henry. 4161 
 
 4th ' ' Thomas M . Bowen 2659 
 
 District Attorneys 
 
 1st Dist. E. O. Wolcott 4148 
 
 2d " D.B.Graham ,....3791 
 
 3d " Webster Ballinger 3355 
 
 4th " C. W. Burris 2411 
 
 Wilbur F. Stone 13,057 
 
 E. Wakeley 12,599 
 
 Geo. W. Miller 12,959 
 
 R. S. Morrison 3632 
 
 Henry A. Clough ..... 2820 
 
 James E. Martin 3699 
 
 A. A. Bradford 1504 
 
 Platt Rogers 3643 
 
 Sam P. Rose 2901 
 
 John M. Waldron 4421 
 
 A. T. Gunnell 2057 
 
 *Each political party nominated throe candidates and the six 
 names were pi ace Jon both tickets. 
 
FIRST GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 KEN ATE. 
 
 President pro tew. Wm. W. Webster. 
 
 Secretary Geo. T. Clark. 
 
 1st Dist. Silas B. A. Haynes 9th Dist. -Eugene Gaussoin 
 
 . 2d Norman H. Meldrum 10th " 
 
 3d 1% James P. Maxwell llth " 
 
 F. O. Saunders 12th ' 4 
 
 4th " Lewis C. Rockwell 13th " 
 
 5th " Wm. W. Webster Uth " 
 
 6th " Wm. A. Hamill 15th " 
 
 Albert Johnson 16th " 
 
 7th " A. H. De France 17th" 
 
 8th " Lewis C. Ellsworth 
 
 Alfred Butters 18th " 
 
 Joseph E. Bates 19th " 
 
 Hiram P. Hennet 20th " 
 
 Edwin C. Randall 
 James F. Gardner 
 James Moynahan 
 -J. B. Hall 
 James Clclland 
 -Isaac W. Hill 
 Wm. B. Hamilton 
 Casimero Barela 
 Daniel L. Taylor 
 -Wm. H. Meyer 
 Juan F. Chacon 
 Henry Henson 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker Webster D. Anthony. Clerk W. B. Felton. 
 
 Arapahoe Wm. H. Pierce 
 W. D. Anthony 
 Adolph Schhmer 
 -Alfred C. Phelps 
 John Me Broom 
 Geo. C. Griffin 
 John C. Mayer 
 
 Boulder Isaac Canfield 
 
 George X. Young 
 Daniel Ransom 
 A. A. Smith 
 
 Clear Creek T. F. Simmons 
 T. Jeff Watts 
 George A. Patten 
 P. E. Morehouse 
 
 Gilpin A. C. Marshman 
 
 H. Jacob Kruse 
 Henry W r . Lake 
 
 Las Animas Urbano Chacon 
 -David F. Wilkins 
 M. Laragoite 
 
 El Paso Joseph C. Helm 
 C. W. Kittredge 
 
 Fremont Chas, R. Seiber 
 Richard Irwin 
 
 Huerfano Jose R. Esquibel 
 Jose T. Chavez 
 
 Jefferson Geo. Rand 
 
 Martin V. Luther 
 
 Pueblo James N. Carlile 
 G. Langford 
 
 Weld David F. Raney 
 
 Abner Leonard 
 R. M. McMurray 
 Meliton Alberts 
 
 Bent 
 
 Costilla 
 
 Conejos & 
 
 Costilla 
 
 Conejos 
 
 Douglas 
 
 Elbert 
 
 Grand 
 
 Hinsdale 
 
 Larimer 
 
 La Plata 
 
 Lake 
 
 Park 
 
 D. Archuleta 
 -A. M. Vigil 
 Geo. A. Lord 
 A. D. Wilson 
 John H. Stokes 
 W. H. Green 
 N. C. Alford 
 John Moss 
 W. J. McDermitli 
 Zeba Surles 
 Rio Grande Alva Adams 
 Summit Geo. W. Wilson 
 Saguache Isaac Gotthelf 
 San Juan C. H. Mclntire 
 
THE } 7 ear of our Lord eighteen hun- 
 1 Q /Q dred and seventy-eight was by no means 
 hopeful for either party. In 1877 the 
 Republicans of Arapahoe county, by an unusu- 
 ally vigorous campaign for an off 3 r ear, succeed- 
 ed in consolidating the party in that count} r , and 
 for the first time in its histor} r , making a clean 
 sweep, the office of coroner alone being lost, ow- 
 ing to the indifference of the nominee, J. J. T. Ball, 
 and the efforts of his competitor. The election 
 of treasurer was the ke}^ to the situation, and for 
 that office the Democrats had selected their 
 strongest man J. M. Strickler, who was defeated 
 by John L. Dailey. Elsewhere in the state politi- 
 cal honors were not unevenl}^ divided, and it was 
 generally acknowledged that the political status 
 of Colorado had not been definitely ascertained. 
 
 At the general election in 1877, Wilbur F. Stone 
 was elected justice of the supreme court, to fill 
 the vacancy created by the resignation of Judge 
 Wells. Both parties united in his support, it be- 
 ing at that time thought best to eliminate parti- 
 sanship from this office if possible. Judge Stone 
 received 22,047 votes to 295 scattering. At the 
 same election the question of woman's suffrage 
 was submitted to the people and rejected by a 
 vote of 14,053 to 6612. 
 
 The Democrats looked forward to the cam- 
 paign of 1878 with confidence, while, if the Re- 
 publicans were determined, they were somewhat 
 
30 REPUBLICANS DISCOURAGED 
 
 distrustful of their abilit}^ to overcome the odds 
 against them. The part}' south of the divide had 
 expected one of the senators to be taken from 
 that section, and were not only disappointed but 
 inclined to threaten vengeance. The Democrats 
 entered into the canvass with their strongest 
 men Loveland and Patterson backed b} r the 
 Union Pacific and an unlimited barrel. The 
 Democratic congressional committee regarded 
 Colorado as a hopeful field and gave efficient aid 
 to the Democratic campaign, while the Republi- 
 can congressional committee seemed to agree 
 with the conclusions of its opponent regarding 
 Colorado, and being unable to see the result in 
 this state through the spectacles of hope, was 
 lukewarm, if not absolute!}* indifferent, contribut- 
 ing not a cent to the expenses of the campaign. 
 Mr. Loveland, the sole Democratic aspirant for 
 gubernatorial honors, was at that time one of the 
 most prominent men in the state. From a long 
 and bitter fight with the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company he had emerged on top, had consolida- 
 ted the Colorado Central with that compan3 r , had 
 been chosen a director of the Union Pacific and 
 \vas regarded as the coming railwa}- magnate of 
 Colorado. To add to the difficulties of the Re- 
 publican situation, Senator Chaffee, whose re- 
 election to the senate was confidently expected, 
 was deeplj" involved in mining enterprises, and 
 was in poor health suffering from the first ap- 
 proaches of the terrible disease which eight 
 years later caused his death and on June 7 the 
 publication of the following letter announced his 
 
CHAFFEE'vS WITHDRAWAL 31 
 
 withdrawal from the harassments inseparable 
 from active political life. 
 
 NEW YORK, May 30, 1878. 
 Hon IV. H. Pierce, Chairman Republican State Coin 
 
 mittee : 
 
 SIR: I desire to make known to the Republi- 
 cans of the state, through } r ou, that I cannot be 
 a candidate for re-election to the United States 
 Senate. My health will not permit me to take any 
 active part in the ensuing canvass of the state, 
 and I have concluded that the time long- sought 
 for by me for retiring from politics has arrived. 
 I now gladly avail myself of the opportunity of 
 making public this decision. I am sensibly im- 
 pressed with the uniform kindness and generosi- 
 ty of my friends and party in times past. I have 
 always been generously sustained by the people 
 of the territory and state, for which I shall al- 
 ways be grateful beyond the po ver of words to 
 express. It is better to leave my record to the 
 public, but I hope I may be pardoned in saying 
 that my aim has alwa}^s been for the public good 
 I beg of my friends to believe that I have not come 
 to this conclusion hastily. It has long been my 
 wish to retire from political life, and I would 
 have done so upon the admission of the state in- 
 to the Union, except that the political situation 
 at that time seemed to demand the utmost exer- 
 tion of all true patriots. Hoping the Republican 
 party may continue successful in the state and 
 country, I am, very truly 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 JEROME B. CHAFFEE. 
 
32 REPUBLICANS FEEL BLUE, 
 
 The effect of this letter upon the party cart 
 hardly be realized at this time. There did not 
 seem to be a man in the part} r who could take the 
 place of Mr. Chaffee. Without money or appa- 
 rent resources, the retirement of its acknowledg- 
 ed leader seemed to be fatal to the success of the 
 part}-. It became the fashion later on for a cer- 
 class of politicians to refer to Mr. Chaffee as a 
 "boss," but surely no more emphatic denial of 
 that charge is necessary than the above letter. 
 There was not the slightest taint of bossism in 
 Mr. Chaffee'ri political character. His leadership 
 was due entirety to the fact that he consulted 
 freely with members of the party, and spared 
 neither time nor money in carrying out the wish- 
 es of the majority, very often against his own 
 judgment. The seeds of the dissensions which 
 have frequently since torn the Republican party 
 in Colorado were sown in 1878, but, as will be 
 shown farther on, and can be proved by docu- 
 ments still extant, Mr. Chaffee was in no way re- 
 sponsible. Much of the trouble was occasioned 
 by some of his warm r but indiscreet friends, who 
 refused to accept his letter as final and denounced 
 measures afterward taken, in accordance with his 
 own wishes, and to insure the success of the par- 
 ty, as treachery to him, 
 
 Mr. Wilson, chairman of the Republican state 
 committee in 1876, had resigned upon receiving 
 the appointment of collector of internal revenue, 
 and Mr. W. H. Pierce had been chosen to succeed 
 him. Mr. Bj^ers, proprietor of the News, had sold 
 his paper to K. G. Cooper and W. B. Vickers, and 
 
TABOR PREDICTS VICTORY 33 
 
 it was an open secret that the Democrats were 
 in negotiation for that paper. The Tribune had 
 been the organ of the u carpet-baggers " in 
 1874, and though Henr}^ C. Brown, earl}' in 1876, 
 had sold the paper to Herman Beckurts, who 
 was striving earnestly to put his paper in line 
 with the majorit}^ of his party, it was felt that the 
 loss of the i\ews would be a serious detriment to 
 the party. But nothing could be done, and short- 
 ly before the meeting of the Republican state con- 
 vention the paper was sold to Mr. Loveland, and 
 James T. Smith was installed as editor. 
 
 No worse condition of affairs could be imag- 
 ined, and the meeting of the Republican state 
 committee was anxiousl}' looked forward to as 
 likel} 7 to afford a solution of the difficulties. The 
 committee met on June 12. The chairman had 
 requested the members to come prepared to give 
 as nearly as possible the political condition of 
 their respective counties. As each member gave 
 his report, and the reasons for his opinion, the 
 first ray of light broke. Mr. Tabor made his first 
 entry into state politics at this meeting, and en- 
 thusiasticalty promised Lake county to the Re- 
 publicans. A summing up of the situation 
 showed that while it was grave it was \yy no 
 means hopeless, and when the committee ad- 
 journed, after appointing August 7 as the date 
 for holding the convention, it was with the feel- 
 ing that the united efforts of the Republican par- 
 \y would result in victor}^. 
 
 During the summer of 1878 Leadville came in- 
 to vigorous being, and became an important fac- 
 
LOOKING FOR CAXDIDATEvS 
 
 tor in the politics of the state. The necessity for 
 absolute party unity to insure success led to the 
 discussion of candidates long- prior to the meet- 
 ing- of the convention. The southern portion of 
 the state still claimed the right to name one of 
 the senators, and since the enormous increase of 
 population in Lake count}' was more persistent 
 than ever in its demands. But it presented no 
 one capable of filling the place vacated by Sena- 
 tor Chaffee. For governor, however, a name came 
 from the south which, though comparatively un- 
 known, rapidly grew into public favor. Frederick 
 \V. Pitkin had been but a short time in the state. 
 After a brief sojourn in Colorado Springs he had 
 become interested in mining 1 enterprises in Ouray 
 and had removed to that town, where he had many 
 firm friends. A refined, honorable gentleman, 
 a good lawyer, and a stanch Republican, to meet 
 him was to become impressed with his good 
 qualities, and it is therefoie not surprising that 
 before the meeting of the convention it was gen- 
 erally conceded that if Pitkin could secure the 
 support of the southern delegates he would be- 
 come the nominee. 
 
 For Senator, Mr. X. P. Hill was spoken of. Mr. 
 Hill was a chemist of fine reputation, had been a 
 professor in an eastern college, and had estab- 
 lished the smelting works at Hlackhawk several 
 3'ears before. He had become wealthy, was an 
 earnest Republican, and his candidacy was re- 
 garded with favor by all except a few of the 
 warm friends of Mr. Chaffee, who could not bring 
 themselves to bear with equanimity the unquali- 
 
HILL * A OK THE SENATE 35 
 
 fied withdrawal from political life of their be- 
 loved chief. 
 
 For congressional honors Mr. Bel ford's nomi- 
 nation was conceded. By a large majority of the 
 Republican part}^ it was thought that he had 
 been unj natty deprived of his seat in the 45th 
 congress, and that he was therefore entitled to a 
 renomination. As a speaker he was at that time 
 almost without a rival in the state, and to add 
 to his chances, Mr. Patterson, who was to be 
 his competitor, had, during- the discussion of the 
 financial question in congress, shown a decided 
 leaning toward the greenback theories of finance, 
 which weakened him very materialty with the 
 people of Colorado. 
 
 In June 1878 K. O. Wolcott was practising law 
 in Georgetown. His office was in a little cottage 
 opposite the Barker House. Wolcott and Win. 
 A. Hamill \vere very intimate, socialty and po- 
 litically, and sustained cordial business relations 
 with each other. On the arrival in Georgetown 
 of the Denver Times of June 7, containing the let- 
 ter of Senator Chaffee, heretofore quoted, General 
 Mamill immediatety called at Wolcott's office 
 and suggested that Professor Hill would make an 
 available candidate for the succession. H. R> 
 Wolcott was then associated in business with 
 Professor Hill, and E. O. Wolcott immediately 
 went to Blackhawk to consult his brother. The 
 result of his mission was that shortly afterward 
 Professor Hill visited General Hamill at George- 
 town. During this conference the situation was 
 "thoroughly discussed, and after a careful and 
 
36 BOTH PAKTJES NOMINATE 
 
 critical canvass of Mr. Hill's chances throughout 
 the state. Professor Hill ag-reecl that if Hamill 
 would take the chairmanship of the state com- 
 mittee he would become a candidate for the Unit- 
 ed States Senate. 
 
 The state convention of the Democrats was 
 held at Manitou on Jul}- 18, that party being- so 
 confident of success that it departed from its 
 usual custom of waiting for the Republican 
 nominations in order to profit by the errors of its 
 antagonists. Mr. Lovelantl for governor and Mr. 
 Patterson for congress \vere nominated b}^ accla- 
 mation. Nelson Ilallock.of Lake countj T , receiv- 
 ing the nomination for state treasurer as an in- 
 ducement for the Leadville vote. 
 
 On the meeting of the Republican convention 
 on August 7, public opinion had become so tho- 
 roughly crystallized that there was no contest 
 for the gubernatorial and congressional nomina- 
 tions, and IMtkin and Helford were chosen by ac- 
 clamation. H. A. AY. Tabor was nominated for 
 lieutenant-governor as a representative of Lake 
 county, which at that time polled not less than 
 one-third of the entire vote of the state, it being- 
 hoped that he could carr} T that count}'. In ac- 
 cordance with the plan arranged between Hill 
 and Hamill in the conference at Georgetown, the 
 latter was selected as the chairman of the state 
 committee. 
 
 In the same line Kd Wolcott received the nom- 
 ination for the state senate in Clear Creek, and 
 his brother Henr}^ the senatorial nomination in 
 Gilpin county, running against Dennis Sullivan, 
 
A QUADRILATERAL CONFERENCE 37 
 
 then very strong- in Gil pin county. 
 
 The campaign thus inaugurated was one of 
 the fiercest ever contested in Colorado, and was 
 productive of more vituperation, billingsgate and 
 g'eneral nastiness than has ever been crowded in- 
 to a single campaign since. 
 
 Prior to the election, having partially recov- 
 ered from his recent illness, Senator Chaffee re- 
 turned from the east, his presence giving rise to 
 the rumor that he was desirous of retracting his 
 letter of withdrawal from politics. As such a 
 determination would seriously complicate the 
 relations between General Hamill and Mr. Hill, 
 the chairman invited Senators Chaffee and Teller 
 and Professor Hill to meet him for the purpose 
 of discussing the senatorial situation. The con- 
 ference was held in a private room at Walhalla, 
 corner 16th and Curtis streets. At that meeting- 
 General Hamill put the question squarely to the 
 two senators: "Are you gentlemen thoroughly 
 satisfied with Professor Hill as a senator "from 
 Colorado?" Both senators replied in the afrirm- 
 tive, and it was formally agreed upon by the four 
 gentlemen that nothing should be allowed to in- 
 terfere with the election of Professor Hill in the 
 event of Republican success. 
 
 During the closing hours of the Republican 
 convention a message had been received from 
 Mr. Patterson challenging Belford to a joint de- 
 bate upon the issues between the two parties, the 
 canvass of the state to be made jointly. The 
 challenge was promptly accepted, the two candi- 
 dates made the tour of the state together, and an 
 
38 REPUBLICANS EXPECT DEFEAT 
 
 enthusiasm was created which penetrated the 
 most insignificant hamlet in Colorado. 
 
 As the campaign progressed the hopes of the 
 Republicans became slighter. Chaffee himself, 
 all through the campaign, contended that the 
 Democracy would carry the state. It became the 
 habit of a number of prominent Republicans to 
 come every night to Walhalla and figure that 
 Hamill would lose the state by from seven to 
 eight hundred. 
 
 Amid all these dismal forebodings Hamill 
 alone maintained a cheerful faith in the result. 
 A thorough canvass had been made of the entire 
 state, and from the reports received the chair- 
 man was reasonably positive that the Republi- 
 cans would carry the state by from 1300 to 2000 
 majority. 
 
 The Democrats Were correspondingly jubi- 
 lant. From ever}' standpoint their victor}^ seemed 
 assured, and their efforts were redoubled to win 
 the state by such a majority as would put the 
 state squafel} r into the lines of the Democracy, 
 They had plent}* of money, and were backed by 
 unlimited drafts upon the transportation facili- 
 ties of the Union Pacific railroad. There could 
 hardly be found a Democrat of the slightest 
 prominence in his party counsels who was not 
 provided with Union Pacific passes. The charge 
 was made during the campaign that Professor 
 Hill had introduced the barrel argument into the 
 canvass, but whatever efforts were made in that 
 direction on the Republican side were liberally 
 discounted by their opponents. The fact is that 
 
REPUBLICANS WIN 39 
 
 the total amount of the contributions to the fund 
 of the state commit tea amounted to but $50 D, of 
 which Senator Hill gave $2)00. Senator Chaffee 
 contributed a small amount, and the candidates 
 according- to their ability. After Senator Hill 
 was elected he took up an overdraft of the com- 
 mittee in the first National Bank, and during- the 
 canvass he contributed to the Republican com- 
 mittees of several of the counties of the state. 
 Whatever else was necessary came from the pri- 
 vate funds of the chairman, and the total amount 
 of the contributions was much less than ha3 
 since been expended in a single primary election 
 in Arapahoe county. 
 
 Toward the close of the campaign the Demo- 
 crats appeared to be in high feather. They felt 
 that they had the pole in the race, and freely of- 
 fered bets that the} r would elect the state ticket 
 and a majority of the legislature. During the 
 last week of the canvass, however, Messrs. Ham- 
 ill and Chaffee posted a standing offer to bet 
 from one thousand to twenty thousand dollars 
 that the entire Republican state ticket would be 
 elected, and also a Republican majority of the 
 legislature. Democratic confidence was not suf- 
 ficiently strong to inspire them with the courage 
 to accept this offer. 
 
 The event justified the confidence of Mr. Ham- 
 ill, and was a glowing tribute to the effectiveness 
 of his work. On election day the sun went down 
 on a decisive Republican victory a victory 
 which at once and effectually settled the question 
 of partisan supremacy in Colorado. No Demo- 
 
40 SENATORIAL 
 
 crat has since had the hardihood to claim Colo- 
 rado as a Democratic state. Pitkin received 2773 
 plurality, Belford 2291, and out of the 02 members 
 of the legislature elected 46 were Republicans, 14 
 Democrats, 1 Greenbacker, and 1 Independent. 
 
 Before the meeting of the legislature there 
 was considerable talk about Mr. Chaffee in con- 
 nection with the senatorship, but not one word 
 authorized by Mr. Teller himself. He was in 
 Washington and repeatedly wrote and stated 
 verbally to his friends that he was out of politics, 
 that his health was too precarious "to permit him 
 to again enter into active political life, and that 
 nothing would induce him to enter as a candi- 
 date for his own succession. It seemed to be un- 
 derstood, however, that if it should prove for the 
 interest of the part}-, and it became apparent that 
 he alone could be elected, he would consent, and 
 on this slender foundation a few of his friends in 
 Denver kept him in the race, regardless of his 
 own and Mr. Teller's consent to Hill's candidacy, 
 regardless of his expressed wishes, regardless of 
 his failing health. 
 
 During the prelim inar}^ skirmish for the sen- 
 atorship some sharp passages occurred between 
 Messrs. Chaffee and Teller on the one side, and 
 Mr. Hill on the other. These were the direct re- 
 sult of indiscreet and heated utterances by some 
 of Mr. Chaffee's friends, and in no way affected 
 the fact that Chaffee had voluntarily retired from 
 the canvass, and that Hill was in it by the con- 
 sent of both senators. Prior to the caucus a few 
 of Mr, Chaffee's friends held a meeting in which 
 
OPPOSITITIOX TO HILL 41 
 
 they endeavored to formulate a plan for forcing- 
 Mr. Chaffee into the field as an active candidate, 
 an effort which met with decided failure. These 
 efforts, mainl3 r directed against the candidacy of 
 Professor Hill, finally provoked that gentleman 
 into the publication of the following- private let- 
 ter from Senator Chaffee: 
 
 SARATOGA, ]uly 8, 1878. 
 Hon. N. P. Hill: 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the second is received. 
 I hope j^ou will be a candidate for the senate, al- 
 though I cannot promise you any help individu- 
 ally, as I shall not be on the ground during- the 
 contest. 
 
 I don't think there is any doubt of the success 
 of the Republican legislative ticket. We have 
 five majority to start with, and had a two-thirds 
 majority before. There will doubtless be several 
 candidates from the south, and the}^ will quite 
 likely eat each other up as the} 7 did before, so 
 that I think your chances would be good. So far 
 as I am concerned I do not intend to interfere, or 
 take any active part in politics hereafter, sick or 
 well. It was not my health altogether, which in- 
 duced me to retire from politics. 1 never took 
 any pleasure or satisfaction in the business, and 
 have long wished to g*et out, and now is a good 
 time, and I have a good excuse. I have been a 
 slave long enough, and now I propose to use 
 what little time I have left for myself. I never 
 appreciated the honor or fame of position like 
 some people. 
 
 The United States senate is a high position, 
 
4'2 CHAFFEE TO HILL 
 
 l)ut I would not accept it for life if offered. I 
 would be ver3 r greatly pleased to see you in that 
 place for personal reasons, and for public reasons. 
 Penver ought to have a friend there just now, 
 while these railroad changes are going- on. I 
 shall be in Colorado, I think, in about a month, 
 but, perhaps, shall go to California very soon 
 after. I am well, with the exception of some 
 inflammation of the bladder, which is being 
 overcome gradu; lly, but I shall not take any 
 active part in the coming campaign. I think 
 a great* mam- of my friends would be 3'ours 
 if you are a candidate, probably a large ma- 
 jority of them. F do not know of anybody in 
 the north that would stand in your way. I duly 
 appreciate your friendship to me in days gone 
 by, and my nature is not to return evil for good. 
 
 Hoping you may succeed in whatever 3^011 un- 
 dertake, I am 
 
 Very Trul \- Yours, 
 
 J. B. CHAFFEE. 
 
 The publication of this letter anno3 r ed Sena- 
 tor Chaff ee exceeding^;, and led to his making- 
 certain statements in regard to Senator Hill 
 which were productive of much hard feeling be- 
 tween the two gentlemen, and proved to be the 
 entering wedge which caused much of the dis- 
 sensions of the future. 
 
 When the legislature assembled it was found 
 that Chilcott, Elbert, Bo wen, Jackson, Routt and 
 Bromwell were all in the race, encouraged b3 r the 
 opportune offered by Chaffee's retirement. Mr 
 e haffee's name was used in the caucus, notwith- 
 
MR. HILL NOMINATED. 4i$ 
 
 standing his withdrawal, as shown }>y the two 
 letters published, and without any positive au- 
 thorit}^ from -any one authorized to represent him. 
 He had not only decided to retire from politics, 
 but had so stated to most of the nine Republican 
 hold-over senators, in some instances requesting 
 them to vote for Hill. Had this not been the case 
 several of those who voted for Hill would have 
 undoubtedly voted for Chaffee. Mr. Chaffee 
 might have been elected had he so desired, but 
 he did not want an election and asked no one to 
 support him. 
 
 Upon the opening- of the session Mr. Hill 
 opened headquarters at Charpiot's, and Governor 
 Routt at the Grand Central now the Markham 
 hotel. A great deal of talk was indulged in, most 
 of it by the newspapers, and a series of spic}' in- 
 terviews, real or pretended, which appeared in 
 the News from the pen of M. J. Gavisk, then city 
 editor of that paper, and afterward Governor 
 Pitkin's private secretar}^ kept public curiosity 
 excited, and formed a basis for lively guessing 
 among the" outsiders. But the fierce struggle 
 predicted existed mainly in the imagination of 
 the \vriter, and of a few members of assembly. 
 Mr. Hill was assured of election from the first 
 day of the session. The several candidates had 
 their friends, but none had the following- of Mr. 
 Hill, and he was the second choice of too many, 
 and there were too many candidates to occasion 
 either a very long or a ver}^ fierce struggle. Of 
 the 53 votes in the Republican caucus which met 
 at Walhalla on Januar\- 9, Mr. Hill received 21 on 
 
44 HILL ELECTED 
 
 the first, 25 on the second, 25 on the third, 26 on 
 the fourth, and 32 on the 5th ballot. 
 
 Mr. Hill was elected to the senate on the loth, 
 receiving- 53 votes to 19 for Mr. Lovelandthe Demo- 
 cratic candidate. It is seventeen years since that 
 election, and time has healed many of the ani- 
 mosities then excited. It will now be conceded 
 that Mr. Hill went into the Senate with the best 
 wishes of a majority of the Republican part} T . 
 It is time that the misunderstanding's that have 
 so long existed relative to his candidacy should 
 be removed. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1878. 
 CONGRESS 
 
 46th Congress -J. B. Belford 14,294 T. M. Patterson 12,003 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor F. W. Pitkin 14,303 W. A. H. Loveland... 11,535 
 
 Lt-Gov. -H. A. W. Tabor 13,891 Thomas M. Field .... 11,968 
 
 Secy St'e-N. H. Meidrum 14,165 John S. Wheeler 11,734 
 
 Treas. N. S. Culver 14,141 Nelson Hallock 11,843 
 
 Auditor E K. Stimson 14,240 J. H. Harrison. 11,752 
 
 Atty Gen-C.W.Wright.... 14,461 Caldwell Yeaman.... 11,571 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 J. C. Shattuck 13,972 O. J. Goldrick 11,894 
 
 Regents of the University* 
 
 Horace M. Hale 28,330 Junius Berkley 25,462 
 
 SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro tern. James P. Maxwell. 
 
 Secretary-W. W. Orrick. 
 
 1st Dist. Silas B. A. Haynes 9th Dist. Eugene Gaussoin 
 
 2d " 
 
 L. R, Rhodes 
 
 10th " 
 
 Joseph C. Helm 
 
 3d " 
 
 James P. Maxwell 
 
 llth " 
 
 James F. Gardner 
 
 
 Henry Neikirk 
 
 12th " 
 
 Assyria Hall 
 
 4th " 
 
 H. R. Wolcott 
 
 13th " 
 
 -J. B. Hall 
 
 5th " 
 
 Wm. W. Webster 
 
 14th " 
 
 Thomas C. Parrish 
 
 6th " 
 
 Albert Johnson 
 
 15th " 
 
 Isaac W. Hill 
 
 
 E. O. Wolcott 
 
 16th " 
 
 Clemente Trujillo 
 
 7th " 
 
 A. H. De France 
 
 17th " 
 
 Casimero Barela 
 
 8th " 
 
 Lewis C. Ellsworth 
 
 
 James M. John 
 
 
 Alfred Butters 
 
 18th " 
 
 Juan A. Baca 
 
 
 M. A. Rogers 
 
 19th " 
 
 Juan F. Chacon 
 
 
 Frank Church 
 
 20th " 
 
 Fred C. Peck 
 
 HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker Rienzi Streeter. Clerk W. B. Felton. 
 Arapahoe H. P. H. Bromwell Gilpin Richard Harvey 
 
 Robert S. Roe 
 W. D. Todd 
 R. A. South worth 
 B. K. Kimberly 
 Herman E. Luthe 
 -C. C. Gird 
 
 Jas. McD. Livesay 
 William J. Lewis 
 
 Grand & 
 
 Routt James H. Crawford 
 
 Gunnison & 
 
 Lake Jos. Hutchinson 
 
 *Each party nominated one candidate for regent, whose name 
 was printed on both tickets. 
 
SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLE 
 
 Bent 
 Boulder 
 
 Costilla 
 Conejos & 
 Costilla 
 Clear Creek 
 
 Conejos 
 Ouster & 
 Fremont 
 
 Douglas 
 
 Elbert 
 
 ElPaso 
 
 Frank Bingham 
 \Vm. Mann 
 Rienzi Streeter 
 -William Scott 
 -J. G. Evans 
 Ramon Trujillo 
 
 -Joseph Hoffman 
 -William Spruance 
 M. O. Coddington 
 -Thomas J. Cantlon 
 -Henry Slockett 
 -Juan B. Lovato 
 
 -Wm. McLaughlin 
 -Jas. A. McCandless 
 -M. D. Moorehead 
 -Henry Gebhard 
 -Ivory Phillips 
 Robert Douglas 
 
 Hinsdale A. T. Gunnell 
 Huerfano Yincente Maez 
 
 Ramon M Y Yaldez 
 Jefferson J. G. Pease 
 
 Joseph Mann 
 La Plata D. L. Sheets 
 Larimer Lucas Brandt 
 Las Animas Julius H. Clark 
 
 J. B. Martinez 
 
 Benito Cordova 
 Park Judson T. Flower 
 Pueblo Geo. M. Chilcott 
 
 J. J. Thomas 
 Rio Grande Chas. H. Toll 
 Saguache Isaac Gotthelf 
 San Juan & 
 
 Ouray J. H. P. Voorhieh 
 Summit W. R. Bartlett 
 Wold J. L. Brush 
 
 Lorin C. Mead 
 
THE campaign of 1880 opened with the 
 R e P u bli can party assured of the first 
 place in the affections of the people of 
 Colorado. The administration of Governor Pit- 
 kin had been, if not absolutely faultless, of so 
 high a standard that it had strengthened the par- 
 ty immeasurably. Pitkin's weakness was his 
 gentle disposition a failing which so frequently 
 exposes those in high places to the machinations 
 of the crafty and the bulging of the demagogue, 
 more intent upon personal aggrandisement than 
 upon the welfare of the people vhom he wishes 
 to serve and yet this very weakness endeared 
 him, not-onl3^to the people, but even to those 
 who had most reason to complain of his cautious- 
 ness and apparent lack of decision. No chief ex- 
 ecutive of the state has. ever had so large a cote- 
 rie of devoted personal friends. Even those who 
 most unsparingly condemned what they termed 
 his lack of force in dealing \vith the perplexing 
 questions which arose during his administration, 
 were his stanchest adherents because they real- 
 ized that he was honest, safe, and reliable. Thir- 
 teen years have elapsed since his retirement 
 from office, and today there are few if any who 
 will not accord him the merit of sincerity and 
 faithfulness to the trust imposed upon him, and 
 of having so conducted the affairs of state as to 
 consolidate the Republican party and secure for 
 
48 A PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST 
 
 it all the fruits of victory to which it was entitled. 
 
 Governor Pitkin was a candidate for renomi- 
 nation, and did not conceal his ambition to rep- 
 resent Colorado in the United States senate. The 
 mineral discoveries in Lake county and the west- 
 ern part of the state had more than doubled the 
 population of the state. Denver had trebled in 
 size during* the decade, and began to assume that 
 political preponderance which it has since main- 
 tained, and which its internal dissensions have 
 caused it to uniformly throw away. The increase 
 of population had infused a ray of hope into 
 Democratic ambition, upon the presumption that 
 a majority of the newcomers was of that politi- 
 cal faith. It was a presidential year, and it was 
 evident that a more than ordinarily spirited 
 struggle for delegates to the Republican national 
 convention would take place. Governor Routt, 
 whose ambition was to fill a cabinet position, 
 headed the friends of General Grant, while Gene- 
 ral Hainill sought to carr} 7 the state for Blaine. 
 Routt, by his fortunate strike in the great Morn- 
 ing Star mine at Leadville, had become one of 
 the wealthy men of the state, and threw himself 
 into the canvass for Grant with all the ardor of 
 an old friend and a possible cabinet minister, 
 while Hainill used the prestige afforded him by 
 the brilliant campaign of 1878 with such energy 
 that until the convention met there was no pos.si- 
 bilit} 7 - of forecasting the event. 
 
 The convention for the selection of delegates 
 to the Republican national convention met in 
 Denver, at Walhalla, corner of Kith and Curtis 
 
GRANT WlNvS THE DELEGATES 49 
 
 streets, on Ma}^ 25, with a decided majority for 
 Grant, but with a minorit}^ so vigorous, aggi es- 
 sive and warlike that only the earnest devotion 
 to his party and the cool head of its leader pre- 
 vented ninet}" or more delegates from seceding 
 from the convention, organizing a convention of 
 their own, and sending a contesting delegation 
 to Chicago. The convention was tossed to and 
 fro on the waves of personal preference, and a 
 serious split in the part} 7 - was imminent. 'A cau- 
 cus of the delegates favorable to Grant was held, 
 and to this caucus General Ha mill and a few of 
 his friends demanded and we^e refused admis- 
 sion. The}- retired breathing vengeance, and 
 when the convention reassembled it seemed al- 
 most impossible to prevent the threatened break. 
 A committee on resolutions was appointed, of 
 which Routt and Hamill were members, and the 
 convention awaited the issue with anxious ex- 
 pectanc}^. Meantime a delegate from Lake, ap- 
 prehensive of the danger to the part}', had pre- 
 pared a resolution according his full meed of 
 praise to the " Plumed Knight," and just as the 
 committee was about to retire thrust it into the 
 hands of Governor Routt. When the resolution 
 was read in the committee Hamill announced 
 that if the convention should adopt it the friends 
 of Blaine would remain in the convention and 
 abide by the result. The resolution was adopted 
 and the most serious split that had as yet threat- 
 ened the Republican part}^ of Colorado was 
 averted. Grant delegates were elected, and the 
 convention adjourned animated by the single 
 
50 THE LEADVIIXE STRIKE. 
 
 purpose of the success of the Republican party. 
 On the day following the convention news was 
 received from Leadville of an alleged outbreak 
 which bade fair to seriously complicate the po- 
 litical situation in Colorado. It has never been 
 determined what was the primary cause of the 
 great Leadville strike of 1880, but in the light of 
 later events it is now sea reel}' doubted that it was 
 organized rather by certain mine managers than 
 by the'ininers themselves, and for the purpose of 
 covering up the povert}' of some of the mines 
 until the principal stockholders could unload. 
 The truth will probabl3 r never be known. The 
 strike, starting from a trivial dispute, spread 
 over the entire district with unexampled rapidity, 
 and in a day or two no fewer than five thousand 
 miners and their friends were organized, wrll 
 armed, under the leadership of a cool, determined, 
 and withal a conservative man named Michael 
 Moone3\ Some shaft houses were burned, and 
 numerous threats against the property of the 
 mine owners were made. The restraining influ- 
 ence of Moone} T , however, averted a general out- 
 break, though for several days the danger of riot 
 and bloodshed was imminent, owing to the indis- 
 creet threats and actions of hot headed men on 
 both sides of the controvers}\ The miners called 
 out every miner working in California mining 
 district; meetings were held at which turbulent 
 characters uttered sentiments which gave the 
 business men and property owners just reason 
 to fear that violence was intended, and on all 
 sides apprehensions of an open insurrection 
 
THE STRIKE BECOMES SERIOUS 51 
 
 were felt. As a result of this alarm a counter 
 organization was effected, and a committee of 
 public safet3 T , composed of the leading- business 
 men of the city, was formed. Business was al- 
 most entirely suspended, the committee of pub- 
 lic safet} T held daily and nightly sessions, and a 
 proposition to form a vigilance committee for 
 the purpose of hanging the leaders of the so- 
 called riot which, looked at now, over the inter- 
 vening fifteen years, existed only in the fears of 
 the business communit}^ excited by interested 
 parties was only defeated by the decided stand 
 taken by W. H. James, Edward Ecldy, the editor 
 of the Leadville Hera'd, and several others. 
 Arms were procured, militar3 r companies org'an- 
 ized, and the governor was petitioned to place 
 the district under martial law. On Saturday, 
 June 12, the announcement was made that a 
 demonstration would be made by the miners, 
 and the committee of public safety, with more 
 zeal than discretion, decided to attempt to awe 
 the strikers b} r a counter demonstration and a i 
 imposing show of strength. The miners' parade 
 over, the committee's column was formed, and 
 amid the jeers of the miners, who thronged the 
 sidewalks, paraded the streets. As the column 
 broke up, an indiscreet act, regretted b} T none 
 more heartily than the gentleman responsible 
 for its commission, very nearly precipitated a 
 conflict. A shot was fired at the offender, the 
 partially disintegrated column rallied to the 
 scene of the disturbance, and for a few minutes 
 matters looked decidedly warlike. The offender 
 
MAKTIAL LAW DECLARED 
 
 was promptl} T , and somewhat roughly arrested 
 and lodged in jail, but the excitement was intense, 
 and the fears then felt were justifiable. An ex- 
 citing- meeting- o f the committee of safety was 
 held in the evening, at which a resolution was 
 adopted directing- the secretary to send a tele- 
 gram to the governor insisting upon the imme- 
 diate declaration of martial law. A telegram, 
 couched In respectful language, and signed by 
 the 11,") member* of the committee, was filed in 
 the telegraph office, but certain members of the 
 committee, not satisfied with the language em- 
 ployed, substituted the following: 
 " To Governor l-\ IT. fit kin : 
 
 " If you do not declare martial law in Leaclville 
 at once you are no governor of ours." 
 
 There was no shadow of excuse for such bru- 
 tality toward such a gentleman as Governor Pit- 
 kin. He, being a lawyer who had passed through 
 the scenes of the rebellion, knew that the invoca- 
 tion of martial law in time of profound peace 
 was a dangerous remedy for the gravest of civil 
 disorders, and the only possible excuse for so 
 gross a breach of courtesy was the prevailing 
 excitement. The governor immediately called a 
 council of his most trusted advisers, and contra- 
 ry to his own better judgment and that of sever- 
 al members of the military board, issued his pro- 
 clamation declaring martial law. 
 
 Its effect was instantaneous. Printed on Sun- 
 day morning and passed out to the throng on 
 the streets, the excitement was quelled in a mo- 
 ment. The civil authorities were not interfered 
 
MARTIAL LAW THE ISSUE 53 
 
 with in any respect, the militai^ acting merely as 
 police, and under the command of Major General 
 D. J. Cook and \V. H. James, who had been com- 
 missioned a brigadier g-eneral for the occasion, 
 matters gradually resumed their normal condi- 
 tion. But Governor Pitkin was extremely fortu- 
 nate. His instructions were carefully prepared 
 with a view to the prevention of the loss of life 
 but had a single life been lost through this prac- 
 tical setting aside of the civil power, which we 
 know now was entirel} r unwarranted by the occa- 
 sion, the personal consequences to the governor 
 would have been of the gravest character, while 
 there are the best of reasons for the belief that 
 the state would have been lost to the Republi- 
 cans, perhaps never to have been regained. As it 
 was the incident was an element of strength to 
 the governor, showing in the most favorable light 
 his conservative methods of dealing \vith the 
 most critical situations, though in the campaign 
 which followed it required the most earnest 
 efforts to carry the state against the arraignment 
 of Mr. Patterson during the campaign, whose 
 construction of the law as affecting 1 partisan pol- 
 itics was sustained \)y the history of English ju- 
 risprudence, and in complete accordance with 
 the spirit of Magna Charta. 
 
 In the declaration of martial law by Governor 
 Pitkin Mr. Patterson saw his hope of achieving 
 the success of his party. He was then the ac- 
 knowledged leader of the Democrac} 7 , though his 
 methods, and his bold assumption of the reins of 
 part}^ government had already antagonized 
 
54 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION 
 
 of his political associates and laid the founda- 
 tion for those dissensions which have resulted in 
 his retirement from the Democratic organization. 
 Mr. Patterson saw that 03- assailing- Governor 
 Pitkin on these grounds he might force the nom- 
 ination by the Republicans of another and weak- 
 er candidate, or, if the Republican convention 
 saw fit to sustain the governor, the supposed un- 
 popular^ of the measure might at least cause 
 the defeat of the head of the ticket. Consequent- 
 ly, mainl3 T through the efforts of Patterson and 
 the Denver News, the martial law episode became 
 the keynote of the campaign. The Republican 
 press of the state naturally defended the head of 
 the part} r and demanded his renomination in vin- 
 dication of his acts. The general sentiment of 
 the part}' was in the same line, and long before 
 the meeting of the convention it was evident that 
 Pitkin would be the nominee for governor. 
 
 The Democratic convention, which met at 
 Leadville on August 18, was more than usuall}^ 
 storni3 r . A respectable minorit3 r , composed of 
 the best elements of the part3^, and including 
 such well-known and respected leaders as Hugh 
 Butler, Alfred Sa3 T re, J. Y. Marshall and others, 
 was not onl3 T opposed to the plans of Mr. Patter- 
 son on principle, but were beginning to be tired 
 of being required to sneeze whenever Mr. Patter- 
 son took snuff, and when the platform was report- 
 ed containing a plank drawn up by Patterson 
 himself, and declaring the establishment of mar- 
 tial law in Lake count3 r to have been " a danger- 
 ous usurpation of authorit}-, and a clear and 
 
A STORMY DEBATE 55 
 
 open violation of the constitution," a vigorous 
 opposition at once developed. The debate con- 
 tinued during the greater portion of a day, and 
 was marked on the side of the minority by the 
 most consummate skill, ability and patriotism. 
 The position of the opponents of the resolution 
 was that the end justified the means; that no 
 harm, but, on the contrary, much good, had re- 
 sulted; that the peace of the commonwealth had 
 been threatened; that prompt and effective mea- 
 sures were imperatively necessary, and inasmuch 
 as the result of the measure was the immediate 
 restoration of peace and order, the Democratic 
 party would only belittle itself by the adoption 
 of the resolution. But Mr. Patterson, as usual, 
 talked to the jury; his torrents of invective, his 
 liberal appeals to political prejudice, and his apt 
 quotations of history to sustain his position, 
 which the cooler judgment of today recognizes 
 to have been correct, carried the day. The resolu- 
 tion was adopted by the decisive vote of 225 to 90. 
 
 But when the nomination for congress was 
 offered him he declined the honor, either fearing 
 another contest with Judge Belford or not caring 
 to submit his own chances to the test forced into 
 the campaign by himself. John S. Hough, of 
 Hinsdale was nominated for governor, and R. S. 
 Morrison, of Clear Creek, for congress. 
 
 In the Republican convention, which met in 
 Leadville on August 26, the Lake county affair 
 was hardly considered. The convention prompt- 
 ly vindicated the governor by a renomination by 
 acclamation. The main struggle of the conven- 
 
56 A CONGRESSIONAL CONTEST 
 
 tion was over the nomination for congress. Three 
 gentlemen had made the canvass for the nomina- 
 tion -Judge Belford, W.S. Decker, and C.I.Thom- 
 son, now a member of the Court of Appeals. The 
 three candidates were about equal in strength, 
 and the principal interest in 111 is contest was in 
 the fact that a determined effort \vas making by 
 Senator Hill, General Hamill, K. O. and H. R. 
 \Volcott, and others, to compass the defeat of Mr. 
 Belford, During the preceding two years an un- 
 fortunate difference had arisen between the two 
 United States senators. Mr. Belford had gener- 
 ally sided with Mr. Teller in the controversies 
 that had arisen between that gentleman and his 
 colleague. Mr. Teller was a member of the con- 
 vention and presented Belford's name, and the op- 
 portunity seemed favorable for Senator Hill to 
 administer a defeat to his colleague and at the 
 same time punish Belford for his disregard of 
 Mr. HilTs interests in the matter of appointments 
 and in congressional affairs. With (Jeneral Ham- 
 ill and the two Wolcotts a combination was 
 formed that was not to be despised, and when, on 
 the eve of the convention, it was announced in 
 the lobbies of the Clarendon that Ed Wolcott was 
 to be sprung upon the convention as a dark horse 
 for the congressional nomination, the announce- 
 ment became the sensation of the hour. The 
 struggle at Leadville was the first of the series 
 of contests between the two senators which sub- 
 sequently split the party into factions, and on 
 two occasions caused serious disaster. Mr. Hill 
 was extremel}: active in the effort to secure votes 
 
A CONGRESSIONAL DARK HORSE 57 
 
 for Wolcott, and made personal appeals to dele- 
 gates, while his associates, before the meeting- of 
 the convention, had succeeded in securing* 
 pledges from over one hundred delegates in cer- 
 tain contingencies. On the evening before the 
 convention, however, a consultation between the 
 friends of the three candidates resulted in the 
 selection of Colonel G. G. Symes, afterward mem- 
 ber of congress, to endeavor to put a stop to the 
 raid. In a conversation in the crowded lobb} r of 
 the hotel, Symes public^ denounced the candi- 
 dacy of Mr. Wolcott, after the three gentlemen 
 named had made their preliminary canvass 
 openly, as indecent, and contrary to party usages, 
 and threatened, in the event of Mr. Wolcott being- 
 brought before the convention, to denounce his 
 candidac}^ on the floor of that body. Whether 
 this threat was effective or not, Mr. Wolcott's 
 name was not mentioned. 
 
 The position of Lake county in this contest 
 has never been properl}^ understood. The friends 
 of Mr. Thomson were all friends of Belford, 
 and while they were all in earnest for Thomson, 
 it was never intended that he should be used 
 merely as a club to beat Belford. If Thomson 
 could not be nominated, it was thorough^ un- 
 derstood that the Thomson delegates should go 
 to Belford, and to this Mr. Thomson himself as- 
 sented. The opportunit} r came on the second 
 formal ballot. About one-half the roll of coun- 
 ties had been called, when it became evident that 
 the result of holding Mr. Thomson's votes would 
 be the defeat of Belford, and after a hurried con- 
 
BELFORD REXOMIXATKD 
 
 sultation the remaining Thomson counties cast 
 their votes for Belford. Summit county led off 
 with 11 votes, and it became immediate^' appa- 
 rent that Belford would be nominated, Lake coun- 
 ty clinch ing- the matter by changing 1 her vote from 
 H5 for Thomson to 31 for Belford and 4 for Decker. 
 
 The canvass was exceedingly warm, the mar- 
 tial law issue being- the principal topic of dis- 
 cussion, but lacked much of the personal bitter- 
 ness which had characterized that of two 3'ears 
 before. Pitkin was elected by 2918 pluralit} 7 , Bel- 
 ford by 2613 plurality, and the Republicans elect- 
 ed 46 out of the 62 members of the assembly, 
 the Republican majority on joint ballot being 
 37. 
 
 Soon after the election the differences between 
 the senators, which had been smothered during 
 the campaign, broke out in open warfare. It was 
 charged by the friends of Teller and Belford that 
 Senator Hill and Kd Wolcott had not cordially 
 supported the ticket, and that rnone}- had been 
 used in Gilpin county for the purpose of causing 
 Mr. Belford to run behind his ticket at his own 
 home. These charges were indignant^ denied, 
 but the denials were not accepted, mutual crimi- 
 nations followed, and through the hot-headed in- 
 discretions of partisans on each side the breach 
 was widened, and the wa} r paved for the bolt of 
 1882. 
 
 The martial law question did not die with the 
 election. Somebody was responsible for the ex- 
 penses. Mr. Patterson had advised his friends 
 to see to it that Lake county paid not one cent. 
 
PAYING THE MARTIAL LAW BILLS 59 
 
 The advice was unnecessar}^, as public sentiment 
 was strongly in favor of the payment of the bill 
 by the state. When the legislature met, however, 
 it was found that there was a covert opposition 
 to the payment of these expenses in the Repub- 
 lican ranks. This opposition was entirely direct- 
 ed against Governor Pitkin, and as Senator Wol- 
 cott of Clear Creek was its leader Senator Hill 
 was charged with having- inspired the Repub- 
 lican objections A bill introduced by Senator 
 Weston, of Lake for the payment of these ex- 
 penses was championed by Senator Jacobson, of 
 Arapahoe, and as it was clearly a party measure, 
 and its defeat would only result in loss to those 
 who had furnished the supplies, the opposition 
 dwindled down to the pettiest dimensions, and 
 the bill finally passed on February 9, only a few 
 days before the close of the session. 
 
 George B. Robinson was elected lieutenant- 
 governor, but was accidentally killed at his own 
 mine near Kokomo, on November 27. Conse- 
 quently, as the lieutenant-governor had failed to 
 qualify, Mr. Tabor claimed and retained the office 
 for the ensuing two years. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1880. 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 
 
 Wm.A. Hamill 27,450 S. S. Wallace 24,647 
 
 A. C, Hunt 27,361 John S. Wheeler 54.635 
 
 E. T. Wells... 27,299 Nathaniel Nathan 24,566 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 47th Congress J. B. Belford 27,'H'9 R. S. Morrison 24,476 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor F. W. Pitkin 28,46") John S. Hough 23.547 
 
 Lt-Gov. Geo. B. Robinson 27,521 W. C. Stover 24,238 
 
 Secy St'e-N.H. Meldrum 27,263 C. O. Unfug 24,506 
 
 Treas. W. C. Saunders 27,587 And. Y. Hull 24,440 
 
 Auditor Jos A. Davis 27,448 R. C. Bre 24,47") 
 
 Atty Gen-C. II.Toll 27,338 J. C. Stallcup 24,549 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 L.S.Cornell 27,o03 J. J. Crook 24,436 
 
 Regents of the University* 
 
 J. ( \ Shattuck 50,352 Max Herman 54,604 
 
 James Rice 45 925 (Vacancy.) 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 Judge of the Supreme Court (Election held in 1879.) 
 
 Win. Beck, 16,920 Geo. Q. Richmond. .12,702 
 
 District Judges 
 
 1st Diet. C. C. Carpenter! 6214 Joseph Mann 4721 
 
 4th " Jos. C. Helm} 10,733 N. H. Love 10,634 
 
 District Attorneys (Election held in 1879.) 
 
 1st Dist. Harper M. Orahood 4146 F. M. Brown 2906 
 
 2d " D.B.Graham 4122 J. W. Norvell 1888 
 
 3d " James E. Martin 2262 R. A. Quillian.. 3757 
 
 4th " -C. W. Burris 5801 A. T. Gunnell 4601 
 
 THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro tem.H. R. Wolcott. Secretary Wm. M.Clark. 
 1st Dist. James M. Freeman 4th " H. R. Wolcott 
 2d " -L. R. Rhodes 5th " -H. H. Eddy 
 
 3d " Henry Neikirk 6th " E. O. Wolcott 
 
 Rienzi Streeter H. S. Kearney 
 
 *Each party nominated one candidate for regent, whose name 
 was printed on both tickets. 
 
 fTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of Wm. E. Beck. 
 JTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of T. M. Bowen. 
 
THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 61 
 
 7th " A. H. De France 13th 1 
 
 8th " M. A. Rogers 14th ' 
 
 Frank Church 15th ' 
 
 J. S. Stanger 16th ' 
 
 -E. P. Jacobson 17th ' 
 
 9th Dist. Frank T. Cochrane 
 
 10th " C. E. Stubbs 18th 
 
 llth " L. W. Wells 19th ' 
 
 12th " Assyria Hall 20th ' 
 
 -A S. Weston 
 Thomas C. Parrish 
 Aldridge Corder 
 Clemente Trujillo 
 James M. John 
 Casimero Barela 
 Juan A. Baca 
 John A. Gale 
 Fred C. Peck 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker W. H. Doe 
 Arapahoe Wm. H. Birchard 
 Jos. W. Bowles 
 M. B. Carpenter 
 Geo. S. Oatman 
 Herman F. Lauter 
 John T. Gunnell 
 Julius A. Myers 
 Bent John W. Prowers 
 
 Boulder O. F. A. Green 
 L. H. Dickson 
 Samuel M. Breath 
 Wm. O. Wise 
 Clear Creek Wm. H. Doe 
 C. P. Bryan 
 John A Coulter 
 Samuel A. King 
 Jesus M. Valdez 
 Antonio A. Salazar 
 
 Conejos 
 Costilla 
 Conejos & 
 Costilla 
 Custer & 
 Fremont 
 
 Douglas 
 Elbert 
 El Paso 
 
 Jose A. Garcia 
 
 Jas. A. McCandless 
 J. J. Rowen 
 George Engl 
 Henry Gebhard 
 M. A. Foster 
 C. W. Barker 
 
 Clerk R. M. Stevenson 
 Gilpin Abram Lyon 
 
 John B. Ballard 
 
 John Bunney 
 Grand & 
 
 Routt Albert H. Smart 
 Gunnison Chaffee & 
 Lake E. D. Baker 
 Hinsdale Preston Nutter 
 Huerfano Juan B. Cruz 
 
 A. J. Martinez 
 Jefferson John A. Hoagland 
 
 Henry Lee 
 
 La Plata T. J. McClure 
 Larimer Thomas Johnson 
 Las Animas M. Beshoar 
 
 J. B. Martinez 
 
 Jose R. Aguilar 
 Park A. Bergh 
 Pueblo James B. Orman 
 
 James B. Cox 
 Rio Grande S. W. Homer 
 Saguache F. J. Hartman 
 San Juan & 
 
 Ouray A. W. Hudson 
 Summit James W. Swisher 
 Weld J. L. Brush 
 
 Andrew Lumry 
 
THE campaign of 1882 reall}- com- 
 J_Oo2 mence d with the Leadville municipal 
 
 election in April of that j-ear. In 1881 
 Dr. D. H. Dougan had been elected mayor of 
 Leadville, after a hard struggle, by the narrow 
 majority of 75. Renominated the following- year, 
 he was re-elected by the unexpected majority of 
 750. This result was in a large measure due to 
 the personal efforts of Krnest L. Campbell, and 
 in a conference of the part} 7 leaders, held in the 
 Herald office, Mr. I. W. Chatfield urged the naming 
 of Mr. Campbell as Leadville's candidate for gov- 
 ernor at the convention. As Leadville had not re- 
 ceived the recognition on the state ticket to which 
 it was thought to be entitled, the suggestion met 
 with favor, and the name of Mr. Campbell was 
 brought out in the Herald and met with a favora- 
 ble reception from the press of the state. His 
 candidacy, however, was not received enthusias- 
 tically by the friends of Mayor Dougan, who 
 were inclined to attribute the result of the elec- 
 tion solely to the popularity of the candidate, 
 -and to favor him as Leadville's candidate for the 
 gubernatorial nomination. 
 
 It is difficult to fairly represent Mr. Campbell, 
 as very soon after his defeat circumstances arose 
 which afforded those who opposed his election 
 an apparent justification for their course, but it 
 is due to him to say that he was undoubtedly the 
 
CAMPBELL A CANDIDATE 63 
 
 choice of the Republicans of Lake county; that, 
 at the time of his nomination, no good reason 
 could be given against his being- a candidate, 
 and that he had certainly earned his prefer- 
 ment by the most ardent and successful efforts 
 in behalf of the Republican party. There are al- 
 so good reasons for the belief that had he re- 
 ceived that cordial support to which he was en- 
 titled by a nomination the fairness of which has 
 never been questioned, and cannot be successful- 
 ly disputed, the circumstances referred to would 
 never have arisen. The charges made during the 
 campaign that he had assisted in defeating the 
 Republican county ticket in Lake county, the 
 previous year, and that he was a Democrat when 
 he first came to the state, were absolutely untrue. 
 Ernest L. Campbell was an attorney, a brother- 
 in-law of T. M. Patterson, and a member of the 
 firm of Patterson, Thomas & Campbell, practicing 
 in the Leadville office of the firm. Later he be- 
 came engaged in banking in Leadville. He had 
 been a resident of Colorado since 1872, and had 
 always- been an earnest worker in the ranks of 
 the Republican party, with the possible excep- 
 tion of the occasions when Mr. Patterson was a 
 candidate for congress, when, in all probability, 
 he voted for his brother-in-law. During the four 
 years that he had been in Leadville, however, he 
 had uniformly acted with the Republican party, 
 and had been of great assistance to the party, es- 
 pecially in the municipal campaign of 1882. 
 Those who knew him in Denver twenty or more 
 years ago will acknowledge the truth of these 
 
(U THE SENATORIAL BREACH 
 
 statements. Anything- to the contra^ was never 
 mentioned until after he became a candidate for 
 governor. 
 
 During 1 the session of congress the breach be- 
 tween Senators Teller and Hill had constantly 
 widened. P. P. Wilcox, United States Marshal 
 for Colorado, was a warm adherent of Mr. Teller, 
 who ardentU^ desired his reappointment, but, as 
 was charged at the time, mainl}^ through the 
 efforts of Senator Hill, Mr. Wilcox failed to re- 
 ceive the appointment, and Senator Teller retali- 
 ated by making a strong effort to secure the re- 
 moval of Herman Silver, then superintendent of 
 the Denver mint, and a prominent member of the 
 Hill faction. These differences were transmitted 
 to the adherents of both gentlemen, in Colorado, 
 and the suggestion of Campbell for governor, 
 coming, as it did, from the friends of Mr. Teller, 
 aroused the most bitter antagonism on the part 
 of the Hill following, all over the state. Another, 
 and perhaps the most important matter of all, 
 intensified the unseeing contest. About the 
 middle of March it was reported that Senator 
 Teller had been requested by President Arthur 
 to accept the portfolio of the Interior Depart- 
 ment. The report was received with enthusiasm 
 by the Teller faction, with indignation by the 
 friends of Senator Hill, and with ridicule by the 
 Democrats. The Republican editorially charged 
 Senator Teller with having maneuvered to secure 
 the appointment, and that one of the conditions 
 was to make a place for ex-senator Chaffee, who, 
 in the event of Teller's appointment, would be 
 
TELLER FOR THE CABINET 05 
 
 appointed senator by Governor Pitkin. The ed- 
 itorial was telegraphed in full to Washing-ton, 
 and the charge was indignantly denied b}^ both 
 Teller and Chaffee. Governor Pitkin also denied 
 it, and informed inquirers at his office that while 
 he had not given the matter -any consideration, 
 he had not the remotest intention of appointing 
 Senator Chaffee. Senator Teller's friends at Den- 
 ver at once charged that the editorial was inspir- 
 ed by Senator Hill, some going so far as to say 
 that it had been written by him and telegraphed 
 to the Republican. The Washington correspond- 
 ent of the News treated the rumor as an absurdity, 
 asserting that it was extremely improbable that 
 President Arthur would displace Kirkwood, the 
 war governor of Iowa, a state giving 50,000 Re- 
 publican majorit}^, in order to appoint a new Sen- 
 ator from a state casting but 50,000 votes, that 
 it was a scheme, concocted entirel3 7 by Mr. Teller, 
 in the hope of regaining the prestige as a leader 
 lost b}^ the defeat of Wilcox for marshal, and that 
 his efforts in this direction were hopeless. The 
 controversy arising from this report greatly in- 
 creased the bitterness between the friends of the 
 two senators, and Senator Hill was accused of 
 endeavoring to prevent the appointment of Mr. 
 Teller, and thus deprive Colorado of the honor 
 of a place in the cabinet. 
 
 The facts are that it was known that the presi- 
 dent had decided upon the change, and Mr. Chaf- 
 fee had been mentioned in connection with the 
 appointment. Mr. Teller was earnestly endeavor- 
 ing to secure the appointment for Chaffee, and 
 
(n> TELLEK APPOINTED TO THE CABINET 
 
 upon calling- on the president for the purpose of 
 urging- Mr. Chaffee's selection was told that Mr. 
 Chaffee could not be considered in connection 
 with the place, but that he (Teller) could have it 
 if he would accept it. To this Mr. Teller replied 
 that he could not accept the appointment with- 
 out first consulting- Mr. Chaffee, and an under- 
 standing was had that nothing should be clone 
 pending advices from Chaffee. The latter was 
 then in Florida, and in response to a request 
 from Mr. Teller, came to Washington. Upon 
 learning the situation he at once urged Mr. Tel- 
 ler to accept the appointment, and went to the 
 president to assure him that the selection of Mr. 
 Teller would be eminentl}' satisfactoi;y to himself. 
 The offer was repeated, and Mr. Teller asked a 
 little time to consider the matter, and consult his 
 friends in Colorado. While the controvers} 7 over 
 the affair was in progress in the newspapers of 
 Denver, Mr. Teller's personal friends were in pos- 
 session of the facts, and with scarcely an excep- 
 tion urged him to accept the position. It was re- 
 garded as an honor to the state which he could 
 not afford to decline, the utmost confidence being 
 felt that Governor Pitkin would appoint as his 
 successor in the senate a man who would prop- 
 erly represent the state and the Republican par- 
 ty. Accordingl}- Mr. Teller accepted the tender 
 and on April 6 his name was sent to the senate. 
 When the appointment of Senator Teller was 
 first mentioned T. M. Bowen, Geo. M. Chilcott, 
 John L. Routt and H. A. W. Tabor were applcants 
 for the succession. Gov. Pitkin's known aspira- 
 
CHILCOTT SUCCEEDS TELLER 67 
 
 tions made it an awkward situation for him. 
 The i\ews prompt^ charged that he would not 
 appoint a man from south of the divide, as that 
 would interfere with his own chances of election 
 in 1883. Then came the rumor that Bowen had 
 retired from the contest, which Bowen denied in 
 his usual emphatic manner, announcing- that he 
 was in the field to stay. Mr. Tabor was zealous 
 and aggressive in his own behalf, and left no 
 stone unturned to secure the appointment. He 
 was the ownei of a block of stock in the I,eadville 
 Herald, and demanded the support of that paper. 
 The remainder of the stock was held by parties 
 who were opposed to him, and the paper refused 
 to accede to his demands. The result was that 
 the Herald stock was .unloaded upon Mr. Tabor at 
 a round premium, and he enjoyed a brief and 
 costly season of newspaper management. The 
 News charged Governor Pitkin with the assertion 
 that under no circumstances would he appoint 
 Tabor. Those who knew Governor Pitkin gave 
 no credit to the charge. The governor was ani- 
 mated b3^ the most honorable motives. While he 
 knew that whatever appointment he might make 
 would be likely to create antagonisms that might 
 endanger his own chances of election, he knew 
 that the southern portion of the state was justl} 1 - 
 entitled to consideration, and would not subordi- 
 nate what he felt to be his duty to his ambition 
 Mr. Teller's resignation reached Denver on April 
 10, and on the 12th George M. Chilcott, of Pueblo 
 was appointed. 
 
 Soon afterward it was announced that H. R. 
 
68 WOIvCOTT ANNOUNCED FOR GOVERNOR 
 
 Wolcott would be a candidate for the nomination 
 for governor before the Republican State conven- 
 tion. Up to this time Campbell's candidacy had 
 been merely tentative, and while received with 
 more or less fa vor, had made no decided progress. 
 The controversy between the friends of Senator 
 Hill and Sec ret a rj 7 Teller, however, had reached 
 such a point that it was felt that some candidate 
 should be selected for the nomination of the Re- 
 publican party as especialty representing- Teller 
 inasmuch as Wolcott was considered as peculiar- 
 ly the candidate of Senator Hill. Since the sale 
 of the Leadville Herald to Mr. Tabor the Denver 
 Times had been generally recognized as devoted 
 to Mr. Teller's interests, and when that paper, in 
 a brief paragraph, endorsed Mr. Campbell, Mr. 
 Teller's friends all over the state, recognizing the 
 necessity of having some one candidate upon 
 whom to rally as against Mr. Wolcott, and desir- 
 ous of securing the support of the Leadville del- 
 egation, which was assured for Campbell, very 
 general^ settled upon Campbell. 
 
 There was no objection to Mr. Wolcott, person- 
 ally. He was then considered a sterling Repub- 
 lican; who deserved well of his party, and under 
 other circumstances there is little doubt that he 
 would have received the nomination. Less ag- 
 gressive than his brother, he had created fewer 
 antagonisms, and among the most earnest sup- 
 porters of Mr. Campbell there were many who 
 sincerely regretted that the contest had assumed - 
 such a shape that they could not vote for Wolcott. 
 The contest was purely the outgrowth of the 
 
THE FIGHT AGAINST HILL 69 
 
 bitterness needles 3l} r engendered through per- 
 sonal ambitions a condition almost inseparable 
 from active politics and which had been en- 
 hanced b}^ the aggressiveness of the 3^ounger 
 Wolcott. Neither Mr. Chaff ee nor Mr. Teller was 
 opposed to Wolcott on personal grounds. They 
 objected to his candidacy at that time for the sole 
 reason that he was the representative of Senator 
 Hill, and the senatorial question was involved in 
 the gubernatorial contest. Mr. Chaffee replied 
 to the request of General Hamill for the with- 
 drawal of his opposition to Wolcott, that if Wol- 
 cott would wait until after the senatorial ques- 
 tion was disposed of he would cheerfully sup- 
 port him for governor, but he absolutely refused 
 his consent to the nomination of Wolcott, with 
 the certainty that in the event of his election the 
 entire strength of the state administration would 
 be used to secure the re-election of Hill to the 
 senate. The opposition of Chaffee and Teller to 
 Hill's re-election was at the bottom of the whole 
 controversy and led to the formation of a combi- 
 nation between those gentlemen of which Camp- 
 bell's nomination was merely a necessary inci- 
 dent. The actual contest was between Chaf- 
 fee and Teller on one side, and Hill -on the other, 
 with the senatorial succession as the prize. Sup- 
 porting Senator Hill were General Hamill and 
 Ed. Wolcott. The management of the campaign 
 for the nomination of Henrj^ Wolcott for govern- 
 or was in the hands of General Hamill, and it 
 was due to his well-laid plans that the Chaffee- 
 Teller combination was defeated in Arapahoe 
 
70 THE PRELIMINARY CAXVASS 
 
 count}'. In his support of \Volcott Senator Hill 
 was looking- after his own interests, and aside 
 from this and it is doubtful if he was more par- 
 ticularly active in laying 1 the foundations for 
 Wolcott's nomination than would be* natural 
 from a desire for the success of a trusted busi- 
 ness associate. 
 
 From early in the spring the Wolcott forces 
 were active in the laying- of plans for the cap- 
 ture of Arapahoe count}'. Kcl. Wolcott, young-, 
 brilliant, aggressive and daring', excited the ad- 
 miration of the younger members of the Repub- 
 lican parfy, and surrounded himself with a cote- 
 rie of the brightest young men of Denver. The 
 older men were largely with Mr. Teller. The 
 Wolcott forces sneered at the old-fashioned meth- 
 ods of their antagonists, and applied to them the 
 sobriquet of "Windmills," which became one of 
 the recognized catchwords of the canvass. 
 
 The date fixed for the Arapahoe primaries was 
 September 7, and on that date both sides were 
 thoroughly organized. Never before had money 
 been so openly and unblushirigly used to carry 
 the primaries. In this respect neither side had 
 the advantage, except, perhaps, as to the size of 
 the " barrel." But the Wolcott men were the best 
 disciplined, and when the polls were opened 
 every one of the six polling places were in their 
 possession. In the second, third, fourth and 
 sixth wards they held the line to the close, and 
 whatever may be thought of their methods, it is 
 a tribute to their thoroughness that Judge Steck, 
 who had been a resident of the fourth ward for 
 
THE ARAPAHOE PRIMARIEvS 71 
 
 twenty years, had no opportunity to cast his bal- 
 lot for delegates. In the fifth ward a line of men 
 seated on benches, and provided with Wolcott 
 tickets, were on hand long- before the polls were 
 opened. Regardless of cost, more than three- 
 fourths of those tickets were purchased and the 
 other tickets substituted. The result was seen 
 when the ballots were counted. The Chaffee 
 ticket was carried beyond the hope of a success- 
 ful contest. In the first ward the struggle was 
 exceedingly bitter and violent, and at the close 
 both sides claimed the ward. On a count the vic- 
 tory was given to the Chaffee ticket by a small 
 majority. The Wolcott men at once disputed the 
 count, and spent an hour or more in wrangling. 
 As it was necessary that this ward should be car- 
 ried for Wolcott, a sham fight was inaugurated 
 and in the melee the ballot box was overturned 
 and the ballots scattered on the floor. It was 
 charged by the Chaffee men that one of the 
 other side, who was shoved over the table, had 
 his hands full of ballots and dropped them in 
 the heap on the floor. At all events, on a recount 
 the Wolcott ticket had a majorit} 7 , though one of 
 the judges refused to sign the certificate. 
 
 At the meeting of the county convention a few 
 days afterward, Ed Wolcott was the dominating 
 spirit. He held the party machinery in his 
 hands, and was careful to lose no advantage that 
 he had gained, being ably assisted by M. Spang- 
 ler, then sheriff of Arapahoe county. The first 
 ward contested, but the contest was smothered 
 in the credentials committee, and the Wolcott 
 
72 THE AKAPAHOE CONTEST. 
 
 delegates were seated. A movement was made 
 toward a bolt, but it was not met with favor, and 
 the convention selected a Wolcott delegation to 
 the state convention, and adjourned till after the 
 meeting- of that body. The case of the first ward 
 was carefully prepared by the Cliaffee party, 
 and as the test vote in the count} 7 convention had 
 been forty to thirty-one, it was claimed that had 
 the eleven Chaffee delegates from the first ward 
 been admitted the convention would have select- 
 ed a ChafTee delegation to the State convention. 
 This document, with the accompanying affida- 
 vits, was submitted to the credentials committee 
 on the assembling of the stale convention. 
 
 The state convention met in Denver, at the 
 Tabor Opera House, on September 14. On the 
 gathering of the clans, two or three days before 
 the appointed time, it was soon demonstrated 
 that Wolcott had not the shadow of a chance ex- 
 cept as the second choice of some of the delega- 
 tions, for while he had something over a hundred 
 votes that he could deliver in any direction, and 
 for an}- purpose, there were too many obstacles 
 in the way of successful trading. Some trades 
 were offered, however, which would have result- 
 ed in Wolcott's nomination, but were rejected by 
 the Wolcott party on grounds which, in a politi- 
 cal contest of this character should have had no 
 weight Most of his efforts were therefore direct- 
 ed toward securing votes as second choice. There 
 were three other candidates in the field for the 
 gubernatorial nomination N. H. Meldrum, of 
 Larimer, J. M. Maxwell, of Boulder, and B. H 
 
THE STATE CONVENTION <3 
 
 Katon, of Weld, and the vote of the convention 
 was divided practicall} 7 as follows: Wolcott 106, 
 Campbell 90, Meldrum 60, Maxwell 30, Katon 17, 
 and a few scattering-. It was argued by the Wol- 
 cott leaders that their man alone could hold his 
 strength to the finish, and that the correct polic}^ 
 would be to wear out the convention, in the 
 meantime making- ever}' effort to secure votes for 
 second choice. Most of the other candidates rep- 
 resented the "Windmill" interest. Meldrum was 
 ready to throw his following to Campbell at any 
 time that it would effect a nomination, but Katon 
 and Maxwell refused to be parties to such a com- 
 bination. Maxwell was offered the nomination 
 for congress, but his friends refused it, deter- 
 mined that he should secure the gubernatorial 
 nomination or nothing*. Mr. Chaffee worked 
 hard to secure a combination that would defeat 
 Wolcott but failed, and at 12 o'clock on the night 
 before the meeting of the convention, gave up 
 the contest, convinced that if the convention as- 
 sembled in its then condition Wolcott could not 
 possibly be defeated. In the meantime the Wol- 
 cott emissaries had not been idle. It was known 
 before midnight that more than half the Le:ul- 
 ville delegation would vote for Wolcott, for sec- 
 ond choice, with a possibility that some would 
 do so at first; that several of Meldrum's delegates 
 had been approached with substantial offers, and 
 that it was only a question of the time when the 
 break should come; that Wolcott was in the best 
 possible situation to snatch victory from the 
 jaws of defeat. But after Mr. Chaffee had aban- 
 
7-t A COMBINE EFFECTED 
 
 doned the apparently hopeless contest five gen- 
 tlemen met in a room in the St. James hotel - T. 
 M. Bowen, Otto Mears, N. H. Meldrum J. D. Ward, 
 and K. L. Campbell. The situation was fill 13- dis- 
 cussed, and it was found that if Meldrum should 
 throw his vote to Campbell the latter would lack 
 but six or seven votes of a nomination. It was 
 known that Fremont county would deliver its 
 vote in return for the warden ship of the peniten- 
 tiary, and that it would be cast for any candidate 
 whom that vote was sufficient to nominate. With 
 this understanding- the part3 r separated. Mr. 
 Chaffee was advised of the arrangement, and be- 
 fore the convention assembled the next morning- 
 it was reported that Meldrum had withdrawn 
 ironi the race. 
 
 When the convention was called to order it was 
 seen that it was dominated b3 T the "Windmill" 
 faction, but the Wolcott forces were compact, 
 alert and enthusiastic, and went into the coven- 
 tion with a confident determination which in- 
 spired those of the opposition not behind the 
 scenes with a wholesome fear of the result. Gov- 
 ernor Routt, as chairman of the state committee, 
 called the convention to order, and C. W. Tank- 
 ers^ 7 , the *' Windmill " candidate for chairman, 
 was elected by the decisive vote of 211 to 106. 
 
 But this did not settle the fight b3^ an}^ means, 
 for while Willard Teller, who had secured a 
 proxy from Saguache count3 r , T. M. Bowen, J. D. 
 Ward, and other prominent " Windmill " leaders, 
 set the pace for their followers, Ed Wolcott, Ham- 
 ill, John McNeele3^, and a strong backing of less- 
 
A BRILLIANT CONTEST i.) 
 
 er lights were equally in evidence, and by their 
 sharp retorts, brilliant speeches, and clever 
 handling- of a hopeless fight, made one of the 
 most interesting- conventions ever held in Colo- 
 rado, 
 
 Bowen narrowly escaped missing- the opening- 
 session. The conductor of the train refused to 
 hold it a few minutes at Del Norte for the Rio 
 Grande county delegation. A hand car was 
 seized, and relieving each other at the levers, the 
 delegates followed along two or three miles be- 
 hind the flying 1 train until they caught a locomo- 
 tive at a siding, which they pressed into service, 
 overtaking the train at Alamosa. 
 
 The committee on credentials submitted the 
 Arapahoe contest to the convention without re- 
 commendation, and Willard Teller moved the ad- 
 mission of the contestants. A stormy discussion 
 ensued, during which Kd Wolcott created con- 
 siderable amusement b} r referring to Mr. Teller 
 as "the gentleman from Saguache," but the con- 
 vention decided, by a vote of 220 to 91, not to go 
 behind the proceedings of the county conven- 
 tion, and the Wolcott delegates retained their 
 seats. 
 
 The first ballot showed that the combination 
 of the previous night was a success. It resulted 
 Wolcott 106, Campbell 149, Maxwell 32, Katon 19, 
 John J. Henry 5. Campbell lacked 7 of a majori- 
 ty. On the second ballot one vote from Bent 
 county went from Wolcott to Campbell. There 
 were no further changes until Fremont was 
 reached, when its seven votes were transferred 
 
76 CAMPBELL NOMINATED 
 
 to Campbell, insuring- his nomination. Other 
 slight changes followed, and at the close the vote 
 stood Wolcott 305, Campbell 169, Maxwell 20, 
 Katon 15, Henry 2. For congress, Belford receiv- 
 ed 223 votes to 88 for all others, and the other 
 places 011 the ticket were filled on the same lines. 
 As Wolcott's defeat was attributed in great mea- 
 sure to ex-Senator ChafTee, Hamill considered him 
 the proper person for chairman of the com- 
 mittee, and accordingly nominated him for that 
 position. 
 
 The convention had hardly adjourned before 
 rumors of a bolt for which there was no shadow 
 of an excuse, became prevalent. The conven- 
 tion was absolutely fair, and against Wolcott 
 from the start. Mr. Wolcott's friends hadnoth 
 ing- to complain of, and remained in the con- 
 vention to the close. The}- were accorded every 
 courtes}-, and Mr. Sparnick, in putting Wolcott 
 in nomination had promised the united support 
 of the Wolcott interest to the nominee of the con- 
 vention, whoever he might be. This pledge was 
 openly violated, and within a week it w^as appa- 
 rent that Mr. Hill and the Wolcotts were perfect- 
 ing- an organization for the defeat of Campbell. 
 It was seriously charged that he was a Democrat, 
 and should he be elected the administration of 
 the state would be in the hands of his brother-in- 
 law, T. M. Patterson. The absurdity of this claim 
 is apparent toda} 7 , but in the then heated condi- 
 tion of both factions it passed current and was 
 doubtless effective in causing the loss of 
 votes that Campbell should have received. 
 
WOLCOTTS ORGANIZE A BOLT 77 
 
 It was expected by some, at the time, that Sen- 
 ator Hill would repudiate the scheme of the VVol- 
 cott following-. A number of his warmest friends 
 and political supporters urged him repeatedly to 
 announce himself as earnestly supporting- the 
 ticket, but he remained silent to his own political 
 detriment. At a conference of the leaders of the 
 Wolcott party, at which Senator Hill was present, 
 General Hamill was urged to join the bolt and 
 flatly refused. He used his best endeavors to 
 persuade his associates to forego their intentions 
 without success, and declaring- his determination 
 to support the entire ticket with all the energy he 
 possessed he denounced the scheme in the most 
 emphatic language, and left the conference to g-o 
 at once to Mr. Chaffee and inform him of the plot, 
 and at the same time extend him the most impor- 
 tant financial and personal assistance, until the 
 end of the campaign he was Mr. Chaffee's most 
 trusted lieutenant. Subsequently he at one time 
 very nearly persuaded Ed. Wolcott to give the 
 ticket his earnest support, but the opposing in- 
 fluences were too strong. 
 
 The Democratic convention met in Denver on 
 September 21. The name of J. B. Grant had been 
 put forward for the gubernatorial nomination, 
 and was received with so much enthusiasm that 
 he was nominated by acclamation. S. S. Wallace 
 of Las Animas county was nominated for con- 
 gress. 
 
 The Republican supported the ticket in a half- 
 hearted way, the Tribune openly supported Grant 
 and the Times fought vigorously for the whole 
 
78 THE CAMPAIGN 
 
 ticket. The necessit} 7 for a morning- Republican 
 paper that was above the suspicion of treacher}', 
 or association with those who were endeavoring 1 
 to defeat the head of the ticket, soon became ap- 
 parent, and Mr. Hamill established a campaign 
 paper called the Refiublicin-Jnirnal, under the ed- 
 itorial management of Mr. John Carson, then 
 chief of the Washing-ton bureau of the New York 
 Times. The paper was pri.ited in the establish- 
 ment of the Denver Times and did good service 
 during the campaign, Mr. Hamill bearing the en- 
 tire expense of the enterprise. 
 
 Mr^Chaffee opened headquarters on Larimer 
 street, diagonally across from the Cheesman 
 block. D. C. Oswald, chairman of the Arapahoe 
 county committee occupied a room in connection 
 with the state committee rooms, and it was rep- 
 resented to Mr. Chaffee that Mr. Oswald was 
 merely a spy for the bolters, and would report 
 every act of the committee to them, but Mr. Chaf- 
 fee treated the suggestion lightly, stating that 
 the county convention had chosen Oswald; that 
 the relations of the two committees were neces- 
 sarily close, and that, as chairman of the state 
 committee he could not refuse to recognize the 
 duly accredited agent of the Arapahoe county 
 Republicans. Oswald protested that he was act- 
 ing with perfect fairness, but he was suspected, 
 and his influence with the supporters of the tick- 
 et counted for little. 
 
 But with all this treachery it is not probable 
 that Campbell would have been defeated had it 
 not been for the crowning act of this campaign 
 
THE BOGUS TICKET 79 
 
 on the part of the bolters. The printing- of the 
 tickets for Arapahoe county was left to Oswald, 
 but for the majority of the other counties of the 
 state the tickets were provided by the state com- 
 mittee. Fearing- treachery, Mr. Chaffee caused a 
 design to be engraved wjhich was printed in a 
 tint on the face of the ticket, the names of the 
 candidates being printed over the tint. This 
 work was done at the Times office, and during the 
 process of printing, the press was watched b}^ a 
 representative of the state committee. Every 
 spoiled sheet was burned as it came from the 
 press; the sheets were counted before and after- 
 printing, and the cutting was closely watched. 
 As soon as the tickets were completed the plates 
 were taken from the press and handed to George 
 T. Clark, who locked them up in a safe where the 
 original engraving was already deposited. It is 
 absolutely certain that not a ticket left the Times 
 office that was not delivered to the state commit- 
 tee, and the tickets were not sent to the several 
 counties until there was barel} r time for them to 
 reach their destination in time for the election. 
 In spite of all these precautions however, the tint 
 engraving was counterfeited and the state flood- 
 ed with bogus Republican tickets bearing the 
 names of J. B. Grant for Governor, and S. S. Wal- 
 lace for congress. There is no doubt that these 
 bogus tickets were mainly instrumental in caus- 
 ing the defeat of Campbell. The trick was as 
 shrewd as it was unprincipled, and the perpetra- 
 tors received all the credit to which they were 
 entitled. They were certainly successful. 
 
80 CAMPBELL DEFEATED 
 
 The bolt, so strongly backed, and so unscru- 
 pulously inaugurated and sustained, resulted in 
 the defeat of Campbell b} r 2735 majority. Bel- 
 ford's pluralit3 r of 2313 in 1833 was pulled down 
 to 1767, and Judge Helm, who was also opposed 
 by the bolters, was elected to the supreme bench 
 over the late Vincent D. Markham, by but 567 ma- 
 jority. 
 
 In Arapahoe count} 7 , where the bolters had 
 the most thorough organization, Campbell and 
 Belford were both defeated, while the only in- 
 stance of retaliation was in the case of John P. 
 Kinneavy, nominated for representative, who was 
 defeated by Vandenburg. The rest of the ticket 
 in Arapahoe county was elected by majorities 
 ranging from a few votes to two hundred. 
 
 When the legislature assembled it was found 
 that the Republican majority of 37 on joint bal- 
 lot, of two } r ears before, had been cut down to 25. 
 
 The senatorial campaign was as warm as that 
 of the state, though conducted on somewhat dif- 
 ferent lines. Mr. Patterson was the nominee of 
 the Democrats for the long tenn, and J. B. Orman 
 of Pueblo for the short term. The Republicans 
 were several weeks in coming to a decision. 
 Bowen, Pitkin, Tabor, Hamill, Routt and Hallett 
 were all in the field for the long term. Had Pit- 
 kin appointed either Bowen or Routt to fill the 
 vacancy occasioned by the appointment of Teller 
 to the cabinet he would have stood some chance 
 of election. But Tabor and Bowen joined forces 
 for his defeat, leaving their own chances to be 
 decided later. For the short term Weston, of 
 
HOWKX KLKCTKl) SKXATOK 81 
 
 Lake, George M. Chilcott, and Clarence P. Klder 
 were candidates. The Republican caucus con- 
 tinued twent3 r -tvvo cla3's, but from the first it was 
 apparent that the outcome la}' between Hamill 
 and Bowen. Neither Tabor nor Pitkin gained 
 materially, while Routt and Hallett received but 
 a few votes each. The result was that near the end 
 of the session T. M. Bowen was nominated for 
 the long and H. A. W. Tabor for the short term 
 of about thirty days. Both were elected by a 
 strict party vote. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1882. 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 47th ( 'ongress J. 15. Belford 30,847 S Wallace 29,080 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 ...28,620 James B. Grant.... 
 
 ..31,493 J. W. Prowers 
 
 ..32,418 F. C. Johnson 
 
 . 31,045 Dennis Sullivan. . . . 
 
 . . 3 1 ,790 Ansel Watson 
 
 . . 32,.'41 B. F. Montgomery . 
 
 Governor E. L. Campbell... 
 Lt-Gov. Wm. H. Meyer. . 
 Secy Sr,'e Melvin Edwards 
 Treas. Fred Walsen .... 
 
 Auditor J. C Abbott 
 
 Atty Gen D. F. Urmy 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 J. C. Shattuck 32,410 F. M. Brown. . . 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 James Rice 32.427 .J. A. Van An ken 
 
 L. S. Cornell 32,001 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 Judge of the Supreme Court 
 
 .31,355 
 .28,442 
 .27,807 
 .28,930 
 .28,624 
 ,.2*,054 
 
 .27,920 
 .27,921 
 
 Joseph C. Helm 
 Dit-trict Judges 
 1st Dist. C. C. Carpenter 
 
 . .30,335 
 ...4513 
 
 V. D. Markham.... 
 II. B. Morse. 
 
 . 29,81 U 
 3831 
 
 2d " Victor A. Elliott, .... 
 ;5k " T. T. Player 
 4th " P. J. Coston 
 
 .. 1:;.>M 
 ...2929 
 . . 3020 
 
 No opposition 
 Caldwell Yeaman.. 
 Win. Harrison 
 
 . . . 39f 5 
 3280 
 
 f>th* " J. B. Bissell 
 5 t h J. B. Bissell 
 
 . ..4(2 
 . ..3814 
 
 Jas. V. Marshall... 
 L. M. Goddard 
 
 .. .4673 
 
 5<I7.~, 
 
 6th* " C. D. Bradle .. 
 6th " C. D. Hayt 
 7t.h* " 0. W. B arris 
 7th " (;, \y. Burris 
 
 . ..359.' 
 
 ...:HU 
 ...3754 
 ..3896 
 
 Adair Wilson 
 J. T.Cox 
 Thomas (.1. Brown. 
 M. B. Gerry. 
 
 ...2836 
 ...2-*7 
 ...2W2 
 
 435(1 
 
 District Attorneys 
 1st Dist.f J McD. Livesay 
 1st " J. McD. Livesay ,. 
 2d ' Herman E. Luthe 
 :id " -E. J. Maxwell 
 4th: 4k C C Holbrook. 
 
 . . H57 
 ...6293 
 ...7175 
 ...3W5 
 3379 
 
 No opposition. 
 No opposition. 
 James A. Dawson. . 
 C. J. Hart 
 M J Bartley 
 
 ...6716 
 ...3104 
 '^73 
 
 4th " Chas. A. Wilkin 
 
 . ..374>* 
 
 Scattering 
 
 ...2422 
 
 :? N"ew districts created by the Third General Assembly. Elec- 
 tion held at the general election in 1881. Officers held until gene- 
 ral election in 1882. 
 
 fTo till vacancy caused by resignation of II. M. Orahood. Elec- 
 tion held in 1881. To hold till general election in 1882 . 
 
 JTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of C. W. Burris. Elec- 
 tion held in 1881. To hold till general election of 1X82. 
 
OFFICIAL V ( >T K 1 SX'_J C( )XT 1 XUE1> 83 
 
 District Attorneys- -Con tinned 
 
 ">th* " John W. Jenkins 4444 T. L. Clark 429.") 
 
 .~>th " Wm. Kellogg 5217 J. M . Downing 4570 
 
 6th* " C D. Ha.vt 3610 B. F. Montgomery .... 277N 
 
 th " M. S. Adams 4022 R. K. Hagan 27 W 
 
 7r.li* " -Frank C. Goudy 3988 H. O. Montague ..... 1401 
 
 7tli " - C. W. Rood 4161 R. A. French 40 'W 
 
 FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro teni. Rienzi Streoter. Secretary Reuben Berry. 
 
 1st Dist. 
 
 Jamos M. Freeman 
 
 llth ik 
 
 C. C. Parsons 
 
 2d " 
 
 H. E. Tedmoii 
 
 
 -C. L. Hall 
 
 3d " 
 
 Rienzi Streeter 
 
 
 A. S. Weston 
 
 4th " 
 
 Jos. W. Bostwick 
 
 12th " 
 
 H. H. Eddy 
 
 5th ki 
 
 II. S. Kearney 
 
 13th " 
 
 Jas. R. Robinson 
 
 <>th li 
 
 J. S. Stanger 
 
 14th " 
 
 James Moynahan 
 
 
 M. W. Howard 
 
 15th " 
 
 -J. H. Stead 
 
 
 Frank Tilford 
 
 16th 4k 
 
 Aldridge ('order 
 
 
 C. P. Elderf 
 
 17th " 
 
 A. J. Rising 
 
 7th 4i 
 
 A. H. De France 
 
 18th - 
 
 Casimero Barela 
 
 8th " 
 
 Irving Howbert 
 
 19th " 
 
 A. A. Salazar 
 
 9th Dist 
 
 . -L. W Wells 
 
 20th " 
 
 John A. Gale 
 
 10th " 
 
 Frank T. Cochrane 
 
 21st " 
 
 James P. Galloway 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker E. W. Davis Clerk R. M. Stevenson 
 
 Arapahoe A. E. Pierce Gilpin John Angnin 
 S. H. Ballard J, W. Drips 
 
 L. A. Curtice Grand & 
 
 Edward Pisko Routt John LaFevre 
 
 J. W Shackleford Gunnison & 
 
 -Geo. T. Clark Pitkin J, E. Mclntyre 
 
 James H. Kirk Hinsdaie D. S. Hoffman 
 
 Geo. C. Sample Huerfano Tomas Rivera 
 
 Bent H. S. Holly Jefferson Henry Lee 
 
 Boulder C. A. Clarke -W. Perrin 
 
 *New districts created by the Third General Assembly. Elec- 
 tion held at the general election in 1881. Officers held until the 
 general election in 1882. 
 
 ^Elected to fill the vacancy caused by the death of E. P. Ja- 
 cobson. 
 
S4 
 
 FOURTH GKXEKAI, ASSEMBLY 
 
 < Hear ( 'rof j 
 
 Conejos 
 Chaffee 
 Costilla 
 Custer 
 
 Douglas 
 Elbert 
 El Paso 
 
 Fremont 
 
 Ouray <fc 
 Dolores 
 
 -W. H. H. Walker 
 O. F. A. Greene 
 k F. F. Osbiston 
 Samuel A. King 
 A. D. Archuleta 
 W. H. Jones 
 Richard Darling 
 B. F. Baldwin 
 E. J. Haskell 
 J. H. Craig 
 M. R. Chapman 
 -C.D. Ford 
 -J. H. Kerr 
 B. F. Rockafellow 
 
 J. R. Letcher 
 
 Lake S. R. Blonger 
 P. W. Breene 
 M. J. Costello 
 E. W. Davis 
 La Plata M. J. McCloskey 
 Larimer A. S. Benson 
 Las Animas V. Abeyta 
 E. B. Sopris 
 Park A. Bergh 
 Pueblo James B. Orman 
 
 A. Royal 
 
 Rio Grande T. M. Bowen 
 Saguache Otto Mean* 
 San Juan T. M. Tripp 
 Summit B. H. Butcher 
 Weld -R.J.VanValkenburg 
 
IN many respects the preliminar}^ cam- 
 
 1884: P ai ^ n of 1884: was the turnin ^ point in 
 the history of the Republican party of 
 Colorado. During- the preceding- four years the 
 party had been torn with the internal dissensions 
 resulting- from the differences between Senators 
 Teller and Hill, which had reached a point at 
 which there were grave reasons for the fear that 
 the prevailing- lack of harmony would result in 
 turning the state over to the Democracy. The 
 adherents of both senators were so earnest in 
 their so-called loyalty to each that in many in- 
 stances they considered the success of their re- 
 spective chiefs as of more importance than the 
 success of the party. This feeling permeated 
 every grade of political life to such an extent 
 that a candidate for the nomination for constable 
 was supported or politically damned according 
 to his predilections in favor of one side or the 
 other. It was difficult in some cases to deter- 
 mine which side was best for the well-being- of 
 the party, so far as minor nominations were con- 
 cerned, and frequently g-ood men were opposed 
 for no other reason than that they had been mem- 
 bers of one of the factions. The defeat of Camp- 
 bell, two years before, notwithstanding the fact 
 that circumstances which subsequently arose 
 were pointed to as affording a justification for 
 that defeat, had left an exceedingly bitter feeling 
 
86 
 
 among* Mr. Teller's friends, and had stimulated 
 them to the most earnest efforts to secure the su- 
 premacy of their faction if such a thing* was pos- 
 sible. With this end in view careful preparations 
 had been made for the opening- of the campaign. 
 It was felt that if, with the senatorial contest of 
 1885 pending, the Teller faction was defeated, it 
 would definitely end Mr. Teller's pre-eminence in 
 the politics of the state, and therefore everything 
 was staked on the issue of this campaign. Thin 
 feeling, a corresponding feeling on the part of 
 the other side of the controversy, and the conse- 
 quent activity on both sides, simply intensified 
 the bitterness between the factions, and long be- 
 fore the state convention both parties were 
 worked up to a white heat. 
 
 On the part of Mr. Hill's friends there was no 
 attempt to disguise the factional character of the 
 contest. Mr. Hill's term in the senate expired on 
 March 4, 1885, and he desired a re-election, conse- 
 quently the preliminary canvass was made with 
 the avowed purpose of returning Senator Hill. 
 
 As in 1882, Arapahoe count}' was the key of 
 the situation, and was the scene of strenuous ef- 
 forts on the part of both factions. In 1883 George 
 H. Graham had been elected sheriff of the county 
 against the vigorous and determined opposition 
 of the Hill wing of the party. The campaign was 
 one of great bitterness, as the friends of Senator 
 Hill had been entirel}' ignored in the selection of 
 candidates, and mutual criminations and recrim- 
 inations had been indulged to such an extent 
 that although ever}' candidate on the ticket was 
 
THE CONTKvST IN AKAPAHOK 87 
 
 elected by fair majorities, Mr. Graham canning 
 all except six of the county precincts, the result 
 \ras not accepted as final, and the Blill faction 
 went into the contest with a vigorous and deter- 
 mined organization. 
 
 The primaries were held on August 21, and the 
 county convention on the 23d. Governor Routt 
 had supported Wolcott in 1882, but this year, in- 
 spired by the hope of the succession to the sena- 
 torial mantle, was a vigorous opponent of Sena- 
 tor Hill, and threw himself into the canvass with 
 an ardor that excelled all his previous efforts in 
 Colorado politics. Mr. Tabor also, with the pos- 
 sibilit}^ of the nomination for governor before 
 him. was a strong supporter of the Teller faction, 
 and was an important factor in the Arapahoe 
 county contest. These expectations were entire- 
 ly reasonable. Mr. Teller had for some time been 
 seriously considering the advisability of retiring 
 from political life, and had recently announced 
 his definite purpose to withdraw from politics 
 at the close of the administration. During the 
 preceding eight years he had enjoyed a distinc- 
 tion rarely accorded to public men in so brief a 
 period, and could well afford to retire to private 
 life and the practise of his profession, in which 
 his political career would be a great advantage. 
 In such an event, there was every reason to an- 
 ticipate the election of Governor Routt, in view 
 of his eminent services to the Teller side, should 
 that side prove successful. Mr. Tabor also had 
 every reason to expect the solid support of the 
 Teller men of the convention in his aspirations 
 
88 THE A RAP A HOE CONVENTION 
 
 toward the gubernatorial nomination. As a con- 
 sequence of these arrangements the contest in 
 Arapahoe count}' was between Routt and Hill. 
 When the results of the primaries were known it 
 was claimed by the Hill side that they had 79 
 delegates and Routt 68, while nine from the coun- 
 try precincts were in doubt. On the other hand 
 It was claimed by the Routt faction that it had 
 been defrauded in the second ward; that the 
 Routt men had really carried the ward by 5 or 6 
 majority; that on a recount the ward had been 
 given to Hill fraudulently, and that there were 
 also good grounds for a contest in the first ward. 
 The questions involved were therefore subjects 
 for the consideration of the credentials commit- 
 tee, and of course the temporar} r organization of 
 the count}* convention became a matter of para- 
 mount importance. The machinery of the party 
 was in the hands of the Hill faction, with C. O- 
 Xiegenfiiris as chairman of the county committee, 
 and the Routt men argued that they could not 
 hope for justice in the preliminary organization, 
 and that the only wa\- to secure a fair hearing 
 was to capture the organization of the convention. 
 At a caucus of the Routt delegates held at the 
 court house on the evening previous to the meet- 
 ing of the convention, Hon. Amos Steck was cho- 
 sen as chairman of the convention, and another 
 caucus called to meet at Lincoln hall, the place 
 appointed for the meeting of the convention, at 
 an early hour on the following morning. When 
 the delegates assembled in the morning it was 
 announced that Judge Steck had declined the 
 
THE CONVENTION SPLITS 89 
 
 chairmanship, and Mr. Louis Dugal promptly 
 moved the selection of Mr. Joseph Williams. Mr. 
 Williams had been one of the Hill managers in 
 1882, but had condemned the bolt of that year, and 
 now occupied a similar position with the Routt 
 interest. At the hour appointed for the meeting 
 of the convention the Routt men were all present, 
 and the chairman of the county committee not 
 having arrived the convention was called to or- 
 der by Arthur Kellogg, secretary of the commit- 
 tee, the call for the convention read, and the con- 
 vention organized by the selection of Mr. Wil- 
 liams as chairman. Soon afterward Mr. Ziegen- 
 fuss arrived and found the convention organized 
 against him. He protested that the hour had not 
 arrived, that the Routt men had occupied the 
 hall all night; and that the organization effected 
 was illegal, but he soon perceived the hopeless- 
 ness of his case, the Routt delegates insisting 
 that it was past the hour. The question seemed 
 to be entirely one of time, with no allowance for 
 a difference in watches. Mr. Ziegenfuss, after 
 some farther parle} 7 , announced that he would 
 call the convention to order in another place, and 
 withdrew, thus putting himself and his friends 
 in the position of bolters. It is useless to den} 
 that the organization at Lincoln hall was a piece 
 of political sharp practice. It is equally certain 
 that by meeting at the place mentioned in the 
 call the Routt men gained, and by organizing 
 there retained, an important technical advantage. 
 Kach convention nominated a full county ticket; 
 and selected its own delegates to the state con- 
 
00 THB 8TATE CONVENTION 
 
 vention, the Hill men basing- their claims to rec- 
 ognition on the grounds that they were kept out 
 of Lincoln hall b}^ force; that the Routt men had 
 organized before the time fixed b}- the call, and 
 that the usages of the party had been departed 
 from in the organization before the delegates had 
 been legallj r called to order by the chairman of 
 the county committee, the only legalty constitut- 
 ed authority for the performance of that dutj^. 
 
 The Lincoln hall delegates claimed that they 
 were on hand at the time and place appointed, 
 and that if the other side was not there it could 
 blame no one but the delinquents. Kach conven- 
 tion claimed to have a majority of the delegates 
 duly elected. 
 
 The interval before the meeting of the state 
 convention was occupied by both parties in the 
 making of mutual charges and counter charges, 
 denials and explanations. In the course of the 
 controversy Mr. Ziegenfuss wrote a letter in 
 which he stated that the matter would be decided 
 by the state convention, and that he and the fac- 
 tion he represented would cheerfully acquiesce 
 in that decision. 
 
 The state convention met at Colorado Springs 
 on September 10, and from the first it was evident 
 that the battle between the contending factions 
 would be decisive. The hotels were thronged 
 several days before the convention, the Routt men 
 establishing headquarters at the Antlers, while 
 the Hill forces were directed from the Antlers 
 Annex. 
 
 The key of the convention was the credentials 
 
THE ARAL* A HOE CONTEST 91 
 
 Committee, as beside the Arapahoe contest, there 
 was a contest of a similar character in El Paso 
 and one or two smaller counties. The selection 
 of General Hamill as temporary chairman of the 
 convention was considered a victory for the Routt 
 forces, though the peculiar questions involved 
 in the contest rendered it a matter of serious 
 doubt as to the result of the hearing* of the con- 
 tests before the committee. J. L. Hodges was ap- 
 pointed chairman of the committee. 
 
 The contest before the committee was the most 
 earnest and exciting- ever held in the state. Kach 
 side was represented by able counsel, W. B. Fel- 
 ker representing- the Routt, and Frank C. Goudy 
 the Hill claimants. Witnesses were examined, 
 precedents cited, and arg-uments heard, and the 
 committee was in almost continuous session 
 from early in the afternoon until 3 a. m. of the 
 llth. Pending the hearing of the contesting 
 delegations the convention took a recess, the del- 
 egates occupying the time in the usual trades 
 for state officers, etc. 
 
 Upon the assembling- of the convention on 
 the morning of the llth, two reports were sub- 
 mitted. The ground had been g-one over thor- 
 oughly by both sides, but the arg-uments were so 
 far from convincing that while the majority re- 
 port, signed b}" eight members, favored the seat- 
 ing- of the Routt delegates, the minority report, 
 signed by five members, was fully as strongly in 
 favor of the Plill deleg-ation. After a sharp dis- 
 cussion the majority report was adopted by a 
 vote of 191 to 98. 
 
92 ROUTT MEN WIN. 
 
 While the result of this contest was in some 
 sense a blow to Senator Hill's aspirations toward 
 a return to the senate, it was by no means deci- 
 sive. The real question at issue in the conven- 
 tion was not so much whether or not Mr. Hill 
 should return to the senate, as which of the 
 contending delegations from Arapahoe count}" 
 possessed the technical right to seats in the con- 
 vention under the usages of the party. The pre- 
 cedent established in 1882, when a similar ques- 
 tion involving the legality of an Arapahoe coun- 
 ty convention, was presented to the State con- 
 vention, and that body declined to go behind 
 the returns of a county convention, had consid- 
 erable influence in the disposition of the present 
 case, while the organization of the Lincoln hall 
 convention was decided on the ground that at 
 the time of his leaving the place which he had 
 himself appointed for the meeting of the conven- 
 tion, no such act had been committed as to justi- 
 fy Chairman Ziegenfuss in setting up the claim 
 of fraud. And bej^ond both of these questions 
 was the undeniable fact that the convention was 
 against Senator Hill, though there were doubt- 
 less many delegates who voted for the majority 
 report on purely technical grounds who would 
 have been very glad to see Mr. Hill return to the 
 senate. In fact, throughout this unfortunate 
 controversy there was little, if any criticism of 
 Mr. Hill's acts as a senator. It was conceded by 
 such of his opponents as were not blinded by 
 prejudice that he was attentive to the interests 
 of Colorado and to the wishes of his conatitu 
 
THE OBJECTIONS TO HILL 93 
 
 ents. No one questioned his ability, or that he 
 was animated by the sing-le purpose to do right 
 by the state and the people of Colorado. His 
 standing in Washington was of the highest, his 
 personal character was beyond question, and 
 there was no good reason why two such men as 
 Hill and Teller should not have continued to 
 represent Colorado in the senate as long as they 
 chose to do so. It was Hill the politician and 
 not Hill the Senator who was so severely criti- 
 cised by so many of the Republicans of Colora- 
 do. Senator Hill now doubtless recognizes the 
 fact, which was then patent to many, that, like 
 many men in high political position, he was sur- 
 rounded by a class of men whose only interest 
 in his success was the outgrowth of the purest 
 selfishness. As one of them said at the time, 
 they were " in it for what there was in it." The 
 system of rewards and punishments is a neces- 
 sary adjunct of political warfare, but fealty to 
 the party, rather than to the personality of an 
 official, is imperative. Senator Hill's connection 
 with politics, prior to his election as senator, had 
 been merely occasional, and in the main confined 
 to his localit}', and while he had been always lib- 
 eral in the support of the party ticket, he had not 
 been so prominent as to become familiar with the 
 devious wa} r s of the political hold-up, and when, 
 after the defeat of Wolcott in the convention of 
 1882, he listened to the advice of others, and per- 
 mitted a bolt when a word from him would have 
 prevented it, he made the most serious political 
 mistake of his life. A large number of his 
 
94 A HOT FIGHT FOR GOVERNOR 
 
 friends who were governed by principle ranged 
 themselves against him, and the leeches desert- 
 ed him as soon as it was found that they had no 
 more to expect from that quarter. 
 
 The contests in El Paso and other counties 
 were decided on pnicticall}- the same grounds, 
 and the convention settled clown to the business 
 of the hour. It will have been seen that the 
 question of the senatorial succession seemed to 
 dominate all others at Colorado Springs, and still 
 the convention could only settle that so far as 
 the selection of delegates was controlled by the 
 same parties who had nominated members of the 
 legislature. It was, even after the defeat of the 
 Hill delegation from Arapahoe, conceded that 
 Mr. Hill would have at least an even chance in 
 the legislature. But the report of the credentials 
 committee set aside the senatorial question for 
 the time being, and on taking up the nomination 
 of the state ticket it was found that the nomina- 
 tion of candidates had, in the absorbing ques- 
 tions of the contests, been in the main left to the 
 candidates themselves. None of the aspirants 
 for state offices was so especially representative 
 of either Hill, Teller orRoutt that his nomination 
 depended in an} r sense upon the result of the 
 Arapahoe contest. Consequent!}^ the fight for 
 honors was a free for all with no favors, and there 
 has never been a convention in Colorado in which 
 there were so many opportunities for trading. 
 
 For governor, Tabor, Eaton, of Weld, Moyna- 
 han, of Park, and W. H. Meyer, of Costilla, were 
 in the field. For congress, Decker, Town send. 
 
EATON NOMINATED 95 
 
 Symes and Jackson Orr, then of San Juan, but 
 recentty Populist candidate for mayor of Denver, 
 were candidates. The gubernatorial contest was 
 fought out in the convention, and was sharply 
 pressed by all the aspirants. There was no fa- 
 vorite, and no man upon whom the convention 
 could unite as the best for the place. A strong- 
 effort was made to deliver the convention to Ta- 
 bor as per agreement, and the Arapahoe delega- 
 tion supported him loyally, but his nomination 
 was an impossibility, and an attempt to deliver 
 his strength to Moynahan was equally unsuc- 
 cessful. The Hill following supported Meyer, 
 and this fact alone prevented him from drawing- 
 any appreciable strength from the Routt side. 
 Eaton therefore fell heir to the nomination after 
 his competitors had been killed off the result of 
 dogged persistence on the part of his supporters. 
 Following are the ballots in their order: 
 
 Tabor Meyer Eaton Moynahan 
 
 First 
 
 104 
 
 107 . 
 
 92 .. 
 
 65 
 
 Second 
 
 108 .... 
 
 110 . 
 
 94 .. 
 
 57 
 
 Third 
 
 107 .... 
 
 106 . 
 
 100 .. 
 
 54 
 
 Fourth 
 
 105 
 
 93 . 
 
 115 .. 
 
 50 
 
 Fifth 
 
 104 
 
 106 . 
 
 109 .. 
 
 50 
 
 Sixth 
 
 104 .... 
 
 107 . 
 
 109 .. 
 
 13 
 
 Seventh 
 
 110 
 
 .... 106 . 
 
 107 .. 
 
 46 
 
 Eighth 
 
 116 
 
 ..... 109 ., 
 
 103 .. 
 
 40 
 
 Ninth 
 
 123 
 
 120 .. 
 
 93 .. 
 
 32 
 
 Tenth 
 
 114 
 
 120 . 
 
 108 .. 
 
 27 
 
 Eleventh 
 
 105 ..... 
 
 .... 113 . 
 
 119 .. 
 
 31 
 
 Twelfth 
 
 102 ..... 
 
 Ill . 
 
 132 .. 
 
 23 
 
 Thirteenth... 
 
 107 
 
 107 . 
 
 136 .. 
 
 23 
 
 Fourteenth., 
 
 45 
 
 102 , 
 
 117 .. 
 
 104 
 
 Fifteenth 
 
 145 
 
 104 . 
 
 102 .. 
 
 18 
 
 Sixteenth 
 
 102 
 
 106 .. 
 
 139 .. 
 
 21 
 
 Seventeenth. 
 
 127 
 
 ..... 113 . 
 
 20 .. 
 
 109 
 
 Eighteenth.. 
 
 75 ...., 
 
 85 ., 
 
 200 
 
 9 
 
96 SYMES FOR CONGRESS 
 
 The congressional contest was equally inter- 
 esting-, and it was speedily demonstrated that the 
 fight lay between Symes and Town send. The 
 battle was fought mainly in the corridors and 
 rooms of the Antlers. Townsend was the favor- 
 ite at first, and odds were freely offered that he 
 would win. Of a handsome figure, pleasant in 
 manner, and hail fellow, well met, he smiled his 
 way into the affections of the delegates, until at 
 one time he had very nearly captured the majori- 
 ty, having actually received pledges sufficient to 
 insure his nomination. Judge Symes, however, 
 by a lucky coup, secured the solid Lake count}' 
 delegation, and was nominated on the first ballot- 
 
 The campaign was devoid of any special in- 
 terest outside of Arapahoe county. Judge Symes 
 made his canvass accompanied by K. K. Stimson 
 and Fred Skiff, giving the News an opportunity 
 for the indulgence of the pleasantry of naming 
 the trio the '* S. S. S. combination." 
 
 In Arapahoe count}', so far as the count} T tick- 
 et was concerned, the convention settled nothing. 
 The letter of Chairman Ziegenfuss, promising 
 acquiescence in the decision of the State conven- 
 tion was entirely ignored. The two county tick- 
 ets remained in the field, while both sides joined 
 in a heated discussion, in which a great deal was 
 said to very little purpose, and the merits of the 
 controversy so completely covered with vituper- 
 ation and abuse that the case was considered 
 hopeless until disinterested Republicans on both 
 sides took up the matter, and through their ef- 
 forts a plan was arranged, whereby the settle- 
 
COMPROMISE IN ARAPAHOE 97 
 
 merit of the affair was placed in the hands of a 
 committee of four from each side, with full pow- 
 er to effect a compromise. The Routt side was 
 represented by H. P. Bennet, W. C. Lolhrop, I. E- 
 Barnum and W. B. Mills, and the Hill side by W. 
 J. Barker, John C. Montgomery, Robert Morris 
 and C. S. Morey. The resignations of both chair- 
 men and the candidates on both tickets were 
 placed in the hands of this committee, which was 
 authorized to make up a full ticket, and on Octo- 
 ber a final settlement was effected, and an agree- 
 ment entered into whereby Alfred Butters was 
 made chairman of the county committee while 
 the places on the ticket were divided fairly be- 
 tween the two factions. 
 
 The Democratic convention met in Denver on 
 September 24, and nominated Alva Adams for 
 governor, Andrew Wilson for lieutenant-govern- 
 or and C. S. Thomas for congress. 
 
 The effect of the dissensions was vei\y serious- 
 ly felt in Arapahoe countj^, for while in the state 
 Blaine received nearly 9300 plurality, Symes 0726 
 plurality, and Eaton 3132 plurality, in Arapahoe 
 county, polling about onerthird the vote of the 
 state, Blaine received but 1426, Symes but 998, and 
 Eaton but 177 plurality. 
 
 Upon the meeting of the legislature it was 
 found that the Republicans had 18 senators and 
 35 representatives a majority of 3) on joint bal- 
 lot. In all probability, had a secret ballot been 
 taken soon after the opening of the session Mr. 
 Hill would have polled a strong vote in the cau- 
 cus. A number of members had promised him 
 
98 SENATORIAL CONTEST 
 
 that they would vote for him if the}' were given 
 an opportunity to do so in secret, alleging that 
 they were afraid to do so openly on account of 
 threats that had been made by certain important 
 interests. It was also alleged that a large sum 
 of money had been deposited in one of the Den- 
 ver banks to be used for the purpose of insuring 
 the defeat of Senator Hill. Whatever influence 
 these rumors may have had upon the action of 
 members is of course problematical, but the pop- 
 ularit}' of Mr. Teller was beyond question, and 
 as the contest was regarded as peculiarly his, 
 and he was represented by a large and enthusias- 
 tic following, devoted to his interests, it very 
 soon became apparent that he controlled the situ- 
 ation. 
 
 An earnest effort was made to elect Governor 
 Routt in accordance with the understanding pre- 
 viously had. Mr. Teller earnest^ desired to re- 
 tire to private life and was urgent in behalf of 
 Routt. The latter had been of the greatest assist- 
 ance, both to the Teller interest, and to the party 
 during the campaign, and was fairty entitled to 
 consideration at the hands of the party, but ev- 
 ery effort to secure his nomination in caucus 
 failed. A great deal of anxiety was felt on the 
 part of Mr. Teller's friends, as there were serious 
 reasons for the belief that as ag-ainst any other 
 man than Teller himself, Hill would be success- 
 ful, and it was not until several days had elapsed 
 that the Teller interest was able to secure a suffi- 
 cient number of votes to insure success. But 
 nothing- could be done toward the election of 
 
HILL MEN BOLT 99 
 
 Routt, and Mr. Teller, who was in Washington, 
 was sent for, and soon afterward came to Denver. 
 
 On January 18 a caucus attended by the 53 Re- 
 publicans was held, and after considerable dis- 
 cussion a motion was made that the voting for 
 candidates should be by secret ballot. This mo- 
 tion was opposed by the Teller interest, and the 
 proposition was defeated by two votes, Immedi- 
 ately after the announcement of the result of this 
 vote 15 of the adherents of Mr. Hill left the cau- 
 cus. 
 
 At once the most exciting rumors became 
 prevalent. It was alleged that Mr. Hill had made 
 a coalition with the Democrats; that in the event 
 of their electing him he would act with the Dem- 
 crats in the senate, and thus turn that body over 
 to the Democracy, there being but one Republi- 
 can majority in the senate at that time; that if 
 this were found impracticable, the Democrats 
 and Hill men should unite and elect Judge Hal- 
 lett, in which event the president was to be in- 
 duced to let the appointment of a successor to 
 Hallett remain in abeyance until the accession 
 of Cleveland; and that, if neither of these prop- 
 ositions was acceptable a Democrat should be 
 elected. Theie are too many absurdities in these 
 alleged propositions to entitle them to serious 
 consideration. It is extremely unlikely that Sen- 
 ator Hill ever considered it possible that he 
 would be able to secure a sufficient number of 
 Democratic votes to insure his own election; that 
 he could carry through so complicated a propo- 
 sition as the election of Judge Hallett, with the 
 
100 TELLER ELECTED 
 
 contingent appointment of a Democratic j udge 
 or that he could turn over his personal following- 
 to the Democrats, with the certainty of such 
 action on their part being- followed by political' 
 ostracism. These rumors, therefore, may be set 
 down as the offspring- of diseased imaginations, 
 unduly heated by the excitements of the canvass. 
 
 As soon as it became apparent that Mr. Teller 
 alone could defeat Mr. Hill strenuous efforts were 
 made to induce Mr. Teller to accept. It was with 
 the greatest reluctance that he acceded to what 
 appeared to be a political necessity. He not only 
 desired to return to private life, but he was under 
 obligations to assist Governor Routt which he 
 was anxious to fulfill. It was only when he waa 
 afforded the most convincing proofs of the im- 
 possibilitj'- of electing Routt, and Routt himself 
 admitted the hopelessness of his own case, that 
 Mr. Teller consented to have his name go before 
 the caucus. The effort to nominate Routt was 
 honestly and earnestly made, and it failed be- 
 ceuse there was never a time during the session 
 when there was a possibility of Routt's election. 
 Had neither Teller nor Hill been in the field, it is 
 possible that Governor Routt might have grati- 
 fied his aspirations, but he could not have beaten 
 Senator Hill even in an assembly so strongly op- 
 posed to Hill a-s the fifth. 
 
 Whatever may have been the truth reg-arding 
 Mr. Hill's alleged negotiations with the Demo- 
 crats, another caucus was held on January 20, at 
 which Mr. Teller received 35 votes, Mr. Hill 17, 
 and Mr. Tabor 1. When the joint session assem- 
 
SOME TALL LYING 101 
 
 bled on the 21st Mr. Hill formally withdrew from 
 the contest and Mr. Teller was elected, receiving 
 50 votes to 20 for Dennis Sullivan, 3 for Hallett 
 and one for Hill. 
 
 The event seemed to justify the claims of Mr 4 
 Teller's friends that the legislature was for him 
 from the beginning, but there was so much false- 
 hood and double dealing in this canvass that 
 there is no reason for doubting the assertion of 
 Mr. Hill's friends that he had a sufficient num- 
 ber of personal pledges to insure him a majority 
 of fourteen. It is certain that members who had 
 been nominated and elected as Teller men gave 
 Mr. Hill reason to believe that they would vote 
 for him in the final outcome. It is equally cer- 
 tain that Senator Hill has no special reason for 
 rejoicing over the loyalty of many of his pre 
 tended friends. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1884. 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 
 
 F. F. Osbiston 86,284 Casimero Barela 
 
 B, F. Crowell 36,257 James B. Grant 
 
 Frank C, Goudy 36,290 Joseph Doyle 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 49th Congress-G. G. Symes 35,446 C. S. Thomas 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor B. H. Eaton 33,845 Alva Adams 
 
 Lt-Gov. P. W. Breene 33,756 A.D.Wilson 
 
 Secy St'e Melvin Edwards 36,554 C. O. Unfug 
 
 Treas. G. R. Swallow ... 36,496 T. J. Maloney 
 
 Auditor H. A. Spruance 36,228 Ansel Getrous . . 
 
 Atty Gen T. H. Thomas 35,839 H. B. Morse 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 L. Cornell 36,339 T. R. Palmer . . . 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 R, W. Woodbury 36,152 Geo. W. Rust 
 
 Clintnn M. Tyler 36.451 Wm. W. Cooley . 
 
 J.C. Shattuck* 36,150 J. M. Hamrick*.. 
 
 FIFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 ,.27,722 
 
 . 27,588 
 . 27.569 
 
 . . . 28,720 
 
 ...30,71:'. 
 . . . 30,006 
 ...27,254 
 ...27,890 
 .. .27,7:?:', 
 ...27,148 
 
 ...28,854 
 
 28,004 
 . 27,976 
 ..27,02* 
 
 President pro tern. James Moynahan. Secretary Geo. T. ("lark. 
 
 1st Dis 
 
 jt. James M. Freeman 
 
 llth Di 
 
 st. C.'C. Parsons 
 
 2d " 
 
 H.E. Tedmon 
 
 
 -C. L. Hall 
 
 3d " 
 
 O. F. A. Green 
 
 
 John T. Elkins 
 
 4th " 
 
 Jos. W. Bostwick 
 
 12th " 
 
 -H. H. Eddy 
 
 5th " 
 
 Thomas Cornish 
 
 13th " 
 
 Jas, R. Robinson 
 
 >th %i 
 
 M. W. Howard 
 
 14th " 
 
 James Moynahan 
 
 
 Frank Tilford 
 
 15th " 
 
 -J. H. Stead 
 
 
 A. W. Waters 
 
 16th " 
 
 Geo. M Chilcott 
 
 
 M. B. Carpenter 
 
 17th " 
 
 A. J. Rising 
 
 7th " 
 
 Henry Lee 
 
 18th - 
 
 Cas'mero Barela 
 
 8th " 
 
 Irving Howbert 
 
 19th " 
 
 A. A. Salazar 
 
 9th " 
 
 -L.1W 7 . Wells 
 
 20th " 
 
 A. D. Archuleta 
 
 10th " 
 
 -G. M. Woodworth 
 
 21st " 
 
 James P. Galloway 
 
 *To fill a vacancy caused by the resignation of J. C. Shattuck, 
 
FIFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 103 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker T. B. Stuart 
 Arapahoe John K. Ashley 
 John S. Dormer 
 H. V. A. Ferguson 
 R. Gilmore 
 Geo. F. Hodge 
 Geo. H. Kohn 
 T. B. Stuart 
 Henry Suess 
 Bent J. C. Jones 
 
 Boulder L. H. Dickson 
 D. H. Pike 
 H. Prince 
 
 Chaff ee -J. G. Kelly 
 Clear Creek G. A. Patton 
 
 R. F. Shaw 
 
 Conejos J. W. Hughes 
 Costilla Louis Cohn 
 Custer Oney Carstarphen 
 
 Frank Hunter 
 Delta, Gunnison, Mesa, 
 Montrose and Pitkin 
 
 -J. W. Bucklin 
 Dolores, Our2y and San Miguel 
 
 Lafe Pence 
 Douglas G. C. Pratt 
 Eagle, Garfield and Summit 
 J. Ben Lewis 
 
 Clerk R. M. Stevenson 
 Elbert M. R. Chapman 
 El Paso C. W. Barker 
 
 John Campbell 
 Fremont C. D. Bradley 
 Gilpin John Clark 
 
 -S. V, Newell 
 Grand & 
 
 Routt P. T. Hinman 
 Hinsdale E. I. Stirman 
 Huerfano R. A. Quillian 
 Jefferson J. C. Davidson 
 
 C. P, Evans 
 Lake Fraak Bulkley 
 
 -H. H. DeMary 
 
 W. E. Hugo 
 
 Nat Rollins 
 La Plata John A. Porter 
 Larimer W. H. McCormiok 
 Las Animas Pedro Chacon 
 
 E. B. Sopris 
 Park A. Bergh 
 Pueblo L. T. Taylor 
 
 K. Wildeboor 
 Rio Grande J. J. Ewing, Jr. 
 Saguache S. F. Rathvon 
 San Juan Barney O'Driscoll 
 Weld Wm. McFie 
 
THK preliminary canvass of the cain- 
 lOOO P a ^ n ^ 1*^ was characterized by an 
 unwonted harmon}-, presenting-, in this 
 respect, so marked a contrast to the two cam- 
 paigns preceding that many of the workers and 
 heelers who had thrived upon the turmoil and 
 the dissensions in the party were at somewhat 
 of a loss to know where to place themselves. 
 The factional lines of the past, if they had not 
 entirely disappeared, were so illy defined that 
 some of these gentlemen were surprised to find 
 that they were working elbow to elbow with men 
 whom only two years previously the}' had been 
 engaged in most industriously abusing. 
 
 As a result, the Arapahoe county primaries 
 and convention presented such a dead level of 
 harmony as to be almost uninteresting. In 
 man}- of the wards but one delegate ticket was 
 in the field, while where there were two or more 
 the voters very generally elected one by an over- 
 whelming majority, showing that this year there 
 was very little S}'mpathy with "kickers/' 
 
 It was not denied, however, that the main 
 question turned upon the nomination for govern- 
 or. Wm. H. Meyer, of Costilla, F. D. Wight, of 
 Las Animas, James Mo3 T nahan, of Park, B. H. 
 Eaton, of Weld, and Hosea Townsend, of Custer, 
 were in the field. Mr. Meyer was backed by Kd. 
 Wolcott, Senator Hill, and their friends, m ostly 
 
HARMONY PREVAILS 105 
 
 from what was formerly known as the Hill fac- 
 tion. Mr. Teller was strongly opposed to Meyer, 
 and was supposed to favor Moynahan, though a 
 number of Tellers friends supported Wight. 
 Eaton, came into the convention backed by the 
 power of the state administration. 
 
 The Arapahoe primaries were held on August 
 26, and the convention two days later. The ut- 
 most harmony prevailed, and when the 72 dele- 
 gates to the state convention were selected it was 
 difficult to determine which of the gubernatorial 
 candidates were in the lead. The Me}-er men 
 claimed a majority of the county delegates a 
 claim which seemed to be justified by the final 
 event. 
 
 When the state convention assembled in Den- 
 ver, on September 28, a ripple of interest was cre- 
 ated by the promise of a contest for the chair- 
 manship of the convention between Senator Tel- 
 ler and ex-Senator Tabor. A delegation of prom- 
 inent members of the party waited upon Mr. Ta- 
 bor and requested him to accept the chairman- 
 ship, while another delegation, equally promi- 
 nent had preferred a like request to Senator Tel- 
 ler. Neither side would yield, but what at first 
 promised to be a serious contest was finally 
 averted b}^ an agreement that Mr. Teller should 
 be the temporary and Mr. Tabor the permanent 
 chairman. 
 
 Two contests, in Gunnison and Pitkin counties 
 were decided only after the credentials committee 
 had been in session during the entire day, and 
 therefore nothing was done in convention until 
 
106 THE STATE CONVENTION 
 
 the 29th. The time was not lost, however, being 
 fully occupied in canvassing- for the several can- 
 didates. It soon became evident that while Mr. 
 Me} T er had ver}- nearly a majoritj', he could not 
 possibly be nominated without assistance from 
 some of the other candidates. His nomination 
 was peculiarly the fig-lit of Kd. Wolcott. That 
 gentleman had then begun to indulge the dream 
 of a seat in the United States senate which has 
 since become a reality. It was imperatively nec- 
 essar} r , as he thought, to his aspirations, that tin- 
 con vention should stand by him, and he was 
 therefore indefatigable in his efforts toward the 
 nomination of his candidate. His success was 
 extremely doubtful, however, had it not been for 
 the antagonism to Governor Eaton that had been 
 aroused in different directions. Eaton had suc- 
 ceeded in souring- very many of his former sup- 
 porters, and besides, there were several of the 
 leaders who had knives ready for him which 
 the}' were at no pains to conceal. As Meyer crept 
 slowly up to his limit the excitement grew in- 
 tense, and the most extravagant propositions 
 we're made to the leaders who controlled the sit- 
 uation. 
 
 On the informal ballot Me} r er received 137, 
 \V ight 81, Moynahan 97, Eaton 90, and Townsend 5. 
 
 With the first formal ballot was seen the effect 
 of Mr. Wolcott's strong card of playing- for his 
 man as second choice. Meyer ran up to 170, while 
 Wight fell to 78, Moynahan to 86, Eaton to 71, and 
 Townsend received 6. 
 
 Me3'er-still lacked 37 votes of a nomination, 
 
A DEAL FOR MEYER 107 
 
 and Wolcott could only see his way clear to per- 
 haps a dozen more votes. It seemed at this time 
 that Meyer's nomination was impossible, but on 
 the other hand much of the opposition to Meyer 
 was still more strongly opposed to Katon, and 
 about this time a rumor was circulated that a 
 deal had been made by which the Me}^er forces 
 were to be turned over to Eaton as soon as it 
 should be demonstrated that Meyer could not be 
 nominated. Under the stimulus of this report 
 on the next ballot Meyer ran up to 196 votes lack- 
 ing- 11 of a nomination, Wight receiving 66, M.oy- 
 nahan 83, Katon 62, and Tovvnsend 5. 
 
 At this juncture, B. Clark Wheeler, of Aspen, 
 attempted to put in play one of his peculiar po- 
 litical tricks. Rising in his place he announced 
 that Pitkin desired to change her vote. This an- 
 nouncement created great excitement, as Pitkin 
 county had just the number of votes necessar3 r 
 for Me3^er's nomination. But while Wheeler was 
 ambitious to be regarded as the custodian of the 
 Pitkin county vote, his associates declined to 
 concede the claim. The} 7 walked all over him, 
 and without making his announcement Wheeler 
 sat down. 
 
 An adjournment was had till afternoon, and 
 during the recess a last effort was made for Mey- 
 er. There was just one source from which assist- 
 ance might be obtained. The Larimer county 
 delegation was opposed to Me} r er, but it preferred 
 him to Katon. N. H. Mel drum was chairman of 
 the delegation, and to him Wolcott made an ear- 
 nest appeal. He stated frankly that the nomitia- 
 
108 MEYER NOMINATED 
 
 tion of >ieyer was necessary for the success of 
 his political plans, and offered to send for Me3 T er 
 and secure from him any pledge that might be 
 necessar} 7 to secure the support of the Larimer 
 delegation, at the same time stating- that the 
 Me3~er men would nominate Eaton if they should 
 be compelled to leave their own man. Meldrum 
 was equally frank, and stated that as between 
 Katon and Meyer, inasmuch as it was evident 
 that his own man Moynahan -could not be nom- 
 inated, he would go to Meyer. It was finally ar- 
 ranged that certain Arapahoe county votes, 
 which could be reached, should go to Meyer, and 
 then, if the vote of Larimer county should be 
 sufficient to nominate it should be changed to 
 Meyer. This programme was carried out. At 
 the close of the next ballot the vote stood: Meyer 
 204, Wight 65, Moynahan 73, Eaton 48 and Maxwell 
 15. Meldrum immediately announced a change 
 of 9 votes from Moynahan to Meyer, and the lat- 
 ter was nominated. Taking the estimate of Mr. 
 Wolcott himself, it was the result of this conven- 
 tion that made it possible for him to occup}^ a 
 seat in the United States senate. 
 
 Meldrum, though not a candidate for the posi- 
 tion, was nominated for lieutenant-governor, by 
 acclamation, and Judge Symes was re-nominated 
 for congress without opposition. 
 
 The Democratic convention met on October 0, 
 and closed up its business in a single day, Alva 
 Adams being nominated for governor, and My- 
 ron W. Reed, then at the heighth of his popular- 
 ity, for Congress. 
 
OPPOSITION TO MEYER 109 
 
 The campaign was not ten days old before it 
 became apparent that Me} 7 er could be elected 
 only by the most strenuous efforts, and that the 
 personal popularity of Reed, a popularity that 
 was accentuated by every device that suggested 
 itself to the Democratic leaders, bade fair to wipe 
 out the handsome majority of Judge Symes in 
 1884. The party seemed to be apathetic beyond 
 all reason. Kx-Senator Tabor was chairman of 
 the state committee, and never was there more 
 earnest or thorough work put into a campaign 
 under more discouraging circumstances. It 
 seemed impossible to create any enthusiasm for 
 Meyer, \vhile Adams, personally popular, young, 
 magnetic, eloquent, and having an extensive 
 business connection all over the southern part of 
 the state, was breaking down the Republican 
 fences in every direction. It was alleged on the 
 part of the old-time Republicans that in the ter- 
 ritorial clays Mr. Mej^er, when a member of the 
 legislature, had aided in the election of Judge 
 Miller, a Democrat, for speaker of the house. 
 This bit of old-time history is interesting as il- 
 lustrating some of the political methods of those 
 ancient days. Mr. Meyer did vote for Judge Mil- 
 ler against Judge Elbert, who was the Republi- 
 can candidate, as did other Republican members 
 from the southern part of the state, whom it was 
 supposed Meyer controlled, and it was charged 
 at the time and subsequently that the considera- 
 tion was of a financial character. The true story, 
 which is now published for the first time, is as 
 follows: 
 
110 A POLITICAL REMINISCENCE 
 
 Judge Miller was a candidate for the Demo- 
 cratic nomination for congress, and desired the 
 speakership as a stepping-stone to his ambition. 
 The deal was made with the Republican mem- 
 bers who voted for him for the speakership, and 
 with another party, still living in Denver, that in 
 the event of his receiving the Democratic nomi- 
 nation for congress they should give him their 
 support, which was expected to result in their 
 carrying the San Luis park and Arapahoe count\ T , 
 in consideration of which support the Republi- 
 cans involved in the scheme should have, the 
 naming of all the federal appointees in the terri- 
 tory. It is possible that Judge Miller deluded 
 himself with the idea that a Republican adminis- 
 tration, with Mr. Chaffee very much in evidence, 
 and possessing the complete confidence of the 
 heads of departments, would permit the selec- 
 tion of the federal appointees from a list of Re- 
 publican applicants, by a Democratic delegate, 
 who could not offer the poor return of a vote in 
 congress, but whether he did or not he seemed to 
 have the faculty of making his Republican allies 
 believe it so thoroughly that they entered into an 
 arrangement which, years afterward, was to rise 
 up to plague one of the parties. But candidates 
 propose and conventions dispose. The judge 
 was shrewd enough to help in securing the nom- 
 ination of Judge Bradford, whom he regarded as 
 the easiest man to beat, but when his own con- 
 vention met, he lacked three votes of a nomina- 
 tion, the other candidates combined against him, 
 and the result was the nomination of Judge Bel- 
 
MEYER DEFEATED 111 
 
 den, who was easily beaten by Bradford. So that 
 all that came out of this scheme, so impossible 
 of complete fulfillment, was the development of 
 one element of opposition to Meyer for his share 
 in the transaction. 
 
 Another complaint against Me} r er was that he 
 had been lukewarm in his support of Campbell 
 in 1882, and, if he did not actually consent to the 
 bolt, did not object to it very strongly. And then 
 he lost votes from the fact that in the convention 
 his support came ver}^ generally from the old 
 Hill faction, \vhile those who opposed him were 
 mostl} r friends of Mr. Teller, and there was a 
 deep-seated desire for revenge for the bolt of 1882. 
 It must be acknowledged that none of these were 
 good reasons for the defeat of a candidate as 
 fairly nominated as Meyer, but when it is desired 
 to accomplish any political purpose, no matter 
 how disreputable, reasons can always be found, 
 and the fact was that whether for a good or bad 
 reason, the Republicans of Colorado did not want 
 Meyer for governor. 
 
 When the returns came in it was found that 
 Arapahoe gave Meyer but 200 plurality, while 
 Reed carried the county by 500, and Meldrum, 
 who led the Republican ticket, received a plural- 
 ity of 1160, the Democrats electing three repre- 
 sentatives and one senator on the county legisla- 
 tive ticket. 
 
 Adams was elected by 2418 pluralit}^ while 
 Symes's plurality of more than 6000 in 1884 was 
 reduced to 803. Meldrum, for lieutenant-govern- 
 or, received a plurality of 2980. An analysis of 
 
112 A CLOSE LEGISLATURE 
 
 the vote shows that about 4000 Republicans voted 
 for Adams, that nearl}- 3000 voted for Reed, and 
 that a large number did not vote at all. 
 
 The Sixth General Assembl3 r ver}- nearU- fell 
 into the hands of the Democrats, the senate 
 standing- 18 Republicans and 8 Democrats and 
 the house 25 Republicans and 24 Democrats, a 
 loss of 20 majorit3 r on joint ballot since the 
 election of 1884. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 oOth Congress G. G. Symes ....... 27,732 M yron W. Rood 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 26,929 
 
 Governor Win. H, Meyer 
 
 .26,816 
 
 Alva Adams* 
 
 .29,234 
 
 Lt-Gov. N. H. Meldrum 
 
 .29,103 
 
 H. B. Gillespie 
 
 .26,123 
 
 Secy St'e James Rice 
 
 . 29,997 
 
 Jere Mahonoy 
 
 .25,246 
 
 Treas. P. W. Breene 
 
 .28,311 
 
 Jas. F. Benedict... . 
 
 . 26.618 
 
 Auditor D. P. Kingsloy 
 
 .29,491 
 
 ( 'asimero Barela . . . 
 
 . 25,700 
 
 Atty Gen Alvin Marsh 
 
 . 30,160 
 
 E. I. Stirman.. 
 
 .25,190 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 L. S. Cornell 
 
 ,30,813 
 
 A. B. Copeland 
 
 . 3,455 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 
 
 
 Wolfe Londoner 
 
 .2,14& 
 
 Fred Lockwood 
 
 .26,600 
 
 E. J. Temple 
 
 .29,882 
 
 Erank P. Bertschy. 
 
 .22,547 
 
 Daniel E. Newcomb*. 
 
 . 29,459 
 
 O. A. McFarland*.. 
 
 ..23,014 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 
 Judge of the Supreme Courtf 
 
 
 
 
 Samuel H Elbert 
 
 . 31,703 
 
 Wilbur F. Stone. . . . 
 
 .26,1587 
 
 District Attorneys! 
 
 
 
 
 1st Dist. S. S. Downer 
 
 ...4588 
 
 Isaac N. Smith 
 
 ...3361 
 
 2d .' Isaac N. Stevens 
 
 ...6728 
 
 L. R. Rhodes 
 
 ...7174 
 
 3d " J. C. Elwell 
 
 6022 
 
 Geo. Q. Richmond. 
 
 4339 
 
 4th " Chas. S. Libby 
 
 . . . 3214 
 
 Wm. O'Brien 
 
 ...2523 
 
 5th k4 Wm Kellogg 
 
 4751 
 
 Geo R Elder 
 
 3986 
 
 6th " --Geo. T. Sumner 
 
 . .3271 
 
 O. P. Arthur 
 
 . . . 2614 
 
 7th " Ilerschell M. Hogg... 
 
 . ..2607 
 
 Scattering 
 
 . .. 404 
 
 S IXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro tern. Geo. M. Chilcott. Secretary Sylvester Nichols. 
 
 1st Dist. James M. Freeman 
 2d " E. A. Ballard 
 3d " O. F. A. Green 
 4th " S. V. C. Newell 
 5th " Thomas Cornish 
 
 6th " 
 
 7th " 
 
 A. W. Waters 
 M. B. Carpenter 
 John H. Poole 
 C. T. Harkison 
 Henry Lee 
 
 *To fill vacancy caused by the death of Clinton M. Tyler, 
 t Election held in 1885 for regular term. 
 
114 
 
 SIXTH GKXKRAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 8th Diet. John Campbell 14th " 
 
 ytli " -L. W. Wells 15th " 
 
 10th" G. M.Woodworth 16th" 
 
 11th " C. J. Christian 17th " 
 
 Samuel Adams 18th 
 
 T. B. Ryan* 19th " 
 
 12th " H. H. Eddy 20th " 
 
 13th " John Kinkaid 21st " 
 
 James A. McCandless 
 -Chas. H. Abbott 
 Geo. M Chilcott 
 E. T. Beckwith 
 Casimero Barela 
 Juan De Montez 
 A. D. Archuleta 
 Adair Wilson 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker T. B. Stuart 
 Arapahoo T. H. Stuart 
 
 John G. HotTor 
 -J. L. Russell 
 
 F. J. V. Skiff 
 Geo. Davis 
 
 Wm (T. WluM-l.-r 
 (\ A. Eppich 
 
 F. Q. Stuart 
 Archuleta and Conejos 
 
 Wm. Adams 
 Bent J. N. Beatty 
 
 Boulder J. N. Turrell 
 
 T. R. Owen 
 
 -John H. Wolls 
 Chaffee Geo. M. Bowcn 
 Clear ("reek Robt. B. Griswold 
 
 R. S. Morrison 
 Costilla N. W. Durkor 
 Custer Jesse White 
 
 Thomas Edwards 
 Delta, Gunnison, Mesa, 
 Montrose and Pitkin 
 
 Samuel Wade 
 Dolopes, Ouray and San Miguel 
 
 J. T. Donnellan 
 Douglas F. H. Allison 
 Saguache Leopold Mayer 
 
 Clerk M. R. Moore 
 Eagle, Garfield and Summit 
 
 Melvin Edwards 
 Elbert Dewey C. Bailey 
 El Paso Wm. E. Meek 
 
 Chas. E. Noble 
 Fremont Hop Newkirk 
 Gilpin James R. Hicks 
 
 H. C\ Balsinger 
 Grand <fe 
 
 Routt James H. (-rawford 
 Hinsdale Wm. Rowan 
 Huerfano P. W. Sweeney 
 Jefferson C. P. Evans 
 
 J. A. Van Gorden 
 Lake J. A. Dean 
 
 J. H. Stotesbury 
 
 J. F. Hoover 
 
 Owen Prentiss 
 La Plata W T m. G. Winters 
 Larimer R. W. Orvis 
 Las Animas Jose B. Cordova 
 
 Ramon Aguilar 
 Park Geo. E. Pease 
 Pueblo F. H. Sutherland 
 
 -J. R. Garber 
 Rio Grande J. H. Shaw 
 San Juan John R. Curry 
 Weld -F. W. Hammitt 
 
 *To till vacancy caused by the death of John T. Elkins. 
 
LIKE the campaign of 1884, that of 1888 
 depended somewhat upon the contest 
 for the United States senatorship. Mr 
 \Volcott was openly in the field for senatorial 
 honors. In 1887 the campaign for county offices 
 in Arapahoe hinged to some extent upon this is- 
 sue, and it was understood that Mr. Weber, can- 
 didate for sheriffjwas, if not runningHn the inter- 
 est of Mr. Wolcott, at least very strongty dis- 
 posed to favor the pretensions of that gentleman 
 to the succession to Senator Bo wen. Mr. Wol- 
 cott conducted his campaign in the most skilful 
 manner possible. His aim was to control the 
 party machine^, and in this he was entirety suc- 
 cessful, cutting loose from his old associations 
 with Senator Hill, and forming new alliances 
 with the leaders of the Teller faction. This was 
 riot easy of accomplishment, however. Though 
 Mr. Teller had been successful four 3^ears before, 
 the feeling against the old Hill faction among 
 his friends was still intense, and there were many 
 who ver}^ unwillingly consented to support Mr. 
 Wolcott for the senate, and others who positively 
 refused to further the aspirations of a man who 
 had so recentty been one of the most vigorous 
 opponents of Senator Teller. 
 
 Naturally, the friends of Mr. Hill, who were 
 still strong and active, notwithstanding their de- 
 feat, could not regard with equanimity what 
 
HO UOLCOTT'S SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN 
 
 the> r regarded as the desertion of a former all}', 
 though why they should oppose Wolcott when 
 Hill was not a candidate is difficult of explana- 
 tion except upon the presumptions that it was 
 because he did not directly represent Hill, and 
 that they resented the independence of the tal- 
 ented Wolcott in presuming- to aspire to the toga. 
 But Wolcott had builded wisely. The attachment 
 of the young men who had supplied the enthusi- 
 asm of the campaigns of 1882 and 1884 was more 
 for Wolcott than for Hill, and when the break 
 came it was found that the large majority of the 
 Hill faction was earnest in the support of Wol- 
 cott, regardless of the attitude of Mr. Hill, which 
 they freely denounced as entirely and selfishly 
 unreasonable. 
 
 But the Hill party did not concede Wolcott's 
 right to the place till he had won it. He was op- 
 posed by the Republican from the beginning, and 
 as the time approached for the meeting of the 
 state convention the antagonism of that paper 
 became exceedingly bitter. The elements of the 
 opposition however, were neither strong nor unit- 
 ed. The few disgruntled Teller men and the per- 
 sonal friends of Hill neither could nor would co- 
 alesce, and Wolcott carried the day. 
 
 The Arapahoe county primaries were held on 
 August 30, and the convention two days later. 
 Notwithstanding the earnest efforts made to de- 
 feat the Wolcott delegates upon the plea of 
 "gang" and " ring" rule, it was plain that it was 
 a Wolcott convention. Wolcott had made the 
 fight openly. It was perfectly understood that 
 
WOLCOTT WINS IN ARAPAHOE 117 
 
 he was endeavoring- to secure control of the con- 
 vention; his opponents had been outspoken in 
 their denunciation of his objects;n one of his 
 friends denied that a seat in the United States 
 senate was the object of his ambition; none of 
 his enemies failed to do everything 1 in their pow- 
 er to compass his defeat, and yet he was success- 
 ful. The inference cannot be avoided that he was 
 the choice of the Republican party, and whatever 
 may have been the opinions of his opponents as 
 to his personality, his ability or his fitness for 
 the position, the fact cannot be disputed that he 
 challenged the worst efforts of his political ene- 
 mies, and defeated them in a contest that was 
 conducted in the most open manner, and man- 
 aged with an aggressiveness that called forth 
 the admiration of his most inveterate foes. If 
 political results are to be taken as an expression 
 of the popular will, no candidate for public posi- 
 tion in this state was ever more heartily endorsed 
 than was Senator Wolcottin the preliminary can- 
 vass of 1888. 
 
 It was the tacit understanding that in his ef- 
 forts to secure legislative candidates favorable 
 to his aspirations, Wolcott should take no part 
 whatever in the several contests for state officers. 
 Indeed he could hardly afford to enter into entan- 
 glements that might affect his own campaig-n, 
 and therefore, on the part of the aspirants for 
 places on the state ticket it was conceded that 
 he should be permitted without molestation to 
 secure the legislative nominees if he could. This 
 understanding was, as a rule, faithfully carried 
 
118 STATE CONVENTION FOR \VOLCOTT 
 
 out, but, as a natural result, the selection of dele- 
 gates to count}' conventions who would nomin- 
 ate Wolcott candidates for the legislature carried 
 with it the selection of Wolcott delegates to the 
 state convention. As a consequence, when the 
 State convention met on September 4, it was dis- 
 covered that full}* three-fout ths of the 550 dele- 
 gates regarded Wolcott as the leader of the party 
 and looked to him for inspiration in choosing 
 candidates for state offices. In fact his success- 
 ful campaign for the senate had so overshadowed 
 all other interests that the delegates were indis- 
 posed to take any steps that might possibly affect 
 the action of the legislature. 
 
 The canvass for the gubernatorial nomination 
 had been exceptional!}' warm, and on the part of 
 Mr. Cooper, at least, had been conducted with a 
 system scarcely second to that of Wolcott for the 
 senatorship. Wilbur C. .Lothrop was the man- 
 ager for Cooper, and brought to the work an ex- 
 perience and energy that very largely contributed 
 to the success of his man. 
 
 Four others contested the nomination with 
 Cooper Rev. D. A. Moore, pastor of Trinity M. K. 
 church, of Denver, an earnest Republican, and a 
 candidate whose motives were far above the mere 
 gratification of a selfish ambition; Norman H. 
 Meldrum, whose services to the party had been 
 always cheerfully rendered, even when involving- 
 personal sacrifice, and always valuable; Wolfe 
 Londoner, who had been active in the councils 
 of the party from the foundation of Colorado as 
 a territory, and H. A. W. Tabor, whose contribir 
 
THE vSTATE CONVENTION 119 
 
 tions of time and money had only been measured 
 by the necessities of the occasion. Never were 
 candidates for this high honor more deserving 
 of recognition. In intellectual ability Dr. Moore 
 easily stood at the head, but in earnest devotion 
 to the interests of the party they were on a par. 
 
 When the convention met it was evident that 
 a choice would be difficult to make. Cooper's 
 friends were active and omnipresent, but at first 
 the delegates did not take kindly to his candida- 
 cy. While always an earnest Republican, he had 
 not been particularly active in politics, and had 
 never attained any degree of prominence as a 
 leader in his count}-, while to a large number of 
 delegates he was absolutely unknown. It was 
 industriously circulated, however, that Mr. Teller 
 favored his nomination, while, \vith equal energy 
 it was alleged that he had secured a number of 
 outside counties, the representatives from which 
 would take pleasure in "knifing" Wolcott in the 
 event of the defeat of their candidate. The truth 
 of this latter statement is problematical; at all 
 events it had no effect upon the delegates. It 
 was apparent that in an open fight the result 
 would be difficult of determination, and it was 
 therefore decided to adjourn for consultation af- 
 ter an informal ballot for governor. For con- 
 gress Hosea Townsend was the only candidate 
 in the field, and his nomination was made by ac- 
 clamation. 
 
 The informal ballot for governor resulted: Ta- 
 bor, 169, Moore, 119, Cooper, 114, Meldrum, 82, and 
 Londoner, 68. The convention then adjourned to 
 
120 AN APPEAL TO WOLCOTT 
 
 the following- day, and the delegates put in their 
 time in figuring out the possibilities. From the 
 best information attainable toward evening-, it 
 seemed that Mel drum and Londoner were the only 
 candidates that stood a chance of gaining, while 
 none who had been so far named stood within 
 reach of the goal. The fear that the senatorial 
 situation might be compromised should a bitter 
 contest develop, influenced many of the delegates 
 to appeal to Wolcott to use his undoubted influ- 
 ence in the convention to solve the problem. 
 On the other hand, there was a strong and vigor- 
 ous protest on the part of a very large following, 
 'to whom Wolcott would be compelled to look for 
 support in the legislature, against his interfering 
 in any manner with the work of the state conven- 
 tion. These protests came as a rule from the 
 personal friends of Mr. Teller, and they claimed 
 consideration from Wolcott upon the well-known 
 fact that any objections on the part of Senator 
 Teller would be fatal to Wolcott's aspirations to- 
 ward the United States senate. But Wolcott was 
 inclined to interfere in behalf of Cooper, and 
 urged that he had a right to a gubernatorial can- 
 didate friendly to him, and that he could make 
 Cooper his friend. It was urged upon him that 
 none of the gubernatorial candidates were par- 
 ticularly friendly to him, and that it would be to 
 his interest to keep his hands out of the conven- 
 tion. This was strictly true. All of the candi- 
 dates, during the factional stuggles of a few 
 years before, had been identified with the Teller 
 faction, and had little cause to regard Wolcott 
 
WOLCOTT FAVORS COOPER 121 
 
 with favor. Meldrum in particular had been one 
 of Wolcott's most vigorous opponents, and was 
 one of the principal factors in the defeat of Hen- 
 ry Wolcott in the convention of 1882. It is possi- 
 ble that this fact had some influence upon Wol- 
 cott, for, had not Cooper been nominated Mel- 
 drum stood the best chance of becoming- the 
 nominee, and when it was proposed to Wolcott 
 that if he interfered at all he should do so in the 
 interest of Meldrum, who could be relied upon to 
 carry out an}^ agreement entered into, the sug- 
 gestion was declined with considerable warmth. 
 The true story of this transaction, which re- 
 sulted in the nomination of Cooper, and includes 
 one of the most extraordinar}^ political bargains 
 ever made in Colorado, is as follows: A short 
 time before the convention it came to the knowl- 
 edge of Mr. Wolcott that some of Cooper's friends 
 had made the assertion that in the event of Coop- 
 er's nomination he would contribute twenty thou- 
 sand dollars to the campaign fund. Wolcott ap- 
 peared to take the assertion seriousl}% and as he 
 had a vital interest in the result of the campaign, 
 considered the great help that so handsome a 
 contribution to the campaign fund would be to 
 his aspirations, and therefore when his friend 
 General Dodge came to him on the part of Coop- 
 er, he was more than read3 T to listen with favor. 
 The entire deal was made during the day and 
 evening following the adjournment after the in- 
 formal ballot. A committee was appointed upon 
 the part of Wolcott to wait upon the representa- 
 tives of Cooper to make terms, and concluded 
 
12'J A REMARKABLE COMPACT 
 
 the following- remarkable compact: It was agreed 
 on the part of Cooper that he would contribute 
 liberally to the campaign fund; that, if elected, 
 he would make all of his state appointments be- 
 fore the election of United States senator; that 
 all state appointees should be named by Wolcott; 
 and that, in the event of a difference between 
 Cooper and Wolcott regarding- the matter of ap- 
 pointments, General Dodge was to act as umpire 
 with absolute power of settlement. In other 
 words, Cooper was graciously permitted to fur- 
 nish a large share of the sinews of war, to ap- 
 point state officers, provided they were named by 
 Wolcott, and to assist Wolcott to an election as 
 United States senator, made possible by Cooper's 
 financial aid, while Wolcott should enjoy all the 
 fruits of victor} r save only the acting governor- 
 ship of the state. The proposition implied so 
 much distrust of Cooper that is wonderful that 
 it was made; having been made it is more won- 
 derful that it was accepted; having been accepted 
 it would have been most wonderful had it been 
 faithfully carried out. But it was not carried out. 
 There is little doubt now that had it not been 
 for this agreement and the active participation of 
 Wolcott, Meldrum would have been nominated, 
 for he had strong support in all the different ele- 
 ments of the convention, and when it became 
 known that Wolcott had fully determined to 
 throw his influence for Cooper, the protests 
 ag-ainst such action were more vigorous than ev- 
 er, as it was felt b} 7 Meldrum's friends that it was 
 destruction to the hopes of their man. But pro- 
 
THE DEAL CARRIED OUT 123 
 
 tests availed nothing*. The compact was made 
 and carried out so far as it could be in the state 
 convention. After the adjournment of the con- 
 vention there was scarcel3 r an item of the agree- 
 ment that was observed. 
 
 Wolcott could have nominated Cooper on the 
 first formal ballot had he been so disposed, but it 
 was thought best to let him grow gradually, so 
 long as there was no danger of a boom for Tabor. 
 According!}^ there were five ballots before the 
 nomination was made. On the last ballot there 
 was no effort made to conceal the fact that it was 
 Wolcott's wish, and that alone, that influenced 
 most of the delegates. It had been tacitl3 r agreed 
 that Wolcott should go to the senate, and as a 
 natural consequence it was a Wolcott convention, 
 but there was no enthusiasm about Cooper. The 
 convention simply conceded his nomination be- 
 cause it was asked by Wolcott as a necessity of 
 the senatorial campaign, and it was understood 
 that Mr. Teller was satisfied with the selection of 
 Wolcott as United States senator. In fact, 
 throughout this campaign, while Mr. Teller did 
 nothing whatever to influence the action of the 
 convention or of the legislature, it was plain that 
 notwithstanding Wolcott's position of leadership 
 Mr. Teller's influence, had it been exercised, 
 would have been paramount. 
 
 The first formal ballot resulted: Tabor, 18(5, 
 Moore, 131, Cooper, 122, Meldrum, 74, and London- 
 er, 34. It was perfectly evident that Tabor had 
 reached high water mark, and he practical^ left 
 the race at this ballot. After the vote was an- 
 
124 COOPER NOMINATED 
 
 nounced an arrangement was made between the 
 friends of Moore and Cooper, to the effect that if 
 either should lead the vote the other should 
 throw his vote, as far as possible, for the leading 
 candidate, and thus make a nomination. 
 
 The second ballot resulted: Tabor, 175, Cooper, 
 1,V>, Moore, 108, Meldrum, 81, and Londoner, 28. 
 
 The third ballot resulted: Cooper, 199, Tabor, 
 173, Moore, 86, Meldrum. 63, and Londoner, 27. 
 
 The Cooper men here made a demand upon 
 the Moore forces for the carrying- out of their 
 compact, and were refused, Moore's friends think- 
 ing that Cooper had reached his limit, and that 
 when he finally broke a large share of his follow- 
 ing would go to Moore and cause him to forge 
 into the lead. The opponents of Cooper were 
 strong enough to secure an adjournment until 
 afternoon, and it seemed as if Cooper was beaten. 
 During the recess, however, a few votes \vere 
 gained, and when the fourth ballot was taken on 
 reassembling, Cooper went up to 214, while Tabor 
 had 167, Moore 90, Meldrum 60, and Londoner 17. 
 Jud Brush had been working strenuously for 
 West as State Treasurer, and had offered to com- 
 bine with Cooper without effect, and when it was 
 found that the thirty-two votes of Weld and 
 Washington would be required to nominate 
 Cooper, the votes of those counties were expected 
 with considerable anxiety. Contrar}^ to general 
 expectation, both counties went for Cooper, and 
 one of the most interesting gubernatorial con- 
 tests in the history of the state, and one which, 
 on the part of the successful candidate, was 
 
A HANDSOME VICTORY 125 
 
 managed with consummate skill, was at an end. 
 The details have been given at considerable 
 length because they have been made the cause of 
 much recrimination between some of the con- 
 tending forces. 
 
 The Democratic state convention met on Sep- 
 tember 11, and nominated Thomas M. Patterson 
 for governor and Thomas Macon for Congress. 
 
 In the campaign which followed there was lit- 
 tle of interest. The usual amount of eloquence 
 was expended, and Mr. Londoner, who had been 
 made chairman of the Republican state commit- 
 tee, perfected his organization with as much care 
 as if he had been the leader of a forlorn hope. 
 Mr. Cleveland's administration, however, had dis- 
 gusted a large number of the Democrats of Col- 
 orado, the Democratic candidate for governor 
 was objectionable to a strong element in his own 
 part} 7 , and the handsome Townsend had smiled 
 his way into the hearts of the people. All of 
 these causes made the canvass an easy one, and 
 Londoner's splendid organization did the rest. 
 Little surprise was expressed when it was found 
 that Harrison had received 13,205 plurality, Town- 
 send 12,895 plurality, and Cooper 9,293 plurality. 
 
 The Republicans were equally successful in 
 the legislature, which stood in the senate, 20 Re- 
 publicans and 6 Democrats, and in the house 43 
 Republicans and 6 Democrats a majorit}^ of 51 
 on joint ballot. 
 
 Senator Bowen came home from Washington, 
 an avowed candidate for the senatorial succes- 
 
126 SENATORIAL 
 
 sion, but could effect nothing against the splen- 
 did organization of the Wolcott forces. 
 
 But while there was no doubt that the efforts 
 of Mr. Wolcott in his own behalf had been chief- 
 ly instrumental in the election of so large a Re- 
 publican majorit} 7 in the legislature, it was at 
 first by no means certain that Wolcott could be 
 elected. It had been generally understood that 
 Senator Teller was not opposed to Wolcott as bin 
 colleague, and as a result the legislature was 
 strongly for Wolcott. On the first or second clay 
 of the session a sufficient number of names had 
 been attached to a written pledge to insure his 
 nomination in caucus. But Wolcott was by no 
 means easy regarding the matter. He knew, as 
 did every one else, that notwithstanding these 
 written pledges, any objection on the part of Mr 
 Teller would have made his election an impossi- 
 bility, and he was not at all satisfied with the sit- 
 uation. Ver3 T many of these pledges had been 
 given upon the distinct understanding that Mr. 
 Teller was actively interested in Wolcott's suc- 
 cess, and it was important that the fact should 
 square with this understanding. Mr. Teller took 
 the ground that of the three candidates for the 
 senatorship, Wolcott, Tabor and Bowen, Wolcott, 
 was the best for the interests of the state, and 
 that opinion was very generally shared by the 
 members of the legislature. The support of 
 Wolcott was rather in the nature of passive ac- 
 quiescence in the necessities of the situation 
 than of active partisanship, and it was with great 
 reluctance that man}' of Teller's friends signed 
 
WOLCOTT ELECTED 127 
 
 the pledge referred to. And General Hamill was 
 no unimportant factor in the situation. Mr. Tel- 
 ler was under repeated obligations to Hamill, 
 and Wolcott was extremely anxious that Hamill 
 should exert his influence with Teller toward in- 
 ducing- the latter to make a decided expression 
 in hie (Wolcott's) favor. Hamill had indorsed 
 Wolcott's candidacy, and readily undertook to see 
 Teller in response to an appeal from Wolcott. 
 He did so, and there made an earnest effort for 
 Wolcott, setting himself entirely aside, and trans- 
 ferring whatever claims he may have had upon 
 Mr. Teller's consideration to Wolcott, to whose 
 support he was pledged. Had this interview re- 
 sulted differently had General Hamill been a 
 candidate for the senate, there are strong proba- 
 bilities that the story of the senatorial campaign 
 of 1889 would have been differently written. In 
 the caucus Wolcott received all but 15 or 16 votes 
 and was duly elected. It is but just to sa}^ that 
 he has been a disappointment to his political en- 
 mies, and among those who most earnestly op- 
 posed his candidacy there are few at this time who 
 do not accord him the credit of having ably rep- 
 resented the state. In the fight for silver he was 
 always in the front rank, while his acknowledged 
 ability has given him high rank in the senate. 
 
 This assembly was the famous " Seventh," the 
 alleged corruption of which has been the occa- 
 sion of numerous philippics, and a vast amount 
 of rhodomontade on the part of certain politi- 
 cians and 'newspapers desirous of manufactur- 
 ing public sentiment for the furtherance of 
 
128 THE SEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 special personal or political ends. The truth is* 
 that the Seventh General AssenibU* cannot be 
 excused for the reckless extravagance of its man- 
 agement of the affairs of the state, but that it 
 was a band of thieves, as has been charged, is far 
 from true. With a majority of 51, the temptation 
 to reward constituents at trie-expense of the state 
 was greater than man}^ of the members could 
 withstand. If A succeeded in securing a clerk- 
 ship for a faithful follower, B was entitled to 
 equal consideration, and if no clerkship was left 
 it was the easiest thing in the world to make one* 
 and as C and D had certain aspirations on behalf 
 of their friends, they were readil}^ induced to vote 
 for B's measure, and so it went, with the doors 
 thrown open to useless expenditure, and with 
 pressure from outsiders whose maintenance is 
 principally derived from their alleged influence 
 in political conventions, until the sum total was 
 somewhat appalling. 
 
 The real reasons of the extravagance of the 
 Seventh General Assembly were carelessness and 
 the cupidity of the parties furnishing supplies 
 for the state. During the fifth general assembly 
 Melvin Edwards, then secretary of state, had been 
 investigated by a legislative committee, and nar- 
 rowlj- escaped a severe scoring. The disclosures 
 of this committee were such that Senator Car- 
 penter devised a sj-stem of blanks for requisi- 
 tions for supplies, all of which were charged to 
 the individual members, which proved an impor- 
 tant check upon the extravagance or reckless- 
 ness of members. The same system prevailed 
 
SEVENTH ASSEMBLY INCIDEX'TS 1) 
 
 during- the sixth general assembly, which was 
 one of the most economical in the history of the 
 state, but \vas discarded by the seventh, and the 
 absence of an}' check or individual responsibility 
 on the part of the members, together with the 
 ordering- of supplies by clerks and other irre- 
 sponsible parties, resulted in a profusion and 
 waste by the members, and a reckless petty dis- 
 honesty by the employes that fully justified very 
 man}- of the charges made. Notwithstanding 
 this disgraceful waste, recklessness, and, in some 
 individual cases, dishonest} 7 *, the laws made by 
 the seventh are among the best on our statute 
 books, and in point of ability this assembly 
 ranked at least as high as any of its predecessors. 
 
 The seventh general assembly has enoug'h to 
 answer for, but its members were saints in com- 
 parison with some who now join in the hue and 
 cry against them. 
 
 Immediately after the inauguration of Gov- 
 ernor Cooper war broke out. In the governor's 
 message was a recommendation for an arbitra- 
 tion law for the settlement of disputes between 
 capital and labor. Inasmuch as the supreme 
 court had, two years previously, in response to a 
 request from the legislature, decided that a com- 
 pulsory arbitration law would be unconstitution- 
 al, this was regarded by many of the members 
 as mere buncombe, and with some other items in 
 the message, was rather sharply criticised. Sen- 
 ator Carpenter was one of the most outspoken of 
 the legislative critics, and was reported in the 
 Republican as using strong and decidedly uncom- 
 
IrK) SEVENTH ASSEMBLY INCIDENTS 
 
 plimentar}' language regarding the governor. 
 The senate resented the charge by excluding the 
 offending reporter from the privileges of the 
 floor of the senate chamber, and appointed a 
 committee of investigation, which found the re- 
 port of the paper to have been unwarranted by 
 the facts and exonerated Carpenter, but in the 
 discussion of the incident it became painfully 
 apparent that the chief executive and the mem- 
 bers of the assembly were not in the most hearty 
 accord. 
 
 Karly in the session two incidents occurred 
 which are worthy of record as illustrations of the 
 good-natured recklessness of the legislature. A 
 member who had no place for a constituent 
 whom he was particularly anxious to reward for 
 past services, introduced a resolution appointing 
 him engineer of the senate. As the senate was 
 not even in possession of a safety valve, to re- 
 strain the bottled up energy of its members un- 
 til the bursting point was reached, it had as much 
 use for an engineer as for a Greek professor. The 
 papers ridiculed it, but the senate adopted the 
 resolution, and the state was saddled with anoth- 
 er salary. 
 
 Senator Montez was provided with an inter- 
 preter at a salary of four dollars per day, but 
 this liberal compensation failed to satisfy the 
 longings of this descendant of the Montezumas, 
 and therefore Montez made an effort to add to the 
 arduous duties of his constituent those of a com- 
 mittee clerkship. But there were some, even in 
 the seventh, who objected to this piling up of 
 
S E V KXT 1 1 ASS K M H L V I XC r I >KXTS 1 3 1 
 
 individual salaries, and during* the debate on the 
 merits of this rather extraordinar}' proposition, 
 the interested senator, while indulging 1 in a tor- 
 rent of what was supposed to be the purest Cas- 
 tilian eloquence, momentarily forgot himself and 
 dropped into unmistakable, though somewhat 
 broken English, o-reatl\ r to the surprise of most 
 of his hearers. 
 
 The seventh general assembl3 T and its acts had 
 much to do with the subsequent political cam- 
 paigns of the state. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1888. 
 PRESIDENTIAL' ELECTORS. 
 
 David H. Moore 
 
 James P, Galloway.. 
 F. F. Osbiston, 
 
 ..... 7)0.772 J. M. 8. Egan 
 
 ..... 50,774 Chas. T. Hughes 
 
 . ..... 50,753 Lonny Horn 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 
 S7,549 
 37,567 
 
 i Hosea Townsend... 50,620 Th< 
 
 i Macon 37.725 
 
 STATE 
 
 Governor Job A. Cooper 
 
 Lt-Gov. Wm. G. Smith 
 
 Secy St'e James Rice 
 
 Treas. W. H. Brisbane 
 
 Auditor Louis Schwanbeck. 
 
 Atty Gen S. W. Jones 
 
 Superintendent of Public Inst 
 
 Fred Dick 
 
 Hcgents of the University 
 
 Chas. R.Dudley.... 
 
 S. H. Giffen.... 
 
 OFFICERS. 
 
 ...49,490 T. M. Patterson. 
 
 ...50,584 J. A. Porter ., 
 
 ...51,023 W. R. Earhart.. 
 
 ...49,652 F. Rohrer 
 
 ...50,979 S. W.Keene 
 
 ...50,746 J. M. Abbott 
 
 ruction 
 
 ..51,127 John L. Howe. .. 
 
 ..50,784 Chas. Ambrook.. 
 50,706 F.A.Chavez... 
 
 ..39,197 
 ..87,888 
 
 . .37,710 
 ..38,507 
 ..37,414 
 ..37,647 
 
 . .37,272 
 
 ..37,653 
 
 ..37,813 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 
 Judge of the Supreme Court 
 
 Chas. D. Hayt 
 Victor A. Elliott*. 
 
 ...50,737 
 
 .51,790 
 
 M. B.Gerry 
 A. J. Rising 
 
 ..38,760 
 37 610 
 
 District Judges 
 1st Dist. C. S. Becker 
 
 .... 3C64 
 
 A. H. DeFrance. 
 
 2508 
 
 'Mr lk W S Decker 
 
 5036 
 
 Sam P Rose 
 
 3045 
 
 :M " W. S. Decker 
 G. W.Allen 
 3d " J C El well 
 
 . . .11.1515 
 . ..11,411 
 
 7:*85 
 
 S. E. Browne 
 \V. W. Cover 
 J C Gunter 
 
 ,...8270 
 ...8282 
 8117 
 
 4th " John Campbell 
 5th " John M. Maxwell... 
 th " Geo. T. Sumner 
 7th " Alex Gullett 
 
 ....5065 
 ... 3751 
 4610 
 3257 
 
 Wm. Harrison 
 L. M. Goddard 
 R. A. Quillian 
 John C Bell 
 
 ...4178 
 ...3845 
 ...3897 
 3648 
 
 sthi " T M. Robinson 
 
 . ..riiir, 
 
 A. P. Rittenhouse. 
 
 3867 
 
 Hth " S S Downer 
 
 6776 
 
 C. A.- Bennett. 
 
 4501 
 
 9th; " Porter Plumb 
 9th " J L Hodges 
 
 ... .1265 
 . 2359 
 
 Thos. A. Rucker. . . . 
 Thos. A. Rucker. 
 
 ...2785 
 3157 
 
 
 
 
 
 *To fill vacancy caused by the resignation of Samuel H. El- 
 bert. 
 
 tAdditional Judge provided for in Second Judicial district by 
 the Sixth General Assemble. Elected at general election of 1887. 
 
 tNew districts, created by the Sixth General Assembly. Elect- 
 ed at general election in 1887. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE 1888 CONTINUED 
 
 133 
 
 District Attorneys 
 
 1st Dist.*-E. W. Hurlbut 
 
 1st 
 2d 
 3d 
 4th 
 5thf 
 oth 
 6th ' 
 7th ' 
 SthJ ' 
 8th ' 
 9tl4 ' 
 9th ' 
 
 -Wm. A. Dier 
 
 Isaac N. Stevens 
 
 W. W. Dunbar 
 
 B. F. Garrison 
 
 T. A. Dickson..! 
 
 T. A. Dickson 
 
 Chas. A. Johnson 
 
 --Herschell M. Hogg... 
 
 S. S. Downer 
 
 James E. Garrigues.,. 
 
 Ed L. Taylor.. 
 
 J. E. Rockwell 
 
 ...2921 Scattering 7 
 
 . . .3196 W. C. Fullerton 2215 
 
 . 11,496 L. R. Rhodes 8145 
 
 ...7818 J. H. Maupin 7644 
 
 ...5425 Geo. L. Horine 3714 
 
 . . . 3328 P. O'Farrell 3237 
 
 . . . 4112 P. O'Farrell 3463 
 
 ...4281 R. McCloskey 4075 
 
 ...3947 W.S.Wallace 2869 
 
 . . . 5716 F. J. Annis 3482 
 
 . . . 6820 James Donivan 4137 
 
 . 1992 B. H. Butcher 1958 
 
 ..2812 R.L. Weaver 2671 
 
 SEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro tern. M. B. Carpenter. Secretary W. B. Felton. 
 
 1st Dist. James W. McCreery 
 
 llth Dist, C. J. Christian 
 
 2d " 
 
 E. A. Ballard 
 
 
 Samuel Adams 
 
 3d " 
 
 -R. H. Whitely, Jr. 
 
 
 John Y. Oliver 
 
 4th " 
 
 S. V. C. Newell 
 
 12th 
 
 44 Wm. Gelder 
 
 5th " 
 
 R. B. Weiser 
 
 13th 
 
 " -JohnKinkaid 
 
 6th " 
 
 John H. Poole 
 
 14th 
 
 44 Jas. A. McCandless 
 
 
 M. B. Carpenter 
 
 15th 
 
 " Chas. H. Abbott 
 
 
 C. T. Harkinson 
 
 16th 
 
 44 Fred Betts 
 
 
 F. T. Cochrane 
 
 17th 
 
 44 E. T. Beckwith 
 
 7th " 
 
 -R. C. Wells 
 
 18th 
 
 ' Casimero Barela 
 
 8th " 
 
 -C. E. Nobleg 
 
 19th 
 
 44 Juan De Montez 
 
 9th " 
 
 Jas F. Gardner 
 
 20th 
 
 44 -Wm. H.Adams 
 
 10th " 
 
 D. C. Bailey 
 
 21st 
 
 44 Adair Wilson 
 
 *To fill vacancy caused by resignation of S. S. Downer. Elect- 
 ed at general election of 1887. 
 
 fTo fill vacaney caused by resignation of Wm. Kellogg. Elect- 
 ed at general election of 1887. 
 
 JNew districts created by the Sixth General Assembly. Elec- 
 tion held at general election of 1887. 
 
 To fill vacancy caused by the resignation of John Campbell. 
 
134 
 
 SEVENTH GENERAL 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker H. H. Eddy. 
 
 Arapahoe D. J. Brophy 
 F. A. Metcalf 
 E. M. Cranston 
 Thos. H. Mitchell 
 P. Feldhauser 
 Thos. A. Wilson 
 S. H, Hastings 
 -C. J. Harris; 
 
 Archuleta and Conejos 
 -C.Yaldez 
 
 Bent James Swift 
 
 Boulder S. S. Merry 
 S. Budd 
 H. Prince 
 
 Chaffee Chas. S. Libby 
 
 Clear Creek Robt. B. Griswold 
 Samuel A. King 
 
 Costilla M. A. Sanchez 
 
 Custer O. E. Sperry 
 Wm. Kettle 
 
 Delta, Gunnison, Mesa, 
 Montrose and Pitkin 
 
 -I. W. Chatfield 
 
 Dolores, Ouray and San Miguel 
 A. G. Dunbar 
 
 Douglas P. W. O'Brien 
 Eagle, Garfield and Summit 
 
 C. A* Bartholomew 
 
 Clerk R. M. Stevenson, 
 Elbert E. P. Clark 
 El Paso H. H. Grafton 
 
 C. D. Ford 
 
 Fremont W. J. Phillips 
 Gilpin James R. Hicks 
 
 -E. W.Hurlbut 
 Grand <fe 
 
 Routt H, H. Eddy 
 Hinsdale H. E. Armitage 
 Huerfano M. A. Vigil 
 Jefferson John J. Clark 
 
 -C. M. Kellogg 
 Lako Jos. Purcell 
 
 Geo. P. Copeland 
 
 -F. M. Myrick 
 
 -S. F. Parish 
 La Plata Jno. G. Price 
 Larimer J. M. Davidson 
 Las Animas R. L. Wootton 
 
 A. Hughes 
 Logan, Washington and Weld 
 
 Geo. C. Reed 
 
 Park Webster Ballinger 
 Pueblo L. F. Carlile 
 
 Wm. B. Ebbert 
 Rio Grande J. H. Shaw 
 Saguache J. D. Baldwin 
 San Juan H. G. Heffron 
 
SIX YEARS is an unusually long time 
 Io90 for the P revalence of political harmony 
 in the historj^ of Colorado. Since the 
 general election of 1884 there had been but a 
 trifling- display of factional feeling- not enough 
 to cause any serious disturbance of the internal 
 arrangements of either of the two leading par- 
 ties. But this long period of peace had been 
 productive of considerable feeling between the 
 different sections of the Republican party, and 
 a favorable opportunity was all that was needed 
 to cause the smouldering embers of factionalism 
 to break into a furious blaze. Old wounds had 
 reopened, and new ones had been inflicted, and 
 very early in 1890 it was evident that the prelimi- 
 nary campaign would be one of great bitterness. 
 
 That the Republican party of Colorado has 
 maintained a vigorous personality despite the 
 several attacks upon its organization since the 
 spring of 1889, is proof sufficient of its intense 
 vitality and the vigor of its principles, whether 
 those principles are right or wrong. Had the 
 most determined enemies of that party been de- 
 sirous of doing that which should inflict upon it 
 the most serious injury they could have done no 
 worse than has ^been done by its professed 
 friends. 
 
 In order to arrive at a proper understanding 
 of the situation at the opening of the campaign 
 
136 A STORM BKKWIXti 
 
 of 1890, it is necessary to briefly glance at the 
 condition of affairs in Arapahoe count}^ during 
 the preceding 3^ear. 
 
 The success of Wolfe Londoner, as chairman 
 of the state committee during the campaign of 
 1888 resulted in his nomination forma^-or of Den- 
 ver in the spring of 1889. His candidacy was not 
 received with enthusiasm by a large fraction of 
 the party, which regarded it as a reward for ser- 
 vices rendered in the election of Wolcott to the 
 .senate. Whether this sentiment was warranted 
 or not it had its effect, and sufficient opposition 
 developed to narrow the margin of victory to 
 such dimensions as to afford reasonable grounds 
 for contest, of which the Democrac3' were not 
 slow in taking advantage, and though the law's 
 delays permitted him to retain his seat up to 
 within a few days of the expiration of his term, 
 the cloud upon his title greatly impaired his use- 
 fulness in the administration of the affairs of the 
 city. While Londoner's administration was wor- 
 thy of praise, and he received the compliment 
 subsequently of being the best maj'or in the his- 
 tory of Denver, he was unable to control the acts 
 of the minor city officials, concerning whom 
 a deep distrust existed a distrust which was af- 
 terwards amply justified in the courts. The situ- 
 ation therefore offered a fa vorable opportunity for 
 the indulgence of that bitterness in the struggles 
 between the outs and the ins for which Arapahoe 
 countj r had of late years been distinguished. 
 
 Added to this was the more serious fact that 
 immediately after the adjournment of the sev- 
 
CAUSES OE THE BREAK 137 
 
 enth general assembly members and officers of 
 that bod}' had been charged, not only with crim- 
 inal extravagance in the administration of the 
 affairs of the state, but with thievery, briber}' 
 and corruption. It was alleged that the property 
 of the state had been stolen by the members and 
 hangers-on about the legislature; that the terms 
 of contracts for furnishing supplies had been 
 deliberately and criminally violated; that war- 
 rants had been illegally issued for alleged ser- 
 vices never rendered, and for supplies never re- 
 ceived, and that offices had been needlessly mul- 
 tiplied for the benefit of heelers. Unfortunately, 
 many of these charges were afterward made 
 good in the courts, but at the time the}' were first 
 made, the sole purpose was the laying of a 
 foundation for an attempt to wrest the party con- 
 trol from the hands of those who seemed to have 
 secured it. 
 
 Weak nominations by the Republicans of 
 Arapahoe county for county offices in the fall of 
 1883 assisted very materially the plans of the 
 outs. During the summer of that year the city 
 council of Denver had excited an intense feeling 
 by granting saloon licenses in the residence por- 
 tions of the city. This feeling extended to every 
 residence ward, and a most determined effort to 
 nominate for sheriff, Walter Conway, then presi- 
 dent of the board of aldermen, was met by fierce 
 resistance. When the convention met, it being 
 evident that Conway had a majority of the dele- 
 gates, earnest protests against his nomination 
 \vere made by leading* Republicans from all parts 
 
138 . REPUBLICANS DEFEATED 
 
 of the city, who knew that Conway could not re- 
 ceive the support of the better element of the 
 part}-. The majority knew what it was there for, 
 however, and merel}^ laughed, nominating- Con- 
 way with scarcel}' an effort. The result was what 
 might have been anticipated, had any regard 
 been paid to the manifest trend of public opinion. 
 Conway was beaten by Barton by 2066 plurality; 
 .Lipscomb, for county judge, whose personal, le- 
 gal, and moral qualifications were beyond ques- 
 tion, was a relative of John A. Deweese, who was 
 wrongfully charged with having compassed the 
 nomination of Conway, and was defeated by 
 Judge Miller by 4006 plurality; John L. Fetzer, 
 nominee for county assessor, with nothing spe- 
 cially against him, was defeated by Brinker by 
 nearly 4000 plurality; Rogers, for coroner, was 
 defeated by Walley by 1129 plurality; Rising, the 
 Democratic candidate for district judge, defeated 
 T. B. Stuart by about 2000 plurality, and Joseph 
 H. Smith, Republican nominee for county clerk, 
 received but about 1000 pluralit}-. During the en- 
 tire campaign the Republican gave its support to 
 the Citizens' ticket, which was successful in elect- 
 ing the officers named. 
 
 Of course such an overturning of the part} r 
 organization could not fail to have an influence 
 on the following campaign, and when, in the 
 summer of 1890, the time drew near for making 
 preparations for the fall campaign, it was appa- 
 rent that there would be a sharp and bitter con- 
 test for the mastery between the contending fac- 
 tions, with no certainty of the result. 
 
kovv ix THE COUNTY COMMITTEE. 139 
 
 When the Republican count}' committee of 
 Arapahoe county met on September 4, for the 
 purpose of fixing- a date for the county conven- 
 tion, and for the appointment of judges of the 
 primaries, it was found that the faction afterward 
 known as the "Gang Smashers," led'by W. G. Kv- 
 ans, C. F. Meek, R. K. Foote, Samuel Lesem and 
 others, had 31 votes, while the so-called ''Gang," 
 led by Joseph H. Smith, Geo. Graham, Henry 
 Brady, W. H. Smith and W. H. Griffith, were rep- 
 resented by 44 votes. It was charged by the Re- 
 publican that the majority of the committee had 
 prepared a slate, which it proposed to put 
 through at all hazards, consisting of Routt for 
 governor and Jack Fessler for state treasurer, 
 while Henry Brad}" was to be rewarded with chief 
 of the Denver police force, and W. H. Smith was 
 to be satisfied with the wardenship of the peni- 
 tentiary. While there is no doubt that Routt was 
 a full-fledged candidate for the gubernatorial 
 nomination, the charge of the Republican brought 
 Mr. Fessler's candidacy into a prominence which 
 it had not theretofore enjoyed, and was undoubt- 
 edly of considerable influence in securing his 
 nomination through the antagonism which had 
 been developed against itself. 
 
 The contest in the committee was over the ap- 
 pointment of the primary judges. It was con- 
 tended by Mr. Kvans and his friends that they 
 should be appointed in each voting place by the 
 member of the committee for that precinct, while 
 Messrs. Smith, Graham and their following in- 
 sisted that the}' should be appointed by the 
 
UO ARAPAHOE PRIMARIES 
 
 whole committee. This, it was charged by the 
 minority, was for the purpose of securing- a cut- 
 and-driecl convention. The debate was protract- 
 ed and warm, but the majority ruled, and the 
 committee appointed the judges. 
 
 The fact is that the matter of the appointment 
 of the judges was simply the preliminary skir- 
 mish between the two factions for the advantage 
 of position. Had the demands of the minority 
 been conceded the minority members would, if 
 possible have appointed judges whose precincts 
 would return a majorit3 r of the delegates to the 
 convention, and this struggle over the appoint- 
 ment of judges, imp^ing, as it did, that the judge 
 of a primar}- might be necessary to the success of 
 his faction, and thus suggesting possible fraud, 
 was creditable to neither side. 
 
 The primaries were held on September 13, and 
 in most of the wards of the city were character- 
 ized by the most bare-faced fraud and corruption, 
 by no means confined to one faction. The end, 
 not the means, was the only object of considera- 
 tion. Each side was determined to carry its point 
 by any methods at command, and while the 
 " Gang Smashers" charged the " Gang" with cor- 
 ruption and fraud, it is a notorious fact that 
 many of the worst heelers in the city, who had 
 fattened upon the spoils resulting from their pe- 
 culiar methods, and had devoted themselves to 
 the politics of the gutter as a business for years, 
 were the chosen instruments of the "Gang 
 Smashers/' and were shouting for purit}^ in the 
 politics which they had assisted in, and were 
 
MODEL DENVER PRIMARIES 141 
 
 even then engaged in doing- their very best to- 
 ward corrupting-. Honors were about even; 
 there were as good citizens on one side as anoth- 
 er; one side was as worthy of recognition as the 
 other; neither side was inspired by any higher 
 motive than the natural desire to be on top, and 
 both sides showed during the campaign that 
 they were perfectly willing to sacrifice the party 
 for the purpose of beating the other fellows. 
 
 In the first ward it was claimed by the " Gang 
 Smashers" that the admission of fraudulent 
 votes had alone caused the defeat of their ticket, 
 and the defeated delegates contested. 
 
 In the second ward the judges appointed by 
 the committee refused to admit parties claiming 
 to have authority to remain in the polling place 
 as watchers. The doors of the polling place 
 were broken down with a heavy timber, and the 
 watchers entered, whereupon the judges took 
 their departure, and opened another polling 
 place across the street, in a saloon, while at the 
 appointed place new judges were elected, and 
 two delegations were elected to the county con- 
 vention. 
 
 In the third ward the "Smashers" were tri- 
 umphant. 
 
 In the fourth ward the judges were arrested 
 for stuffing the ballot-box, and on this fact were 
 based allegations of fraud sufficient to change 
 the result, and the seats of the "Gang" delegates 
 were contested by their defeated opponents. 
 
 In the fifth ward the grossest frauds were al- 
 leged to have been perpetrated in the interest of 
 
I 2 T It E U S U A L CO X i H S 1 s 
 
 the "Gang" ticket, and the defeated delegatiotl 
 contested. 
 
 In the sixth ward the "Gang" ticket was elect- 
 ed without a contest, and in the seventh the 
 "Smashers" won easily. 
 
 The eighth ward primary had been called to 
 meet at the armory on Curtis street. On the day 
 preceding the primary acting-Governor Smith 
 issued an order in which he recited that he had 
 received information to the effect that an arrange- 
 ment had been made whereby certain parties 
 were to take possession of the armory the night 
 before, and hold it during the da}-, permitting no 
 one to enter during the holding of tke primaries, 
 and receiving the ballots through a small aper- 
 ture, with intent to defraud the people and pre- 
 vent an honest election. He therefore directed 
 that Colonel K.J. Brooks, custodian of the armory, 
 should be [instructed to permit no Jone to occu- 
 py the armor}* until the hour of 2 o'clock p. m., 
 and at that hour to throw the armor}- open to 
 every one who chose to enter. In accordance 
 with his instructions Colonel Brooks refused ad- 
 mittance to the crowd until the hour named in 
 the call, when the doors were opened. But the 
 regularly appointed judges were not present, 
 and after some time, it was announced that the 
 judges, upon the pretext that it was impossible 
 to hold a peaceable primary in the armory, on 
 account of the governor's order, had removed 
 the polling place to an obscure point on an alley 
 near by. The voters present, on learning this fact' 
 immediately selected new judges, and proceeded 
 
A BOLT IN ARAPAHOE 143 
 
 to hold an election in the place appointed by the 
 committee. The result was a contesting- delega- 
 tion, each delegation claiming to have been le- 
 gally elected. 
 
 In the ninth ward, the same charge of corrup- 
 tion, fraud and ballot-box stuffing was made, and 
 a contest against the successful "Gang" ticket 
 was thrown into the convention. 
 
 The county convention met in the 15th street 
 theatre, and a scene of the most disgraceful char- 
 acter resulted-from the struggle for the organi- 
 zation of the convention. Dr. J. W. Graham was 
 chairman of the committee, and the absorbing 
 question was: which of the contesting delega- 
 tions from the second and eighth wards would 
 be permitted to vote in the preliminary organiza- 
 tion. The chairman finally decided to recognize 
 the delegation which had been elected at the ar- 
 mory as the eighth ward delegates, and one-half 
 from each of the contesting delegations from the 
 second ward. On this ruling John E. Leet, rep- 
 resenting the " Gang Smashers," was chosen tem- 
 porary chairman by a vote of IGS 1 /^ to 149% for F. 
 B. Hill. 
 
 Mr. Leet was no tyro in scenes of this charac- 
 acter. He had participated in Louisiana politics 
 during the stormy days of the reconstruction pe- 
 riod, and knew perfectly well what was required 
 of him. In the appointment of the credentials 
 committee the " Gang "was not recognized, and 
 when that committee reported every "Gang" del- 
 egate from the six contested wards of the city 
 was unseated. The high-handed manner in 
 
144 TWO CONVENTIONS IN SKSSioX 
 
 which the plans of the " Smashers " was carried 
 out had never been equalled in the political his- 
 tory of the count}', but the stake played for, the 
 absolute control of the political situation in 
 Arapahoe count}', perhaps justified the means 
 resorted to. At onetime a riot seemed inevitable, 
 but wiser counsels prevailed, and the rejected 
 delegates left the theater and organised a bolting- 
 convention in Turn Hall, for the purpose of car- 
 rying the contest before the state convention. 
 
 Each side now having its own convention, 
 conducted its affairs with calm deliberation. Dr. 
 Graham was sent for by the Turn HalJ conven- 
 tion, and in a few words plainly expressed his 
 disapproval of the action of the Fifteenth street 
 body, and called the "Gang" convention to order. 
 Each side elected a full delegation to the state 
 convention. The Fifteenth street convention 
 nominated a full county ticket, while its rival ad- 
 journed to await the action of the state conven- 
 tion. 
 
 During this contest, which has been given in 
 full because of its subsequent influence upon 
 the campaign, an earnest effort was made by the 
 " Smashers" to induce the belief that the " Gang" 
 was organized for the defeat of Senator Teller, 
 who was in the field for re-election, his term ex- 
 piring on March 4, 3891. The Republican, in sup- 
 porting this assertion, was forced into the un- 
 wonted and anomalous attitude of a supporter of 
 Senator Teller, but plainly disclosed its animus 
 in a cartoon representing Wolcott in the act of 
 plunging a knife into the back of Senator Teller, 
 
kKPl'BlvlCAN HTATK CONVENTION 145 
 
 while the fact is incontrovertible that there was 
 not at that time a leader of the Republican part} 
 of Colorado who dared oppose the re-election of 
 Senator Teller, and few, if any, who desired his 
 defeat. While the old and tried friends of Mr. 
 Teller were mostly with the "Gang/' and the old 
 Hill-Wolcott faction generally with the "Smash- 
 ers," it must be admitted that they were all in fa- 
 vor of Mr. Teller, \vhoe re-election was a conced- 
 ed necessity. It was not that the Republican liked 
 Teller more, but that it liked Wolcott less. 
 
 The state convention met on the 17th of Sep- 
 tember, and after the election of Alex. Gullett as 
 temporal-}^ chairman, and the appointment of a 
 committee on credentials, adjourned to the fol- 
 lowing- day. It was plain that the "Gang, 4 ' so- 
 called, w T as in the ascendant, and a strong effort 
 was made to secure the recognition of the 
 "Gang" delegation from Arapahoe .count}'. The 
 credentials committee listened to both sides, and 
 in all probability earnestly endeavored to arrive 
 at a just conclusion upon the merits of the ques- 
 tion. The matter was discussed in all its bear- 
 ing's, and the session of the committee was pro- 
 tracted far into the night. 
 
 When the convention reassembled on the 18th, 
 the credentials committee was still wrestling* 
 with the problem, and an adjournment was taken 
 until 1 p. m. At that hour the committee pre- 
 sented its report. It recognized neither conven- 
 tion, but reported having gone behind the re- 
 turns, and finding that in the wards and pre- 
 cincts which had given credentials to the Koutt 
 
11(5 ARAPAHOE DELEGATES DIVIDED 
 
 or " Gang" faction, 169 delegates had been elected, 
 while the other faction had elected 151 delegates. 
 On this basis the committee reported in favor of 
 seating 02 "Gang" and 55 " Smasher " delegates. 
 
 Byron L. Carr, of the committee, presented a 
 minorit}^ report in favor of seating the entire del- 
 egation presented by the Fifteenth street conven- 
 tion, and headed by H. A. W. Tabor. The minori- 
 ty report was rejected, 421 to 105, and the majori- 
 ty report adopted by the same vote. 
 
 The 02 "Gang 1 ' delegates promptl}- marched 
 into the Convention and took their seats, but the 
 " Smashers" refused to go into the convention 
 unless the entire delegation was admitted, and 
 the convention went on with its business. 
 
 The contest for the nominations was some- 
 what tame after the exciting events in Arapahoe 
 county. Routt was the only candidate who had 
 made any special effort for the gubernatorial 
 nomination, and though several others were 
 spoken of, and some slight efforts were made to- 
 ward organising an opposition to his nomination, 
 it was soon shown that no acceptable candidate 
 upon whom the delegates could unite was before 
 the convention except Routt, and he was nomi- 
 nated by acclamation. 
 
 Townsend was renominated by acclamation 
 and Professor Dick for superintendent of public 
 instruction, Sam Jones, for attorne3 r -general, and 
 J. H. Fessler for treasurer, were made the nomi- 
 nees of the part}*. In regard to the latter office, a 
 \ery decided sentiment had arisen in the state in 
 favor of turning the interest derived from state 
 
ARAPAHOE CONTEST 147 
 
 funds into the treasury. The contestants for the 
 nomination for treasurer were required to pledge 
 themselves to turn over all interest derived from 
 the deposit of state funds, and did so promptly 
 and full}'. None of the pledges made were more 
 frank and sweeping than that of Mr. Fessler, and 
 it was felt that in his nomination all demands of 
 the people had been complied with. E. M. Ash- 
 ley was chosen as chairman, and N. H. Meldrum 
 as secretar3 T of the committee. 
 
 The moment the convention adjourned the 
 chairman was confronted by a serious problem. 
 So far as the respective merits of the contending 
 factions were concerned, the convention had de- 
 cided nothing, except by implication, in giving 
 the "Gang "a rnajorit}- of the Arapahoe county 
 representation. It had officially recognized nei- 
 ther convention, but had left the settlement of the 
 Arapahoe county troubles entirely in the hands 
 of the chairman of the state committee. The 
 "Gang" claimed that by deciding that it had 
 elected a majority of the delegates to the county 
 convention, the state convention had given a 
 quasi recognition to the Turn Hall convention. 
 On the other hand, the " Smashers" insisted that 
 the " Gang/' by remaining in t*he convention after 
 its organization and participating in the selec- 
 tion of the committee on credentials and the sub- 
 sequent proceedings, had forfeited its right of 
 appeal, and that the chairman of the state com- 
 mittee, in the exercise of his dut} r in settling the 
 controversy, had the example of the state con- 
 vention to warrant his going behind the returns, 
 
148 KNIFING THE TICKET 
 
 and passing- upon the honest}' of the primaries. 
 During all of this controversy there was a con- 
 stant effort on the part of the Republican to make 
 it appear that the "Gang'" leaders were in a plot 
 to defeat Mr. Teller, and that Mr. Wolcott was in 
 the conspiracy. 
 
 In the month of February preceding the state 
 land board had sold in the usual manner a tract 
 of school land near Argo to \V. C. Lothrop & Co., 
 for $204.50 per acre. This sale had been fiercely 
 denounced by the Republican. It was alleged that 
 three times as much could have been realized by 
 the board; that it was a steal; that the proper le- 
 gal steps had not been taken, and that therefore 
 the sale was void. Messrs. Dick and Jones, nomi- 
 nees for superintendent of public instruction 
 and attorney-general respectively, were members 
 of the land board when the sale was made, and 
 for that reason their election was \ igorousl}- op- 
 posed by the Republican. That paper also made 
 repeated calls upon Mr. Fessler, candidate for 
 state treasurer, to make a public pledge regard- 
 ing the interest on state funds. Fessler made no 
 reply to the demand, and therefore came in for 
 his share of the opposition of the Republican. In 
 one of the cartoons bearing on this question the 
 heads of the ticket were represented as canning 
 the three candidates named, while in another 
 General Hamill, A. M. Stevenson and Henry Bra- 
 dy were represented as hanging- on a boat rowed 
 by the Republican candidates. Not an opportu- 
 nity was lost by the Republican in its fight against 
 Dick, Jones and Fessler, and in its attempts to 
 
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS 149 
 
 create a belief in its support of Mr. Teller, and 
 its charge that he was being- sacrificed by the 
 " Gang." It is idle to claim that these efforts 
 were without effect in compassing the defeat of 
 the candidates named. There is no question to_ 
 day that the principal factor in the controversies 
 of 1890, which so nearly led to the defeat of the 
 Republican party, was the Denver Republican. 
 Whether right or wrong, its fight was effective. 
 
 While the final settlement of the factional con- 
 troversy in Arapahoe county was in abeyance 
 several matters affecting the situation occurred. 
 
 On September 24 the Democratic state conven- 
 tion met in Denver. A canvass of the situation 
 disclosed the fact that it would be difficult to 
 find a candidate for governor. The nomination 
 was offered to J. B. Grant, Alva Adams, Judge 
 Ballarcl, Myron Reed, and Judge Harrison, and 
 declined. Lafe Pence wanted it, and was impor- 
 tunate in his efforts to secure the nomination. 
 Finally Judge Yeaman was induced to accept the 
 nomination if made. Pence was also before the 
 convention, and remained until it was evident 
 that he would be smothered, when he withdrew, 
 and Judge Yeaman was nominated by acclama- 
 tion. Thomas O'Donnell of Arapahoe was nomi- 
 nated for congress. Democrats felt somewhat 
 hopeful regarding the three offices of state treas- 
 urer, attorney-general, and superintendent of 
 public instruction, and for those offices made 
 three of the best nominations ever made b}^ the 
 party in the state, naming James N. Carlile for 
 treasurer, J. H. Maupin for attorney-general, ahd 
 
150 ARAPAHOE CASE DECIDED 
 
 N. B. Co}' for superintendent of public instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 On September 26 Mr. Carlile, Democratic can- 
 didate for treasurer, made a public, written 
 pledge in regard to the interest on state funds, 
 and this declaration afforded the opportunit}' for 
 the Republican to make dail}- demands upon Mr. 
 Fessler to do likewise. 
 
 On September 27 the Turn Hall convention re- 
 assembled and placed in nomination a full legis- 
 lative and count} 7 ticket. There was no longer 
 an}- hope of a satisfactor} T compromise, and the 
 energies of both the Republican and the Times 
 were devoted to their efforts to show that their 
 respective tickets were the only simon pure, 
 original Jacobs, Republican nominations, while 
 Democrats smiled at the way in which the Re- 
 publicans were making things easj* for them. 
 
 On October 4, Mr. Fessler, at the earnest re- 
 quest of Chairman Ashley, made an unequivocal 
 pledge regarding the disposition of the interest 
 on state funds, and received the unqualified en- 
 dorsement of the Republican. 
 
 On October 5, Chairman Ashle} T rendered his 
 decision on the Arapahoe question, recognizing 
 the "Smashers" ticket, and announcing that be- 
 sides his own convictions on the situation, he 
 had received letters from every part of the state 
 urging him to adopt this course for the best in- 
 terests of the party. 
 
 While the Republican professed to support 
 Fessler, the opposition to him which had been 
 started by that paper still continued, and it was 
 
"SMASHERS" TICKET ENDORSED 151 
 
 evident several days before the election that he 
 would be defeated. 
 
 Meanwhile the Republican, revelling- in its un- 
 accustomed position as the party dictator, turned 
 its attention to Senator Teller, and in a number 
 of articles demanded that he should take sides 
 in the Arapahoe count}^ controversy, insisted 
 that he should "speak out," and, as he failed to 
 respond with sufficient alacrity, published a car- 
 toon in which he was represented as being- muz- 
 zled by Senator Wolcott. On October 21, Mr. Tel- 
 in an interview published in the Republican, did 
 speak out, endorsing- the "Smashers" ticket, and 
 the last hope of the "Gang" leaders vanished. 
 
 While this contest was disgraceful on both 
 sides, conducted with an indecent disregard of 
 the best interests of the party, and was caused 
 solely by selfish desire for leadership, it is be- 
 3^ond question that the advantage of position was 
 with the "Smashers." Whatever of merit was 
 originally with the "Gang" side was thrown 
 away by indecision and bad generalship. The 
 " Smashers " knew what they wanted, knew how 
 to get it, and did not hesitate to take it when the 
 opportunit} r offered. It is no less difficult today 
 than it was at the time to decide which of the 
 two factions most nearly, represented the Repub- 
 lican party, and it is a matter of no importance, 
 for the burning fact remains that on account of 
 this foolish and unnecessary contest between 
 factions headed by leaders who did not hesitate 
 to sacrifice the party to their ambitions, three 
 state officers and six members of the legislature 
 
152 A MIXED 
 
 suffered defeat, while the disorganization that 
 resulted aided materially in rendering possible 
 the Populist cyclone which struck the state two 
 years later. 
 
 The result was what might have been expect- 
 ed. In Arapahoe county the Republicans elected 
 one senator and three representatives, and the 
 Democrats one senator and five representatives, 
 Governor Routt was elected by 0408 plurality, and 
 Mr. Townsend by 8331 plurality. Dick, Jones and 
 Fessler were defeated, while in the assembly the 
 ")! majority of two years before was reduced to 
 121, there being- 10 Republicans and 10 Democrats 
 in the senate, and 32 Republicans and 17 Demo- 
 crats in the house. 
 
 On the meeting of the legislature a caucus of 
 the Republican members of the house was held 
 in which all was apparently harmonious, and 
 James W. Hanna was selected as the part}- candi- 
 date for speaker. He was elected by a full party 
 vote, and took his seat with the full consent of all 
 parties concerned. When he attempted to an- 
 nounce his committees, however, the legitimate 
 fruits of the factional quarrel in Arapahoe coun- 
 ty were made manifest. 
 
 James H, Brown of Arapahoe count}', was one 
 of the most prominent leaders of the "Smash- 
 ers." He had been elected by a narrow majority, 
 and took his seat as a Republican, participating 
 in the caucus and subsequent proceedings. 
 When the speaker had prepared his list of com- 
 mittees, however, Mr. Brown suddenly discovered 
 that the same "Gang" which he had assisted in 
 
LEGIvSLATlYK REVOLUTION 153 
 
 smashing' at the polls in Arapahoe count}', had 
 reared its horrid front in the halls of the state 
 legislature, and that through corruption and 
 fraud it promised to secure the standing com- 
 mittees. His first move' was to object to the 
 adoption of the rules of the last house (the usual 
 custom) except as a temporary measure. On the 
 evening of Januar3 r 9, 1891, Speaker Hanna pro- 
 ceeded to read the list of standing committees, 
 and was immediately interrupted by Mr. Brown. 
 The speaker refused to recognize him, and com- 
 pleted the reading of the list. At its conclusion 
 a motion to adjourn was made and declared car- 
 ried amid the vigorous protests of Mr. Brown's 
 followers. As the speaker left the chair the elec- 
 tion of another speaker was called for bj- Mr. 
 Brown, and on a call of the roll it was found that 
 those who sustained Mr. Brown consisted of 13 
 Republicans and 14 Democrats a majority of 
 the house. Before the necessary arrangements 
 had been made for holding a session and declar- 
 ing the office of speaker vacant, Speaker Hanna, 
 accompanied by the sergeant-at-arms and a dep- 
 uty, entered the hall and directed the officers to 
 extinguish the lights. When this was attempted 
 a rush was made to prevent it, and blows were 
 struck, but the members of the regularly organ- 
 ized house rallied to the support of their officers 
 and gradually the lights were extinguished. 
 Senator McKinley was present, and invited the 
 revolutionists to occup} r the senate chamber. 
 But this move had been anticipated, and when 
 } T reached the senate chamber President Car- 
 
154: REVOLUTIONISTS ORGANIZE 
 
 penter was present, and refused them admission. 
 Here another altercation and collision occurred, 
 hut it was finally concluded that the veto of Pres- 
 ident Carpenter was of more virtue than the invi- 
 tation of Senator McKinle3 r , and the party ad- 
 journed to the Albany. The Republican revolu- 
 tionists were Brown of Arapahoe, Brown of Jeff- 
 erson, White, Secor, Chapman, Bell, Sanborn, 
 Alden, Wilmot, Richardson, Shaw, Carmichael 
 and Flick inger. 
 
 During 1 the next few da}-s the struggle was 
 maintained with varying- fortunes. The revolu- 
 tionists took the ground that the speaker had no 
 right to appoint the committees without the con- 
 sent of the house, and the salient point of the 
 contest was the approval of the minutes of the 
 session of January 0, the revolutionists contend- 
 ing for the expurgation of the record giving- the 
 speaker's announcement of his committees, and 
 the adjournment on the 9th. 
 
 The contest on the 14th was of the most deter- 
 mined character, consisting of the most persist- 
 ent efforts on the part of the revolutionary faction 
 to secure a vote on Mr. Brown's motion to correct 
 the record, met by dilatory motions and filibus- 
 tering on the other side. Gradually the contest 
 narrowed down however, until both sides were 
 wear}- of the controversy, and it was somewhat 
 of a relief when a new turn was given to the 
 strug-gle b} r Mr. O'Mahoney, who had been chosen 
 speaker pro tern, by the revolutionists. He called 
 his party to order, and called for nominations for 
 speaker. Jesse White of Custer count}^ was 
 
TWO HOUSES IN SESSION i.Y> 
 
 declared elected, and thenceforth the question 
 at issue was the legality of the branches into 
 which the house had been divided. Each house 
 held daily sessions, but while the original house 
 lacking- a quorum, could do nothing but adjourn 
 from da} 7 to da}', the revolutionary bod}' varied 
 the monotony of the proceedings by the intro- 
 duction of bills and the discussion of public 
 measures. 
 
 Each of the houses surrounded itself with 
 guards, the original body securing the aid of the 
 police, while the revolutionists procured the ser- 
 vices of deputy sheriffs and a mob of special of- 
 ficers whose qualifications were of a muscular 
 rather than a legal character. Neither side was 
 particular as to the moral character of the men 
 employed, and to this fact is due the murder of 
 Captain Hawley by Harley McCoy, both men be- 
 ing engaged in the defense of the contending 
 factions. The militia had been called for by 
 some who anticipated a riot, and though the 
 troops did not actually put in an appearance, they 
 were under arms, and were held at the armory in 
 readiness for anything that might occur. 
 
 On January 16 the revolutionists issued a 
 manifesto to the people of the state, reciting the 
 incidents of the revolt and the alleged causes 
 leading thereto, claiming to be the legally or- 
 ganized house, and appealing to the people for 
 support. Though they had a majority of the 
 members public sentiment was decidedly against 
 their methods. Mr. Brown was the acknowledged 
 leader of the revolt, and in defending his posi- 
 
156 SENATOR TELLER RE-ELECTED 
 
 tion claimed that he had been elected as a repre- 
 sentative of the people who desired an immedi- 
 ate re-form of the abuses and corruption that had 
 previously existed, and that his present contest 
 was along- the same lines and ag-ainst the corrup- 
 tion that had characterized the election of Speak- 
 er Hanna and the appointment of the committees. 
 Inasmuch as he had participated in the election 
 of the speaker, however, and had onl3 r objected 
 to the appointment of the committees, to the gen- 
 eral public the action of the revolutionists 
 seemed to be due solely to disappointment in not 
 receiving the committee appointments the3 r had 
 expected, and the Republican sarcastically ob- 
 served that Mr. Brown was not much of a 
 "Smasher'' after all, as the previous } r ear, during 
 the Stuart libel suit against that paper, he had 
 been one of the principal upholders of the 
 "Gang." 
 
 During the time when both houses were in ses- 
 sion the highest number present at any session 
 of the regular house was 22, and as the revolu- 
 tionists frequently lacked a quorum it was hoped 
 that they would be eventually worn out. Mean- 
 time, Governor Routt, undetermined as to the 
 legality of either body claiming- recognition 
 had requested an opinion from the supreme 
 court, submitting the allegations of each side. 
 
 As the date fixed for taking a ballot for United 
 States senator drew near, considerable anxiet} r 
 was felt regarding the possible effect of the im- 
 broglio upon the senatorship. On January 19 ? 
 however; a Republican caucus was held, and Mr 
 
REVOLUTIONISTS WIN 157 
 
 Teller was nominated. On the 20th the houses 
 ballotted separately, Mr. Teller receiving 14 votes 
 in the senate (two senators being absent), 19 in 
 the regular house and 13 in the revolutionary 
 house. On the 21st the senate met the house in 
 joint session, and Mr. Teller received 47 votes to 
 27 for Judge Yea man. 
 
 January 24 the supreme court rendered its de- 
 cision on the legislative situation, taking the 
 ground that as the speaker was not a state officer, 
 he could be at any time removed by a majority 
 vote of the members of the house. This decision, 
 sustaining the position of Mr. Brown and his fol- 
 lowers, while sharpty criticised by many good 
 lawyers, was gracefully acquiesced in by the 
 original house, and on the 25th Mr. Hanna yield- 
 ed up the gavel to Mr. White, the speaker elected 
 by the revolutionists. 
 
 Without touching upon the legal rights of 
 the revolutionists, their action is open to the 
 most severe criticism. The house was regularly 
 organized in accordance with law, and upon an al- 
 leged condition of affairs, in proof of which noth- 
 ing was brought forward except further allega- 
 tions, the revolutionists took a stand, and estab- 
 lished a dangerous precedent. They may have 
 been honest in making their claims, but neither 
 the circumstances alleged, nor the results at- 
 tained were of sufficient importance to justify 
 the revolution and its attendant expense and 
 bloodshed. Having an undoubted majority of 
 the house, if it was true, as asserted by them, 
 that the election of Speaker Hanna and his com- 
 
158 WHY DID THEY DO IT? 
 
 mittee appointments were due to corrupt in* 
 fluences, they were in the best possible position 
 to promptly expose and defeat any corrupt mea- 
 sure. That they were not satisfied with this pow- 
 er, but hastil}^ and with violence overturned the 
 established customs of the house, upon the mere 
 assertion of a suspicion of corruption, affords 
 the strongest grounds for the opinion expressed 
 by manj^, that the motives of the leaders, at least, 
 were of an entirelj' different character from those 
 alleged an opinion that the decision of the su- 
 preme court was entirely insufficient to change. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1890. 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 52d Congress Hosea Townsend...43,118 T. J. O'Donnell 84,736 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor John L. Routt 41,827 Caldwell Yeaman 35,359 
 
 Lt-Gov. W. W. Story 41,356 PI att Rogers 36,248 
 
 Secy St'e-E. J. Eaton 42,577 Wm. Forman ........ 35,084 
 
 Treas. John H. Fessler 37,576 J . N . Carlile 34,494 
 
 Auditor J. M. Henderson 41,503 W. F. Skelton 34,935 
 
 Atty Gen S. W. Jones 37,675 J. H. Maupin 38,661 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 Fred. Dick 36,560 N. B. Coy 40,133 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 O. J. Pfeiff er 42,608 H. O. Montague, 34,914 
 
 W. H. Cochran 42,242 C. M. Ford 35,257 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 District Judges 
 2d Dist, T. B. Stuart* 7,211 A. J. Rising 9291 
 
 David B. Graham* .... 10,605 Wilbur F. Stone 4994 
 
 District Attorneys 
 
 9th Dist. Geo. D. Johnstonf 2645 E. C. Stimson 2531 
 
 E1GHTTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 8ENATE. 
 
 President pro tern. M. B. Carpenter. Secretary J. S. Lawrence. 
 1st Dist.- James W. McCreery 7th Dist. R. C. Wells 
 
 2d " 
 
 A. F. Howes 
 
 8th " 
 
 A. A. McGovney 
 
 3d " 
 
 -R. H. Whitely, Jr. 
 
 9th " 
 
 Jas. F. Gardner 
 
 4th " 
 
 H. S. Balsinger 
 
 10th " 
 
 D. C. Bailey 
 
 5th " 
 
 R. B. Weiser 
 
 llth " 
 
 John Y. Oliver 
 
 6th " 
 
 F. T. Cochrane 
 
 
 A. T. Gunnell 
 
 
 M. B. Carpenter 
 
 
 John King 
 
 
 Amos Steck 
 
 12th " 
 
 Wm. Gelder 
 
 
 A. B. McKinley 
 
 13th " 
 
 -F. W, Smith 
 
 *Additional judges for the Second Judicial District provided 
 for by the Seventh General Assembly. Election held at the gener- 
 al election in 1889. 
 
 fTo fill vacancy caused by the resignation of J. E. Rockwell. 
 
160 
 
 EIGHTH GEXERAt ASSEMBLY 1 
 
 14th 
 lath 
 16th 
 17th 
 
 M. S. Bailey 
 J. A. Israel 
 Fred Betts 
 A. Walters 
 
 HOUSE OF EEPR 
 
 Speaker Jesse White. 
 
 Arapahoe A. P, Rittenhouse 
 C. M, Campbell 
 D, W. Mullin . 
 W T . Van der Weyden 
 Jas. PL Brown 
 D. F. Carmichael 
 Ralph Voorhees 
 A. E. Bromley 
 
 rVrchuleta and Conejos 
 
 Nathan Eldodt 
 
 Bent, Kiowa, Otero and Prowers 
 Chas. EL Allen 
 
 Boulder Tim O'Connor 
 -F. P. Secor 
 C. W. Sanborn 
 
 Chaffee A. R. Kennedy 
 
 Clear Creek J. F. Topping 
 -R, T. Shaw 
 
 Costilla S. W. Hathaway 
 
 Custer Jesse White 
 
 Edwin Mitchell 
 
 Douglas E. M. Ammons 
 
 Elbert, Cheyenne Kit Carson and 
 Lincoln 
 
 L. R. Tucker 
 
 El Paso F. F. Costello 
 J. E. Reynolds 
 
 Fremont T. Thornton 
 
 Gilpin W. H. Richards 
 
 M. Leahy 
 
 Grand & 
 
 Routt H. H, Eddy 
 
 18th Casimero Barela 
 
 19th " B. L. Smith 
 
 20th " Wm. H. Adams 
 
 21st " -L. N, White 
 
 lESENTATIVES. 
 
 Clerk-W. H. Edmunds. 
 Hinsdale G. H. Zacharias 
 Huerfano C. B, Bowman 
 Jefferson H. R. Brown 
 
 D. P. W'ilmott 
 Lake R. Eaton 
 
 John X owl and 
 
 G. W. Dollis 
 
 T. F. O'Mahoney 
 La Plata and Montezuma 
 
 J. W. Hanna 
 Larimer C. J< Chapman 
 Las Animas and Baca 
 
 J. J. Hendricks 
 
 R. L. Wootton 
 Logan, Morgan, Sedgwick, 
 Phillips, Washington, Yuma 
 and Weld 
 
 -H. W. Twombly 
 Park H. Alden 
 Pitkin, Mesa, Montrose, Delta 
 and Gunnison 
 
 F. M. Coombs 
 Pueblo J. R. Flickinger 
 
 -Geo. R. Bell 
 Rio Blanco, Eagle, Garfield 
 and Summit 
 
 O. M. Warner 
 Rio Grande R, P. Wallace 
 Saguache L. B. Schwanbeck 
 San Juan Wm. Sullivan 
 San Miguel, Dolores and Ouray 
 
 A. P, Adams 
 
THK effects of the several political cata- 
 Io92 c ly sms that characterized the campaign 
 
 of 1890, and the subsequent scenes of 
 violence in the legislature were much more seri- 
 ous and far-reaching than was anticipated by 
 the people by whom they were provoked. It was 
 openly charged by the Republican that the same 
 parties that were responsible for the alleged mis- 
 doings of the seventh general assembly, for the 
 debauching of the primaries, and for the mis- 
 government of Denver, aimed to secure absolute 
 control of the political machine^ of the city, of 
 the county, and of the state. Consequently 
 when the Republican city convention of the 
 spring of 1891, with few exceptions, renominated 
 the officers elected two } r ears before, that paper 
 at once and vigorously denounced the ticket 
 placed in the field, alleging that glaring frauds 
 had been committed; that saloon and other li- 
 censes had been granted, the mone}^ received 
 from which had never found its way to the city 
 treasury; that dog tax had been collected and 
 unaccounted for, and that duplicate dog tags 
 had been issued to cover this branch of the sys- 
 tem of theft inaugurated by the city administra- 
 tion. It was charged that officers of the city had 
 engaged in business for the sole purpose of fur- 
 nishing supplies at exorbitant figures, and that 
 the entire administration of Mayor Londoner 
 
162 RETROSPECTIVE 
 
 bad been organized for the purpose of robbery, 
 which the mayor was powerless to prevent. 
 Whatever of robber}^ there may have been to jus- 
 tif}^ these charges, there was sufficient ground 
 for suspicion to arouse a strong- sentiment 
 among the taxpayers, and spurred by the Republi- 
 can, which ignored the causes which had led to 
 the ascendanc} r in local politics of. a class of men 
 capable of perpetrating these frauds, the people 
 took action. 
 
 The Republican city convention met on March 
 U'J. 1891, and nominated W. H. Milburn for mayor, 
 A. B. Place for city treasurer, Jos. Vick Roy for 
 city clerk, F. A. Williams for cit}^ attorney, J. A. 
 Mclntyre for city engineer, and George Raymond 
 for city auditor. 
 
 On the following day the Democrats nominat- 
 ed Platt Rogers for Mayor, James F.Adams for 
 city treasurer, William Ferguson for clerk, G. A. 
 Corbin for city attorney, John B. Hunter for city 
 engineer, and J. T. Smith for auditor. 
 
 Prior to these nominations, on March 1, a 
 mass meeting of the citizens of Denver was held 
 in the interest of municipal reform, and resolu- 
 tions were adopted urging the passage by the 
 legislature of a metropolitan police bill, request- 
 ing the governor to appoint as police commis- 
 sioners none but men of the highest character 
 and sterling integrity, and appointing a commit- 
 tee of fifteen to present the resolutions to the leg- 
 islature and governor, and to devise such other 
 measures for state arid municipal reform as 
 might be deemed expedient. 
 
RETROSPECTIVE 163 
 
 On March 25 this, committee met, and having 
 agreed that neither of the tickets presented was 
 a fair expression of the wishes of the people, de- 
 cided that it came within their province to select 
 a ticket which would more nearly satisf}^ the de- 
 sire for clean government. According^ they 
 endorsed Platt Rogers for Ma} r or, James F. Ad- 
 ams for treasurer, and J. B. Hunter for engineer, 
 from the Democratic, Jos. Vick Roy for clerk, and 
 F. A. Williams for attorney, from the Republican 
 ticket, and substituted as the candidate for audit- 
 or, V. P. Hastings in preference to either Smith 
 or Raymond. 
 
 The Citizens' ticket was elected with the excep- 
 tion of auditor, for which office Mr. Smith was 
 the successful candidate, by pluralities averag- 
 ing more than 5000. M. D. Van Horn was the on- 
 ly supervisor elected on the Republican ticket, 
 and the board of aldermen stood six Democrats 
 to three Republicans. While the vote showed 
 the people of Denver to have been overwhelm- 
 ingly in favor of the Citizens' ticket, the result 
 with seven thousand voters supporting the 
 straight Republican ticket, was the injection of 
 another element of discord into the Republican 
 councils of the county, which was reflected upon 
 the following state campaign, and the creation 
 of dissensions at a time when it was most impor- 
 tant that the most absolute harmony should pre- 
 vail. 
 
 Subsequent events absolutely justified the ac- 
 tion of the citizens' committee, and therefore the 
 onus of a portion, at least, of the disorganization 
 
164 SILVER COMES UP 
 
 which followed must rest upon the men who had 
 so administered the affairs of the city of Denver 
 as to disgust a very large number of stanch Re- 
 publicans, and dispose them to welcome the ad- 
 vent of a third part} 7 , which might do better, but 
 could not reasonably be expected to do worse. 
 
 It can readil}^ be imagined that on the open- 
 ing of the campaign of 1892 there was no little 
 bitterness among the Republicans of the strong- 
 est Republican county in the state. But what- 
 ever 11133' have been this feeling it was kept un- 
 der tolerable control, as it was realized that an 
 element of danger to Republican supremacy in 
 the state was beginning to make itself felt in the 
 organization of clubs of various kinds, both par- 
 tisan and non-partisan, but all united in the pur- 
 pose of securing the recognition of silver by op- 
 erating through political channels. On the 20th 
 of Ma} r , 1891, the Trans-Mississippi Congress con- 
 vened in Denver, and after a brilliant debate on 
 the financial question as affecting silver, de- 
 clared in favor of the coinage of the American 
 product I)} 7 a vote of 58 to 55. Silver had gradu- 
 ally declined, and ever}- effort to secure favorable 
 legislation had failed, and now a very large num- 
 ber of the mines of the state had been compelled 
 to suspend operations, and as a result the num- 
 ber of men out of employment had greatly in- 
 creased. Naturally the cause of this continued 
 and increasing depression was looked for and 
 was not far to seek. The Democratic party had 
 a majority in Congress, but had refused to take 
 action looking to the restoration of silver, and 
 
THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 165 
 
 gradually the attention of the sufferers was di- 
 rected to the necessity of political action on the 
 subject, through the national conventions. 
 When the calls for the conventions of the two 
 great parties were made the feeling on the sub- 
 ject had reached a point that made it necessary 
 for both parties to do their utmost to secure fa- 
 vorable action by the conventions. 
 
 The State Silver League had sent representa- 
 tives to both conventions, and these gentlemen 
 appealed to the Republicans to listen to the de- 
 mands of the west. Mr. Teller, who was a mem- 
 ber of the platform committee, worked hard to 
 secure recognition for silver, but the only result 
 was a plank which was far from satisfying the 
 people of this state, as, general in its terms, it 
 pledged the part}^ to nothing definite, and put 
 the Republican pai?ty of Colorado on the defen- 
 sive from the very outset of the campaign. On 
 the 10th of June, 1892, Mr. Harrison was renomi- 
 nated. A strong feeling against Mr. Harrison 
 existed in this state, on account of the unfavora- 
 ble action of his administration with relation to 
 silver, and Blaine was the favorite for the nomi- 
 nation, and his defeat, coupled with the unsatis- 
 factory silver plank, caused a feeling of disap- 
 pointment akin to revolt. 
 
 On June 21 the Democratic convention met in 
 Chicago. The Colorado delegation was loud in 
 its opposition, to Cleveland as the result showed, 
 to no purpose. The Greystone club had agreed 
 to attend in a body, but showed up in Chicago 
 with fewer than thirty delegates, whose disgust 
 
166 A BLACK EYE FOR SILVER 
 
 when Senator McKinle3' ardentl}^ espoused the 
 cause of Mr. Cleveland, was openl}- expressed- 
 This action of Senator McKinley had the effect of 
 creating the impression among eastern delegates 
 that the class of Colorado Democrats of whom 
 the senator was a representative would not be 
 averse to the nomination of Mr. Cleveland, while 
 the contrast between the gentlemanl3 r , dignified 
 attitude of McKinley, and the blatant, assertive 
 insolence of so man}- of the Coloradans present 
 was not calculated to create friends for the silver 
 cause. When to this was added the threats of 
 bolting Cleveland in which several indulged it 
 may be concluded that Colorado's mission to Chi- 
 cago was not a shining success in any particular. 
 Mr. Patterson was a member of the platform 
 committee, and made an earnest plea fora strong- 
 silver resolution without effect, the silver plank 
 being full}' as unsatisfactory as that adopted at 
 Minneapolis, the only positive declaration being 
 in favor of the repeal of the purchasing clause 
 of the act of 1890. Mr. Patterson presented a mi- 
 norit} r report, and while urging its adoption was 
 listened to with considerable impatience by the 
 convention^ which rejected his report. 
 
 The nomination of Mr. Cleveland on June 22, 
 was followed on the 23d by the bolt of the Den- 
 ver News, which declined to support the nominee. 
 
 The national convention of the People's party 
 met at Omaha on July 2, and adopted a straight 
 silver plank, nominating Weaver of Iowa for 
 president. 
 
 It was painful^ evident to the Republicans of 
 
POLITICAL CHAOS IN COLORADO 167 
 
 Colorado that the condition of affairs presented 
 by the several national conventions, rendered the 
 result in this state extremely doubtful. A number 
 of prominent Republicans immediately declared 
 themselves as opposed to Mr. Harrison. The De- 
 mocracy were equally outspoken, while the State 
 Silver League industriously sought to secure 
 pledges for the election of presidential electors 
 who would decline to vote for any candidate for 
 president except one who would sign a free coin- 
 age bill, and to increase* the membership of the 
 league with a view of securing the balance of 
 power. The Denver News and its editor, Mr. Pat- 
 terson, earnestly sought to secure the endorse- 
 ment of the People's part} 7 electors, and the nom- 
 ination of a straight Democratic state ticket, the 
 evident purpose being to maintain the Demo- 
 cratic state organization, while rebuking the na- 
 tional organization by throwing the electoral 
 vote of the state to the Omaha nominees. But the 
 News had raised a storm which it found it diffi- 
 cult to lay. The people, who felt outraged by 
 the action of their conventions, seemed disposed 
 to no half measures, and refused to be controlled. 
 The Democratic organization, while it saw its 
 strength gradually dwindling, maintained a firm 
 position, refusing to recognize the News as a par- 
 ty organ, and standing squarely upon the Chica- 
 go platform and for the party nominees. It was 
 evident therefore, that unless the delegates to the 
 state convention could be secured in the interest 
 of Mr. Patterson's policy, a permanent split in 
 the party would result, and both factions labored 
 
168 POPULIST MOVEMENTS 
 
 earnestly to maintain their respective 
 each insisting- that it clone represented the De- 
 mocracy of the state. 
 
 The People's party was the most aggressive. 
 With everything to gain and nothing to lose, that 
 part}^ few in numbers at first, but loud and con- 
 stant in singing the praises of the Omaha plat- 
 form, took advantage of every move in the ranks 
 of its opponents, and drew to itself all of the dis- 
 satisfied elements of both parties. The incon- 
 gruities of the Omaha platform were plainly 
 seen, but incongruities counted for but little with 
 the miscellaneous lot which rallied about the 
 part} r standard, scenting possible spoils, which 
 they could not hope to secure from either of the 
 old parties. The Populists also had much to 
 hope for from the so-called silver party, which 
 had taken the ground that the only way to secure 
 the ultimate recognition of silver as a money 
 metal was to defeat the old parties, to which vain 
 appeals had been made, and to accomplish thai 
 purpose disregarded all enunciations of princi- 
 ple except the single silver plank of the Omaha 
 platform, inserted for the sole purpose of catch- 
 ing the votes of the western states. 
 
 This being the situation, the State Silver 
 League was called to meet in Denver on July 26, 
 and the Populists called their covention for the 
 following day. 
 
 At the meeting of the Silver convention no ac- 
 tion was taken other than the appointment of a 
 committee to confer with the People's party con- 
 vention, with the view of nominating an electo- 
 
POPULIST CONVENTION 169 
 
 ral and state ticket which should be satisfactoi\y 
 to both conventions. 
 
 The People's party convention met on the 27th 
 and after organizing- appointed a committee to 
 confer with a similar committee on the part of 
 the silver league convention regarding the nom- 
 inations. Pending the report of this committee 
 an earnest effort was made b}^ the friends of Mr. 
 Patterson to secure an adjournment till the fol 
 lowing day, or at least to prevent any definite ac- 
 tion in the direction of nominating a state ticket. 
 The object of this effort was so plainly with 
 the purpose in view of making the convention 
 the instrument for carrying out Mr. Patterson's 
 plans that it failed. The conference committee 
 was therefore permitted to complete its work, 
 and presented a list of names that had been 
 agreed upon for each office, from which list the 
 nominees were to be selected. The silver conven- 
 tion, after waiting some time for the report of the 
 conference committee, adjourned to the follow- 
 ing day. 
 
 On the 28th both conventions met, and the 
 Populists at once proceeded to nominate a full 
 state ticket, with Davis H. Waite as the guberna- 
 torial nominee. The silver convention also met, 
 but, as a large majority of the delegates were al- 
 so delegates to the Populist convention, and were 
 engaged in nominating a ticket, it adjourned to 
 the next day. 
 
 On the 29th the Silver convention, reinforced 
 by the Populist delegates, took up the report of 
 the conference committee. This was Mr. Patter- 
 
170 MR. PATTERvSON KNOCKED OUT 
 
 son's last opportunit}^ to prevent the nomination 
 of a state ticket, and visiting- the convention he 
 made an earnest appeal to the delegates to ad- 
 journ without nominating- candidates. A scene 
 of indescribable confusion ensued. FinalH T , after 
 a rambling* debate, divided between denuncia- 
 tions of Mr. Patterson, criticisms of the Omaha 
 platform, eulogies upon that document, and en- 
 dorsements of the candidates named by the Pop- 
 ulist convention, a motion was made to endorse 
 the Populist electors. This was prompt^ voted 
 down and Mr. Patterson left the hall. A motion 
 immediately followed to endorse the entire Pop- 
 ulist ticket, which was carried, and a movement 
 which opened like a farce, but proved to be the 
 commencement of a very serious political trage- 
 dy, was fairly launched upon the troubled sea of 
 politics. 
 
 While Mr. Patterson was endeavoring to guide 
 both the Silver and Populist conventions, anoth- 
 er contest, of much greater political importance 
 to him than the endorsement of a new part3 r , was 
 on his hands. The straight, democracy, which 
 prided itself on voting the ticket without a 
 scratch, and on its taste for " crow," when regu- 
 larly served upon the parly table, was determined 
 to punish him for his bolt. The opportunity had 
 long been awaited by a large number of leading 
 Democrats who had winced under the domina- 
 tion of Mr. Patterson, whom they had themselves 
 assisted in advancing to his position of leader- 
 ship, only to see him overshadow themselves, and 
 that opportunity had come at last. It had been 
 
DEMOCRATIC DISSENSIONS 171 
 
 Mr. Patterson's plan to prevent if possible the 
 nomination of a state ticket by the new party, 
 and then, upon the meeting- of the Democratic 
 convention, to secure a fusion with the Populists, 
 thereby retaining- the regular Democratic organ- 
 ization, and at the same time maintaining his 
 full fellowship with his party. In accordance 
 with this plan he proposed to call the Democrat- 
 ic convention at an early date, and the chairman 
 of the Democratic committee called that body 
 together on July 28. When the committee met, 
 Mr. Patterson's plans, which subsequent events* 
 proved to have been wise, had been partially de- 
 eated by the nomination of a Populist ticket, but 
 there was still hope of a fusion of the Democrats 
 and the Silver League. The committee met at 3 
 p. m., and from that hour until nearly midnight 
 held one of the most exciting sessions in the his- 
 tor}^ of the Colorado Democracy. The struggle 
 from start to finish was, on one side, to practical- 
 ly read Mr. Patterson out of the party, and 011 
 the other to invest him with its leadership, al- 
 though it was on the admission of proxies that 
 the lines were drawn. Finall} r , after all parties 
 were tired of the struggle, the committee was 
 brought down to business upon a motion to hold 
 the convention in Denver on September 5. An 
 amendment to hold the convention in Pueblo on 
 September 12, was carried. The committee was 
 controlled by the Cleveland men, and refused to 
 take any action that would further the plans of 
 Mr. Patterson. At a caucus of those favorable to 
 fusion August 14 had been fixed upon as the date 
 
172 REPUBLICAN PRIMARIES 
 
 of the convention. In fixing- it for a month later 
 the committee dealt the last blow to an}^ hope* 
 that Mr. Patterson may have had in the regular 
 Democratic organization. 
 
 The Republican county committee of Arapa- 
 hoe county met on August 27 to fix dates for the 
 primaries and county convention, the state con- 
 vention having- been called to meet at Pueblo on 
 September 8. It had been freely predicted that 
 this meeting- would be characterized by a fierce 
 struggle between contending- factions, but con- 
 trary to this expectation not a ripple disturbed 
 the proceedings. The time for holding- the con- 
 vention was quickl} T agreed upon and the com- 
 mittee adjourned without indulging in the an- 
 ticipated wrangle. 
 
 It is not to be supposed, however, that the pri- 
 maries passed off without a struggle. The old 
 cries of Wolcott and anti-Wolcott were raised 
 for the purpose of drawing the lines, the Wolcott 
 faction and the " Gang" of 1890 being regarded 
 as identical by their opponents. Differences had 
 arisen between Senator Wolcott and some of his 
 former stanch supporters, and the contest for the 
 naming of delegates to the state convention was 
 conducted with the avowed purpose on one side 
 to defeat the Wolcott faction, and on the other to 
 prevent his opponents from controlling the dele- 
 gation. The open avowal was made that the 
 fight against Wolcott was preliminary to an ef- 
 fort to defeat his re-election to the United States 
 senate, by securing control of the political ma- 
 chinery of the state, and consequently the con- 
 
AN ANTI-WOLCOTT CONVENTION 173 
 
 test was exceedingly warm, verging- on a bitter- 
 ness that gave promise of an open rupture. 
 
 The contest for the congressional nomination 
 in the first district, for the purposes of the cam- 
 paign, hinged somewhat upon this fight against 
 Senator Wolcott. If. Wolcott did not actively 
 support the pretensions of Mr. Stevens to this 
 nomination he at least seemed to consent thereto. 
 This, considering some things that had occurred, 
 was somewhat of a concession on the part of 
 Wolcott. It is doubtful if Senator Wolcott really 
 entrusted his interests in the hands of Mr. Ste- 
 vens, but however that may have been, Stevens 
 was supported by Wolcott's friends, and was, by 
 common consent regarded as Mr. Wolcott's 
 choice. Opposed to Stevens for the congression- 
 al nomination was Karl B. Coe. A large follow- 
 ing- of the party desired the nomination of Frank 
 C. Goudy, but Mr. Goudy declined to enter the 
 contest, and Coe and Stevens were left to fight it 
 out without interference. The primaries were in 
 the main well-conducted, received the approval 
 of a majority of the part}^, and~resulted in a vie- 
 to^ for the anti- Wolcott or Coe faction. 
 
 During the month of July an understanding 
 had been arrived at b}^ the party leaders that an 
 effort should be made to nominate Judge Helm 
 for governor. He had just been elected to a sec- 
 ond term on the supreme bench, but contemplat- 
 ed resigning for the purpose of engaging in 
 practise at the bar, and it was with considerable 
 difficulty that he was induced to make the race. 
 He had counted with reason upon the support of 
 
174 A BOLT AVERTED 
 
 both senators, and at the time of the Arapahoe 
 county convention it was understood that he 
 should be supported b}^ the delegation from that 
 county, and that, should he become the nominee, 
 he should receive the active support of an united 
 part} T . That he did not receive the support that 
 he had reason to expect now seems clear, and 
 whatever ma3 r have been the causes of the defec- 
 tion there are good reasons for the belief that 
 had it not been for treacher}^ in the Republican 
 party, Mr. Coe and the entire state ticket would 
 have carried the first congressional district. It is 
 certain that a much larger number of Republi- 
 cans voted against the state and congressional 
 tickets in the first district than can be accounted 
 for by the political upheaval which followed the 
 national conventions of the old parties. 
 
 When the Arapahoe county convention met 
 on the 5th of September, there were serious indi- 
 cations of the usual bolt. While the anti-Wolcott 
 faction, which supported the aspirations of Mr. 
 Coe to the congressional nomination, were clear- 
 ly in the majority, the margin was too close to 
 be counted on with certainty, and the adherents 
 of Mr. Stevens seemed disposed to carry their 
 man through with a rush, if possible. This dis- 
 position was summarily checked by Mr. Coe, 
 however, who, as chairman of the county com- 
 mittee, called the convention to order. The con- 
 test in the convention was over the exclusion of 
 the delegates chosen in precincts where the 
 watchers appointed by the committee had not 
 been admitted. Mr. Coe declined to recognize 
 
COE NOMINATED FOR CONGRESvS 175 
 
 these delegates, and the Stevens faction made a 
 rush for the platform. Failing- in their apparent 
 design of capturing- the convention 03^ force, dur- 
 ing- the calling- of the roll on the election of a 
 chairman they returned to their seats, and the 
 ballotting proceeded, resulting in the election of 
 Jos. H. Smith, representing the Coe faction, by a 
 vote of 197, to 167 for J. C. Twombly, who had been 
 nominated by the Stevens men. Some members 
 of the defeated faction called for a bolt, and most 
 of that faction retired to the rear of the hall, 
 where conciliatory speeches made by Messrs. 
 Stevens and Twombly calmed down the excite- 
 ment, and the convention proceeded with its bus- 
 iness, electing a Coe delegation to the district 
 convention. For once an Arapahoe count} 5 - con- 
 vention concluded its work without a bolt. The 
 local ticket named was one that commanded the 
 respect of ever}^ Republican in the count}^, and 
 with one or two exceptions could not have been 
 improved. It was endorsed from top to bottom 
 by the Republican, and for the first time in several 
 years the Republican party of Arapahoe county 
 seemed to be thoroughly united. 
 
 The two congressional conventions met on 
 September 6, for the first district in Denver, 
 where Earl B. Coe was nominated, and for the 
 second in Colorado Springs, where H. H. Eddy 
 was the nominee. Both nominations were hear- 
 tily approved, by the rank and file as well as by 
 the leading Republican papers of the state, and 
 there seemed every reason for the belief that the 
 nominees would lead the party to a splendid vie- 
 
176 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION 
 
 tory an expectation that only had the effect of 
 embittering the result. 
 
 When the Republican state convention met at 
 Pueblo on September 8, the extent of the possible 
 defection to the new party was first made mani- 
 fest to the Republicans of the state. It was con- 
 ceded that the danger of serious loss was very 
 great, and that there was a possibilit}' of losing 
 the state. The necessity for the most absolute 
 harmony was therefore made plain, and the re- 
 sult was that the proceedings of the convention 
 were more absolutely free from disturbing ele- 
 ments than any that had been previously held in 
 Colorado. Only one sharp struggle took place 
 that for the nomination for state treasurer and 
 that was entirely friendly throughout, H.K. Mul- 
 nix finally securing a nomination over N. S. Wai- 
 pole, of Pueblo. The nomination of Judge Helm 
 for governor was conceded before the convention 
 was called to order, and therefore his nomination 
 by acclamation came as a matter of course. He 
 had fairly won the honor by hard work in his 
 profession. He had been a member of both 
 houses of the general assembl}^ district attor- 
 ne} r , judge of the district court, and a justice of 
 the supreme court, and in all these positions had 
 been distinguished by a modest, industrious and 
 conscientious discharge of his duty. He had at- 
 tained high standing in his profession by his 
 own efforts, and it was felt that he would add 
 great strength to the ticket, and that his nomina- 
 tion would go very far toward counteracting any 
 
HELM FOR GOVERNOR 177 
 
 effort to draw Republicans to the support of the 
 third party, headed b}^ such a man as Waite, 
 then entirely unknown. He had also been elected 
 to a second term on the supreme bench by a 
 handsome majority. All of these considerations 
 gave him so great prominence that from the 
 time his name was first mentioned other aspi- 
 rants for the honor were scarcely thought of. 
 
 The other candidates on the state ticket were 
 of the same character, and when the convention 
 adjourned it was the general opinion that there 
 had never been a ticket nominated in the state 
 more entirel) r worthy of the support of ever}- 
 member of the party. It was not thought possi- 
 ble that -any large number of Republicans could 
 be drawn away from so excellent a ticket to the 
 support of a ticket composed of men picked up 
 .from anywhere, absolutely unknown, and with- 
 out any guarantee of special fitness, respectabili- 
 ty, or even a knowledge of the duties which, if 
 elected, the} r would be called upon to perform. 
 No political party ever went into a campaign bet- 
 ter equipped for victory, and suffered a more dis- 
 astrous defeat. 
 
 A resolution had been introduced in the con- 
 vention instructing the nominees for the electo- 
 ral ticket, should they be elected, to vote for no 
 candidate for president who was not known to be 
 friendly to silver. Had this resolution been 
 adopted there is reason for the belief that there 
 would have been a different ending to the cam- 
 paign. But the resolution was considered im- 
 politic, and was so earnestl}- opposed by leading 
 
178 THE DEMOCRATIC vSITUATION 
 
 members of the convention that it remained 
 buried in the committee. 
 
 While the Republicans were engaged in select- 
 ing their state ticket, the Democratic factions of 
 Arapahoe county were having their final strug- 
 gle for supremacy. The Patterson faction had 
 made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the 
 Arapahoe county convention of the People's par- 
 ty, which met on August 28 to nominate a county 
 and legislative ticket. Several Patterson men se- 
 cured seats in the convention, but they were en- 
 tirely ignored, and the convention nominated a 
 straight, middle-of-the-road ticket, and adopted 
 characteristic resolutions, cutting loose from 
 everything* except the Omaha platform. 
 
 The Arapahoe county Democratic primaries 
 were called for September 8, and long before that 
 date it was evident that the result would be two 
 delegations claiming admission to the state con- 
 vention. The Patterson faction controlled the 
 party machinery of the county, and named the 
 judges, selected the polling places, and generalty 
 managed things in such a manner as to render 
 morally certain the selection of delegates who 
 would endeavor to prevent the naming of a 
 Cleveland electoral ticket. C. S. Thomas, the 
 member of the national executive committee for 
 Colorado, favored fusion with 'the Populists with- 
 out abandoning the party organization, for the 
 sole purpose of taking Colorado out of the Re- 
 publican column. Mr. Patterson desired to so 
 control the state convention as to secure the en- 
 dorsement of the Weaver electors and at the 
 
FUSION AND CONFUSION 179 
 
 same time effect an arrangement whereby the 
 state ticket might be made satisfactory to the Pop- 
 ulists, while it might be considered, for cam- 
 paign purposes, the simon pure Democratic article- 
 The straight Democrats denounced both schemes 
 as treason to the Democratic party, and insisted 
 upon an entirely distinct ticket, headed by Cleve- 
 land electors. It was charged at the time that 
 there was a perfect understanding between Pat- 
 terson and Thomas, and that the latter was only 
 playing 1 into the former's hands in assuming his 
 position regarding a fusion with the Populists. 
 On behalf of Mr. Thomas it was alleged that he 
 had the authority of Mr. Harrit} 7 , chairman of the 
 Democratic national committee for the fusion. 
 This the straight Democrats denied, quoting Mr. 
 Harrity himself in support of the denial. It was 
 also claimed that the bolt of the News was not the 
 act of Mr. Patterson, but that John Arkins was 
 responsible therefor; that Mr. Patterson's first in- 
 timation of the bolt was received when he was in 
 consultation with the other leaders of the oppo- 
 sition to Cleveland regarding the terms upon 
 which they would give their heart}^ support to 
 the head of the ticket; that Mr. Thomas's position 
 was taken for the purpose of helping Patterson 
 out of a very disagreeable dilemma, the result of 
 the imprudence of his partner, and that all of Mr. 
 Patterson's efforts were with the end in view of 
 maintaining his position in the Democratic par- 
 ty. It is difficult to dissect motives amid such a 
 mass of contradictions, but it is doubtful if any 
 of these rumors were well founded. It is much 
 
180 DEMOCRATS DIVIDE 
 
 more likely that Mr. Patterson felt that it was 
 necessary to show some of his political asso- 
 ciates who had been opposing" him for j'ears, that 
 he was able to control the situation despite their 
 opposition, and that the rank and file of the Dem- 
 ocratic party still regarded him as a leader of 
 the part}^. If this be the correct presumption 
 the result, at least so far as the convention and 
 the majority of the Democrats of Colorado were 
 concerned, showed that he had not overestimated 
 his strength. 
 
 When the polling places in Denver were open- 
 ed it was found that there was not a chance for 
 the straight Democrats. In some places the 
 judges were not to be found at the polls; in oth- 
 ers they refused to admit the watchers appointed 
 by the constituted authorities, and other polls 
 were opened. The result was that in nearly all 
 the districts there were two polling places, and 
 the polls closed with a certainty of contesting 
 delegations in the state convention. 
 
 Both factions held count}' conventions on the 
 10th, each selecting a delegationjto the state con- 
 vention and adjourning without nominating a 
 county ticket, the Cleveland faction to September 
 19, and the Weaverites to the 22d. 
 
 There have been some stormy scenes in Re- 
 publican conventions in Colorado, but nothing 
 to compare with that which occurred upon the 
 meeting of the Democratic state convention at 
 Pueblo on September 12. The Weaverites were 
 distinguished by purple and the Cleveland dele- 
 gates by white badges, and it was easily seen 
 
DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 181 
 
 that the Patterson men had the best in numbers 
 if not in argument. When the convention was 
 called to order b}^ Chairman Arbuckle he pro- 
 ceeded to read the list of delegates as prepared 
 by himself. This was instantly objected to and 
 the row commenced. After some acrimonious 
 debate upon the right of the chairman to assume 
 this power, Mr. Arbuckle ruled that it was his 
 right to prepare the preliminary roll and ordered 
 the roll to be called. The confusion again broke 
 out, and Arbuckle, in doubt as to the course to 
 pursue, was compelled to seek advice from Pat- 
 terson and Thomas. But he could do little more 
 than listen to the contentions of the struggling 
 factions. C. J. Hughes, in a splendid burst of in- 
 dignant oratory, cautioned the chair to be care- 
 ful how he attempted to stifle the voice of the 
 Democracy of Colorado, and was followed by Mr. 
 Thomas with a point of order. Dozens of excit- 
 ed delegates were on their feet at once, fiercely 
 gesticulating, and vainly endeavoring* to make 
 themselves heard and secure recognition from 
 the chair. The chair seemed determined to rec- 
 ognize no one except Mr. Patterson or Mr. Thom- 
 as. Mr. Arbuckle did not read the list of dele- 
 gates from Arapahoe county, in which there was 
 a contest, but nullified this apparent fairness by 
 announcing that the Patterson delegates from 
 Arapahoe would be allowed to vote for the tem- 
 porary chairman. This announcement nearly 
 caused a free fight, but the chair stuck to his 
 text, and received the 90 votes of Arapahoe coun- 
 ty for T. J. O'Donnell. Jere Mahone}^ offered 90 
 
182 IT AVAvS PATTERSON'S CONVENTION 
 
 votes from Arapahoe for B. F. McDaniel,of Pueb- 
 lo, but the vote was not received. Seven votes 
 from Lake county were cast for McDaniel, but 
 the chair decided that the Lake county delega- 
 tion having- adopted the unit rule, the}' could not 
 be received, and the Lake county vote was count- 
 ed in full for O'Donnel. The protests of the 
 Cleveland wing were unavailing. It was evident 
 that the majority of the convention took the cue 
 from Mr. Patterson, and that that gentleman in 
 one of the most determined faction fights in the 
 history of his part}', had established his claim to 
 the leadership of the Colorado Democracy, and 
 subsequent events proved the wisdom of Patter- 
 son's course, from a purely political standpoint, 
 for notwithstanding Populist claims the result of 
 the election places beyond dispute the fact that 
 the greater part of the vote for Waite was de- 
 rived from the Democratic party through the di- 
 rect, personal influence of T. M. Patterson. The 
 Populists had not sufficient political sense to lis- 
 ten to his suggestions, and some of their leaders 
 were afraid of his influence in their party. Had 
 he permitted himself to be governed by like pet- 
 ty motives, and given ear to the demands of the 
 Cleveland Democracy for the nomination of a 
 straight Democratic ticket, the result would have 
 been a Republican victor}-. But the great object 
 to be attained was Republican defeat, and if the 
 Populists were silly enough to reject his over- 
 tures, but one thing remained to be done to as- 
 sist them to accomplish what they could never 
 have accomplished unaided. Mr. Patterson's 
 
A BOLT FOLLOWS 183 
 
 consummate skill as a politician was never exhib- 
 ited to better advantage than in the campaign of 
 1892. Under Patterson's influence but one result 
 of the contest in the convention was possible. 
 The chair announced that O'Donnell had received 
 331 votes and McDaniel 80. The convention had 
 had enough for one session and adjourned till 
 evening. 
 
 At the night session two reports were made 
 from the credentials committee, the majority re- 
 port seating the Patterson and the minority the 
 straight delegation from Arapahoe county. The 
 Weaverites attempted to shut off all debate on 
 the minority report, and it was only through the 
 courtesy of Mr Patterson that the report was de- 
 bated at all. Debate was fruitless, however. The 
 speakers were jeered and hooted, and at the con- 
 clusion of a manly appeal for fair treatment, by 
 C. J. Hughes, the majority report was adopted by 
 a viva voce vote. 
 
 The Cleveland delegates at this juncture with- 
 drew to the side of the hall and, as the portraits 
 of Cleveland andStephenson were removed from 
 the stage, set up a roar which caused Chairman 
 O'Donnell to call upon the police to arrest them 
 if they did not leave the hall. The Cleveland 
 faction thereupon left the Weaverites, by this 
 time worked up to a frenzj 7 , to their own devices. 
 
 But the contest was not yet over. O'Donnell 
 was made permanent chairman and Arbuckle 
 chairman of the state committee. Mr. Patterson 
 presented the resolutions, and a minority of the 
 platform committee protested against the adop- 
 
184 WEAVER 
 
 tion of an address to the people, provided for in 
 the resolutions, which endorsed the candidacy of 
 Weaver and Field* Without action on the resolu- 
 tions the Weaver electors were endorsed. 
 
 A delegate asked Mr. Thomas how he could 
 remain a member of the national committee and 
 endorse Weaver. This brought Mr. Thomas to 
 his feet, and after a speech in which he endea- 
 vored to make it appear that while he was not a 
 Pop4ilist, but was a supporter of Cleveland, he 
 could favor the endorsement of the Populist 
 electors and consistently retain his place on the 
 national committee, he moved to amend the re- 
 port by striking- out the names of Weaver and 
 Field and substituting those of the Populist 
 electors. The chair ruled the motion out of or- 
 der, and Mr. Thomas declared that if the address 
 was adopted in its present form there would be 
 another bolt. Mr. Patterson explained that Mr* 
 Thomas was in favor of taking the state from the 
 Republicans for the purpose of helping Cleve- 
 land, while the speaker was against Cleveland, 
 and would regard the election of Weaver as a 
 beneficent result. Mr. Thomas took an appeal 
 from the decision of the chair. The chair at first 
 refused to entertain the appeal, but after more 
 lurid argument, redolent of brimstone and bril- 
 liant with pyrotechnical oratory, the appeal was 
 put, and the chair sustained by a vote of 267 to 82< 
 Thomas was in a white heat, and when Currigan 
 moved that the state committee be authorized to 
 put a state ticket in the field, moved that it be in- 
 structed to nominate a straight democratic ticket' 
 
THE WATERS PART 185 
 
 At this point Mr. Patterson, in an alleged Demo- 
 cratic convention, stepped entirel} 7 outside of his 
 party, and insisted that the committee should be 
 authorized to select whom they chose. Mr. 
 Thomas thereupon declared that he had gone as 
 far as he proposed to, and would not support 
 such a ticket. 
 
 Mr. Patterson retorted that he was "sure there 
 would come a parting- of the waters." Delegates 
 all over the house arose to denounce the Curri- 
 gan motion and Mr. Thomas exclaimed, dram- 
 atically, "The parting of the waters has come." 
 The Currigan motion prevailed, 232 to 107, and the 
 convention adjourned. 
 
 .This was, in many respects, the most remarka- 
 ble political gathering ever held in the state. It 
 met as a Democratic convention and adjourned 
 as a Populist auxiliary. But it was cliiefl3 r dis- 
 tinguished for the two-fold victory gained b} r Mr. 
 Patterson first over the dyed-in-the-wool Demo- 
 crats and then over that element in the part}', led 
 by Mr. Thomas, which, while not averse to hav- 
 ing the state carried by the Populist electors as 
 an auxiliary aid to the national Democratic tick- 
 et, strenuously objected to the endorsement of 
 Populist candidates by a Democratic convention. 
 Neither Mr. Patterson nor his convention was in 
 a mood for splitting hairs. The state was sure to 
 go Populist or Republican, and the} 7 proposed to 
 see that the Republicans did not win and did it. 
 
 Meantime the Cleveland Democrats, who had 
 organized by electing Jere Mahone}^ temporary 
 chairman, upon leaving the hall assembled at 
 
186 STRAIGHT DEMOCRATS NOMINATE 
 
 the Grand hotel, and soon afterward secured a hall 
 and completed the organization of their conven- 
 tion. B. F. McDaniel was elected permanent 
 chairman, and after discussion of the situation 
 an adjournment was had to the following- day. 
 
 The second district Democratic congressional 
 convention had been in session during the da}-, 
 and had endorsed the Populist nominee for con- 
 gress, John C. Bell. 
 
 On the morning of the 13th the Cleveland De- 
 mocracy took possession of the Mineral Palace, 
 and proceeded with dignity and deliberation, in 
 striking contrast with the turbulent scenes of 
 the da} r before, to nominate a Democratic ticket. 
 But little time was wasted. An electoral ticket 
 was named, J. H. Maupin was nominated for gov- 
 ernor, the remainder of the ticket was made up 
 of men whose devotion to the principles of the 
 party was beyond question, and after the adop- 
 tion of resolutions appropriate to the occasion 
 the convention adjourned, the delegates feeling 
 gratified at their succesful effort to preserve the 
 party organization. 
 
 The Populists of the first congressional dis- 
 trict had nominated Myron W. Reed as their can- 
 didate, and a strong effort was making to secure 
 for that gentleman the endorsement of the Dem- 
 ocratic party. Mr. Reed was absent, however, 
 and the matter was held in abeyance until his re- 
 turn, while his numerous personal friends in all 
 parties earnestly endeavored to prevent his ac- 
 ceptance of what they could not but feel was a 
 doubtful honor, even if he should be elected. 
 
MORE DEMOCRATIC CONTESTS 187 
 
 Mr. Patterson, in the meantime was not idle. 
 He had turned over the bulk of the Democratic 
 party to thfe Populists, but that part}^, in its fool- 
 ish conceit, failed to properly appreciate his as- 
 sistance, and refused to accord him the right to 
 share in the deliberations of the party. Immedi- 
 ately after the nomination of Mr. Waite the News 
 had denounced the nomination, characterizing 
 Waite as lacking- in the "calibre and judgment 
 necessary for so important a position/' following 
 up this statement on the next day by declaring 
 that the nominee was not a man of "that breadth 
 of mind, that tolerance of spirit, that depth of 
 character," required in the governor of the state. 
 While these criticisms were amply justified hy 
 subsequent events, they were resented b}^ Waite 
 and his followers, who were not sufficiently 
 skilled in the science of politics to understand 
 the necessity of securing so powerful an ally as 
 Mr. Patterson at any cost to their personal feel- 
 ings. With the exception of the Democratic state 
 convention, Mr. Patterson had not been success- 
 ful in his numerous political undertakings. He 
 had failed in securing the co-operation of the 
 Populist leaders, notwithstanding the fact that 
 he alone had made their success possible, and it 
 was now necessary that he should have at least 
 an appearance of harmony between the Populists 
 and the Silver Democrats, as the Patterson wing 
 of the Democracy was called. Though Mr. Pat- 
 terson was master of the situation, he could not 
 afford to resent the attitude of the Populists, and 
 every effort was made to conciliate Waite, whose 
 
188 WAITE CONCEDES NOTHING 
 
 radical views and untutored readiness of speech 
 had alread}^ captured the great mass of the Pop- 
 ulist following-, and made a strong- impression 
 upon such Democrats and Republicans as had 
 adopted the theory that the most effective way of 
 protesting against the injustice to silver was to 
 vote the Populist ticket. Kver3 r thing* possible 
 was done to secure some concessions from Waite 
 in the event of his election, in consideration of 
 the support of Mr. Patterson and the News, with- 
 out avail. Waite, with the lack of policy charac- 
 teristic of his administration, absolutely refused 
 to concede an} r thing to his Democratic allies, and 
 did not hesitate to expose the pending negotia- 
 tions as an earnest of his determination to refuse 
 the assistance offered. Never was a political lu- 
 natic more fortunate, in spite of his own lunac}-. 
 The negotiations continued, however, Waite still 
 remaining firm and un3'ielding, and the Demo- 
 cratic demands growing constantly smaller, un- 
 til finally a stage was reached where there was a 
 fair prospect of a common understanding. 
 
 While these sub rosa negotiations were in pro- 
 gress there was work of another character for 
 Mr. Patterson, in order to round up his victory 
 in the Democratic party. The straight Demo- 
 crats of Arapahoe county had adjourned their 
 convention to September 19th, and on that date 
 met to nominate a full county and legislative 
 ticket. It needed but one or two tentative efforts 
 in this direction to show that nothing could be 
 expected in that body, and the pure Democracy 
 nominated a ticket, which, whatever it may have 
 
DEMOCRATIC WRANGLING 189 
 
 lacked in other respects, was thoroughly- respect- 
 able. 
 
 There now remained but the county conven- 
 tion of the Silver Democrats, elected by Mr. Pat- 
 terson's own followers, which, after nominating 
 Judge Miller for county judge, had adjourned to 
 September 22. Here of course Mr. Patterson had 
 every reason to anticipate entire success, but 
 while general^ in line with him the convention 
 in some particulars acted independently in mak- 
 ing- its nominations. 
 
 The state committee of the Silver Democrats 
 was called to meet on September 26, for the pur- 
 pose of naming a state ticket in accordance with 
 the resolution adopted at Pueblo. Negotiations 
 with the Populist committee had been constant 
 but fruitless; had resulted in nothing tangible, 
 and it was thought best by the leading Silver 
 Democrats that the Arapahoe convention should 
 adjourn without making* nominations until after 
 the meeting of the state committee, in order that 
 it might be used in bringing Waite to terms. It 
 was designed to use the count} 7 - convention as 
 a trump card to force concessions from the Pop- 
 ulists. But many of the members of the county 
 convention were not prepared to go the length of 
 entirely separating from the Democratic party. 
 Some had already repudiated the Patterson pro- 
 gramme and joined the straight Democrats, and 
 when the convention was called to order but few 
 were present. A motion was made by Mr. Patter- 
 son that the convention appoint a committee to 
 make nominations and adjourn. This created 
 
190 A MIXED COUNTY TICKET 
 
 such a roar of dissent that the motion was with- 
 drawn. Mr. Thomas once more presented his ob- 
 jections to the endorsement of Weaver and Field? 
 which was embodied in a resolution presented, 
 approving the action of the Pueblo convention, 
 but on a viva voce vote the chair declared the 
 resolution adopted. But this seemed to be as far 
 as the delegates cared to go. The}- did not care to 
 entirely commit the convention to the Populist 
 candidates and the Omaha platform, and when 
 Lafe Pence placed in nomination the nominees 
 for the state senate on the Populist ticket, there 
 were strong objections. But, as the opposition 
 was not prepared, it was voted down. For float 
 senator, however, the straight Democrats were 
 successful in getting their man by a vote of 113 
 to 78. On the ticket for members of the lower 
 house two of the Populist nominees were swal- 
 lowed with some grimaces, but by this time the 
 straight Democrats had recovered their wind, 
 and Otis B. Spencer was placed in nomination as 
 against Andrew Chalmers, a Populist nominee. 
 The chairman, John D. McGilvray, who had been 
 a delegate to the state convention of the Silver 
 Democrats, but had decided to retain his hold 
 upon the Democratic organization, refused to 
 consider Chalmers' nomination, and declared 
 Spencer nominated. After the usual wrangle, in 
 which the beauties of harmon}^ were illustrated 
 by contrast, the chair decided to permit a vote, 
 and Mr. Spencer was nominated, receiving 174 
 votes to 39 for Chalmers. A number of delegates 
 here left the hall, and the subsequent proceed- 
 
MORE OVERTURES TO WAITE 191 
 
 ings were rather uninteresting-. Several more of 
 the Populist candidates were endorsed apparent- 
 ly because there seemed to be no Democrats will- 
 ing- to accept a nomination. Then W. F. Kaub, a 
 nominee of the straight Democrats, was endorsed 
 and W. H. Clark and W. S. Brawley, both new men, 
 and the latter a colored man, were put on the tick- 
 et. The remainder of the ticket was made up 
 very g-enerally from the Populist ticket, but there 
 was no enthusiasm manifested, and it was plain 
 that to manj^ of the delegates the proceedings 
 were somewhat of a funereal character as if the 
 convention was assisting- at the obsequies of the 
 Democratic party. And yet it is now plain that 
 had the Democratic party entered heartity into 
 the plans of Mr. Patterson the coalition would 
 have controlled the legislative as well as the ex- 
 ecutive department of the state government. 
 
 An effort had been made to purchase the with- 
 drawal of Waite from the ticket, $5000 having- 
 been named as the figure, but Waite was not the 
 man to accept a bribe of that character, and as a 
 last resort it was represented to him that he could 
 not possibly be elected without the aid of Mr. 
 Patterson and the News, and unless he agreed to 
 permit the Silver Democrats to name some of the 
 gubernatorial appointments, that aid would not 
 be forthcoming. Waite had by this time become 
 thoroughly imbued with a sense of his own im- 
 portance, and the certainty of his election, and 
 was disposed to arbitrarily reject all overtures 
 from the man who had belittled him. But his 
 committee thoug-ht differently, and a compact 
 
192 THE NEWS ENDORSES WAITE 
 
 was entered into, so loose in its terms, that Waite, 
 after his election, found little difficult} 7 in evad- 
 ing its provisions. The state committee of the 
 Silver Democrats, on the ninth ballot, selected 
 Waite as its candidate for governor by a vote of 
 23, to 12 for Maupin and 9 for Arbuckle, the mi- 
 norit} 7 refusing to make the nomination unani- 
 mous. The majority was not large, but it was 
 enough. The other candidates on the state ticket 
 were endorsed by the same vote. The News at 
 once accepted the situation, disagreeable though 
 it was. Mr. Patterson had been constant in his ~ 
 efforts to secure a change in the head of the tick- 
 et, and to support a man whom his paper had de- 
 nounced as unfit for the place was only justifia- 
 ble upon the ground of political necessity. But 
 it was necessary, and though the mortification 
 was great, there was nothing to do but bow to the 
 situation. Frequently afterward the News was 
 compelled to sharpl} 7 criticise the governor it had 
 made, but there is no evidence that Waite ever 
 acknowledged or even understood the great sac- 
 rifice made by that paper in his behalf. 
 
 The campaign was now, after two months of 
 travail, fairly inaugurated, and was character- 
 ized b} r the methods which were the natural out- 
 come of the scenes described in the preceding- 
 pages. The News was the principal factor of the 
 Populist campaign, and to its influence more 
 than an} r other was due the result of that cam- 
 paign. Entirely devoted to Populist success, it 
 recognize no obligations that might possibly in- 
 terfere with the success of its cause. Character, 
 
THE CAMPAIGN INAUGURATED 193 
 
 reputation, unchallenged respectability, all went 
 for nothing- in its appeals against the Republi- 
 can candidates. It seized upon the slightest 
 threads Upon which to hang charges against the 
 gentlemen who were the nominees of the Repub- 
 lican part} 7 . It denounced both the senators of 
 Colorado, who had been earnestl} 7 at work in the 
 silver cause, as enemies of the white metal, and 
 called upon Populists to refuse to hear them. It 
 suggested a boycott of such business men as 
 refused to support the Populist ticket, as enemies 
 of the state from which they derived their sup- 
 port. It called upon its readers to prevent the 
 holding of Republican meetings, under the pre- 
 text that such gatherings were treasonable to the 
 best interests of the state. 
 
 The result of such advice, scattered broadcast 
 all over the state, coupled with the assertion by 
 Populist orators that the success of the Populist 
 ticket would be at once followed by a revival of 
 the industries of Colorado, better wages, and, 
 -which always counted with a Populist audi- 
 ence the downfall of capital, can readily be im- 
 agined. Such reputable orators as Senators Wol- 
 cott and Teller, Judge Belford, Mr. Townsend, 
 Charles Hartzell and others men who had been 
 frequently honored by the people of Colorado, 
 were greeted with hisses, cat-calls and hooting. 
 On several occasions the uproar was so great 
 that they could not be heard. In a number of in- 
 stances mobs of Populists whose better judg- 
 ment and sense of decorum had been clouded by 
 these appeals to prejudice, took possession of 
 
194 A HOWLING CANVASS 
 
 the halls secured for Republican meetings and 
 fairly howled the speakers from the platforms. 
 Business men were plainly told that if they sup- 
 ported the Republican ticket they would be com- 
 pelled to go out of business. In the mountain 
 towns especiall}', a reign of terror was inaugu- 
 rated. Two weeks before the election it was evi- 
 dent to those who had assisted in the canvass of 
 the state that the Republican ticket could not 
 possibly be elected. 
 
 Two matters of considerable importance oc- 
 curred during the heat of the campaign. Myron 
 W. Reed had been tendered the nomination for 
 congress from the first district by both wings of 
 the Democracy and the Populists. After consid- 
 ering the matter for several weeks, Mr. Reed, on 
 October 1, sent a letter to Mr. Patterson for trans- 
 mission to the committee, declining the nomina- 
 tion. Mr. Patterson held the letter several days, 
 in the hope of securing a reconsideration of the 
 declination, but Mr. Reed was firm, and Lafe 
 Pence received the nomination of the Populists 
 and Silver Democrats, while the straight Demo- 
 crats nominated John G. Taylor. 
 
 Secretary of State Katon recognized the ticket 
 headed b}- Maupin forgo vernor,and refused to cer- 
 tify that of the Silver Democrats. On September 
 28 a writ was issued from Judge Rising's court, 
 enjoining Mr. Katon from certifying the nomina- 
 tions made by the Democratic convention pre- 
 sided over by B. F. McDaniel at Pueblo. The 
 matter was fought through to the supreme court, 
 which decided that each of the tickets nominated 
 
AFTER THE LEGISLATURE 195 
 
 at Ptieblo should be certified as the Democratic 
 ticket. The result was two Democratic tickets in 
 the field, each with an entirely different list of 
 names. 
 
 As the campaign progressed the aims of the 
 Silver Democrats became more plainly apparent. 
 Not a day passed that the News did not remind 
 its readers that the important element in the 
 campaign was the legislative ticket. Day after 
 da} 7 it urged its followers to "compromise all ex- 
 isting differences between Populists and Demo- 
 crats in legislative and senatorial districts when 
 there are two tickets in the field." So earnest was 
 the News in this matter that in Populist circles it 
 was charged that Waite was to be traded off for 
 the legislature, and several times it required the 
 most earnest efforts to prevent the Populists 
 from openly repudiating the Patterson alliance 
 
 Merchants and business men were frequent!} 
 called upon to contribute to the Populist cam- 
 paign fund, and as the contributions were not at 
 alf adequate to the demands, the News did not 
 hesitate to suggest a boycott of Republican busi- 
 ness men by the assertion that the voters of the 
 Populist part}^ would " bear in inincl all business 
 men who strike a blow against silver's friends, 
 and aid and assist silver's enemies." It also ad- 
 vised Populists to note down a list of the busi- 
 ness men who participated in the Republican 
 business men's rally in Denver. In making 
 the charge that fraud was to be resorted to in the 
 election, it appealed to violence by reproducing 
 from a San Francisco paper a cartoon represent- 
 
196 STRAIGHT DEMOCRATS ENDORSE WEAVER 
 
 ing a gallows, as the possible result of the cam- 
 paign. 
 
 During the campaign efforts were constant to 
 secure the support of the Cleveland Democrats 
 for the Weaver electors. Karlj^ in October Mr. 
 Arbuckle and Senator McKinley went to New 
 York for consultation with the national Demo- 
 cratic committee. Both gentlemen returned the 
 last week in October, and it became at once ap- 
 parent that a decided change had taken place in 
 the sentiments of the Cleveland Democrats. 
 Leaders of the party openly advocated the with- 
 drawal of the electoral ticket, and the substitu- 
 tion of the Weaver electors. Others were in favor 
 of withdrawing the former, but were unalterabl} 7 
 opposed to the substitution of the latter, insist- 
 ing that the Democratic part}' had no authority 
 to place at the head of its ticket the names of 
 candidates of any other party, and that such ac- 
 tion would in no way bind the voters of the party. 
 This class insisted that if the Cleveland electors 
 were withdrawn the electoral ticket should be left 
 blank. The i\lews and Mr. Patterson opposed the 
 substitution of the Weaver electors, and de- 
 nounced it as a scheme to draw votes from the 
 Populist state ticket. It was argued, however, 
 by those Democrats who favored the withdrawal, 
 that the object was to assist Mr. Cleveland, and 
 as there was no possibility of electing Weaver 
 the only result would be the loss of Colorado to 
 the Republican party, and if anything was to be 
 done at all, the party should go the whole length. 
 
 The Pueblo convention had nominated on the 
 
SHARP DEMOCRATIC PASSAGES 197 
 
 electoral ticket J. N. Carlile, Ansel Watrous, J. A. 
 Shinn and C. O. Unfug. These gentlemen were 
 asked to resign, and October 29 the deal was 
 closed, the Cleveland electors were withdrawn, 
 and the Weaver electors were substituted on the 
 straight Democratic ticket. The deal was repu- 
 diated by a larg-e number of stanch Democrats. 
 John G. Taylor, candidate for congress from the 
 first district on the Democratic ticket, openly de- 
 nounced it in a ringing letter to Chairman McKin- 
 ley, in which he stated that the Democrats of Col- 
 orado were thereby "deprived of all semblance 
 of leadership in the national contest, and utterl}^ 
 cut off from the cherished privilege of voting 
 openly for the Democratic candidate for the pres- 
 idenc}^ of the United States." He asserted: " No 
 device or expedient could ever be accepted by me 
 as a substitute for this prerogative," and there- 
 fore resigned from the ticket. His name was re- 
 tained on the ticket, however, the letter of resig- 
 nation having been held long enough to permit 
 the legal limit of withdrawal to pass. 
 
 This act fully justified the charge of the Re- 
 publicans that a vote for Weaver was a vote for 
 Cleveland, as the Democrats who advised it sus- 
 tained the move on this ground alone. While the 
 News stigmatized it as a trick, there are the best of 
 reasons for the belief that Populist leaders were 
 fully advised on ithe matter, and were satisfied, as 
 it rendered absolutely certain what was reasona- 
 bly sure before. The straight Democrats, by this 
 act justified the position taken by Messrs. Patter- 
 son and Thomas at the outset of the campaign. 
 
198 THE END JUSTIFIED THE MEANS. 
 
 Perhaps as scandalous a feature of the cam- 
 paign as any of the many that were sprung, was 
 the effort to make it appear that Mr. Coe, Repub- 
 lican candidate for congress from the first dis- 
 trict, had been concerned in questionable trans- 
 actions in Omaha, prior to his removal to Denver. 
 The charge was given the widest possible circu- 
 lation, and though promptly and complete!}' re- 
 futed was reiterated, and doubtless had the in- 
 tended effect. 
 
 Just before the close of the campaign the let- 
 ter of Mr. Carlile, written several days previous- 
 ly, resigning from the Democratic electoral tick- 
 et, was given to the public. Mr. Carlile said: "I 
 am guided solely by a desire to aid the Demo- 
 cratic national ticket of Cleveland and Stephen- 
 son." That this was the policy of the Democrat- 
 ic national committee was clearl} r shown by the 
 like move in Oregon, but in this state it was com- 
 plicated with local considerations. There was 
 not a Democratic leader in the state who would 
 have voted for Weaver had there been the remot- 
 est possibility of his election, and most of them 
 said so, but the deal was made at so late a date 
 that its effect upon the Democratic vote could not 
 be overcome, and the Republican part}^ stood 
 alone, battling with the aggregation called the 
 Populist party, reinforced by Republicans angr} r 
 at the treatment of silver by their own part} 7 , 
 Democrats feeling in the same way who repudi- 
 ated Cleveland, the regular Democratic organiza- 
 tion, avowedly voting for Weaver in order to help 
 Cleveland, and the horde of that class of voters 
 
THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 199 
 
 whose only aim is to be on the winning side in 
 the hope of picking 1 up some political crumbs. 
 Political speculations, after the event, are of 
 little practical value, the changes of situation 
 being so rapid and constant, but the result of the 
 campaign of 1892 might have been so much more 
 disastrous to the Republican party, that a few re- 
 flections will be pardoned. Had Mr. Patterson's 
 advice been heeded; had he been able to consoli- 
 date the opposition to the Republican party; had 
 he been able to secure the nomination for govern- 
 or of a man who commanded the respect of the 
 people, and whose administration was character- 
 ized b}^ conservatism, due regard for law, and a 
 desire to serve the people based upon higher 
 ground than the individual whim of the moment, 
 the probabilities are that the future of the Re- 
 publican party would have been exceedingly 
 glooni}^. The organization of the Populist party 
 was ephemeral in character and the Democrats, 
 for obvious reasons, would have had the strong- 
 est hold upon the giatitucle of its members when 
 the inevitable disintegration came. In such an 
 event Democratic supremacy in Colorado might 
 have lasted for years. But the Populists were 
 crazed with the display of political unrest of 
 which they expected to reap the fruits. They en- 
 tirely failed to grasp the fact that their only 
 hope of success lay in influences outside of their 
 organization, and the result was an arrogance of 
 presumed power which led them to reject advice, 
 to insist upon their own terms, and to fly in the 
 face of enlightened public sentiment. Their 
 
200 REPUBLICANS DEFEATED 
 
 governor finished the work so well begun b}- the 
 folly of his followers, and disgusted the people 
 to such a degree that all the advantages of a 
 sweeping victory were insufficient to enable the 
 part}^ to retain its hold upon the state. 
 
 Arapahoe count}^ gave a majority of about 
 400 for the Weaver electors, but gave Republican 
 pluralities for the state, county and legislative 
 tickets, except in the cases of one senator and two 
 representatives. 
 
 The Weaver ticket carried the state by 14,964; 
 Governor Waite received 4527 plurality; Pence 
 carried the first congressional district by 2395 
 plurality; Bell carried the second congressional 
 district by 12,005 pluralit} 7 , and the legislature 
 stood 15 Republicans, 13 Populists, and 7 Demo" 
 crats in the senate, and 33 Republicans and 32 
 Populists and Democrats in the house. 
 
 This result was unexpected to all parties. The 
 Republicans had conceded the election of the 
 Populist ticket several days before the election, 
 but it was not anticipated that the pluralities 
 would be so large. It was believed that the drain 
 would be mainly from the Democratic party, but 
 the result showed tnat Republican defections 
 were much larger than had been expected, owing 
 to various causes, one of the principal being the 
 efforts made by Senators Teller and Wolcott to 
 prevent the sending of a Harrison delegation to 
 the Republican national convention. Both sena- 
 tors were strongly opiposed to Harrison on ac- 
 count of his attitude on the silver question, and 
 put forth strenuous efferts to secure a delegation 
 
SOME OF THE CAUvSES 201 
 
 opposed to his renomination. In this the} r were 
 successful, but in carrying their point they were 
 led to make assertions, which, while fully war- 
 ranted by their experience with the administra- 
 tion, were used against the ticket \vith telling ef- 
 fect during the campaign. The utterances of 
 Mr, Teller were quoted daily by the Populist 
 press, and were printed on posters and scattered 
 broadcast throughout the state. The people of 
 Colorado were naturally extremely sensitive up- 
 on the silver question, and thousands of Repub- 
 licans were undoubtedly influenced to oppose 
 Mr. Harrison's election by the statements made 
 by the two senators when they hoped to defeat 
 his renomination. The Republicans who had 
 been told that Mr. Harrison was opposed to the 
 remonetization of silver could not see why they 
 should vote for a man' who the} 1 "' believed would 
 use his executive power to rivet the chains of 
 gold monometallism upon their business inter- 
 ests. 
 
 That the state ticket also suffered from this 
 cause cannot be doubted, though the main rea- 
 son for its defeat was the defection due to treach- 
 ery heretofore mentioned. It is unnecessary to 
 go into details, as no good results will follow, 
 but the fact is indisputable that the campaign of 
 1892 left seeds of bitterness that are not unlikely 
 to come up in the future to vex the responsible 
 parties. 
 
 The Republicans were defeated and accepted 
 the situation as gracefully as possible, settling- 
 down to the somewhat remarkable position of an 
 
202 SOME OF THE CAUSEvS 
 
 entire administration in the hands of a party 
 which before the election had been considered a 
 proper subject for sneers and derision. 
 
 That the Denver News was the most potent fac- 
 tor in the election of the Populist ticket is beyond 
 question. Had that paper remained with the 
 Democratic party and supported the Cleveland 
 electors there is not the slightest reason for 
 doubting 1 that the Republican ticket would have 
 been elected hy a decreased plurality. The Pop- 
 ulist party derived its strength in the main from 
 the two old parties; of itself it presented an un- 
 important figure, and while man} r Republicans 
 and Democrats would have voted for the Popu- 
 list ticket in any event, it would never have at- 
 tained a commanding position had not the defec- 
 tion of a great paper like the News added to their 
 strength a majority of the Democratic party. Mr. 
 Patterson was, in many sections of the state, par- 
 ticular^ in the mountain counties, exceeding^' 
 popular with the rank and file of his party, and 
 his earnest advocacy of the Populist ticket drew 
 thousands of Democrats awa3 r from their alle- 
 giance. From the time that the News bolted the 
 Democratic nomination there was a rush to get 
 in which precluded the possibility of Republican 
 success. The Populist leaders seem never to 
 have appreciated the fact, but they'owe Mr. Pat- 
 terson and the News more than the} r are ever like- 
 ly to be able to pay. The difference between the 
 plurality given for Waite, and that given for the 
 Weaver electors may be fairly accounted for by 
 the withdrawal of the Cleveland electors in favor 
 
NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 203 
 
 of their allies upon the Weaver electoral ticket. 
 Upon the meeting of the legislature an effort 
 was made by the Populists and Democrats to con- 
 trol both houses. In the lower house it was an 
 absolute failure, the 33 Republicans standing 
 firml3 r throughout the session. In the senate, for 
 several days there was a deadlock, the Democrats 
 refusing to combine with the Populists until an 
 agreement had been reached to divide the ap- 
 pointive offices between the 7 Democrats and the 
 13 Populists. During the entire session, on most 
 of the important offices the Democrats and Pop- 
 ulists voted together. The most important mea- 
 sure of the session was the revision of the elec- 
 tion laws, skilfully carried through })y the Re- 
 publicans. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1892. 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 
 
 D. H. Moffat 88,620 J. C. Higley 53,584 
 
 6. H. Eaton 38,226 J. G. Berry 52,867 
 
 J. \V. Hanna 38,176 A. J. Overholt :)2,8) 
 
 Thomas M. Bowcn 38,113 Silas Hanchett 52,677 
 
 FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS. 
 
 1st Dist. Earl B. Coe 17,609 Lafe Pence 20.004 
 
 2d " II. H.Eddy 19,572 John C. Bell 31,5*7 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor J. C. Helm 38,806 Davis H. Waito 44.242 
 
 Lt-Gov. -J. M. Downing 38,692 D, H. Nichols 4:5,M5 
 
 S,ey Si'e E. J. Eaton 38,819 N. O. McClees 43,565 
 
 Treas. H. E. Mulnix t . . . . 39,0 W Albert Nance 43,385 
 
 Auditor Harry Tarbell 38,929 F. M. Goody koontz . .43,564 
 
 AtLy Gen C. S. Libby 38,1>0 E. Engley 41/.M3 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 C. B. Timberlako 37,608 J. F. Murray 42,685 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 E. J. Temple 38,355 D. M . Richards ..... 43,632 
 
 W. E. Knapp..... 38,279 W.E.Anderson 43,452 
 
 Governor J. H. Maupiu 8944 Atty-Gen. H. N. Zook 8J 35 
 
 Lt-Gov. W. M. McMechin.,8123 Sup't of Schools 
 
 Sec'y St'e C. P. Noland 8025 N , B. ( 'oy 961 S 
 
 Auditor John K. Kncx 8182 Regents H. V. Johnson. ..sjv 1 , 
 
 Treas. W. B. Hamilton... 7894 Lee Champion. ..8077 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 
 Judge of the Supreme Court 
 
 George W. Allen* 37,414 L. M. Goddard 52,998 
 
 J. C.Helmf 40,417 L. M. Goddard 30,861 
 
 District Judges. General election of 1891. 
 
 2d Dist. J. A. BentleyJ: 10,954 R. T. McNeal 697,, 
 
 D. V. Burns...., 10,74'J S.E.Browne 670 
 
 10th" J. C. Elwell 3347 B. F. McDaniel 2411 
 
 *To fill vacancy caused by resignation of J. C. Helm. 
 rElected at general election of 1891. 
 JTo fill a vacancy. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE 1892 CONTINUED 
 
 205 
 
 Hth " S. P. Dale .. . . 
 
 .2317 M. S. Bailey. .. . 
 
 . . 2602 
 
 12th' 1 -C. C. Holbrook 
 13th " Chas L Allen 
 
 ..2660 R.H.Jones. ,,.. 
 
 860 Jam AS Glvnn 
 
 ..1189 
 862 
 
 District Attorneys. General election of 1891. 
 1st Dist. Wm. A. Dier 2-821 J. A. Van Auken . . . . 
 2d " R. W.Steele. 9735 T>. H. Leonard 
 
 . . 2468 
 ..7674 
 ..3081 
 ..2324 
 . . 2978 
 1215 
 
 3d " _j. A. J. Valdez 
 
 . 2869 Orlando Hitt 
 
 4th " John Cochran 
 5th " Thomas Dickson 
 6th " --N C. Miller 
 
 ...2654 E. T. Hanna 
 ....1926 Wm. Kellog^ 
 1534 T. J. Tarsney 
 
 7th " Thomas J. Black 
 
 .3183 John Gray 
 
 86f>7 
 
 8th " James E. Garrigues.. . 
 9th " Geo. D. Johnstons. 
 
 . ..4281 No opposition. 
 2310 W. J Bartley 
 
 ...1722 
 
 ..2498 
 ..2117 
 . 997 
 . 756 
 
 10th " L. B.Gibson 
 
 ..3200 Wm. P. Beck 
 
 llth" V. G. Holliday 
 
 ...2600 W. J. Schoolfield 
 
 12th " Chas. O. Merriman 
 13th " Granville Peiidleton.. 
 
 .2237 J. W. Hamm 
 ..1146 Quitman Brown 
 
 NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 idcnt pro tern. C. Barela. Secretary W. R. Kennedy 
 llth Dist. B. Clark Wheeler 
 
 -Pres 
 1st Dist. Amos Steck 
 
 A. B. McKinley 12th 
 
 W. B. Felker 13th 
 
 Chas. Hartzell 14th 
 
 H. Armstrong 15th 
 
 -DeWitt C. Webber 16th 
 
 2d " James F. Drake 17th 
 
 Frank Pryor 18th 
 
 3d " M. A. Leddy 19th 
 
 A. A. McGovney 20th 
 
 4th " Casimero Barela 21st 
 
 5th " Fred Lockwood 22d 
 
 6th " A. F. Howes 23d 
 
 7th " David Boyd 24th 
 
 8th " H. R. Brown 25th 
 
 9th " J. G. Johnson 26th 
 
 10th " A. T. Gunnell 27th 
 
 John King 
 
 R. Turner - 
 C. C. Graham 
 Geo. E. Pease 
 C. Timmons 
 J. A. Israel 
 H. S. Balsinger 
 F. W. Smith 
 C. Newman 
 A. Walters 
 -D. A. Mills 
 -E. W. Meriitt 
 -G. W. Swink 
 Wm. H. Adams 
 Jos. H. Painter 
 B. L. Smith 
 -L. N. White 
 
206 
 
 NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker E. M. Ammons. 
 
 Arapahoe A. C. Anderson 
 J. G. Brown 
 R. VV. Bonynge 
 J. S. Babeock 
 W. F. Cannon 
 J. P. Heisler 
 R. F. Hunter 
 A. E. Bromley 
 J. A. Kilton 
 -E W. Norlin 
 Chas, Roth 
 H. E. Sims 
 Wm. F. Hynes 
 
 Boulder E. J. Coffman 
 --A. S. Baldwin 
 G. H. Young 
 
 Chatfee W. J. Dean 
 
 Clear Creek R. Newman 
 
 Conejos C. Garcia 
 
 ('one jos and Archuleta 
 D. F. How 
 
 Costilla M. A. Sanchez 
 
 Ouster F. F. Putnam 
 
 Dolores and Montezuma 
 P. J. Lynch 
 
 Douglas E. M. Ammons 
 
 Eagle Geo. W. Jenks 
 
 Elbert and Lincoln 
 
 Theodore S. Harper 
 
 El Paso M. M. Baldwin 
 J. E. Reynolds 
 A. L, Humphrey 
 
 Fremont D. Crow 
 
 Fremont and Chaffee 
 
 -Thos. S. Wells 
 
 Garfield H. W. Hallett 
 
 Gilpin W. J. Thomas 
 
 Grand and Summit 
 
 C. L. Westerman 
 
 Clerk-J. R. Wallingford. 
 Gunnison S. W. Gill 
 Hinsdale -C. H. Bent 
 Huerfano R. R. Ross 
 Jefferson C. W. Dake 
 Kiowa, Baca and Prowers 
 
 J. C.Funderburgh 
 Kit Carson and Cheyenne 
 
 T. G. Price 
 Lake Hugh Dyatt 
 
 W. T. Booth 
 La Plata S. E. Herr 
 Larimer A Donath 
 Las Animas Bo Sweeney 
 
 H. F. Moore 
 Las Animas and Bent 
 
 R. L. Wootton 
 Logan, Sedgwick, and Phillips 
 
 J. S. Carnahan 
 Mesa --M, V. B. Page 
 
 Montrose and Delta 
 
 J. T. Heath 
 
 Otero J. H. Crowley 
 
 Ouray F. Carney 
 
 Park -J. M. Fritz 
 
 Pitkin R. A. McKnight 
 
 Pueblo A. W. Lennard 
 
 W. C. Slawson 
 
 Platt Wicks 
 
 John R. Gordon 
 Rio Grande J. M. Cochran 
 Routt and Rio Blanco 
 
 -J. W. Lowell 
 Saguache J. L. Hurt 
 San Miguel S. R. Fitzgarrald 
 Weld -C. C. Calkins 
 
 E. H. Benton 
 Yuma, Morgan & Washington 
 
 H.W.Twombly 
 
WHILK there was no general state elec. 
 tion in 1893, that year, from the adjourn- 
 ment of the legislature until the open- 
 ing- of the campaign of 1894, was so prolific of 
 startling political incidents, necessarily having 
 an important bearing upon the political situa- 
 tion, and the future political complexion of the 
 state, that this work would be incomplete with- 
 out such an account of these incidents as will 
 give the reader a proper understanding of the 
 condition of affairs at the close of the Populist 
 administration. 
 
 Governor Waite was mistrusted from the very 
 outset of his administration. Many of his utter- 
 ances during the progress of the canvass were 
 of such a character that grave doubts had arisen 
 as to his ability to administer the affairs of the 
 state in such a manner as to satisfy the people. 
 The constitution of Colorado leaves very little 
 to the governor save the ordinary official routine, 
 and yet occasions may, and frequentty do arise, 
 \vhen, \vithout violating his official oath, he can 
 make the constitution, so far as its practical ap- 
 plication is concerned, a thing of shreds and 
 patches, dependent for good upon the will of the 
 executive. The fear in regard to Governor Waite 
 was that should one of these occasions arise, his 
 evident leaning toward the communistic ideas of 
 the more radical Populists would influence him 
 
208 WAITE STARTS FAIRLY 
 
 to the detriment of the commonwealth. No one 
 questioned his honest}^ or his intention to do 
 right. The only question was whether a man 
 holding- the views that he had so frequently ex^ 
 pressed conld do right o*n those occasions when 
 the law, as ordinarily interpreted, ran counter to 
 his convictions. 
 
 During the first few months of his administra- 
 tion, he was, to man}', an agreeable surprise. He 
 seemed to proceed with caution, and his appoint- 
 ments were such that if the}' could not be hearti- 
 ly endorsed as the best that could have been 
 made, they were at least not susceptible of seri- 
 ous adverse criticism on the ground of the previ- 
 ous doubtful record of the appointees. Kvery- 
 body seemed willing to give the governor a fair 
 chance, and were at least inclined to hope that he 
 would be governed by an earnest desire for the 
 benefit of the whole people, rather than by the 
 clamors for position of the horde of hungry fol- 
 lowers for the first time introduced to the spoils 
 of political warfare. 
 
 That his course was closely watched goes 
 without sajnng. In his inaugural address he 
 made a number of recommendations which 
 seemed to indicate a tendency on his part to mul- 
 tiply offices, and a leaning toward radical chang- 
 es in the political system of the state, and while 
 what is old is not always what is best, it is certain 
 that conservatism is one of the leading principles 
 of nearly all legislative bodies, in which few 
 things are more closely scrutinized than attempt- 
 ed changes in the established order. Among- 
 
WAITERS INAUGURAL 209 
 
 other thing's he recommended the appointment 
 of three railway commissioners, whose dut}' it 
 .should be to determine all complaints, and that 
 without recourse to the courts. This cut off the 
 aggrieved part}' from all right of appeal, and 
 practically made the board superior to the su- 
 preme court of the state. He also recommended 
 the creation of a land bureau, to consist of three 
 members, who would be called upon to perform 
 the arduous duties now performed by one man. 
 He approved of the employment of convict labor 
 in the construction of state enterprises, regard- 
 less of the fact that this ver}^ matter had been 
 fought against for j-ears by the labor organisa- 
 tions of the state. He opposed the letting of 
 state work by contract, and while he did not say 
 how it should be done, the inference is plain 
 that he favored the construction or conduct of 
 all state industrial enterprises that could not be 
 done by convict labor, by the employment of clay 
 laborers, to be paid directly by the state. This 
 was undoubtedly a bid for the labor vote, and 
 was in strict accord with the paternal govern- 
 mental policy* sought to be inaugurated by the 
 Populist part} r , and therefore should have caused 
 no surprise, but thoughtful men could see in 
 these recommendations extravagance, increased 
 expense to the state government, and the most 
 dangerous kind of demagoguei^, and viewed 
 with something like fear the attitude of the exec- 
 utive. As Governor Waite has frequently claimed 
 that woman suffrage is the result of the recom- 
 
210 WAITE'S APPOINTMENTS 
 
 mendation in his inaugural message, it is, per- 
 haps, as well to quote his exact language: 
 
 "About eight 3 r ears ago a law was passed giv- 
 ing to the women of Colorado the right to vote at 
 school district elections, and inasmuch as since 
 that time the heavens have not fallen, and Ihe ef- 
 ficiency of the public schools has been greatly 
 improved, I recommend a law extending to the 
 women of Colorado the right of suffrage in all 
 municipal elections." 
 
 The flippant manner in \\hich the subject is 
 taken up, and the brief reference to a question 
 which was deserving of something more than a 
 curt introduction and dismissal, afford reason 
 for the belief that Governor Waite had not given 
 the subject special attention, was entirel} T indif- 
 ferent to its claims for consideration, and in- 
 troduced the paragraph merely as a makeweight, 
 probabl}" at the suggestion of a suffragist friend. 
 To suppose that Colorado would change its en- 
 tire system of elections on account of such a re- 
 commendation, flung into the message like a 
 bone to a dog, is to give very little credit to the 
 thoughtful intelligence of the people of the state 
 
 The appointment of the fire and police board, 
 and of the board of public works of the city of 
 Denver, were justly regarded as among the most 
 important to be made by the governor, and con- 
 sequently the most earnest efforts were made to 
 induce the governor to appoint only such men as 
 would, by a calm, judicious, non-partisan course, 
 best conserve the interests of the principal city 
 and the most important political factor of Colo- 
 
FIRE AND POLICE BOARD 211 
 
 rado. Pressure was brought to bear upon Gov- 
 ernor Waite from every direction. He listened to 
 all who came, courteous^' received the sugges- 
 tions offered, but preserved a sphinx-like silence, 
 and declined to commit himself in any way. 
 Xuch was hoped for from this attitude, and his 
 apparent deliberation in making these appoint- 
 ments gave reason for the opinion that notwith- 
 standing his radical speeches during the can- 
 . vass, now that he was governor of the state he 
 would onl} T consider the welfare of the people 
 and the great responsibility attached to his office. 
 On Februar3 r 3 he sent to the senate the names 
 of D. J. Martin, C. B. Stone and Geo. H. Phelps us 
 members of the fire and police board, and A. C. 
 Harris, L.H. Flanders, andT.B. Buchanan as mem- 
 bers of the board of public works. The appoint 
 ments were somewhat of a disappointment. 
 Nothing- could be urged against any of the gen- 
 tlemen personally, but it was considered that he 
 could have selected men much better acquainted 
 with the management of public affairs. Still it 
 was something- that the men were respectable 
 and conservative, and the best was hoped for 
 from the new boards. They were promptly con- 
 firmed and took their seats. The police of Den- 
 ver had been greatly improved during the previ- 
 ous two years, and it was hoped that the chief, 
 Mr. Farley, would be retained. The pressure up- 
 on the police board, however, by the throng of 
 anxious Populists out of employment was more 
 than they could withstand, and Farley was re- 
 moved, his successor being J. C. Veatch. This 
 
212 DENVER MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS 
 
 was a surprise, as Veatch was a Republican. He 
 was an old resident of Denver, and while not fa- 
 miliar with the duties of a police officer, was 
 honest and capable, and the people of Denver 
 consoled themselves with the fact that it might 
 have been very much worse. It was given out 
 that the board would insist upon the conduct of 
 the force upon a purely non-partisan basis, and 
 if this was done, and the laws were property en- 
 forced, there was no reason for complaint. 
 
 The administration of affairs went on as 
 was expected, and the criticisms thereon were in 
 the main confined to those who had failed in the 
 effort to have their superlative merits recog'nized 
 by the receipt of political positions, until the city 
 election. It was then seen that the infant party ^ 
 so unexpectedly entrusted with the conduct of 
 affairs, felt strong 1 enough to walk alone. Upon 
 the assembling of the Populist city convention, 
 T. M. Patterson appeared as a messenger from 
 the Democratic convention, also in session, to 
 suggest a fusion of the two parties on a local 
 ticket. The Populists, however, feeling that they 
 were able to take care of themselves, did not hesi- 
 tate to kick awa} T the ladder by which they had 
 ascended to power, declined the proposition, and 
 nominated a full ticket, with Jackson Orr as the 
 candidate for mayor. The Democrats nominated 
 John D. McGilvray, and the Republicans M. D. 
 Van Horn. The election resulted in a Republi- 
 can victory, Van Horn receiving 7355 votes to 5990 
 for McGilvray, and 2397 for Orr. Again the wis- 
 dom of Mr. Patterson's advice had been demon- 
 
THE FIRST BREAK 213 
 
 strated. This result definitely settled the status 
 of the Populist party in Denver. 
 
 The echoes of the city election had hardly giv- 
 en place to the ordinary hum of business, before 
 were heard the mutterings of a coming- storm in 
 Populist circles. An incident occurred which 
 revived all the feelings of distrust regarding the 
 probabilities of a healthy administration of af- 
 fairs, and from that time till the close of Waite's 
 administration one event followed upon the heels 
 of another with such startling rapidity that the 
 average citizen eagerly scanned the papers in the 
 morning to learn what new move upon the polit- 
 ical chess board had been developed during the 
 night, by the inefficient officer at the helm of the 
 ship of state. 
 
 One C. A. Coryell, it was charged, had, with 
 the thrift born of necessity, collected money from 
 the gamblers of Denver, by representing himself 
 as the agent of the police board, conveying the 
 impression that the money was to be paid to the 
 board, and would result in giving the gambling 
 houses police protection. Some of the gamblers 
 reported these facts to the board, and the matter 
 was discussed to some extent, but no action was 
 taken, though Commissioner Martin insisted that 
 something should be done toward bringing Co- 
 ryell to punishment. Finally the board referred 
 the matter to the grand jury. Meantime the gov- 
 ernor had heard of the affair, and conceiving the 
 idea that it was a serious reflection upon his ad- 
 ministration, demanded an explanation. The ex- 
 planation was made but failed to satisfy his ex- 
 
214 POLICE BOARD REMOVED 
 
 cellenc} r , who directed Messrs. Stone and Phelps 
 to appear before him to answer the charge of 
 neglect of duty. The commissioners appeared 
 before the governor, who enacted the role of 
 judge, and while it was clearl}' shown that they 
 were in no way responsible for the acts of Corj'ell, 
 and had not profited thereb}', it was developed 
 that since the matter had been made public the 
 accused had held two interviews with Chief 
 Veatch, which was held to be sufficient cause for 
 the removal of the commissioners as well as the 
 chief of police. Accordingly, on June 17 an or- 
 der for their removal was issued by the governor, 
 and Jackson Orr, late Populist candidate for may- 
 or of Denver, and A. J. Rogers, a recent importa- 
 tion from New Jersey, and father of Platt Rogers, 
 the late ma3 r or of Denver, were appointed to the 
 vacancies. 
 
 But Stone and Phelps insisted that no vacan- 
 cies existed and refused to vacate, appealing their 
 case to the courts. Meantime the governor 
 learned that Rogers had not been long enough in 
 Colorado to hold office, and on June 22d Geo. W. 
 Trimble was appointed in his stead. 
 
 The city officials and police promptly recog- 
 nized the new board, and on June 25th Chief 
 Veatch was suspended. Stone and Phelps, how- 
 ever, still continued to hold the office and papers 
 of the board pending action by the courts, until 
 June 27, when they were ejected by force by May- 
 or Van Horn and the police. Subsequently the 
 supreme court rendered its decision to the effect 
 that the governor possessed the right of removal. 
 
EXTRA SESSION TALK 215 
 
 While this little tempest in a tea-pot was occu- 
 pying- the attention of the governor and the Pop- 
 ulist fraternity, events of much more startling 
 importance to Colorado and the countrj^ general- 
 ly, were transpiring in the far east. On the 26th 
 of June India closed her mints to the coinage of 
 silver. On the 28th Ed. R. Holden, in response to 
 an inquirj-, wired to the east a statement that 150,- 
 (XX) men in Colorado would be out of employ- 
 ment within sixty days. On the 17th of June bar 
 silver was quoted at 83 cents an ounce; on June 
 30 it had declined to 62 cents an ounce, and on the 
 29th of June the leading- miners and smelters of 
 Colorado held a meeting at which it was resolved 
 to close down the mines and smelters until such 
 time as the silver industry could be conducted at 
 a profit. The entire state was in a whiil of excite- 
 ment, and immediatel} 7 the suggestion came from 
 scores of people for an extra session of the legis- 
 lature. The Denver chamber of commerce and 
 the Denver real estate exchange held meetings 
 at which the extra session was the prevailing 
 topic of discussion. The governor was besieged 
 with deputations, some urging and others oppos- 
 ing an extra session for the purpose of pass- 
 ing a stay law. As the initial excitement cooled 
 down the common sense of the people began to 
 assert itself, and it was found that the prevailing 
 sentiment was very strongly against an extra 
 session. Accordingly, on July 2, after several 
 days' consideration of the matter, the governor 
 announced that no extra session would be called. 
 A mass convention of the people of the state waa 
 
216 "BLOOD TO THE BRIDLES" 
 
 held in Denver on Jul}' 11 and 12, at which the sit- 
 uation was thorough!}- discussed, Governor 
 Waite, K. R. Holden and others giving- expression 
 to such revolutionary sentiments that it was 
 found necessar} r for leading business men of 
 Denver, in response to inquiries from the east to 
 deny that there was an} r disposition on the part 
 of the people of Colorado to repudiate their just 
 debts. Among the startling utterances of the 
 occasion was the assertion by the governor that 
 "it is better, infinitely better, that blood should 
 flow to the horses' bridles rather than our nation- 
 al liberties should be destroj^ed." The words were 
 uttered with no other purpose than a rhetor- 
 ical display, but as there was no pressing dan- 
 ger of a destruction of the nation's liberties, the 
 necessity for their utterance was lacking. They 
 were the conclusion of so many intemperate and 
 threatening remarks that they were telegraphed 
 far and wide as containing a threat of revolution, 
 and caused no end of ridicule of Colorado and 
 her chief executive. The remarks, of the govern- 
 or were endorsed by an excited meeting, one-half 
 of those present not having understood the drift 
 of the objectionable language, and for the mo- 
 ment Governor Waite was the hero of the hour, 
 not only in the estimation of his admirers, but of 
 himself. 
 
 On July 17 the first financial effect of the panic 
 was felt in Colorado, by the supension of three 
 savings banks. These banks had been subjected 
 to a run for several da} r s, on account of the unfa- 
 vorable news from the east, and had put in force 
 
THE FINANCIAL CRAvSH 217 
 
 the rule requiring- sixty clays' notice of withdrawal 
 of deposits, but this did not give them the necessa- 
 ry relief and they were compelled to close their 
 doors. While these suspensions occasioned 
 grave anxiet} 7 , they were not seriously felt at first, 
 but the anxiety was gradually increased, and nat- 
 urally the condition was attributed to the con- 
 stant pressure upon silver, and when, on the fol- 
 lowing- day three national banks and three pri- 
 vate banks were forced to suspend pa) r ment, eve- 
 ry business institution in Denver felt the press 
 ure, which was intensified on the 19th b} r the 
 closing- of three more national banks. In three 
 days twelve banks had closed, and the people be- 
 gan to think that the time for general liquidation 
 had arrived, a general lack of confidence pervad- 
 ing all classes of business life. Several business 
 firms of magnitude suspended, and hosts of mi- 
 nor establishments gave up the struggle in de- 
 spair. 
 
 The feeling- of dismay was accentuated by the 
 efforts of the administration to obtain the con- 
 sent of the people to the repeal of the purchas- 
 ing- clause of the Sherman act at the extra ses- 
 sion to be convened in August. When a deep- 
 seated impression prevails that distress will fol- 
 low any particular line of governmental policy 
 and distress comes, the result is a natural indig- 
 nation, and this was the feeling throughout Col- 
 orado, causing- a revival of the demand for an ex- 
 tra session to consider measures for the relief of 
 the people. Governor Waite, however, had other 
 matters of importance to attend to, in the settle- 
 
218 AN ARMY OF UNEMPLOYED 
 
 nient of the quarrels among his followers, result- 
 ing from the struggles for appointment to politi- 
 cal positions, and quietly ignored the demands 
 for an extra session until he should have perfect- 
 ed his plans. 
 
 The panic resulted in the discharge of a large 
 number of men in the state, many of them with- 
 out means, and by the end of Jul}^ the army of 
 unemployed men that drifted into Denver, gave 
 ground for serious apprehension. A brutal mur- 
 der, followed by an equally brutal H T nching of 
 the murderer, showed the citizens of Denver the 
 possibilities of the continuance in the city of so 
 large a body of men with no hope for the future, 
 and unable to reach their friends in the east, and 
 a great camp was established under militar}' 
 rules, where thousands were fed and sheltered 
 until such time as they could be transported to 
 their eastern friends. 
 
 All of these scenes of distress, violence and 
 disorder were taken advantage of by Populist or- 
 ators, who saw nothing in the prevailing condi- 
 tion of affairs except a verification of the alleged 
 principles of the Omaha platform. The Populist 
 attorney-general of Colorado, in response to an 
 inquiry from Governor Waite, rendered an elabo- 
 rate opinion, in which he took the ground that it 
 was within the province of the state legislature 
 to enact appropriate laws for the establishment 
 of a statutor3 r depository of silver bullion and 
 the issuance of certificates of deposit thereon, as- 
 signable by deliver}', and receivable by the state 
 in pa3 r ment of taxes, This was in direct line with 
 
THE FIGHT FOR SILVER 219 
 
 the proposition of the Farmers' Alliance to estab- 
 lish government warehouses for the products of 
 the soil and the issuance of legal tenders there- 
 on, and was received with enthusiasm by the mid- 
 dle-of-the-road Populists. 
 
 On August 7 the extra session of congress* 
 convened, and one of the most gigantic strug- 
 gles in the history of the country, between a 
 small but compact and well organized body of 
 men, backed by the truths of histor} 7 and pres- 
 ent experience, and led by Senator Tellsr, on the 
 one side, and the entire force of the administra- 
 tion, backed by the monopolies and money power 
 of the east, on the other, was inaugurated. 
 
 From day to day the debate was followed in 
 Colorado with the most intense interest, and 
 throughout that protracted contest the argu- 
 ments advanced were re-echoed on the plains and 
 mountains of Colorado and in the streets of her 
 cities, the Populists neglecting no point that might 
 have the effect of gaining recruits, and being 
 constantly and aggressively in evidence. It was 
 a foregone conclusion from the outset that the 
 administration would win, and this conceded fact 
 was made the most of by those surrounding the 
 administration of Governor Waite in their efforts 
 to consolidate and permanently fasten their par- 
 ty upon the people of Colorado. Populist theo- 
 ries of government ruled the roast at everj^ street- 
 corner, and all the ills of life, real and imaginary, 
 were attributed to the folly of the people in not 
 theretofore recognizing the hidden beauties of 
 the Omaha platform and of the Populist part}'. 
 
220 POPUIvIST MANEUVERS 
 
 Through the efforts of some sensible Populist 
 leaders of Arapahoe county, a fusion was effect- 
 ed between their organization and the Silver 
 Democrats, and a county ticket nominated in ac- 
 cordance with the terms of the agreement. The 
 Populist convention also adopted a resolution 
 asking the governor to call an extra session of 
 the legislature. Governor Waite, who had been 
 several weeks in the east, returned soon after the 
 convention, but did not take kindly to the sug- 
 gestion for the immediate calling of the legisla- 
 ture. He could not see the necessity for it, and 
 again the agitators and calamity howlers re- 
 ceived a set-back at the hands of their chosen 
 Moses. The fact is that the local leaders per- 
 suaded the governor that after the county elec- 
 tions there would be no necessity for an extra 
 session; that the Populist party would then have 
 the machinery of Arapahoe county and a num- 
 ber of others throughout the state, and would 
 not be compelled to secure Populist ammunition 
 through the medium of an extra session. He 
 stated, however, that in the event of the repeal of 
 the purchasing clause of the Sherman act, with- 
 out the enactment of a satisfactory substitute, he 
 would call the legislature together. 
 
 When the Arapahoe count}' Republican con- 
 vention was held, trouble arose. The primaries 
 were orderly, well-conducted, and heartily ap- 
 proved by the majority of the party. But the 
 personnel of the ticket was distasteful to the Re- 
 publican, and that paper promptly repudiated the 
 ticket and inaugurated a movement for the nom_ 
 
SHERMAN CLAUSE REPEALED 221 
 
 ination of a citizens' ticket. This effort finally cul- 
 minated in the selection of a ticket which was 
 supposed to be more satisfactory to the people 
 and taxpayers, in the composition of which both 
 the Republican and Populist tickets were entire- 
 ly ignored. 
 
 The question of woman suffrage came before 
 the people at this election, the ninth general as- 
 sembl}^ having passed an act referring this mat- 
 ter to the people, so that this election, though 
 only for county officers, was one of the most im- 
 portant ever held in the state. The election in 
 Arapahoe county was sharply contested, % the 
 usual bitterness of family quarrels characteriz- 
 ing the campaign, but the Republican ticket was 
 elected, with five tickets in the field against it, by 
 pluralities of from 1200 to 4000, electing every 
 man on the ticket with the exception of a candi- 
 date for justice of the peace. Woman suffrage 
 was approved in the state by more than 5000 ma- 
 jority, and a new element in politics, from which 
 much good was expected, was introduced. 
 
 The purchasing clause of the Sherman law 
 was repealed on November 1, and this fact was 
 seized upon by the advocates of an extra session 
 of the legislature as a reminder to the governor 
 of his declared intention to call the legislature 
 together in the event of repeal. As the governor 
 freely admitted his intention to call the session, 
 protests against such action cornmencep to pour 
 in upon him from all parts of the state, while the 
 Populist leaders were constant in their efforts to 
 induce a speedy meeting of the legislature. 
 
WAITE WANTS A STATE MINT 
 
 Toward the latter end of November Governor 
 Waite, in discussing- the proposed extra session, 
 and the relief measures to be suggested, gave ut- 
 terance to a most startling- theor}^ that the state 
 possessed the right to coin mone}^; his position 
 being- that the refusal of congress to coin silver 
 conferred the right upon the states to coin it 
 for themselves; that the right to coin money 
 possessed by the general government was part 
 of the contract with the states, and a breach 
 of contract by one of the parties thereto 
 released the other party from its obligation. 
 White he was careful not to say that he would 
 urge the taking of such a step, he plainly' showed 
 his belief in the feasibility of the propo- 
 sition. Necessarily his suggestions on this sub- 
 ject provoked the most widespread comment and 
 afforded opportunities for ridicule that were not 
 missed by the eastern opponents of free coinage. 
 Men who had up to this time been hopeful of the 
 Populist administration, now freely admitted the 
 correctness of the position taken by Mr. Patter- 
 son at the time of Wake's nomination that he 
 was totally unfit for the office to which he had 
 been elected; and it began to be seriously ques- 
 tioned whether there was not some way in which 
 he could be prevented from continually "putting 
 the state in a ridiculous position and injuring its 
 credit with his wild financial theories. 
 
 But Governor Waite, whatever he may lack in 
 political judgment and statesmanship, is a man 
 of unquestioned courage, and was not to be 
 frightened away from his pet scheme of an extra 
 
THE MINERS' CONVENTION 223 
 
 session by an}^ demonstration of the absurdity of 
 the propositions which he proposed to submit to 
 the legislature. He varied his coinage program 
 by taking the position that the bullion could be 
 sent to Mexico for coinage and Mexican dollars 
 made a legal tender in Colorado, in face of the 
 constitutional provision that foreign coins can- 
 not be made a legal tender in the United States. 
 Finall3 r , on November 22, the governor issued a 
 circular calling upon the miners of twenty of the 
 mining camps of the state to elect delegates to a 
 convention to be held at Salida on December 6, to 
 consider the question of an extra session. 
 
 Pending the meeting of this convention the 
 fact leaked out that for several weeks the govern- 
 or had been in correspondence with President 
 Diaz of the Mexican republic, in regard to the 
 coinage of a new coin, half Mexican, half Colo- 
 radan, which was to be the universal panacea for 
 all the financial ills from which the state was suf- 
 fering. The ridicule excited by this proposition 
 would have been overwhelming to any other man 
 than Waite, but, headed off in one direction, he 
 serenely takes another tack, and setting all sails, 
 resumes his chase of the bubbles of prosperity 
 produced from the financial vagaries of his own 
 mind. He next proposed, as a relief to the labor- 
 ing men of the state, the immediate construction 
 of State canal No. 1, for which he proposed to ask 
 for an appropriation of $1,000,000. Had this been 
 feasible it would have been of great benefit to 
 the state, but the law authorizing the construc- 
 tion of the canal provided that it should be paid 
 
224: THE PENITENTIARY WAR 
 
 for in certificates of indebtedness, receivable for 
 water rents on^. The governor's idea was that 
 by issuing- these certificates in small denomina- 
 tions the}^ would pass current as money. The 
 difficulties in the governor's plan will be readily 
 perceived. 
 
 While the governor was waiting for his Salida 
 convention he was b}^ no means idle. Daniel 
 Bruce was his son-in-law, and, presumably for his 
 eminent services in that capacity, inasmuch as 
 he had never been heard of before, was appoint- 
 ed deput} T warden of the penitentiar} r . The war- 
 den, Frank McLister, was one of the very few ap- 
 pointments made by Waite that were entirel3 r sat- 
 isfactor3 r . Perhaps this was the reason that he 
 was distastefuly to the governor's relative who 
 served as his deputy, as no other valid reason 
 has been cited. The relationship of the deputy 
 to the goverhor was not considered a fact of any 
 very great moment b} r McLister, who performed 
 his duties himself, and insisted that his asso- 
 ciates should be equally diligent in the service 
 of the state. This did not please Bruce and he was 
 promptly discharged. The governor seemed in- 
 capable of understanding why a relative of his 
 should be discharged for neglect of duty without 
 the consent of the executive, and upon some tri- 
 fling matter connected with the management of 
 the prison, summoned McLister to appear before 
 the court of final resort established at the State 
 house, of which his excellency was at once the 
 prosecuting attorne3 T , judge and jur\-. McLister 
 declined to obey the summons, and was prompt- 
 
A STRATEGIC MOVE 225 
 
 ly declared to be in contempt and removed for 
 malfeasance in office. On December 1 an execu- 
 tive order was issued removing McLister and ap- 
 pointing- S. J. To3 r as his successor. The new ap- 
 pointee, accompanied by son-in-law Bruce, went 
 to Canon Cit}% and sometime about midnight of 
 December 1, secured admission by strategy, and, 
 by exhibiting the order, obtained temporary rec- 
 ognition as the warden. Toward daylight the 
 alarm bell was rung, and Warden McLister, hur- 
 rying to the prison, learned of the situation for 
 the first time. On the following night two of the 
 guards who doubted the legality of this summa- 
 ry proceeding, quietly introduced McLister to the 
 prison, To} r , in his turn, \\as deposed, and taking 
 up his quarters at an hotel, left for Denver by the 
 first train. When the facts became known the 
 governor for the first time became aware that he 
 had acted without authority; that the warden 
 could only be removed upon the complaint of the 
 penitentiary commissioners, and that in follow- 
 ing his own impulses he had again made himself 
 ridiculous. The commissioners, when appealed 
 to, declined to file any complaint against McLis- 
 ter, and therefore the governor decided to remove 
 them. The usual charge of malfeasance in office 
 was preferred, and after the usual trial in the 
 high court in the executive chambers, in which 
 they clearly proved their legal author! t}' to per- 
 form the acts complained of, they were formally 
 deposed. They refused to be deposed, however, 
 continued to perform their duties, retained Mc- 
 Lister as warden, and held the fort until the ex- 
 
226 THE SALIDA CONVENTION 
 
 piration of Waite's term, though their alleged 
 successors amused themselves by holding- meet- 
 ings, removing McLister, and reappointing Tov, 
 until the latter became tired of the farce and re- 
 signed the office of which he had never been able 
 to obtain possession. 
 
 Governor Waite possessed the happy faculty 
 of placing himself in one ridiculous position be- 
 fore he had succeeded in getting out of another. 
 He was still in the tangle of the penitentiary af- 
 fair when December (5, the date fixed for his great 
 miners' convention at Salida, arrived. The min- 
 ers had paid little attention to his circular, and 
 when he arrived at Salida with his big roll of 
 manuscript he was met by just eighteen men, 
 including those who were office-holders of his 
 administration. Upon this handful of delegates 
 he fired IMS speech, and at the close a vote on the 
 proposition for an extra session was taken, and 
 resulted in favor of the session by a majority of 
 two, eight of those present voting against it. The 
 state rung with laughter from end to end, but 
 the merriment was tempered by the reflection 
 that this governor, who was rapidly develop- 
 ing traits unwortli3^ of any aspirant for public 
 position, would, b}' calling an extra session at 
 the request of ten irresponsible men, cause a 
 waste of not less than $30,000. He was entertain- 
 ing, but exceedingly expensive. 
 
 By this time the majority of the people of the 
 state had lost confidence, not onl} T in the ability 
 but in the integrity of the governor. So many of 
 his acts belied his words; he had so frequentl}' 
 
NO CONFIDENCE IN WAITE 227 
 
 shown that the welfare of himself, his family, 
 and his party, in the order named, was considered 
 of more importance than the welfare of the state; 
 he had been so urgent in devising expedients for 
 putting the state in a turmoil, out of which, by 
 tortuous logic and the distortion and suppres- 
 sion of facts, some advantage might be gained by 
 his party, that even his personal honesty was 
 called in question. On the evidence of the mem- 
 bers of his own party, and according to his own 
 testimony, he was surrounded by incompetence, 
 venality, corruption and falsehood, and it was 
 not understood how he could be so often deceived 
 on these points. It was also seen that when lie 
 had made up his mind to pursue a certain line of 
 policy, he sought, not the real sentiments of the 
 people, but the justification of his own course, 
 which he usually succeeded in securing, through 
 the aid of his personal following, at least to his 
 own satisfaction. It was remarked that in regard 
 to the extra session he had been urged against it 
 by the leading business interests of the stale, re- 
 gardless of partisan leanings; that a majority of 
 the members of the assembly were opposed to it; 
 that the men in active business in all sections of 
 the state considered it unnecessary, and }^et he 
 selected fewer than one-half the prominent min- 
 ing camps of the state, choosing onl}' those in 
 which he had received the largest majorities, to 
 create an advisory convention on the subject; and 
 when the camps of his own choice refused to send 
 delegates, and onl} r eighteen men assembled, did 
 not hesitate to accept the dictum of ten of these 
 
228 DAIRYING WITH CRIMINALS 
 
 men as representing- the wishes of the people of 
 the state. It was not considered honest, and pub- 
 lic opinion was correct. 
 
 Upon his return from Salida the Governor 
 definitely announced his determination to call 
 an extra session of the legislature in compliance 
 with the expressed wishes of ten of the alleged 
 miners of the state. The suggestion that the leg- 
 islature would meet and immediately adjourn, 
 was met by the assertion that it would beat once 
 recalled, and would be compelled to take action 
 on his propositions. To guard against such a 
 movement, however, the governor took a new 
 tack. At the regular session he had, upon one 
 pretext or another, vetoed a number of public im- 
 provement bills of acknowledged merit. He pro- 
 posed to resubmit these measures, which he was 
 sure would pass, and thus com pel the legislature, 
 in justice to the people whom these acts would 
 benefit, to remain in session, apparently careless 
 of the-fact that such action would lay him open 
 to the charge of dishonesty, either in the origi- 
 nal veto of the bills, or in their resubmission. 
 
 While the governor was pondering over his 
 call for the legislature the state was overrun with 
 the criminal classes, posing as laboring men out 
 of employment. The police force of Denver hon- 
 estly endeavored to do their duty, the police com- 
 missioners, Orr and Martin, earnestly trying to 
 keep in check the throng of thieves and thugs 
 that had established headquarters in the cit} r . 
 All such efforts, however, were nullified by the 
 action of the police magistrate, who took pleas 
 
PROTEvSTS AGAINST THE EXTRA vSESSION 229 
 
 are in discharging the crowds of known crimin- 
 als brought before him on the charge of vagran- 
 cy, upon the plea that the} 7 were workingmen 
 without the opportunity to secure employment, 
 until finally the police threw up their hands in 
 disgust, and crime ran rampant in the streets of 
 the capital. 
 
 On December 21 a mass convention of the busi- 
 ness men of the state was held in Denver, at 
 which every important town was represented, for 
 the consideration of the proposition for an extra 
 session, the governor having consented to await 
 the issue of this convention before making his 
 call. The convention adopted resolutions ad- 
 verse to the extra session, appointed a committee 
 to present them to the governor, and adjourned. 
 When the committee waited upon the governor 
 on the following day, the} 7 were received with 
 scant courtesy. Their remarks were listened 
 to with more or less patience, but had no effect 
 upon his determination. Notwithstanding the 
 fact that in this bod} 7 of representative men 
 but nine votes had been cast in favor of the ex- 
 tra session, he informed the committee that 
 he knew that a majority of the people were in fa- 
 vor of a meeting of the legislature, and the only 
 concession obtained by the committee was the 
 gracious promise that he would sleep over it. 
 
 The business men's committee, convinced of 
 the injury that would result to Colorado from an 
 extra session, issued a call, requesting the people 
 of ever} 7 town in the state to meet in mass con- 
 vention in their respective towns, and give ex- 
 
230 EXTRA SESSION CALLED 
 
 pression to their views on the subject, but the 
 governor declined to await the result of this plan. 
 He slept over it, as he had promised, two nights, 
 but his slumbers were not conducive to better 
 judgment, and on December 25 he issued his call 
 to the members of the legislature, requiring 
 jhem to meet in special session on Wednesday, 
 January^ 10, to consider: 
 
 First The coinage of money by the state. 
 
 Second The enactment of a law prohibiting' 
 the execution of any contract involving pa3^ment 
 of money in gold coin. 
 
 Third The calling of a constitutional conven- 
 tion. 
 
 Fourth The amendment of the laws for the 
 Construction of State canal No. 1 so as to provide 
 for such construction under the supervision of 
 state officers, and payment therefor in certificates 
 of indebtedness of small denominations, receiva- 
 ble by the state in payment of water carriage, 
 and for the sale or lease of state lands, 
 
 Fifth The amendment of the law for the con- 
 struction of State Canal No. 2 in like manner. 
 
 Sixth The passage of an act for the construc- 
 tion of Twin Lakes reservoir. 
 
 Seventh The repeal of all laws authorizing 
 the issue of municipal bonds, 
 
 Eighth The passage of a law permitting mu- 
 nicipalities to pay for public improvements with 
 certificates of indebtedness. 
 
 Ninth The passage of a law for the appoint- 
 ment of a registrar of the state treasury, whose 
 duty should be to keep a record of all certificates 
 
THE WORK LAID OUT 231 
 
 of indebtedness issued by the state or by munici- 
 palities. 
 
 Tenth To provide for the payment of the ex- 
 penses of the extra session. 
 
 Eleventh The fixing- of the interest on judg- 
 ments at six per cent. 
 
 Twelfth The creation of a new county to in- 
 clude the Cripple Creek region. 
 
 Thirteenth The appointment of an additional 
 judge in the fourth judicial district. 
 
 Fourteenth To amend the homestead law. 
 
 Fifteenth The enactment of a provision 
 whereby, when a state warrant is issued, and 
 there is no money in the state treasury, said war- 
 rant may be exchangeable at the option of the 
 holder, for a certificate of indebtedness. 
 
 Sixteenth The abolition of the contract sys- 
 tem of constructing public works. 
 
 Seventeenth The enactment of a law provid- 
 ing that not more than one-third of the rent 
 charge for water for irrigating may be collected 
 in advance. 
 
 Eighteenth The passage of an eight hour 
 law. 
 
 Nineteenth The passage of a law against 
 usury. 
 
 Twentieth The amendment of the attach- 
 ment laws. 
 
 Twenty-first The enactment of a law provid- 
 ing that trust deeds shall operate as mortgages 
 only. 
 
 Twenty-second The amendment of the chat- 
 tel mortgage laws. 
 
232 THE WORK I^AID OUT 
 
 Twenty-third The absolute prohibition of 
 child labor. 
 
 Twenty-fourth The amendment of the em- 
 plo3 T ers' liability bill. 
 
 Twenty-fifth Prohibition of the " sweating " 
 system. 
 
 Twenty-sixth The prohibition of coal trusts 
 and monopolies. 
 
 Twenty-seventh Requiring 1 bills of lading 1 
 from railroad companies for all coal transported. 
 
 Twenty-eighth The amendment of the stat- 
 ute on garnishment. 
 
 Twenty-ninth The amendment of the Austra- 
 lian ballot law. 
 
 Thirtieth The enactment of a law providing 
 for the appointment of a bank examiner by the 
 governor. 
 
 Thirty-first The adoption of the initiative and 
 referendum. 
 
 Thirty-second The reconsideration of the 
 public improvement bills vetoed by the govern- 
 or at the regular session. 
 
 It will be seen that a sufficient amount of 
 work was laid out to keep the assembly in ses- 
 sion six months, and yet the governor expressed 
 the opinion that the business of the session could 
 be concluded in thirty days, probably upon the 
 presumption that the legislature would accept 
 his views and enact them into laws without fur- 
 ther consideration. 
 
 The state auditor created something of a sen- 
 sation by the assertion that the expenses of the 
 Session Could not be paid on account of the lack 
 
WAIT IS vSTARTS A PAPER 233 
 
 of money in the treasury, and that no warrants 
 therefor would be issued. But the governor 
 trusted to luck and the ingenuity of his friends 
 to get him out of this difficulty, and sailed along, 
 supremely indifferent to consequences, and con- 
 tented with himself. 
 
 Karly in the 3 r ear he conceived the idea that a 
 daily paper was a necessity, and at once devised 
 a scheme for an assessment upon the office hold- 
 ers of his administration, to provide the necessa- 
 ry funds. As usual, the application for positions 
 in the new enterprise were sufficiently numerous 
 to get out a Sunday edition of the New York 
 World. The paper was started and ran its course 
 in a few weeks, during which time the governor 
 added the work of an editor to his official duties, 
 and created the heart-burnings that might have 
 been expected from such an assemblage of vivid 
 intellects as thronged the offices of the state 
 house. 
 
 Meantime more f amity quarrels demanded the 
 attention of the governor. The attorney-general 
 was at outs with the governor's office, and im- 
 peachment proceedings were threatened by the 
 governor. The auditor maintained the inabilit}* 
 of the state to pay the expenses of the extra ses- 
 sion, and the supporters of his excellency de- 
 manded that the appropriations for state institu- 
 tions should be used for that purpose. The Den- 
 ver fire and police board were charged with dis- 
 loyalty to the party because it had endeavored to 
 maintain a well-organized police force, and had 
 neglected to make places for the hordes of appli- 
 
234 LEGISLATURE IX SESSION 
 
 cants for positions on the force. Commissioners 
 Orr and Martin had absolutely refused to make 
 the police force a mere political machine, and 
 earl} T in January it was announced that the\* 
 were liable to be removed at any time. A suffi- 
 cient number of changes had already been made 
 in both the fire and police departments to seri- 
 ously impair their etricienc\ T , and now it was pro- 
 posed to make a clean sweep, and put none but 
 Populists on guard, and in order to do this re- 
 move the only men among all the Denver ap- 
 pointments whose fitness for the places occupied 
 had not been questioned. Both gentlemen were 
 familiar with business and political methods, 
 both had a reputation for honest} T that was above 
 reproach. Judge Orr had served another state 
 acceptably in congress, while Mr. Martin's long 
 and successful business career in Colorado was 
 without a stain. Hut all this counted for nothing 
 as against the necessity for the creation of a ma- 
 chine for the manufacture of Populist votes, and 
 the}' were devoted to political destruction by the 
 governor and his immediate followers. 
 
 But the meeting of the legislature claimed the 
 entire attention of the governor, and for the pres- 
 ent the police board was permitted to remain un- 
 disturbed. 
 
 At a caucus of twenty-eight senators held on 
 Januar3 T 8, twenty expressed themselves as favor- 
 ing an adjournment immediate!}' upon the re- 
 ceipt of the governor's message. On the follow- 
 ing day a caucus of the members of the house 
 was held, and it was found that forty-two favored 
 
SEVEN DOLLARS A DAY WIXS 235 
 
 an immediate adjournment. When the assembly 
 convened the governor read his message, and 
 then, fearing the effect upon the public mind of 
 some of his sky-rocket}^ expressions, withdrew 
 the document for revision. Contrary to general 
 expectation, the house refused to consider an} r 
 proposition looking toward adjournment, and af- 
 ter a few days' session, during which it was found 
 that the funds for payment could be secured 
 from the treasury by means of some legislative 
 hocus-pocus, it became evident that the legisla- 
 ture was settled for a long session. On January 
 13 the question of immediate adjournment was 
 brought up and lost by a tie vote. The senate pro- 
 fessed to be anxious to adjourn, and announced 
 its intention of transacting no business other 
 than the routine necessary to continue in session, 
 but as this did not affect the expense account the 
 seven-clollar-a-day men in the house only smiled, 
 and continued the pretense of earning their per 
 diem. An effort on the part of the senate for a 
 conference committee on the adjournment ques- 
 tion was flatly rejected by the house, and the 
 senate continued to adjourn from day to da} r 
 while the house kept up the farce of pretending 
 to transact business. Finally a conference com- 
 mittee was appointed, but accomplished nothing 
 toward adjournment. The report of the commit- 
 tee favored legislation along certain lines, and 
 was adopted, and after thirteen days of wasted 
 time it was decided that the session should be 
 continued. 
 
 About the time that the legislature had dec id- 
 
^36 THE POLICE BOARD AFFAIR 
 
 ed to continue in session, the differences between 
 the governor and the fire and police board came 
 to a crisis. Judge Orr had proved entirely un- 
 satisfactory to Waite, and the governor had for 
 some time been looking- for an opportunit3 T for 
 his removal. Mr. Martin sustained Orr, and had 
 likewise been booked for removal. Commission- 
 er Trimble had been appointed merely to keep the 
 place warm for A. J. Rogers, and when that gen- 
 tleman had been sufficiently long in the state to 
 be eligible for appointment, Trimble accommo- 
 datingly stepped aside, and Rogers was duU' in- 
 stalled. From the first Rog'ers opposed the other 
 members of the board and worked for their re- 
 moval. Karly in January it was reported to the 
 governor that the board had appointed special 
 policemen for certain gambling houses. On be- 
 ing questioned on this point Orr and Martin ad 
 mitted that this had been done, for the preserva- 
 tion of order, but denied that it was for the pur- 
 pose of protecting the gamblers, Judge Orr rath- 
 er bluntly intimating to the governor that any 
 attempt to remove him and Commissioner Martin 
 would be resisted by force if necessai^. 
 
 Interjected in this contest with the police 
 board was the old penitentiar}' fight, the govern- 
 or, with a balky legislature, recalcitrant police 
 commissioners, and a host of would-be Populist 
 office-holders on his hands at the same time, still 
 finding time hanging so heavy that he was com- 
 pelled to find employment by renewing his efforts 
 to oust McLister and the penitentiary commis- 
 sioners, suggesting that in the event of a further 
 
THE CITY HALL WAR 237 
 
 refusal of the warden to vacate the military 
 might be called upon to blow the penitentiary 
 about his ears. This, however, like his other ef- 
 forts in the same direction, ended in smoke. 
 
 The legislature adjourned on March 2, having 
 been in session fift3 r -two days, during- which time 
 it passed a few amendments to existing laws, a 
 bill for the construction of a bridge, appropriat- 
 ed $10,000 for the work on state canals, and bills 
 appropriating the necessary sums for the ex- 
 penses of the session. The governor's Mexican 
 dollar scheme was lost in the shuffle. 
 
 The legislature out of the way, Governor Waite 
 found time to take up the matter of the Denver 
 police board, which had been held in statu quo 
 for several weeks. He was outspoken in his de- 
 termination to remove Orr and Martin, and the 
 commissioners were equally outspoken in their 
 determination to resist removal until the courts 
 should pass upon the questions at issue. The of- 
 fice of the commissioners was guarded by po- 
 licemen, and every move made in the executive 
 chamber was promptly reported to the board. It 
 was expected from the first that force would be 
 attempted, and careful preparations were made 
 to resist attack. For several days the situation 
 was strained, armed policemen keeping guard at 
 the city hall, and an unusual air of activity per- 
 vading state headquarters in the Equitable build- 
 ing. On March 7 the report was current that in 
 the event of the refusal of the commissioners to 
 vacate the military would be called out. On that 
 date the formal order was made removing Orr 
 
238 PRELIMINARY LEGAL SKIRMISHING 
 
 and Martin and appointing- Dennis Mullins and 
 S. E. Barnes as their successors. The commis- 
 sioners announced their refusal to vacate, and 
 the entire city awaited the issue with interest 
 tinged with anxiet}', for it had been shown that 
 the governor was equal to any desperate under- 
 taking in the effort to maintain his position. 
 Large numbers of special deputy sheriffs had 
 been appointed, and the city hall was surrounded 
 b} r a cloud of men, all heavil}^ armed and wearing 
 deputy sheriff's badges. On March 8 Judge Gra- 
 ham issued a writ enjoining the governor and 
 his appointees from interfering with Orr and 
 Martin, and while the governor asserted that the 
 injunction was not worth the paper it was written 
 on, he nevertheless respected it for a time and 
 the question bade fair to be submitted to the ar- 
 bitrament of the courts. Meanwhile the talk of 
 calling out the militia continued, and it was evi- 
 dent that Governor Waite still contemplated this 
 action. The guard over the city hall was some- 
 what relaxed, but extra vigilance was still main- 
 tained, the commissioners being determined to 
 permit no strategic movement to oust them from 
 their positions. An application to modify the 
 writ was denied by Judge Graham, and in his de- 
 cision he plainly denied the right of the govern- 
 or to call out the militia except in accordance 
 with a call from the constituted civil authorities. 
 On the evening of March 14, immediately follow- 
 ing the decision of Judge Graham, the governor 
 decided to defy the court, and called out the mili- 
 tary' of Denver, directing the troops to be at the 
 
WAR DECLARED 239 
 
 armory, prepared for active service, at noon of 
 the loth. 
 
 The announcement of these orders created the 
 most intense excitement throughout the city, and 
 an earnest effort was made to induce the governor 
 to recall his order. Waite was obstinate, howev- 
 er. Like most men of his mental calibre, he 
 regarded himself and his acts with the utmost 
 seriousness, and had been wrought up by the 
 ridicule aroused by himself. He seemed, up to 
 the last moment of his official career to be haunt- 
 ed by the fear that unless he should make a pub- 
 lic display of the power of the executive people 
 would forget that he was governor, not seeming 
 to realize that great forces move noiselessly, 
 while clatter and bang are the usual accompani- 
 ments of weakness and mediocrity. He now had 
 an opportunity to show the people of Colorado, 
 not only that he was governor, but that he had 
 sufficient character to enforce his commands. 
 An egoist in the most trifling affairs of life, he 
 could not realize the possibility of an}^ difference 
 with his opinions, and would not suffer so unim- 
 portant a circumstance as a few human lives to 
 stand in the way of the execution of his orders. 
 
 Shortly after noon the news spread with light- 
 ning-like rapidity that the troops were in motion, 
 and a few moments later they were at the corner 
 of Lawrence and Fourteenth streets. By this 
 time no fewer than ten thousand men surround- 
 ed the city hall, which number was increased 
 during the afternoon until the throng numbered 
 at least twenty thousand, filling every avenue 
 
240 TROOPS TAKE POSITION 
 
 leading- to the city hall for several blocks. The 
 cit} r hall itself was guarded by three or four hun- 
 dred men, armed with \Vinchestersand revolvers, 
 and from every window in the building- were 
 threatening- muzzles, onl}- waiting- for the at- 
 tack to blaze forth upon the unprotected militia, 
 run into a death trap through the incompetency 
 and stupidity of the adjutant-general, who was 
 chiefly responsible for a display of force which 
 would have been ridiculous had it not been for 
 the fearful tragedy hidden beneath the muzzles 
 of the cannon. 
 
 Old soldiers who had looked over the situation 
 prior to the arrival of the troops, supposed that 
 they would be halted on Lawrence street, where, 
 in case the governor should proceed to extremi- 
 ties, the men could have been sheltered by the 
 Chamber of Commerce building, while approach- 
 es were inade from other directions. But this 
 man Tarsney seemed to imagine that the time had 
 arrived for him to make the reputation which he 
 had previously lacked. He had been in the army, 
 and should have known something about war, 
 but had forgotten, if he had ever learned, that an 
 important duty of an officer is the protection 
 of his men from unnecessary danger. The Napo- 
 leon guns were run down on Fourteenth street 
 to a point in line with the rear of the Chamber of 
 Commerce building, and there halted and trained 
 Upon the front door of the city hall, within sixty 
 yards of three hundred Winchesters, which could 
 jile the street with dead artillerymen before the 
 guns could be reloaded. And there they 
 
WAITE BOUND TO HAVE BLOOD 241 
 
 stood, those brave young- men, all the afternoon, 
 awaiting- the order which should send more than 
 half of them into eternity, surrounded by an an- 
 gry mob, in which were hundreds of deputy 
 sheriffs, waiting to take a hand in the fray at close 
 quarters. 
 
 Meantime the mayor, members of the cham- 
 ber of commerce, leading merchants, bankers, 
 manufacturers, private citizens, rich and poor, 
 were pouring- in upon the governor with entreaties 
 that he should recall the troops before some acci- 
 dent should happen that might precipitate a con- 
 flict in which the loss of life \vould be fearful. 
 The best that could be accomplished was the 
 postponement of the hour of attack from time to 
 time, until a suggestion was made that the federal 
 troops be called in. The governor had by this 
 time become convinced that the military would 
 be entirely unable to cope with the city hall peo- 
 ple, and with a prudent regard for his own safet}* 
 had left the executive chamber, and taken refug-e 
 in his boarding house, surrounded by an armed 
 guard of fourteen or fifteen men. When the sug- 
 gestion of federal troops was made, it was eag-erl}^ 
 accepted as a way out of a serious difficulty, and 
 i\ request was at once sent to General McCook. 
 The general had kept a watchful eye upon the 
 proceeding's, and within two hours five compa- 
 nies from Fort Logan were bivouacked in the 
 Gettysburg building. The governor supposed 
 that these troops were present to reinforce his ar- 
 my, and when he discovered that United States 
 troops could not be used to install state or muni- 
 
22 FEDERAL TROOPS CALLED IX 
 
 cipal officials by force, his rage burst all bounds. 
 He ordered General McCook to take his troops 
 out of the city at once, and received a further sur- 
 prise upon learning- that federal troops could not 
 obe} T the orders even of so exalted a personage as 
 the governor of Colorado. The troops had been 
 called for to preserve order, and as long as disor- 
 der prevailed would remain. The mayor had re- 
 quested the retention of the regulars, and this 
 time the governor was compelled to curb his ap- 
 petite for blood by the bucketful. 
 
 It has been said by some that the governor 
 was not in earnest; that it was never his intention 
 to order the troops to fire. This is a mistake. 
 The governor was terribly in earnest. There is 
 no one so dangerous as a conceited man in au- 
 thority whose vanity has been wounded by ridi- 
 cule. Governor Waite had talked so much about 
 the regeneration of societ\ r in a baptism of blood, 
 that he seemed to have argued himself into a be- 
 lief in its necessity, and his supreme vanity and 
 egoism apparent! 3 r led him to believe that he was 
 the agent appointed to officiate at the baptismal 
 ceremonies. 
 
 Few people, even among the on-lookers, appre- 
 ciated the gravity of the situation. Men laughed, 
 and talked, and joked about war as they looked 
 down the brazen throats of those Napoleons, who 
 knew no more about war than did his excellency, 
 Davis H. W.aite, but despite their jeers and laugh- 
 ter, Denver was never in more serious peril than 
 on that 15th day of March, 1894, with but one cool- 
 headed man of experience General E. J. Brooks 
 
THE TROOPS RETIRE 243 
 
 standing between a mad governor and an excit- 
 ed and justly indignant people. 
 
 Threats of hang-ing- the governor in the event 
 of an emeute and loss of life were freety made 
 and passed by as idle talk, but it is now kncwvn 
 that an organization was effected, that the rope 
 was secured, and the noose made, the tree select- 
 ed and the particular limb marked, and that in 
 Jess than five minutes after the report of that 
 gun the private guards of the governor would 
 have been swept aside and the sole author of the 
 trouble have expiated his crime with his life. 
 
 The national guard returned to the armor} 7 at 
 half past eight p. m., just as the federal troops 
 had reached the union depot. General McCook 
 had requested the withdrawal of the state troops 
 and had been met with a flat refusal, but thegov 
 ernor, who had not 3^et relinquished his purpose, 
 was becoming nervous under the strain, and 
 seemed incapable of issuing two consecutive or- 
 ders on the same line. When he found that he 
 could not command the troops from Fort Logan 
 to join in an assault on the city hall he issued his 
 order calling out the entire militia of the state, 
 and on the following morning withdrew his re- 
 quest for federal aid and asked General McCook 
 to remove his troops. This the general declined 
 to do. He had been asked to assist in preserving 
 the peace, and proposed to do it. The governor 
 had invoked a spirit with his official abracadabra 
 which he found it impossible to control, and his 
 attitude in calling out the militia of the state had 
 Convinced General McCook that there was now a 
 
244 THE CONTEST IX THE COURTS. 
 
 greater necessity than ever for the presence of 
 his men. 
 
 From the commencement of these scenes of 
 disorder inspired b}^ the governor, who was 
 sworn to preserve order, Orr and Martin had ex- 
 pressed their willingness to submit the question 
 at issue to the supreme court, and on March 17 
 the governor submitted the question to that tri- 
 bunal on an ex parte showing. Orr and Martin 
 objected to this, but an arrangement was made 
 whereb}^ the attorne3 r s of the old board went into 
 court as the friends of the court. Several days 
 were consumed in the legal proceedings, which 
 had been commenced in several courts, and final- 
 \y, on March 25, the supreme court rendered a de- 
 cision in which the ground was taken that while 
 the governor had the right to remove the officials, 
 he had no right to forcibl}' induct his appointees 
 to office, and a refusal of the old board to retire 
 must be met by quo warranto proceedings in the 
 courts. As the main questions involved were the 
 governor's right of removal and his authority 
 for the use of troops, both sides claimed a victo- 
 ry. The governor announced that he would pa} r 
 no attention to any restraining order of the 
 courts. The troops were here, and he was the 
 commander-in-chief. What did his office amount 
 to if he could not do as he pleased, law or no law? 
 The legal proceedings in the several courts had 
 by this time tangled up the average layman, and 
 dragged their slow length along until March 28, 
 when the governor again startled the city by the 
 announcement that he was tired of civil proced- 
 
WAITE THREATENS MARTIAL LAW 24o 
 
 ure, and unless something was speedily done he 
 would declare martial law on account of the ex- 
 istence of what he was pleased to term an insur- 
 rection. Both boards were in session, making- 
 appointments and dismissing 1 officers, and the 
 city hall was the scene of constant disorder grow- 
 ing 1 out of the dissensions of their respective ad- 
 herents. 
 
 A diversion had been created by the call of the 
 sheriff of El Paso count}^ for military to aid him 
 in the service of civil warrants in Cripple Creek, 
 where a miners' strike prevailed, with more or 
 less disorder, and on the day following the city 
 hall war, the first regiment had been sent to Crip- 
 ple Creek. As there seemed to the governor to 
 be no necessity for troops there, they were re- 
 called, and the air was again full of reports as to 
 the intentions of the governor. His legal advis- 
 ers earnestly endeavored to persuade him to fore- 
 go his determination to declare martial law, with 
 no effect, and Denver seemed to be again on the 
 brink of revolution. Judge G^nn, who was sit- 
 ting in Arapahoe county in the absence of Judge 
 Graham, enjoined Orr and Martin, and the injunc- 
 tion was disobeyed. Governor Waite ordered the 
 national guard to be recruited to its full strength, 
 with the avowed intention of declaring martial 
 law andfbringing a force of fifteen hundred men to 
 bear upon the recalcitrant commissioners. By 
 this time everybod}^, including the members of 
 the contending boards, was tired of the dispute. 
 The governor, still bloodthirsty, was with diffi- 
 culty restrained from declaring martial law, and 
 
^ \VHITE- \VIXGE1> PEACK 
 
 fumed and fretted at the delay, and his vanishing- 
 prospects for gratifying- his desire for war. But 
 for once wise counsels prevailed, and on April 15 
 the supreme court issued a writ of ouster direct- 
 ed to Orr and Martin, which was promptly obeyed, 
 and the governor, in spite of himself, was com- 
 pelled to act under the direction of the civil au- 
 thorities. 
 
 Peace once more prevailed in the corridors of 
 the city hall, and the expectant Populists who 
 had been waiting for appointments on the police 
 force marched up in solid phalanx to claim their 
 reward for that faithfulness to Governor Waite 
 and the Omaha platform which was the sole test 
 of Populist efliciencj'. 
 
 The new board entered on a new tack, with the 
 avowed intention of crushing- out all forms of 
 vice, but with the best intentions in the world, it 
 was handicapped by the heterogenous character 
 of the new appointees on the police force, and thr 
 actions of the police magistrate, whose rulings 
 were an encouragement to vagtants and hoboes, 
 and prevented anything like genuine reform. 
 The police force of Denver was never so ineffi- 
 cient and mercilessly ridiculed as under the last 
 fire and police board of the Waite administra- 
 tion. 
 
 On Ma} T 23 the fact was made known that Sher- 
 iff Bowefs, of El Paso county, was enlisting spe- 
 cial deputies to protect the miners who were will- 
 ing to go to work in the Cripple Creek mines, 
 which had been closed on account of a strike 
 Bince February 1. Whatever may have been the 
 
THE CRIPPLE CREEK WAR 247 
 
 merits of the original controvers} 7 , it is indisput- 
 able that the strike had been a serious injury to 
 the camp, affecting- not only the mine owners, but 
 every miner and business man in the district. 
 Several attempts had been made to start up the 
 mines under the protection of the sheriff, but all 
 efforts failed, and the strike had now reached a 
 point where violence was openly threatened, and 
 in some instances carried into effect. The action 
 of the governor in sending the first regiment to 
 the scene in response to the request of the sheriff, 
 and immediately recalling it, inspired the leaders 
 of the strikers with boldness, and cases of outrage 
 became more frequent. Business men of Cripple 
 Creek who refused assistance to the strikers were 
 boycotted, men looking for work were ordered 
 out of the camp, and in some cases severely beat- 
 en, arms were procured, fortifications were erect- 
 ed on Bull Hill, and word sent out that no mine 
 would be permitted to resume operations until 
 the demands of the strikers \vere complied with. 
 On the 24th of May one hundred deputies left 
 Denver for Cripple Creek, were joined by about 
 fifty more at Colorado Springs, and on the follow- 
 ing morning were near the town of Victor, the 
 headquarters of the miners' union. On that day 
 the Strong mine was blown up and the non-union 
 miners employed in the Independence mine cap- 
 tured. The little army of deputies was under the 
 command of J. C. Veatch, late chief of police of 
 the city of Denver, and was composed of stal- 
 wart men, many of whom had recently been on 
 the Denver police force, full} 7 one-half being vet- 
 
248 STRIKERS ATTACK THE DEPUTIES 
 
 eran soldiers who were familiar with the service 
 required of them. But the}' were strangers to 
 the locality, were landed on a bare hill near Vic- 
 tor, surrounded by more than twice their number 
 of armed strikers, and could see that the} 7 were 
 not strong enough to hope to successfully attack 
 the works on the crest of Bull Hill. They learned 
 something- of the topography of the country 
 during their stay, and discovered that the ap- 
 proaches from the south were impracticable with 
 the small force at command, and without incur- 
 ring serious loss. Artillery was on the way from 
 the east, and it was deemed advisable to come in 
 from the north, from which direction they could 
 secure a commanding position which would 
 compel the strikers to abandon their works with- 
 out occasioning a heavy loss of life. According- 
 ly the command was taken down the line of the 
 Florence and Cripple Creek railroad, and halted 
 at Wilbur, where there was a good camping site 
 and defensive position. The movement was tak- 
 en as a sign of weakness, and at an earl}- hour 
 the following morning a strong force of strikers 
 started out to attack the deputies' camp. When 
 near the camp a force of fifty men was sent in ad- 
 vance, but being absolutely ignorant of military 
 movements and dispositions, almost stumbled 
 over the advance guard of the deputies, occupy- 
 ing a strong post, and waiting for their assail- 
 ants, whom the}' could hear approaching through 
 the bushes. Both sides opened fire, and one dep- 
 uty was killed, while the strikers lost two men 
 killed, several wounded, and six prisoners. No 
 
WAITE UPHOLDS THE STRIKERS 210 
 
 further demonstration was made, and the strik- 
 ers retreated to their fortifications. 
 
 At the state house the action of the sheriff was 
 furiously denounced. Governor Waite openly 
 expressed his sympathy with the strikers and as- 
 serted that the sheriff's posse should be treated 
 as rioters. The attorney-general insisted that 
 the enlistment of deputies as a posse comitatus 
 outside of El Paso county was illegal, and such 
 a bod}^ of men'was nothing more than a lawless 
 mob. The governor decided to send out the 
 military, and then rescinded the order, but at no 
 time about the executive department was there 
 any expression of opinion in favor of upholding 
 the law and compelling the strikers to respect 
 the property of others, and to refrain from inter- 
 fering" with such men as were willing to work. 
 The governor had at first intended to send the 
 troops to suppress the deputies, but he learned 
 from some level-headed adviser that the moment 
 his militia resisted the service of civil process by 
 the sheriff he would be himself in rebellion, and 
 in danger of falling into the hands of the United 
 States government. Consequently the troops 
 were held until some plan could be devised for 
 the protection of the governor's friends who were 
 engaged in defying the civil authorit}^ of which 
 he was supposed to be the executive officer. 
 
 Some efforts were made toward settling the 
 differences between the strikers and mine owners^ 
 but nothing resulted, and on May 29 the govern- 
 or went to Victor in person for the purpose of 
 patching up a peace. His efforts were fruitless, 
 
250 NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE 
 
 and the only result of his visit was to convince 
 the strikers that they could come to no harm so 
 long as Waite was governor, and consequently to 
 render them more determined. The governor's 
 visit was with the avowed intention of assisting 
 the strikers, rather than for the purpose of en- 
 forcing the law, and the natural result followed. 
 At a conference at Colorado Springs he demand- 
 ed that if the strikers laid down their arms they 
 should he granted immunity from arrest. As a 
 large number of warrants were out this could 
 not be granted, and the governor, after a liberal 
 draft upon his collection of choice expletives, 
 left for Denver. 
 
 The sheriff's posse, pending these negotia- 
 tions, remained at Divide, on the Midland rail- 
 road, slowly increasing in numbers, and prepar- 
 ing to move forward for the purpose of executing 
 the warrants. On June 4 the governor, as the 
 authorized representative of the strikers, effected 
 a compromise with the mine owners, and for the 
 first time publicly admitted that an insurrection 
 was in progress in Cripple Creek, to quell which 
 he again called out the militia. While this nego- 
 tiation was in progress the force of deputies, now 
 numbering about one thousand men, were ready 
 to move, and on June (> left Divide to restore 
 the mines to the possession of /their owners, and 
 to serve the warrants of the courts. The depu- 
 ties marched to within three: miles of the strik- 
 ers' camp, and there halted to await an attempt 
 to serve the warrants. This movement the gov- 
 ernor checkmated by directing General Brooks 
 
END OF THE SECOND WAR 251 
 
 to permit no deputies to pans through his lines, 
 declaring that it was nothing to him if the sher- 
 iff could not make his arrests, thus openly taking 
 a position in opposition to the law. 
 
 The militia arrived at the deputies' camp on 
 June 7, and took up a position where they could 
 prevent a collision between the deputies and the 
 strikers. On the following day the strikers 
 agreed to refrain from attacking the deputies and 
 to surrender the men for whom warrants were 
 held, and the second Waite war was practically 
 over. During the entire controversy the govern- 
 or had exhibited his utter incapacit}- to cope 
 with the question, and had demonstrated the fact 
 that he was making the enforcement of the law 
 secondary to his plans for securing a renomina- 
 tion from his party. The difficulty could have 
 been settled in a .week by a vigorous support of 
 the leg-al authorities. As it was three weeks were 
 consumed, the law was treated with contempt b_v 
 his own order, and thousands of dollars were 
 thrown away, to say nothing of the injury result- 
 ing from the loss of life and property, and the 
 depreciation of values caused by the strike.; For 
 the first time in the history of the country the 
 governor of a state used the forces under his 
 command to protect the violators of the law. 
 
 It is unnecessary to recapitulate the minor in- 
 cidents, all tending to show the titter unfitness of 
 Governor Waite for his position. For more than 
 a year and a half there was scarcely a day in 
 which he was not involved in some unseeml}' 
 wrangle, either with his own appointees or with 
 
252 A REPUBLICAN QUARREL 
 
 the courts. Inordinate^' puffed up by his suc- 
 cess, an avowed candidate for the highest offices 
 in the gift of the commonwealth, with an exalted 
 opinion of his ability to decide off-hand the most 
 abstruse questions connected with the science of 
 government, he at the same time displa} r ed many 
 of the traits of the pot-house politician, an utter 
 disregard of all law at variance \vith his opinions, 
 and a determination to organize the machinery 
 of the state government for his own benefit, re- 
 gardless of decency, of good order, and even of 
 human life. Enough has been shown of his ac- 
 tions during his term to account for the determi- 
 nation- of the people, as that term drew to a close, 
 to no longer suffer the state to be disgraced by a 
 man in whose mental composition the wildest va- 
 garies usurped the throne of reason, and whose 
 moral nature was warped by intense selfishness 
 and inordinate desire for self-advancement. 
 
 While Waite was alternate^ terrorizing and 
 amusing the people, the Republicans of Arapa- 
 hoe were, as usual, contributing their share to- 
 ward the prevailing political disorder. I. N. Ste- 
 vens had not taken his defeat for the congression- 
 al nomination with the equanimity that should 
 have been displa3 r ed by so astute a politician, 
 and was regarded with considerable suspicion 
 by many Republicans. He had been an acknowl- 
 edged power in Arapahoe county for many years, 
 and had naturally created many antagonisms. 
 Scores of would-be leaders had been quietly wait- 
 ing for an opportunit}- to "down Stevens," and 
 that opportunity seemed to have arrived. Vari- 
 
FAMILY JARS 253 
 
 ous charges were made against him, affecting- his 
 standing* as a Republican, and finally the opposi- 
 tion to him crystallized on Februar}^ 22, 1894, in 
 an effort to eject him from the chairmanship of 
 the city Republican committee of Denver. It 
 was charged by those opposing him that he had 
 been guilty of treachery to the party in the cam- 
 paign of 1892, and that he had not only failed to 
 support the count}^ ticket in 1893, but that he had 
 been in frequent consultation with Waite and 
 other Populist leaders, on political subjects, and 
 had, in conversations, justified the Populists, and 
 given cause for the belief that he was preparing 
 to support that party in the coming campaign. 
 Stevens was absent from the state at the time the 
 specific charges based on the above allegations 
 were preferred, but immediately returned, and at 
 the meeting of the committee called to consider 
 the charges, was exonerated. But it was claimed 
 that Stevens had packed the committee with 
 friendly appointees to vacancies, and the minori- 
 ty bolted the meeting and organized a new city 
 committee, with Frank C. Goudy as chairman. 
 This little affair was of importance only as it 
 served to create another breach among the Re- 
 publicans of the capital, and had but little influ- 
 ence upon the fall campaign, though the contend- 
 ing parties fought vigorous^, and succeeded in 
 injecting their differences into the preliminary 
 canvass Mr. Stevens announced that the bolters 
 from the committee would be expelled from the 
 party. Mr. Goudy retorted that the committee 
 would meet, and that a majority of the regularly 
 
254 GOUD# COMMITTEE EXPELS STEVENS 
 
 elected committeemen would be in attendance at 
 a meeting called for a reorganization of the com- 
 mittee. He refused to recognize the committee- 
 men appointed by Mr. Stevens to fill vacancies, 
 though Mr. Stevens insisted that the authority 
 had been given him by the committee. The 
 Goudy committee held its meeting on February 
 28, and took testimony relative to the alleged 
 treachery of Mr. Stevens, in which it was shown 
 to the satisfaction of the committee that Stevens 
 had been guilt}- of conduct inconsistent with his 
 professions of fealt}- to the Republican part} r , 
 and that a well-known Populist had, in a letter, 
 referred to the plans of Mr. Stevens in such a 
 manner as to leave no doubt in the minds of the 
 committee that he had been engaged in negotia- 
 tions with the Populists. Telegrams from both 
 senators were read, declaring a lack of confi- 
 dence in Stevens, that from Senator Wolcott be- 
 ing so clear as to seem to disprove the assertion 
 that in 1892 Stevens was Wolcott's choice for rep- 
 resentative. The meeting resulted in the adop- 
 tion of a resolution declaring the position of 
 chairman of the city committee vacant, and elect- 
 ing Goud}' to fill the vacancy. The Stevens wing 
 of the committee met on the same evening, and 
 the forty-two members who had bolted were for- 
 mall3 r deposed by resolution. Stevens declined 
 to consider a proposition that both chairmen re- 
 sign and permit the regularly elected committee- 
 men to elect a successor. He denounced the al- 
 leged senatorial telegrams as forgeries, and insist- 
 ed that the letter from the Populist above referred 
 
STEVENS LEAVES THE REPUBLICANS 255 
 
 to as part of a plot for his political ruin. He 
 then announced that he would deliver a lecture 
 in which he would expose the political corrup- 
 tions of Denver for the past ten years. 
 
 The condition of affairs above described con- 
 tinued but a short time. Mr. Stevens, after a few 
 weeks, formall}' severed his connection with the 
 organization in a characteristic letter to the pa- 
 pers, the two wing's of the committee came to- 
 gether, Goudy resigned, George Graham was 
 elected chairman, and once more harmony pre- 
 vailed in the ranks of the Arapahoe Republicans. 
 
 On October 9 Mr. Stevens, in a speech delivered 
 in Denver, called the Republican part} 7 to account 
 for its failure to deal honestly with the silver 
 question, and retired from that party until it 
 should change its course in this respect. It can- 
 not be denied that he took advanced ground and 
 sustained his position by liberal quotations from 
 the speeches of Senator Teller. Politically how- 
 ever, as affecting his own standing, it was an er- 
 ror, as it gave his enemies an opportunity for 
 citing his own action in proof of the charges pre- 
 ferred against him -a citation that was not weak- 
 ened by the announcement of the speaker that 
 he would thenceforth abjure partisan politics. 
 
 The details of this affair have been given be- 
 cause, in the following state campaign the matter 
 was given considerable prominence b} r the Pop- 
 ulists. Mr. Stevens was heralded as one of the 
 principal Republican leaders in the state, and 
 his defection was used in the attempt to show the 
 utter and hopeless demoralization of that party. 
 
)6 TAR AND TAKSXEY 
 
 Inasmuch as the matter was one of the lead- 
 ing- cards of Populist orators during the cam- 
 paign, it is perhaps as well to refer to the alleged 
 Tarsney outrage. T. J. Tarsne}' had been appoint- 
 ed adjutant-general of the state, and up to the 
 summer of 1894 had not quarreled with his com- 
 mander-in-chief. It was b}* his advice that the 
 cit}^ hall war was inaugurated, and it was by his 
 orders that the national guard had been so post- 
 ed that in the event of a conflict the}- would have 
 been slaughtered like sheep in a pen. Immensely 
 relieved b}^ his escape from the awkward and 
 dangerous situation in which he had been placed 
 by his own ignorance and foil} 7 , he hailed with 
 delight the outbreak of the Cripple Creek affair, 
 as affording him an opportunity for the exercise 
 of his peculiar talents. Ht professed to be an at- 
 torney, and it is but fair to admit that he had been 
 admitted to the bar, though the probability is 
 that his knowledge of the lines of defense and at- 
 tack in legal matters was in no way superior to 
 hi< knowledge of military strategy. Upon his 
 arrival with his army at Cripple Creek, he, with 
 cunning tricker3 r , combined his two professions. 
 As adjutant-general, he protected his friends, the 
 strikers, from the bodily harm they had chal- 
 lenged. As Tarsne3* the attorney he proposed to 
 defend them from the legal consequences of their 
 unlawful acts; he of course to receive a reason- 
 able fee for his invaluable services. He went to 
 Colorado Springs, and rendered himself exceed- 
 ingly and unnecessarily obnoxious. As a result, 
 if his story is to be taken as the whole truth, he 
 
A FEATHERY MYSTERY 257 
 
 was taken from the hotel and treated to a feath- 
 ered garment more close fitting- than comfortable. 
 As the tar was entirely removed from his person 
 in two or three hours, it does not appear that he 
 was seriousl}' damaged. The people of Colorado 
 Springs and of the entire state denounced the act, 
 but it was good Populist powder and was made 
 the most of during the campaign. The governor 
 offered a reward for the arrest of the perpetrators 
 and the grand jur}^ of El Paso county took up 
 the matter. Tarsney was summoned to testify in 
 the matter, and at first refused to go, but finally, 
 in obedience to peremptory orders from the 
 court, went down, and presented himself to the 
 astonished court, backed by an escort of the mili- 
 tary, who were quickl}^ sent to the right about by 
 an ordinary, e very-day judge, with no nonsense 
 in his composition. A great deal of talk was 
 made about the matter. Tarsney professed great 
 eagerness for the detection of the perpetrators, 
 and made one trip to Missouri, with a blare of 
 trumpets, had a few parties arrested, and then, 
 after announcing' that he had the men all spotted, 
 dropped the case and allowed the accused to be 
 discharged. The entire transaction appeared 
 shady, and after a few weeks the "Tarsney out- 
 rage" was considered more of a joke than a crime, 
 knowing winks accompanying its discussion. It 
 was certain that he did not tar and feather him- 
 self, but it is equally certain that there is no 
 probability that it will ever be known who did. 
 
THE sto^ of the Waite administration 
 to ^ i n the preceding- pages affords am- 
 ple justification for the attitude of the 
 people of Colorado at the beginning- of the cam- 
 paign of 1894. The state had for 16 years been 
 held up to the world as an example of the results 
 of intelligent enterprise. In two short years, 
 through the foll3 T , demagoguery, and intense 
 egotism of one man, elected by the people when 
 they were smarting under a sense of the injustice 
 done them by the two old parties, Colorado had 
 become the subject of ridicule throughout the 
 civilized world. For two years the state had been 
 in a turmoil, and one ridiculous quarrel had no 
 sooner been settled than its place was taken by 
 another. This quarrelsome old man had cost 
 the state, by his disregard of the commonest prin- 
 ciples governing the transactions of men with 
 each other, not less than $200,(XK) of direct outlay, 
 to say nothing of the indirect losses resulting 
 from his total lack of judgment, and selfish meth- 
 od of using the machinery of the state as a per- 
 sonal appanage. The people of Colorado were 
 tired out. They had been patient under outrages 
 that warranted violent measures, and they felt 
 that it was time to put a stop to the foolish va- 
 garies that had controlled the affairs of the com- 
 monwealth. The purpose to redeem the state 
 crystallized in clubs pledged to do everything 
 
ORGANIZING FOR REDEMPTION 259 
 
 possible to prevent the election of a second Popu- 
 list ticket, and the "Redeemers," given the title in 
 derision, were earnest in their labors, which bore 
 ample fruit. It was felt to be necessary that ever}- 
 man should do his duty in this particular, and 
 there has never been a campaign in Colorado in 
 which the conservative, honest men of the state 
 were more thoroughly united in the effort to do 
 the state good service by the defeat of Populism, 
 and the consequent discontinuance of misrule, 
 disorder, and disregard of law. 
 
 The condition of affairs in the several counties 
 which had given heavy majorities for Waite in 
 1892, was somewhat remarkable. The Populists 
 were' arrogant, offensive, and sometimes brutal in 
 their treatment of Republicans. Waite was their 
 idol, and his anarchistic tendencies were extolled 
 as the very highest expression of patriotic states- 
 manship. His interference with the machinery 
 of the courts, and his attempt to execute his will 
 at the point of the bayonet, were regarded as en- 
 tirely proper, and those who dared to denounce 
 these usurpations of power were pronounced 
 "gold bugs," "bloated bond-holders," "Shylocks," 
 etc., and declared to be unfit to enjo}^ the privil- 
 eges of American citizenship. Republicans were 
 bullied and threatened; the few newspapers that 
 dared tell the truth were abused and threatened 
 with mobbing, and it was announced that Repub- 
 lican orators would not be permitted to speak, in 
 the event of Waite being renominated. In the 
 majority of these Populist strongholds, mainl}* 
 in the southern and western part of the state, Re- 
 
260 POPULIST METHODS 
 
 publicans were silent, either from motives of fear 
 or business prudence, as there was no hesitation 
 on the part of the Populists to advocate a boycott 
 of Republican business men. In one county at 
 least the member of the Republican state com- 
 mittee reported that it was not probable that a 
 delegation would attend the state convention, 
 and that the sentiment of the few Republicans in 
 his county was averse to the nomination of a 
 county ticket, favoring- rather a coalition through 
 which the Republicans might be able to secure 
 one or two of the county offices, but wae opposed 
 to an} T open fight for fear of antagonising the 
 Populist element which might be induced to as- 
 sist in the scheme. In another county the Popu- 
 lists were blatant in proclaiming their political 
 faith at the street corners, and challenging any 
 expression of sentiment \yy Republicans. A dis- 
 cussion with a Republican invariably drew a 
 throng of jeering, ill-natured, bullying Populists, 
 who endeavored to prevent any expression from 
 the Republican. As a rule the Democrats were 
 inclined to support the Populists, or kept silence. 
 In the first county mentioned, the Republicans 
 were with difficulty' induced to send a delegation 
 to the convention, but the3 r did so and eventually 
 nominated a ticket, which, though defeated, car- 
 ried a respectable vote, thus demonstrating that 
 though the Republican party might be asleep it 
 was by no means dead, even in the darkest Kgypt 
 of Populism. In the second county named a few 
 determined Republicans took up the cudgels for 
 their party, forced discussion with the Populists, 
 
REPUBLICANS REORGANIZE 261 
 
 and long* before the conventions of either party 
 met, had compelled them by sheer force of ar- 
 gument and courage, backed by an assumed in- 
 solence borrowed from their antagonists, to con- 
 fine their threats, etc., to mutterings and scowls. 
 Of course silver was the burden of their song 1 , 
 and men who could not explain the meaning of 
 the ratio did not hesitate to attempt an exposi- 
 tion of the entire silver question? In these coun- 
 ties the professional office seekers, Republicans 
 and Democrats alike, were found in the ranks of 
 the Populists, and as a rule managed the party 
 conventions and secured places on the ticket 
 when the} r could, which, fortunately for the tax- 
 payers, was but seldom. 
 
 It may be imagined that Hon. Irving Howbert, 
 when he accepted the chairmanship of the state 
 committee, found himself with an almost hercul- 
 ean task on his hands. The party all over the 
 state seemed to require complete reorganization, 
 and as he had assumed the management of the 
 canvass prior to the holding of the state conven- 
 tion, his first task was the discovery of the prob- 
 able strength of the part}^ in the state whether 
 it had gained or lost since the campaign of 1892. 
 Thanks to the thorough work of the committee 
 in this direction, it was soon demonstrated that 
 the Republican party was ready for victory 
 with the right kind of a ticket, and to this end 
 the efforts of Republicans all over the state were 
 directed. 
 
 The Democrats were without hope. Many of 
 them^advocated the plan of making no state nom- 
 
I46U WAITE RUXS THE POPULISTS 
 
 inations, and voting- the Republican ticket; others 
 could not accept this proposition, but urged the 
 nomination of a full state ticket; a few very few 
 favored fusion with the Populists. After many 
 consultations with the leaders all over the state, 
 it was finally decided that the party should main- 
 tain its organization, and nominate a ticket. 
 
 Of all the parties in the state the Populists 
 were in the most peculiar situation. Their chief 
 whom one enthusiastic } r oung man called " that 
 grand old anarchist/' had set the rank and file an 
 example of insubordination that they were not 
 slow to follow. Governor Waite bent every ener- 
 gy to secure his own renomination. He seemed 
 to imagine that being the governor, the entire 
 machine^ of the party should be under his con- 
 trol, and would not tolerate any expression of 
 opinion contrary to his own. The county com- 
 mittee of Arapahoe county was supposed to be 
 opposed to his nomination; he scolded them 
 as if they were a parcel of boys. Some of the 
 leading Populists of the state questioned the 
 propriety of selecting him as the standard 
 bearer; his expletives were worthy of a Bill- 
 ingsgate fish-wife. He permitted no dissension 
 from his views, and the Waite followers of Arap- 
 ahoe count3 r organized what they called the 
 'Ironclads/' solid for Waite under any and all 
 circumstances, under which the most shameful 
 and unheard of robbe^ of cit}^ emplo3^es was 
 carried out under the guise of political assess- 
 ments. The struggle between the Waite and an- 
 ti-Waite factions was scandalous even to the Pop- 
 
POPULIST PRIMARIES 263 
 
 ulist party, Their party primaries for Arapahoe 
 county were held on August 29 and developed a 
 fiercer, more bitter antagonism than was ever be- 
 fore known in the political history of the state. 
 Daily and nightly the two factions held meetings 
 for the purpose of devising ways and means for 
 the defeat of the other fellows. The govern- 
 or had the advantage. His opponents were 
 largely composed of soreheads, who had earned 
 the right to put a finger in the public pie 
 but had not been given the opportunity, and re- 
 ceived the sympathy of none, while Waite was as 
 thoroughly equipped as the Knight of La Man- 
 cha, and had been equally fortunate in his tilts 
 with the windmills of his party. Every office 
 holder was required to spend the greater part of 
 his time in electioneering for Waite, while the 
 party machinery was kept in motion and well 
 greased with the supplies obtained by the volun- 
 tary contributions of the laborers who had been 
 given employment through the Populist board 
 of public works of the city of Denver. But the 
 governor was by no means permitted to have a 
 walk-over. The opposition to his nomination in- 
 cluded nearly all the elements of respectability 
 of which the party could boast. E. H. Holden, T. 
 M. Patterson, J. Warner Mills and others earnestly 
 tried to redeem the party from what they did not 
 hesitate to characterize as the disgrace of Waite- 
 ism. The News was outspoken in its demand that 
 he should be shelved, and, aided by the county 
 committee of Arapahoe county, the opposition 
 seemed to have a nucleus which was far from fa- 
 
264 ARAPAHOE POPULIST CONVENTION 
 
 vorablefor the Governor's chances. But the Gov- 
 ernor was invincible. At the Arapahoe county- 
 primaries the police and fire department, of which 
 he now had absolute control, worked openly for 
 the Waite ticket, and resorted to the most desper- 
 ate measures to insure success. If the stories of 
 the anti-Waite leaders are to be believed, the 
 most outrageous frauds were perpetrated. Re- 
 peating, ballot-box-stuffing, terrorism, and every 
 dishonest scheme known to the manipulators of 
 party primaries, was put in practice, and the 
 vilest scenes ever recorded in Colorado were en- 
 acted. When the county convention met on Sep- 
 tember 1 the Waite faction was in the majority, 
 but their antagonists were very much in sight, 
 and made up in vigor what they lacked in num- 
 bers. Several times the two factions came within 
 n fraction of a pitched battle. About one-third of 
 the delegates were women, and it is possible that 
 this fact had something to do with the ultimate 
 preservation of the peace, though on several oc- 
 casions it seemed almost impossible to prevent 
 bloodshed. The police department was again 
 conspicuous, and was the most aggressive of the 
 Waite followers. The contending factions jostled 
 each other, shook their fists in each others faces, 
 called names and generally illustrated the Oma- 
 ha platform until, on the second day of the con- 
 vention, the Waite men won, and selected a Waite 
 delegation to the state convention. The anti- 
 Waite following bolted, 149delegates seceding and 
 electing a contesting delegation. 
 
 While Waite was in the heat of the turmoil con- 
 
THE LIKENS AFFAIR 263 
 
 sequent upon his efforts to secure a majority of 
 his state convention, an incident occurred which, 
 while perhaps unimportant from a political stand- 
 point, still further increased the disgust at the 
 Populist administration, and served as a text for 
 campaign orators. Mrs. Likens had for years, 
 under several different administrations, been the 
 matron of the Denver police station. She was 
 universally regarded as peculiarly fitted for this 
 trying- position, and had certainly done much 
 good to that large class of female prisoners who 
 were more sinned against than sinning. But Mrs. 
 Likens was not a Populist, and a howl arose from 
 the Ironclads for her removal. After suffering a 
 number of inclig'nities such as made her position 
 extremely distasteful, she was fmall3 r removed. 
 But the ladies of Denver knew something of Mrs. 
 Likens and her noble work, and indignant pro- 
 tests were not wanting. Then it occurred to those 
 responsible for her removal that some better rea- 
 son than mere partisanship must be given for the 
 change. A friend of Mrs. Likens had advertised 
 for a position as housekeeper and directed replies 
 to be sent to Mrs. Likens. A letter came, ad- 
 dressed to the Police Matron on the envelope, and 
 to Mrs. Likens in person on the inside. The mat- 
 ter of the reply was construed by the corrupt eyes 
 that beheld it, as containing an improper pro- 
 posal, and because some man in Pueblo had writ- 
 ten a letter to a middle-aged lad}^ with grown 
 children, capable of bearing such a construction, 
 the letter was hawked about with all the nods and 
 winks and leers that are common in such cases, 
 
2(5f) POPULIST STATE CONVENTION 
 
 as affording- proof of the immoral character of 
 the lad} T , and the consequent reason for her dis- 
 charge. But in not promptly returning- the let- 
 ter to the owner the party became amenable to 
 the postal laws, and were all arrested, including 
 Governor Waite, who was not ashamed to ac- 
 knowledge that he had read a private letter, and 
 though he knew that it should have been imme- 
 diatel} T returned to its owner, neglected to direct 
 this to be done. The incident caused almost uni- 
 versal comment, by no means favorable to those 
 guilty of so gross a breach of decency. 
 
 It is difficult to decide whether the Populist 
 convention of 1894 or the Democratic convention 
 of 1892, bore off the palm for disgraceful rioting 
 and indecent disregard for the privileges of de- 
 bate. The state convention met at Pueblo on Sep- 
 tember 4, and it was found that Waite had secur- 
 ed the convention beyond all question. The con- 
 testing delegation from Arapahoe county put in 
 an appearance, and insisted on having its claims 
 considered by the convention. The scenes that 
 occurred during the first day of the convention 
 were indescribable, and defied the skill of the 
 most experienced reporter. There was no sem- 
 blance of order. Delegates wrangled, applied 
 disgusting epithets to each other, tangled them- 
 selves up in utter defiance of all parliamentar}- 
 practice, howled, shook their fists and danced 
 like dervishes, until the hall was converted into 
 pandemonium, and the scene resembled nothing 
 so much as the witches sabbath, or the unhol}' 
 revels observed by Tarn O'Shanter. The Arapa- 
 
PANDEMONIUM BROKE LOOSE 267 
 
 hoe contestants, composed in the main of men 
 who were capable of self control, and led 03- T. 
 X. Patterson, was the object of universal atten- 
 tion and execration. It was fiercely denovinced 
 by wild-ej^ed orators from all parts of the state, 
 and finally one enthusiastic admirer of Waite, 
 drunk with excitement, and bearing- a portrait of 
 the g-overnor, made his way through the press 
 and penetrated the ranks of the contestants, wav- 
 the portrait and yelling defiance to his opponents. 
 This was more than the contestants could bear. 
 Blows were given and returned, and in a moment 
 the portrait was the center of a seething* mass of 
 struggling men, while from all parts of the hall 
 the adherents of the governor rushed to the scene 
 intent upon the rescue of the portrait from the 
 hands of his enemies. The portrait escaped seri- 
 ous damage, however, and after a time the sem- 
 blance of order was restored, and the convention 
 proceeded in its peculiar way to the transaction 
 of its business. The contest was over the ap- 
 pointment of the committee on credentials, the 
 anti- Waite following- hoping- to secure some rep- 
 resentative on the committee, and thus pave the 
 way for a minority report, and a discussion of the 
 merits of the Arapahoe controversy on the floor 
 of the convention. In this however they were 
 unsuccessful. Their claims to representation on 
 the committee were entirely disregarded, the ma- 
 jority being- determined to have harmon}^ in their 
 own way, and it was with the greatest difficulty, 
 and onl}^ after the most strenuous exertions, that 
 the contestants secured a hearing before the coin- 
 
268 THE CONTESTANTS OUSTED 
 
 mittee. The pleadings before the committee were 
 masterly presentations of the corruption and in- 
 decent disregard for law or common fairness that 
 had characterized the party primaries in Arapa- 
 hoe count}^, but availed nothing 1 . The committee 
 knew that the3^ were expected to render Waite's 
 nomination a certainty, and were not disposed to 
 permit any discussion of the merits of the propo- 
 sition on the floor of the convention. The com- 
 mittee unanimously agreed to exclude the con- 
 testants. 
 
 The committee's report was presented on the 
 following clay, and by some parliamentary ma- 
 euver a minority report was brought into the 
 convention. It was greeted with 3 r ells, shrieks of 
 derision, laughter, and roars of anger. Mr. Pat- 
 terson made his way to the platform, and an at- 
 tempt was made by the chairman to put him off. 
 He held his ground, however, while scores of 
 willing instruments of the convention's t\'ranny 
 tried to reach the platform and assist in dragging 
 the plucky advocate therefrom. Denunciation, 
 vituperation and abuse, all directed at the man 
 who, two years before, had made the election of 
 \Vaite possible, resounded from all parts of the 
 hall. The spectators took up the refrain, and for 
 several minutes nothing could be distinguished 
 bearing the slightest resemblance to articulation. 
 Meanwhile Mr. Patterson held his ground with a 
 tenacity against which the maddened throng was 
 powerless, frequently taking advantage of a tem- 
 porary lull to attempt the delivery of his re- 
 marks, only to be howled into silence. Finally, 
 
DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 269 
 
 ashamed of the disgraceful refusal to listen to 
 argument, some delegate gained a hearing long- 
 enough for a motion that Mr. Patterson be per- 
 mitted to speak. The motion was lost, but the 
 chair, in pure shame, declared it carried, and Mr. 
 Patterson commenced to speak. In less than a 
 minute, however, the uproar re-commenced, and 
 again the convention was converted into an as- 
 semblage, compared with which a congregation 
 of howling monkeys in the forest of the Amazon 
 are the sweetest of singers. Mr. Patterson, with 
 all his well known determination, was compelled 
 to desist. The tactics that had been used with 
 such effect against Republican speakers in the 
 previous campaign had been used against him- 
 self, and he was forced to acknowledge defeat and 
 retire from the stage. The turbulent course of 
 Governor Wait's administration was fitly exem- 
 plified by the convention which assembled near 
 its close for the purpose of renominating him. 
 He was nominated by acclamation. 
 
 Whil these scenes were transpiring in Pueb- 
 lo, the Democrats of the state, a forlorn hope in- 
 deed, but determined to maintain their party or- 
 ganization were engaged in the effort to unite the 
 two factions of the party for a vigorous and ag- 
 gressive canvass. There was no hope of the elec- 
 tion of their ticket, but they could at least enter 
 their protest against the continuation of Waite- 
 ism while maintaining the organization of the 
 party. On September 8, both the Silver Demo- 
 crats and the straight Democrats, or "White 
 Wings " held their conventions in Denver. Each 
 
270 SENATORIAL 
 
 convention appointed a committee of conference 
 on the terms of union, and the consolidation of 
 the party was effected with little friction. The 
 result was cheered to the echo by the reunited 
 political family, and a ticket was named with C. 
 S. Thomas as the candidate for governor. 
 
 The Republican campaign was conducted as 
 well to insure the re-election of Senator Wolcott 
 as to redeem the state from Populism. Even be- 
 fore the meeting- of the State convention the suc- 
 cess of the Republican state ticket was consid- 
 ered certain. The disgust at the manner in 
 which the affairs of the state had been adminis- 
 tered by the Populists was so general that it was 
 almost a foregone conclusion that with respecta- 
 ble candidates on the state ticket the Republicans 
 would win. The legislature was by no means so 
 certain, and it was felt to be necessa^ to make 
 the most strenuous exertions to prevent the Pop- 
 ulists from controlling the general assembly. 
 While there were many Republicans to whom, 
 for many reasons, Senator Wolcott would have 
 been objectionable under ordinary circum- 
 stances, it was considered that in the present sta- 
 tus of the silver question in congress, the inter- 
 ests of Colorado demanded the return of Wolcott, 
 both on account of his services to the silver 
 cause, and because, b}^ his election on the distinct 
 issue of those services, the position of Colorado 
 on the question of free coinage would be clearly 
 demonstrated to the people of the east. Conse- 
 quently, Republican candidates for the legisla- 
 ture, with few exceptions, made the canvass with 
 
ARAPAHOE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENTS 271 
 
 the clear understanding- that if elected they 
 would vote for Wolcott to succeed himself. This 
 feeling however, was by no means so general as 
 to prevent any opposition to Wolcott. The anti- 
 Wolcott faction in Arapahoe county was still 
 strong and active, but Mr. Wolcott was fortunate 
 in the fact that it was found impossible to con- 
 centrate this opposition upon an acceptable man. 
 There is no doubt that the appreciation of Wol- 
 cott's brilliant work during the extra session of 
 congress was not without a favorable effect upon 
 the canvass for the state ticket. 
 
 In Arapahoe county considerable feeling was 
 created among the women voters by the action of 
 the Republican county committee in seeming to 
 wish to deprive them of their full rights of rep- 
 resentation upon the committee and in the party 
 convention. Chairman Howbert of the state 
 committee, had recommended the selection of a 
 woman associate for each precinct committee- 
 man, but for some reason there were objections 
 to this plan in Arapahoe county, and a heated 
 discussion arose in which the press sided with 
 the women. The stereotyped cry of "gang" was 
 raised, and the organization of a "business men's 
 league" in Denver, for the purpose of securing 
 control of the party convention, was followed by 
 a union of interests between the league and the 
 organization of women voters. The primaries 
 were held on September 6, and the consolidated 
 women and business men secured a majority of 
 the delegates, which, while not large, was suffi- 
 ciently well organized to give them control of the 
 
272 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION 
 
 convention. On September 8 the count}" conven- 
 tion met, nominated an exceptionally good ticket, 
 instructed the nominees for the legislature to 
 vote for Wolcott for United States senator, and 
 selected a delegation to the state convention. 
 
 When the state convention met in Denver on 
 September 11, it was with an air of confidence 
 that of itself went far toward an assurance of vie- 
 tor} 7 . There was no other sentiment than an ear- 
 nest desire to secure the nomination of men who 
 would be able to win. A strong- fight for leader- 
 ship in the gubernatorial race had been made in 
 Arapahoe count}', with W. G. Smith, formerly 
 lieutenant-governor, and J. C. Helm in opposition. 
 Each candidate had a strong following in the out- 
 side counties, and on the day before the conven- 
 tion it was difficult to determine which was the 
 strongest. Beside these two, A. W. Mclntire, of 
 Conejos, J. L. Brush, of Weld, and Irving How- 
 bert, of El Paso, \vere in the race, each with more 
 or less of a following. 
 
 It had for some time been the understanding 
 among many of the party leaders that a strong 
 effort should be made to secure the nomination 
 of Judge Helm, but a short time before tbe meet- 
 of the convention it was discovered that he was 
 not satisfactory to some of the most important 
 influences in the party, and his chief supporters 
 were given plainly to understand that the effort 
 to nominate Helm would be vigorously opposed. 
 This announcement was not received with cordi- 
 ality by Judge Helm's following, especially as 
 some of the parties now opposing him had only 
 
THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST 273 
 
 a short time before been among his supporters. 
 But it was recognized at once that the defection 
 was sufficientl}' serious to render Helm's nomi- 
 nation not onl}^ problematical but absolutely im- 
 possible. 
 
 The opposition to Helm was generally concen- 
 trated upon Irving Howbert as the nominee, but 
 was not seconded to any great degree by How- 
 bert himself. There were several reasons why 
 Howbert would not come before the convention, 
 chief among which was his own disinclination. 
 He had been urged over and over by Republi- 
 cans from all parts of the state to accept the nom- 
 ination, and uniformly declined, it being under- 
 stood that beside his personal objections, he did 
 not wish to in any way interfere with the aspira- 
 tions of Judge Campbell to a nomination for the 
 supreme bench, both gentlemen hailing 1 from El 
 Paso county. But firm as was Mr. Howbert in 
 his refusal to consider the matter of his candida- 
 C3 T , his friends were equall}^ firm in the deter- 
 mination that he should be the nominee. Strong- 
 ly influencing this determination was the fact 
 that Howbert had no senatorial aspirations, 
 while it was feared, with some degree of reason, 
 that some of the other candidates might be af- 
 fected in that direction. There was no question 
 of Howbert's popularity. Had his name been 
 presented to the convention with his full consent 
 the chances are about even that he would have 
 been nominated by acclamation. But though 
 earnest efforts were made to induce him to ac- 
 cept the nomination, up to a late hour of the 
 
274 THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST 
 
 night before the convention they were unsuc- 
 cessful. 
 
 W. G. Smith had every reason to expect the 
 support of a large part of the Arapahoe delega- 
 tion, and had a considerable following in the 
 northern counties, but like Helm he was unsatis- 
 factory to some of the leaders of the part} 7 , and 
 on the da}' before the convention was astonished 
 to learn that the larger part of his forces had de- 
 serted him on the eve of the final contest. 
 
 J. L. Brush had earned the nomination, and if 
 political conventions were in the habit of being 
 influenced by such considerations, was in many 
 respects the logical candidate, but in his off-hand, 
 large-hearted manner, announced that he must 
 not be considered in the way of anything that 
 might benefit the party. 
 
 A tentative effort on the part of his many 
 friends to create a sentiment in favor of J. M. 
 Maxwell was a failure. 
 
 A. W. Mclntire, early in the canvass for the 
 nominations, had no higher ambition than the 
 bench of the twelfth judicial district, but local 
 political interests proved a bar to his aspirations 
 in this direction, and at the solicitations of his 
 friends he became a candidate for the gubernato- 
 rial nomination. He was not sanguine of success, 
 however, and doubtless the trend of events in his 
 direction was as much of a surprise to himself as 
 to the partisans of the other candidates. 
 
 There was a strong feeling against Helm and 
 Smith among the southern delegates, on the 
 grounds that while the former had the prestige 
 
THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST 275 
 
 of defeat against him, the latter was entirely un- 
 known in that section of the state, and it was 
 thought that the nominee should be a man who 
 could at least carry some of the southern coun- 
 ties, as, judging from the conditions in their own 
 section, they were by no means sanguine of vic- 
 tor} r . They vigorous^ opposed the two gentle- 
 men named, therefore, but had little or no influ- 
 ence in causing their defeat. The} 7 were defeated 
 by other and much more potent influences than 
 the opposition of a handful of delegates from the 
 Populist strongholds. 
 
 Smith and Helm having been set aside, and 
 Brush having voluntarily retired, it became ap- 
 parent that Howbert or Mclntire would be the 
 nominee. The friends of Helm were not feeling 
 very pleasant over the defeat of their man, and 
 were therefore not inclined to accept Howbert at 
 the dictation of the interests which had forced 
 Helm out of the race. If the sentiment of the 
 convention could be concentrated upon Howbert 
 in sufficient strength he might have felt com- 
 pelled to accept as a political dut}^ and to pre- 
 vent such a concentration was the work cut out 
 for the leaders whose preferences had been dis- 
 regarded. The3 r were successful.. Howbert could 
 not be induced to accept unless the convention 
 was practically unanimous for him, and the op- 
 position took good care to render that event 
 impossible. In this wa}^ Mclntire fell heir to the 
 nomination with scarcely an effort on his part. 
 He was the only one left upon whom the oppos- 
 ing factions could unite, and the condition of af- 
 
'^/(5 McINTIKE NOMINATED. 
 
 fairs which made his nomination possible was 
 the result of the shrewdest work against appa- 
 rently overwhelming- odds that was ever done in 
 a Colorado Republican convention. 
 
 Helm, on finding himself defeated, was in fa- 
 vor of Howbert, but found no opportunity- for 
 corning to an understanding with him, and late 
 on the night before the convention, Helm and 
 Smith made a virtue of necessit} r and withdrew, 
 the Howbert interest threw up the sponge, and 
 when the convention met in the morning there 
 was nothing left for it to do but nominate Mcln- 
 tire by acclamation. 
 
 The other places on the ticket were filled with 
 but little friction, though for nearly all of the 
 places there were sharp contests. When the con- 
 vention assembled it was said a slate had been 
 prepared. If this was the case the close of the 
 proceedings left nothing of the slate but its shat- 
 tered fragments. With the big delegation from 
 Arapahoe hopelessly divided, and the result of 
 the gubernatorial contest rendering impossible 
 all previous combinations, a slate was wofully 
 out of place, and the result was a ticket which 
 was eminently representative, and in every re- 
 spect one that would draw the full strength of 
 the party. 
 
 In the congressional conventions John F. Sha- 
 froth was nominated in the first district and Hon. 
 Thomas M. Bowen in the second. 
 
 No time was lost by any part} r in the com- 
 mencement of active campaign work. The Popu- 
 lists were in the field early and late. With a cloud 
 
THE CAMPAIGN INAUGURATED 277 
 
 of alleged orators anxious to win a footing 1 in the 
 councils of the party, an atmosphere of discon- 
 tent with the prevailing condition of affairs to 
 aid them, and throngs of men who had nothing 
 to do, the3^ had an apparentl3 r easy task. Their 
 speakers were attended by immense audiences in 
 every part of the state. Waite was especially fa- 
 vored in this respect. His progress through the 
 state was an ovation. Men and women flocked to 
 see and hear the man who had been more talked 
 about, more mercilessl3 r criticised and more 
 roundly abused than any man in the country. 
 And he was not disappointing. He talked to the 
 people whose votes he asked exactly as he had 
 acted during his administration. He was tireless 
 in his denunciation of capital and fulsome in his 
 eulogies upon labor. He denounced the crime of 
 1873 as if he had been the original discoverer of 
 that serious political error, and wherever he 
 spoke he left men behind him who were certain 
 that nothing would ever have been done for silver 
 had it not been for Davis H. Waite. Such great 
 throngs attended the Populist meetings in the 
 larger cities where it was announced that Waite 
 would speak, that many Republicans became 
 alarmed, and judging from superficial appear- 
 ances, imagined that these great outpourings in- 
 dicated a more sweeping Populist triumph than 
 two 3 r ears before. But this was a year for big 
 meetings. So man3^ things had occurred during 
 the previous two 3^ears that entered into the dis- 
 cussions of the campaign that public curiosity 
 was excited as to the methods of treatment by 
 
278 POPULIST TACTICS 
 
 the different speakers, and Mr. Thomas, whose 
 vote was less than 10 per cent, of the total vote of 
 the state, was attended by crowds but very little 
 smaller than those which attended the meetings 
 of his opponents. 
 
 In the Egypt of Populism, the southwestern 
 part of the state it had been intended to pursue 
 similar tactics to those of two } r ears before the 
 breaking up of Republican meeting's by hooting 
 the speakers, packing the halls, and similar 
 methods adopted by those who fear to hear the 
 truth. One or two efforts in this direction, how- 
 ever, convinced the projectors of such proceed- 
 ings that it would not do, that the time had passed 
 when bulging would be effective, that Republi- 
 cans had recovered from the dread of an unknown 
 force, and having measured the new party were 
 not disposed to sit quietl}- down and submit to 
 the insolence of ignorance and the arrogance of 
 an assunTed power. Few interruptions of politi- 
 cal meetings occurred, and these were so swiftly 
 and sternl}- rebuked by the speakers, by the au- 
 dience, and by the press, that the custom fell into 
 innocuous desuetude long before the close of the 
 campaign. 
 
 No political campaign of Colorado was ever 
 so earnestly contested. Scarcely a hamlet in the 
 state but was visited by one or more of the sev- 
 eral part}' orators, and in few did the effort to 
 stir up popular feeling fail. One prominent 
 Democrat startled the state b}^ taking the stump 
 for the Republican ticket, a thing before unheard 
 of in partisan politics, and hundreds of the rank 
 
THE WOMEN VOTERS 279 
 
 arid file of the Democratic party openly an- 
 nounced their intention of voting- the Republican 
 ticket. There was a deep seated feeling that the 
 race between Waiteism and the Republican par- 
 ty would be a close one and that in order to pre- 
 vent the possibility of Populist success it was 
 necessary to la} T aside partisan feeling and vote 
 for the ticket which stood the best show of de- 
 feating Waite. In this estimate of Populist 
 strength two important factors were not consid- 
 ered, the close, effective work of the state com- 
 mittee, and the woman vote. Chairman Howbert 
 insisted upon a careful, systematic canvass of 
 every precinct in the state, and the standing of 
 every man in the state was known to the local 
 committees and reported to state headquarters. 
 Several days before the election the lowest esti- 
 mate of the Republican plurality was 12,000, and 
 there was never a day from the beginning to the 
 close of the campaign, when there was a doubt 
 of the ultimate success of the Republican ticket. 
 The women of the state were on the side of good 
 government, and signalized their entrance upon 
 the field of politics by an earnestness, an activity 
 and an intelligence that was irresistible. They 
 were not content with the ordinary work of the 
 rank and file, but went from house to house and 
 labored with their sex to induce them to vote and 
 to vote right. As an instance of the thorough- 
 ness \vith which the work of the women was per- 
 formed, in one precinct in which 52 Republican 
 women voters were registered, but one failed to 
 vote, and she was ill on election day. 
 
280 WAITJSISM DISCARDED 
 
 The Denver News occupied a peculiar position 
 during 1 the campaign. After having given the 
 most substantial proof of Governor Waite's ab- 
 solute unfitness, and after Mr. Patterson had 
 made a most heroic struggle for the redemption 
 of the Populist part}' from Waiteism, under the 
 mistaken notion that the two were separable, the 
 News supported the Populist ticket, and appar- 
 ently \vith a relish. 
 
 The result of the election was a surprise to the 
 Populists. The>^ reallj' expected to carr}* the 
 state by an increased majorit}^ over that of 1892 
 The>^ even expected, having control of all the 
 machinery of the state and city of Denver, tocar- 
 ry Arapahoe count y. The latter gave 15,268 and 
 the state 19,604 plurality for Mclntire. The rest 
 of the Republican state ticket was elected by plu- 
 ralities ranging from 8,682 to 23,351; Shafroth wn^ 
 elected to Congress from the first district by a 
 plurality of 13,487, Bell's majority of 12,905 in 
 1892 was cut down to 5,334, and the legislature 
 stood in the senate, 15 Republicans, 17 Populists 
 and 3 Democrats, and in the House 43 Republi- 
 cans and 22 Populists and Democrats. 
 
 It is probable that there was more sincere re- 
 joicing over the result of this election than over 
 that of any of its predecessors. The personnel 
 of the ticket had very little to do with this feeling. 
 It would have been modified, perhaps, but fully 
 as sincere, if Mr. Thomas had been the success- 
 ful candidate for governor. The victory of the 
 Republican party in 1894 was the awakening 
 from a political nightmare and all of its horrid 
 
THE STATE REDEEMED 281 
 
 accompaniments. It was a return from political 
 foll3 r to political common sense; a change from 
 political blackguardism to political decency, at 
 least. For a time there was great fear that the 
 state had been turned over to Waiteism, and 
 that there was no hope of anything except years 
 of such misrule as had been the political ruin of 
 Kansas, but the people were satisfied with one 
 experiment. It had been exceedingly costly, but 
 the experience was worth the outlay, and it is 
 hardly likely that any similar party will ever 
 again ride into power on a wave of popular in- 
 dignation resulting from the injustice done to 
 silver. Better almost any present misery than a 
 repetition of the experiment of Populism. 
 
 A slight wave of anger and possible alarm 
 was occasioned between the election and the in- 
 auguration of the governor by the foolish talk of 
 some of the Populist leaders to the effect that 
 though there seemed to be a majority against 
 them, it was due to their being counted out, but 
 that they had the last count, referring to the fact 
 that the official canvass of the vote was to be 
 made by a Populist canvassing board. Their 
 error was discovered in time to prevent another 
 exhibition of Populist folly. 
 
 When the question of United States senator 
 came up it was found that although in almost 
 ever}^ legislative district in the state it had been 
 openly declared that the re-election of Senator 
 Wolcott was the main issue of the campaig'n, 
 there was so strong an opposition to him among 
 Republican members that a sufficient number 
 
282 A SENATORIAL FLURRY 
 
 were found willing- to join with the opposition 
 and elect another senator. The combine was all 
 arranged and would undoubted^ have been car- 
 ried out, had it been able to find a suitable man 
 willing 1 to accept an election to the senate under 
 such circumstances. But the man could not be 
 found, and appearing- on the surface to have 
 smooth sailing-, Senator Wolcott received the cau- 
 cus nomination and was elected, receiving ,~j7 
 votes to 39 for Pence and 3 for Thomas. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE, 1894. 
 
 FIFTY-FOURTH CONGRESS. 
 
 1st Dist. J. F. Shafroth 47,710 Lafe Pence 34,223 
 
 2d " Thos. M. Bowen.,42,369 John C. Bell 47,703 
 
 STATE OFFICERS. 
 
 Governor A. W. Mclntire 92,507 Davis H. Waite 74,894 
 
 Lt-Gov. J. L. Brush 90,654 S. W. Harmon 72,480 
 
 Secy St'e A. B. McGaff oy 89,172 N. O. McClees 73,528 
 
 Treas. H. E. Mulnix 89,947 C. Barela 81,205 
 
 Auditor C. C. Parks 89,670 S. F. Lincoln 73,087 
 
 Atty Gen Byron L. Carr 90,262 H. T. Sales 73,006 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 
 Mrs. A. J. Peavey 87,765 Alice M. Catlin 72,266 
 
 Regents of the University 
 
 C. R. Dudley 92,803 Barney O'Driscoll. ...69,452 
 
 S. A. Giffin 89,117 L. J. Morrison 71,388 
 
 Governor C. S. Thomas. .... .8337 Atty-Gen. J. M. Brinson. ...8164 
 
 Lt-Gov. F. J. Mefcton 9296 Sup't of Schools 
 
 Sec'y St'e J. Ernest Meiere...9133 C. C.Bradford. .10.083 
 
 Auditor Jos. S. Swan 8448 Regents C. R. Dudley... 92,803 
 
 Treas. C. Barela 81,205 F. E. Wheeler... 9545 
 
 JUDICIARY. 
 Judge of the Supreme Court 
 
 John Campbell 90.843 J. Warner Mills 76,487 
 
 District Judges. 
 
 1st Dist. C. F. Becker. ... ... 4059 
 
 2d ' G.W.Allen 33,798 
 
 O. E. LeFevre 32,603 
 
 C. P. Butler 32,280 
 
 P. L. Palmer 32,075 
 
 F. T. Johnson 32,030 
 
 3d " J. G. Northcutt 4452 
 
 4th " Ira Harris 10,472 
 
 5th* " T. A. Dickson 3013 
 
 5th ' ' John M . Maxwell 3659 
 
 6th " Geo. T. Sumner 2464 
 
 7th* " No opposition 
 
 A. H. DeFrance 5121 
 
 S. L. Carpenter 19,925 
 
 A. S. Frost 18,842 
 
 Geo. C. Norris 20,888 
 
 A. J. Rising 21,839 
 
 E. J. Short 20,076 
 
 J. C. Gunter 4061 
 
 K. R. Babbitt 7355 
 
 F. W. Owers 2100 
 
 F. W. Owers 4596 
 
 J. L. Russell 2929 
 
 W. A. Gabbert 3794 
 
 *General Election of 1893, to fill vacancies. 
 
OFFICIAL VOTE 1894 CONTINUED 
 
 District Judges continued. 
 7th Dist. L. Twitchell . . . 
 
 . . 4238 W. A. Gabbert 678:? 
 
 8th " 
 9th " 
 
 James E Garri^nes., . . 
 
 . . 8103 Jay H. Boughton. . . . 
 .3078 Tho<* A Rucker 
 
 . .8170 
 42 ; 
 
 10th* " 
 
 Platt Wicks 
 
 .2657 J. H Voorhies 
 
 288 
 
 
 -J. C. Elwell 
 N. W. Dixon 
 
 ...4910 J, H. Voorhies 
 ...5189 J. J. Me Feeler 
 
 ..5667 
 4424 
 
 llth " 
 12th " 
 
 Hosea Townsend 
 C. C. Holbrook 
 
 ...4435 M. S. Bailey 
 . 4838 E. F. Richardson. 
 
 . . 5392 
 .3693 
 
 13th " 
 
 --E. E. Armour 
 
 . . 1860 James Glynn 
 
 .157* 
 
 District 
 1st Dist. 
 
 2d " 
 
 Attorneys. 
 -A. D. Bullis 
 -G. W. Whitford 
 
 . 3946 E. C. Mason 
 . 32.534 Ralph Talbot 
 
 ..4974 
 19,727 
 
 3d " 
 
 R. R. Ross 
 
 4510 Orlando Hitt. 
 
 3891 
 
 4th " 
 5th* * k 
 
 H. M. Blackmer 
 A. T. Gunnell.t 
 
 .10,472 J. M. Johnson 
 1882 Wm. A. Guyselman 
 
 ..7415 
 2093 
 
 5th " 
 6th " 
 
 Frank E. Purple^ 
 S. W. Carpenter 
 
 ...3731 L. R. Thomas 
 1809 T. J. Tarsney 
 
 ..4755 
 
 . 2709 
 
 7th " 
 
 -T Y Bradshaw 
 
 4^11 L J Henry 
 
 6321 
 
 8th " 
 
 Geo W. Bailey 
 
 7991 A. C. Patton 
 
 8170 
 
 9th " 
 
 Geo D Johnson 
 
 :? "59 W. B. Wiley . . 
 
 3969 
 
 10th " 
 
 Geo. W. Collins 
 
 .5322 D.M.Campbell... 
 
 . . 4(i()' 
 
 llth " 
 
 C C Daws on 
 
 1755 James I Locke.. 
 
 5071 
 
 12th " 
 13 tli " 
 
 T. D. McDonald 
 Granville Pendloton. 
 
 ...4618 Chas. D. Jones 
 .1*145 W. W. McCollister. 
 
 . . 383S 
 . . 1M9 
 
 TKNTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 President pro tern. Fred Lockwood. 
 
 Secretary A. B. Gray. 
 
 1st 
 
 Dist. H. Armstrong 
 
 3d Dis 
 
 it. M. A. Leddy 
 
 
 W. B. Felker 
 
 
 A. R. Kennedy 
 
 
 Chas. Hartzell 
 
 4th 4k 
 
 Casimero Barela 
 
 
 Oscar Renter 
 
 5th " 
 
 Fred L. Lockwood 
 
 
 P. J. Sours 
 
 6th " 
 
 Austin Blakey 
 
 
 -C. E. Locke 
 
 7th " 
 
 David Boyd 
 
 2d 
 
 " James F. Drake 
 
 >sth " 
 
 H. R. Brown 
 
 
 Jesse G. Morton 
 
 9th " 
 
 - J. G- Johnson 
 
 *General election of 1893, to fill vacancies. 
 fDemocratic fusion. 
 ^Republican fusion. 
 
X I XTH GKX E R A L A SS K MBLY 
 
 285 
 
 Senate continued 
 
 10th Dist. James C. Evans 
 
 llth 
 
 12th 
 
 13th 
 
 14th 
 
 15th 
 
 16th 
 
 17th 
 
 18th 
 
 19th 
 
 20th Dist. Geo. E. Pease 
 
 B. Clark Wheeler 21st " D. A. Mills 
 
 " R. Turner 22d " E. W. Merritt 
 
 " -C. C. Graham 23d " G. W. Swink 
 
 " J.T. McNeeley 24th " Wm. H. Adams 
 
 " F. E. Moody 25th " Jos. H. Painter 
 
 " W. M. Fulton 26th " H. O. Balsinger 
 
 " J. O. Campbell 27th " John R. Gordon 
 
 " F. Campy 28th " Patrick Crowe 
 ' C. Newman 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Speaker A. L. Humphrey Clerk J. R. Wallingford. 
 
 Arapahoe L. Anfenger 
 W. S. Bales 
 C. W. Campbell 
 Jas. H. Clarke 
 Clara Cressingham 
 A. L. Fribourg 
 Frances S. Kloek 
 -W. H. Macomber 
 -A. F. Peck 
 --Wm. B. Rundie 
 Alex, Stewart 
 Jos. H. Stuart 
 A. I. Warren 
 
 Boulder E. Greenman 
 H. M Miner 
 Geo. Ranson 
 
 Chatfee G. M. Hollenbeck 
 
 Clear Creek Jos. Gallagher 
 
 Conejos C. Garcia 
 
 Conejos and Archulota 
 
 F. G. Blake 
 
 Cost ill a A. A. Salazar 
 
 Custer A. DeBord 
 
 Dolores and Montezuma 
 
 Geo. J. Ashbaugh 
 
 Douglas W. I. Whittier 
 
 Eagle Geo. W. Jenks 
 
 Elbert and Lincoln 
 
 Theodore S. Harper 
 
 Kl Paso C. G. Collais 
 
 A. L, Humphrey 
 
 I. J. Woodworth 
 Fremont D. Crow 
 Fremont and Chaff ee 
 
 H. S. Tomkins 
 Garfield J. H. Murfitt 
 Gilpin J.R.Mitchell 
 
 Grand and Summit 
 
 C. L. Westerman 
 Gunnison J. W, Rockefeller 
 Hinsdale and San Juan 
 
 Casper Malchus 
 Huerfano -M. A. Vi^il 
 Jefferson J. M. Morris 
 Kiowa, Baca and Prowers 
 
 J. C.Funderburgh 
 Kit Carson and Cheyenne 
 
 W. L. Patchen 
 Lake W. Morrell 
 
 T. F. O'Mahoney 
 La Plata -J. W. Wallace 
 Larimer R. D. Miller 
 Las Animas R. H. Purington 
 
 W. R. Sopris 
 Las Animas and Bent 
 
 -W. A Colt 
 Logan, Sedgwick, and Phillips 
 
 J. S. Carnahan 
 
286 TENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
 
 House of Representatives continued. 
 
 Mesa M, V. B. Page Rio Grande and Mineral 
 
 Montrose and Delta U. W. Roe 
 
 J. B. Hart Routt and Rio Blanco 
 Otero W. N. Randall J. W. Lowell 
 
 Ouray C. Von Hagen Saguache J. L. Hurst 
 
 Park S. M. Lasell San Miguel Jas. McWilliams 
 
 Pitkin Fred Light Weld B, F.Johnson 
 
 Pueblo J. F. Allee G. W. Twombly 
 
 J. D. Brown Yuma, Morgan & Washington 
 
 Carrie C. Holly A. C. Wilkins 
 
 X. Kearney