^.% . , ^ 7 V- , ' \ >: ll -T^-^C*- -'^ -V *'*=/ *~ Y x>T>iJ VJ^Y^^ ,\\X-.. k/e> -y the laws which govern population, would be ao celerated. " Such is the extension and use which may be made of the principle of colonization, in application to our slave population, by those states which are alone com- petent to undertake and execute it. All, or any one of the states, which tolerate slaver}', may adopt and execute it, by co-operation, or separate exertion. "If I could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain from the character of our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of this foul blot that revered State that gave me birth, or that not less beloved State which kindly adopted me as her son ; I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most success- ful conqueror. " We are reproached witli doing mischief by the agitating of this question. Collateral consequences we are not responsible for. It is not this society, which has produced the great moral revolution, which the age exhibits. What would they, who thus re- proach us, have done? If they would repress all tendencies toward liberty, and ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this society. They must go back to the era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon, which thunders its annual joyous return. The.y must revive the slave-trade, with all its train of atrocities. They must blow out the moral lights around us, and extinguish that greatest torch of all, whicb 0* HEX TIT CLAY. 25 America presents to a benighted world, pointing way to their rights, their liberties, and their happi- ness. And when they have achieved all these pur- poses, their work will yet be incomplete. They must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of liberty. Then, and not till then, when universal darkness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery, and repress all sympa- thies, and all humane and benevolent efforts among freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to bondage." In another speech, on the same subject, delivered at Frankfort, Kentucky, December 17, 1829, at the anniversary of the Kentucky Colonization Society, Mr. Clay uttered the following sentiments: " More than thirty years ago an attempt was made, in this commonwealth, to adopt a system of gradual emancipation, similar to that which the illustrious Franklin had mainly contributed to introduce, in 1780, in the State founded by the benevolent Penn. And among the acts of my life, which I look back to with most satisfaction, is that of my having co-ope- rated, with other zealous and intelligent friend?, to procure the establishment of that system in this State. We believed that the sum of good, which would be attained by the State of Kentucky, in a gradual emancipation of her slaves, would far trans- scend the aggregate of mischief which might result to herself and the Union together, from the gradual liberation of them, and their dispersion and residence in the United States. We were overpowered by num- bers, but submitted to the decision of the majority, 3 26 THE LIFE AND TIMES with a grace which the minority, in a republic, should ever yield to such a decision. I have, nevertheless, never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret a deci- sion, tho effects of which have been to place us in the rear of our neighbors who are exempt from slavery, in the state of agriculture, the progress of manufac- tures, the advance of improvements, and the general piosperity of society. Is there no remedy? Must we endure perpetually all the undoubted mischiefs of a 81,'ite of slaver}', as it affects both the free and bond ponions of these States ? "What mind is sufficiently extensive in its reach, what nerves sufficiently strong, to contemplate this vast and progressive augmentation [of the slave population] without an awful foreboding of the tremendous consequences? "When we consider the cruelty of the origin of negro-slavery, its nature, the character of the free in- stitutions of the whites, and the irresistible progress of public opinion, throughout America, as well as in Europe, it is impossible not to anticipate frequent in- surrections among the blacks in the United States; they are rational beings, like ourselves, capable of feeling, of reflection, and of judging of what naturally belongs to them as a portion of the human race. By the very condition of the relation which subsists be- tween us, we are enemies of each other. They know well the wrongs which their ancestors suffered, at the hands of our ancestors, and the wrongs which they believe they continue to endure, although they may be unable to avenge them. They are kept in subjec- tion only by the superior intelligence and superior power of the predominant race. OF HENRY SLAT. 27 "If we were to invoke the greatest blessing on earth, which Heaven, in its mercy, could now bestow on this nation, it would be the separation of the two most numerous races of its population, and their com- fortable establishment in distinct and distalit coun- tries. To say nothing of the greatest difficulty in the formation of our present happy Constitution, which arose out of this mixed condition of our people; nothing of the distracting Missouri question, which was so threatening; nothing of others springing from the same fruitful source, which yet agitate us, who can contemplate the future, without the most awful apprehensions? Who, if this promiscuous residence of whites and blacks, of freemen and slaves, is for ever to continue, can imagine the servile wars, the carnage and the crimes, which will be its probable consequences, without shuddering with horror?" Notwithstanding the temporary unpopularity which the utterance of sentiments such as these, or of simi- lar import, threw upon him, Mr. Clay soon regained the favor of the people of Kentucky, to whom he had by this time become known as a rising young lawyer and politician of unequalled abilities; and four years after, in 1803, while he was absent at the Olympian Springs, he was nominated and elected a member of the General Assembly of his adopted State. One means by which he had regained the popular favor, was the energy and zeal with which he had con- demned the alien and sedition laws which were passed during the administration of John Adams. The alien law authorized the President to order any alien or foreigner whom he chose to consider dangerous to 28 THE LIFE AND TIMES tlie peace and safety of the country, to leave it, or be imprisoned for three years. By the sedition law, he was invested with full power to punish till oflences of speech and of the press. These measures, which Mr. Clay regarded as anti-repuhlican, he opposed with his utmost ability; and such opposition was consist- ent with the doctrines which he held as a Jefferso- nian Democrat. It was under this banner, and in conjunction with this party, that he commenced his political career, and whatever measures promoted the enjoyment of the largest degree of freedom, consist- ent with the stability of society, the administration of law, and the rights of others, he was disposed to advocate. In this instance he was on the popular side, and the result was, his first election to an office in the gift of the people. The most important measure which Mr. Clay ad- vocated during his term of service in the Legislatn^ was the removal of the State capital from Frankfort. In his speech on that occasion he is said to have com- pared in a humorous vein the unfitness of the loca- tion of that city to an inverted hat. Frankfort was the body of the hat, the surrounding high lands and bluffs were the brim. The place resembled Nature's great penitentiary ; and was in no respect suited to the distinction of being the capital of the Common- wealth. The Legislature finally resolved to make the proposed removal ; but as no suitable locality was ever afterward chosen, Frankfort still remained the seat of government. Mr. Clay was married in April, 1797, a year and a half after his removal to Kentucky, to Mies Lucretia OF HENRY CLAT. 29 Hart, daughter of Colonel Hart, one of the most es- teemed and respectable citizens of Lexington. Mrs. Clay was a native of Hagerstown, Maryland, and four years younger than her distinguished husband. A long life of domestic felicity afterward crowned their union ; and a family of eleven children succes- sively graced their family circle ; of whom a large proportion died in early life. One of his surviving sons fell with honor in his country's service, on the blood-stained field of Buena Vista, in 1847. 3* 80 THE LIPS AND TIMES CHAPTER III. MR. CLAT'S DEFENCE OF AARON BURR nis ELECTION TO TITE UNITED STATES SENATE ANNOUNCING HIS SYSTEM OF " INTERNAL IMPROVE- MENT" HIS SUBSEQUENT ELECTION TO THE KENTUCKY* LEGISLA- TURE HIS DCEL WITH MR. HUMPHREY MARSHALL HIS SERVICES IN THE LEGISLATURE HIS RE-ELECTION TO THE U. S. SENATE HIS SPEECH ON THE PERDIDO TRACT. Ix the year 1806 Mr. Clay became engaged in pro- fessional duties which brought him into intimate rela- tions with the celebrated Aaron Burr. A short time previous to this event, two men named \\ r ood and Street, had removed from Virginia to Frankfort, in Kentucky, and had established a newspaper under the title of the "The Western World," in which they charged several prominent persons in that State with being engaged in projects and conspiracies having for their object the separation of some of the Southwest- ern States from the Confederacy. Among those thus charged was Judge Innis, whose high character should have protected him from such an imputation. He prosecuted the editors of this paper for libel, and re- covered exemplary damages. Mr. Clay represented the Judge in this suit, and displayed his usual skill and ability in its conduct. Shortly afterward public rumor charged Aaron Burr with treasonable designs against the Federal Govern- OF HENRY CLAf. 81 ment; and he was arrested when passing through Kentucky at the instance of Colonel Daviess, then the United States District Attorney for that district. As Mr. Clay's reputation was already very great as an advocate, Burr's first step was to retain him for his defence; and as all the other rumors and charges of treason which had been prevalent had been proven to be false and groundless, Mr. Clay inferred that Mr. Burr was also an innocent victim of public and wan- ton slander. He agreed to defend Burr on the trial ; but when the indictment was sent in to the Grand Jury, they deemed the .evidence insufficient, and ig- nored the bill. Burr was soon afterward arrested again, and again retained Mr. Clay; but as the latter had recently been elected to a high office in the Fede- ral Government, he declined to accept the trust unless Mr. Burr would give him a written assurance of his entire innocence. This assurance Burr gave in the following language: "I have no design, nor have I taken any measure, to promote a dissolution of the Union, or the separa- tion of any one or more States from the residue. I have neither published a line on this subject, nor has any one through my agency, or with my knowledge. I have no design to intermeddle with the Govern- ment, or to disturb the tranquillity of the United States, or of the territories, or any part of them. I have neither issued, nor signed, nor promised, any commission to any person, for any purpose. I do not own a musket nor bayonet, nor any single article of military stores, nor does any person for ine, by my authority, or with my knowledge. My 82 THE LIFE AND TIMES views have been fully explained to and approved by several of the principal officers of Government, and, I believe, are well understood by the Administration, and seen by it with complacency ; they are such as every man of honor, and every good citizen, must approve. Considering the high station you now fill in our national councils, I have thought these expla- nations proper, as well to counteract the chimerical tales which malevolent persons have so industriously circulated, as to satisfy you that you have not espoused the cause of a man in any way unfriendly to the laws or the interests of the country." The Grand Jury, however, ignored the bill a second time, and again Mr. Clay escaped the necessity of defending a traitor; but subsequently, in 1815, when he returned from Ghent, and visited Mr. Jefferson at "Washington, the latter placed before him such indis- putable proofs of Burr's guilt, that he was convinced of the falsehood of his protestations of innocence. Accordingly, when Clay and Burr accidentally met in New York soon after, and when the latter wished to renew their friendly relations, Mr. Clay declined the proffer, and repulsed his advances. In 1806 Mr. Clay was elected by the Legislature of Kentucky to fill a vacancy in the Senate of the United States, occasioned by the resignation of Hon. John Adair. It was certainly a rare and singular honor for it young man of thirty years of age, to be chosen to occupy so high and responsible a post. The ability and industry which he exhibited in his new office, however, soon convinced the public that the trust had not been misplaced. He took an active part in the OF HENRY CLAY. 85 discussions which occupied the attention of the Sen- ate ; and among other things offered and advocated a resolution which proposed the appropriation of a quantity of land for the opening of a canal, to be cut around the rapids of the Ohio River, on the Kentucky shore. The merit of this movement on the part of Mr. Clay consisted in the fact that appropriations for internal improvements were, at that early period, a novelty in Federal legislation, and this proposition possessed the nature and aspect of a pioneer in that commendable policy. This was also the first illus- tration of the great system of Internal Improvements to which Mr. Clay was attached through life, and in the promotion of which many of his ablest and most successful efforts were made. This is the policy to which the term "American System" has been so ap- propriately applied, as tending to promote the interests of this country, in opposition to that of foreign gov- ernments and communities. This great doctrine was embodied and expressed in the following resolution, which he proposed and advocated at this period, and which was passed with but three opposing votes : "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to prepare and report to the Senate, at their next session, a plan for the application of such means as are within the power of Congress, to the purposes of opening roads and making canals; together with a statement of undertakings of that nature, which, as objects of public improvement, may require and de- eerve the aid of Government; and, also, a statement of works, of the nature mentioned, which have been, commenced, the progress which has been made in c 84 THE LIFE AND TIMES them, and the means and prospect of their being com- pleted ; and all such information as, in the opinion of the Secretary, shall be material in relation to tha objects of this resolution." The office to fill which Mr. Clay had been chosen, expired at the end of the first session of his incum- bency. In the summer of 1807, he was elected to represent the citizens of Fayette County in the Ken- tucky Legislature. He displayed his usual ability and zeal in this important post; and among the most effective speeches which he delivered, was one in op- position to a proposition to exclude all references to English decisions and law reports, or elementary works on British law, in the trial of causes in the courts of Kentucky. Before he addressed the House on this subject, a large majority of the members were in favor of it. So strong was the prejudice which then existed against English despotism, either politi- cal or juridical, that it was deemed a step toward the more complete removal of the yoke which had once been worn by Americans, to overturn the authority which English jurisprudence still exercised over the minds of American lawyers, and over the decisions of American courts. The sagacious mind of Mr. Clay r3adily discerned the falsehood and folly of this doctrine, and he opposed it with all his abilities. He depicted the absurdity of depriving ourselves of those great and invaluable stores of legal learning which had been elaborated during the lapse of several ages, by the patient toils of the most gifted and powerful intellects which the world had ever seen, simply be- cause they were identified with British institutions OF HENRY CLAY. 85 and interests. He amended the motion so that it re- lated only to the exclusion of those decisions which had been made subsequent to the 4th of July, 1776, and carried his proposition by a very large majority. It was during this term of service in the Legislature of Kentucky, in December, 1808, that he introduced a series of resolutions approving the Embargo, con- demning the British Orders in Council, and asserting that Mr. Jefferson deserved the thanks of his country for the ability, energy, and patriotism which he had displayed during his administration of public affairs. These resolutions were opposed with great bitterness by Humphrey Marshall ; and when afterward Mr. Clay proposed that the members of the Legislature should wear no clothing except such as was of domestic manufacture, Mr. Marshall denounced the proposition as the expedient of a demagogue, and held it up to ridicule. The result of such displays of personal animosity, which Mr. Clay resented with much spirit, was, that a hostile meeting subsequently took place between the rival statesmen. Both parties were slightly wounded, and the quarrel was then settled by the interposition of mutual friends. Mr. Clay still continued to be the recipient of pub- lic offices of trust from the Legislature of his adopted State. He was chosen to fill the vacancy occasioned in the Senate of the "United States by the resignation of Mr. Thurston ; and in the winter term of 1809-10, he represented Kentucky in the Senate. The period for which he was elected to serve was t\vo years; and during that interval he took a prominent part in all the important discussions which -engaged the atteu 30 THE LIFE AND TIMES tion of the Federal Government. His ablest speech, at this period of his career, was delivered in the dis- cussion of the validity of the claim of the United States to the territory lying between the Mississippi and Perdido rivers, which comprised the larger por- tion of Western Florida. This territory was claimed by Spain as a part of her Florida possessions. Mr. Madison, who was then President, had issued a pro- clamation, asserting that this tract belonged to the Orleans territory, and therefore subject to the jurisdic- tion of the United States. The party in the nation, and in Congress opposed to Mr. Madison's administra- tion, usually termed the Federalist, condemned this position, and asserted that the territory belonged to Spain, and that England, as her ally, should assist her in defending her pretensions and her prerogatives over it. Mr. Clay vehemently and eloquently de- fended Mr. Madison and his positions. The speech which lie delivered on this occasion was the ablest which had }-et proceeded from him in the National Legislature. The spirit and tone which characterized it may be inferred from the following extracts: "What, then, is the true construction of the Trea- ties of St. Ildefonso, and of April, 1803, whence our title is derived ? If any ambiguity exist in a grant, the interpretation most favorable to the grantee is pre- ferred. It was the duty of the grantor to express himself in plain and intelligible terms. This is the doctrine, not of Coke only (whose dicta, I admit, have nothing to do with the question), but of the code of universal law. The doctrine is entitled to augmented Ibroe, when a clause only of the instrument is ex OF HENRY CLAY. 37 Tii.iiW., in which clause the ambiguity lurks, and tho residue of the instrument is kept back by the grantor. The entire Convention of 1762, by which France transferred Louisiana to Spain, is concealed, and the whole of the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, except a solitary clause. We are thus deprived of the aid which a full view ^f both of those instruments would aftbrd. But we h&ve no occasion to resort to any rules of construc- tion, "lowever reasonable in themselves, to establish our ttle. A competent knowledge of the facts con- necte 1 with the case, and a candid appeal to the Trea- ties, s re alone sufficient to manifest our right. The negotiators of the Treaty of 1803 having signed, with the SMine ceremony, two copies, one in English and the olher in the French language, it has been con- tended that in the English version, the term * cede* has been erroneously used instead of 'retrocede,' which is the expression in the French copy. And it is argued that we are bound by the phraseology of the French copy, because it is declared that the Treaty was agreed to in that language. It would not be very unfair to inquire if this is not like the common case in private life, where individuals enter into a contract, of which each party retains a copy, duly executed. In such case, neither has the preference. AVe might as well say to France, we will cling by the English copy, as she could insist upon an adherence to the French copy ; and if she urged ignorance on the part of M. Marbois, her negotiator, of our Ian- guage, we might with equal propriety plead ignor- ance on the part of our negotiators of her lanoruasre. * o * o As this, however, is a disputable point, I do not avail 4 88 THELIFEANDTIMES myself of it; gentlemen shall have the full benefit of the expressions in the French copy. According to this, then, in reciting the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, it is declared by Spain, in 1800, that she retrocedes to France the Colony or Province of Louisiana, with the same extent which it then had in the hands of Spain, and which it had when France possessed it, and such as it should be after the Treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other States. This latter member of the description has been sufficiently ex- plained by my colleague. "It is said that since France, in 1762, ceded to Spain only Louisiana west of the Mississippi, and the Island of New Orleans, the retrocession comprehended no more that the retrocession ex vi termini was com- mensurate with, and limited by, the direct cession from France to Spain. If this were true, then the description, such as Spain held it, that is in 1800, comprising West Florida, and such as France pos- sessed it, that is in 1762, prior to the several cessions, comprising also "West Florida, would be totally in- operative. But the definition of the term retrocession contended for by the other side, is denied. It does not exclude the instrumentality of a third par.ty. It means restoration, or re-conveyance of a thing origin- ally ceded, and so the gentleman from Delaware ac- knowledged. I admit that the thing restored must have come to the restoring party from the party to whom it is retroceded: whether directly, or indirectly, is wholly immaterial. In its passage it may have come through a dozen hands. The retroceding party must claim under and in virtue of the right originally OF HENRY CLAY. 89 possessed by the party to whom the retrocession takes place. Allow me to put a case: You own an estate called Louisiana. You convey one moiety of it to the gentleman from Delaware, and the other to me ; he conveys his moiety to me, and I thus become enti- tled to the whole. By a suitable instrument I re- convey, or retrocede, the estate called Louisiana to you as I now hold it, and as you held it; what passes to you ? The whole estate, or my moiety only ? Let me indulge another supposition that the gentleman from Delaware, after he received from you his moiety, bestowed a new denomination upon it, and called it "West Florida, would that circumstance vary the operation of my act of retrocession to you ? The case supposed is, in truth, the real one between the United States and Spain. France, in 17C2, transfers Louis- iana., west of the Mississippi, to Spain, and at the same time conveys the eastern portion of it, exclusive of Xew Orleans, to Great Britain. Twenty-one yeara after, that is, in 1783, Great Britain cedes her part to Spain, who thus becomes possessed of the entire province one portion by direct cession from France, and the residue by indirect cession. Spain then held the whole of Louisiana under France, and in virtue of the title of France. The whole moved or passed from France to her. When, therefore, in this state of things, she says, in the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, that she retrocedes the province to France, can a doubt exist that she parts with, and gives back to France, the entire colony? To preclude the possi- bility of such a doubt, she adds, that she restores it, not in a mutilated condition, but in that precise coa 40 THE LIFE AND TIMES dition in which France had, and she herself, pos sessed it. " Having thus shown, as I conceive, a clear right in the United States to West Florida, I proceed to inquire if the proclamation of the President, direct- ing the occupation of property which is thus fairly acquired by solemn treaty, be an unauthorized mea- sure of war, and of legislation, as has been contended? "The Act of October, 1803, contains two sections, by one of which the President is authorized to occupy the territories ceded to us by France in the April pre- ceding. The other empowers the President to esta- blish a provisional government there. The first sec- tion is unlimited in its duration; the other is restricted to the expiration of the then session of Congress. The Act, therefore, of March, 1804, declaring that the pre- vious Act of October should continue in force until the 1st of October, 1804, is applicable to the second, and not the first section, and was intended to con- tinue the provisional government of the President. By the Act of 24th February, 1804, for laying duties on goods imported into the ceded territories, the Pre- sident is empowered, whenever he deems it expedient, to erect the Bay and River Mobile, &c., into a sepa- rate district, and to establish therein a port of entry and delivery. By this same act the Orleans Territory is laid off, and its boundaries are so defined as to com- prehend West Florida. By other acts, the President is authorized to remove by force, under certain cir- cumstances, persons settling on or taking possession of lands ceded to the United States. " These laws furnish a legislative construction of OP HENRY CLAY. 41 the treaty, corresponding with that given \)y the Exe- cirtive; and they indisputably vest, in this branch of the General Government, the power to take posses- sion of the country, whenever it might be proper, in his discretion. The President has not, therefore, violated the Constitution, and usurped the war-making power; but he would have violated that provision which requires him to see that the laws are faithfully executed, if he had longer forborne to act. It is urged that he has assumed powers belonging to Congress, in undertaking to annex the portion of West Florida, between the Mississippi and the Perdido, to the Or- leans Territory. But Congress, as has been shown, has already made this annexation, the limits of the Orleans Territory, as prescribed by Congress, compre- hending the country in question. The President, by his proclamation, has not made law, but has merely declared to the people of West Florida what the law is. This is the office of a proclamation, and it was highly proper that the people of that Territory should be thus notified. By the act of occupying the coun- try, the government de. facto, whether of Spain or the revolutionists, ceased to exist; and the laws of the Orleans Territory, applicable to the country, by the operation and force of law attached to it. But this was a state of things which the people might not know, and which every dictate of justice and humanity therefore required should be proclaimed. I consider the bill before us merely in the light of a declaratory law." 4* 12 THE LIFE AND TIMES CHAPTER IV. PROPOSAL TO RECHARTER THE UNITED STATES BANK MR. CLAY OP- POSES IT SUBSEQUENT CHANGE IN HIS OPINIONS REASONS FOR THAT CHANGE MR. CLAY ELECTED TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESEN- TATIVES IS CHOSEN SPEAKER ENGLISH AND FRENCH HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE UNITED STATES MR. CLAY IN FAVOR OF WAR WITH ENGLAND HOSTILITIES COMMENCED EVENTS OF THE WAR MR. CLAY APPOINTED COMMISSIONER TO GHENT TREATY OF PEACE MR. CLAY'S RETURN HOME. DURING the session of Congress which was held in the winter of 1811, the most exciting and important subject which demanded the attention of the Federal Representatives, was the proposition to renew the charter of the United States Bank. The Legislature of Kentucky had instructed Mr. Clay to oppose that measure ; and this suggestion corresponded with the sentiments which he himself entertained at that time. It is well known that lie subsequently changed his opinions on this subject, and the reasons which he gave for this apparent inconsistency, the only one of a theoretical kind which his political and personal opponents were ever able to allege against him, de- serve to be stated. The arguments which had convinced him of the impropriety of rechartering the bank in 1811 were three : 1. He believed that the corporation had abused OF HENRY CLAY. 43 their powers during the previous period of their exist- ence. 2. The authority to create a corporation like that of the United States Bank, was not specifically granted in the Federal Constitution. 3. His consti- tuents had expressly instructed him to vote against the measure. At a subsequent period he became con- vinced of the fallacy of the arguments which were urged in opposition to the Bank; and in a speech de- livered in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1816, he stated at length the considerations which had altered his con- victions on the subject. These are so important, and the question is in itself of so grave a nature, that we may appropriately quote an extract from his speech on that occasion : " How stood the case in 1816, when he was called upon again to examine the power of the general government to incorporate a National Bank? A total change of circumstances was presented events of the utmost magnitude had intervened. A gene- ral suspension of specie payments had taken place, and this had led to a train of consequences of the most alarming nature. He beheld, dispersed over the immense extent of the United States, about three hundred banking institutions, enjoying in different degrees the confidence of the public, shaken us to them all, under no direct control of the General Government, and subject to no actual responsibility to the State authorities. These institutions were emitting the actual currency of the United States a currency consisting of a paper on which they neither paid interest nor principal, while it was exchanged for the paper of the community on which both were 44 THE LIFE AND TIMES paid. He sav; these institutions in fact exercising what had been considered, at all times and in all countries, one of the highest attributes of sove- reignty, the regulation of the current medium of the country. They were no longer competent to assist the treasury in either of the great operations of col- lection, deposite, or distribution, of the public reve- nues. In fact, the poper which they emitted, and which the treasury, from the force of events, found itself constrained to receive, was constantly obstruct- ing the operations of that department. For it would accumulate where it was not wanted, and could riot be used where it was wanted for the purposes of government, without a ruinous imd arbitrary broker- age. Every man who paid oi* received from the government, paid or received as much less than he ought to have done, as was the difference between the medium in which the payment was effected and specie. Taxes were no longer uniform. In New England, where specie payments have not been sus- pended, the people were called upon to pay larger contributions than where they were suspended. In Kentucky as much more was paid by the people in their taxes than was paid, for example, in the State of Ohio, as Kentucky paper was worth more than Ohio paper. Air. Clay said, he determined to examine the question with as little prejudice as possible arising from his former opinion. lie knew that the safest course to him, if he pursued a cold, calculating pru- dence, was to adhere to that opinion, right or wrong. He was perfectly aware, that it' he changed, or seemed to change it, he should expose himself to some cen- OF HENRY CLAY. 45 sure. But, looking at the subject with the light shed upon it by events happening since the commencement of the war, he could no longer doubt. A bank ap- peared to him not only necessary, hut indispensably necessary, in connection with another measure, to remedy the evils of which all were but too sensible. He preferred to the suggestions of the pride of con- sistency, the evident interests of the community, and determined to throw himself upon their candor and justice. That which appeared to him in 1811, under the state of tilings then existing, not to be necessary to the General Government, seemed now to be necessary, under the present state of things. Had he then foreseen what now exists, and no objection had lain against the renewal of the charter other than that derived from the Constitution, he should have voted for the removal. " Other provisions of the Constitution, but little noticed, if noticed at all, in the discussions in Con- gress in 1811, would seem to urge that body to exert all its powers to restore to a sound state the money of the country. That instrument confers upon Con- gress the power to coin money, and to regulate the value of foreign coins; and the States are prohibited to coin money, to emit bills of credit, or to make any- thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts. The plain inference is, that the subject of the general currency was intended to be submitted exclu- sively to the General Government. In point of fact, however, the regulation of the general currency is in the hands of the State governments, or, which is the same thing, of the banks created by them. Their paper has every quality of money, except that )f 46 THE LIFE AND TIMES being made a tender, and even tins is imparted to it by some States, in the law by which a creditor must receive it, or submit to a ruinous suspension of the payment of his debt. It was incumbent upon Con- gress to recover the control which it had lost over the general currency." During the period of Mr. Clay's second term of service in the Senate of the United States, a variety of important subjects came up for discussion in that body ; in all of which he took a prominent part. As a reward for his services, and as a proof of their proper appreciation by his constituents, he was elected by a large majority on the 4th of November, 1811, to represent them in the Lower House at AVash- ington. On entering this branch of the Nationa. Legislature, Mr. Clay received the rare compliment of being chosen Speaker, by a majority of thirty-one. It may be proper to remark here that this honor was conferred upon him continuously from 1811 till 1825, except during his absence from the country as one of the Commissioners of the United States Government at Ghent, and at a subsequent period when he volun- tarily withdrew himself from public affairs. Seven terms successively was he selected to fill that difficult and important post, a distinction which we believe has fallen to the lot of no other American statesman. Nor is this phenomenon difficult of solution, when we remember the remarkable qualifications which Mr. Clay possessed for that high office. No man ever presided over the deliberations of a public as- sembly with more dignit}*, courtesy, and decision ; none with a more familiar acquaintance with all the OFHENRYCLAY. 47 rules of parliamentary usage, and of the proprieties of debate, than he. That was an important and critical period in tho history of the United States. England and Franco had been perpetrating a long series of outrages on our commerce, and innumerable insults had been, heaped on the national honor. The pretext by which the French Government excused the offensive acts of its citizens, was the legitimate operation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees of Napoleon. The English Government pretended to excuse the seizure of Ame- rican ships, and the confiscation of American pro- perty, on the ground that, as the United States had been the ally of France, they were justified in inclu- ding them in the operation of their retaliatory mea- sures. Serious and earnest remonstrances from the Federal Government, addressed to the French Empe- ror, resulted in the termination of the aggressive acts of his subjects toward us; but England turned a deaf ear to every appeal, and treated every expostulation with contempt. This state of affairs continued during a year after the repeal of the decrees of Napoleon. In addition to the seizure of American vessels on the hiorh seas, o * the impressment of American sailors in British ports was practised ; and the insults which were offered to the flag of the United States became so extreme and glaring, that further forbearance not only ceased to be a virtue, but had degenerated into a craven vice. Nevertheless, two parties then existed among Ameri- can statesmen as to the policy and propriety of de- claring war against England. Mr Clay became the 48 THELIFEANDTIMES bold and enthusiastic leader of the party in favor of declaring war. In appointing the committees of the House, he selected those whose views sympathized with his own on this subject. A resolution was offered, to the effect that the United States be immediately put into the attitude of defence demanded by the crisis. Mr. Clay advocated it, and another of similar tendency, providing for the raising of twenty-live thousand troops. He also advocated the increase of the navy, by the immediate construction of ten fri- gates. This bill was passed in the House in January, 1812. On the 1st day of the succeeding April, the President, Mr. Madison, sent a message to Congress recommending that a general embargo be laid on all foreign vessels then in port. Mr. Clay declared in an able speech that he heartily approved of the measure, because he regarded it as a direct precursor to the proclamation of war. He became one of the most potent causes which eventually brought about that result. The law imposing an embargo was passed. On the 3rd day of June, 1812, a bill was reported by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, declaring war he- tvveen Great Britain and the United States. On the 18th of that month it passed both Houses of Con- gress, and immediately received the sanction of the President. The advocates of the war were necessarily called upon to suggest the measures which were es- sential to increase the military resources of the coun- try ; and in the performance of this duty Mr. Clay exhibited his usual energy and ability. He urged the President to more active measures. He inspired the Cabinet with bis owu enthusiasm. He infused in- OP HENRY CLAY. 49 tenser patriotism and martial ardor into the generals of the Republic. At length the war began. It was a bold under- taking for the United States, which had just begun their national existence, and were the youngest among the nations, to cope with the colossal and veteran power of the Mistress of the Seas, the only empire which could resist and def}' the mighty Corsican. The first events of the war were not such as to in- crease the enthusiasm of its advocates. Among the disasters which occurred were the surrender of the fort and town of Detroit by General Hull, and the defeat of General Van Rensselaer near Niagara. But soon these and other adverse events were compensated for, by the brilliant victories achieved by American sea- men over the boasted navy of England. The frigate Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, van- quished the British frigate Guerriere; and other equally significant triumphs followed. It was not without opposition and difficulty that Mr. Clay suc- ceeded in carrying through Congress those measures which were necessary to provide the country with sufficient military and naval resources to meet the exigencies of the crisis. In January, 1813, a new army bill was proposed, and advocated by him with great eloquence. The following extract from his speech on that occasion will illustrate the spirit which actuated him, and the ability with which he spoke: " If gentlemen would only reserve for their own Government, half the sensibility which is indulged for that of Great Britain, they would find much less to condemn. Restriction after restriction has been 5 D 50 TIIELIFEANDTIMES tried; negotiation has been resorted to, until further negotiation would have been disgraceful. While these peaceful experiments are undergoing a trial, what is the conduct of the opposition ? They are the champions of war the proud the spirited the sole repository of the nation's honor the men of exclu- sive vigor and energy. The Administration, on the contrary, is weak, feeble, and pusillanimous 'inca- pable of being kicked into a war.' The maxim, 'not a cent for tribute, millions for defence,' is loudly pro- claimed. Is the Administration for negotiation? The opposition is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. They want to draw the sword, and avenge the nation's wrongs. "When, however, foreign nations, perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here made, refuse to listen to the amicable appeals which have been repented and reiterated by the Administration, to their justice and to their interest when, in fact, war \\illi one of them has become identified with our in- dependence and our sovereignty, and to abstain from it was no longer possible, behold the opposition veer- ing round and becoming the friends of peace and commerce. They tell you of the calamities of war, its tragical events, the squandering away of your re- sources, the waste of the public treasure, and the spilling of innocent blood. 'Gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire.' They tell you, that honor is an illu- sion ! Now, we see them exhibiting the terrific forms of the roaring king of the forest. Now, the meek- ness and humility of the lamb ! They are for war and no restrictions, when the Administration is for peace. They are for peace and restrictions, when ike OF HENRY CLAY. 51 Administration is for war. You find them, sir, tack' ing with every gale, displaying the colors of every party, and of all nations, steady only in one unalter- able purpose to steer, if possible, into the haven of power. "During all this time, the parasites of opposition do not fail, by cunning sarcasm, or sly inuendo, to throw out the idea of French influence, which is known to be false, which ought to be met in one manner only, and that is by the lie direct. The Ad-, ministratipn of this country devoted to foreign influ- ence ! The Administration of this country subser- vient to France ! Great God ! what a charge ! how is it so influenced? By what ligament, on what basis, on what possible foundation does it rest? .Is it simi- larity of language? ISTo! we speak different tongues, we speak the English language. On the resemblance X O . O O of our laws? No! the sources of our jurisprudence spring from another and a different country. On commercial intercourse? No! we have comparatively none with France. Is it from the correspondence in, the genius of the two governments? No! here alone is the liberty of man secure from the inexorable des- potism which everywhere else tramples it under foot. Where, then, is the ground of sucn an influence? But, sir, I am insulting you by arguing on such a subject. Yet, preposterous and ridiculous as the in- sinuation IB it is propagated with so much industry, that there are persons found foolish and credulous enough to believe it. You will, no doubt, think it incredible (but I have nevertheless been told it is a fact), that an honorable member of this House, now 52 THE LIFE AND TIMES in my eye, recent!}' lost his election by the circulation of a silly story in his district, that he was the first cousin of the Emperor Xapoleon." At length the tide of victory turned, and the colo- nial power of old England quailed before the prowess and heroism of the Doling Republic. The Hornet, commanded by Captain Lawrence, vanquished the British sloop-of-war Peacock. York, the capital of Upper Canada, fell before the assaults of General Dearborn. General Harrison was triumphant at Fort Meigs. The Emperor Alexander, of Russia, oppor- tunely tendered his services as mediator between the conflicting parties, which offer was accepted by both. In consequence of this arrangement, Messrs. Clay, Galla- tin, Bayard, Adams and Russell, were chosen to repre- sent the United States at the conference which was ap- pointed to be held at Gottingen, to adjust the con- ditions of peace. The deliberations were afterwards transferred to Ghent. On the 14th of January, 1814, Mr. Clay resigned the office of Speaker in the House of Representatives, and soon afterward embarked on his distant mission. It was after his arrival in Brussels that he learned the disastrous news, that Washington had been sacked, and the public buildings burned by the British. He received the first intelligence of these events through the excessive and exultant courtesy of the English plenipotentiaries. It was his privi- lege, however, soon afterward to reciprocate the compliment, by sending them the fiivt information of the splendid naval triumph of the Americans ca Lake Champlain. During the deliberations which ensued, Mr. Clay OF HENRY CLAY. 63 took a distinguished part. His bearing toward tho representatives of England was bold, fearless, am] defiant. This policy, so unusual among the cautious and cringing agents of tyrants and monarchs, accom- plished much more than any other policy could have effected. The impression which he produced upon them may be inferred from the manner in which he was described, at that time, in the London journals; which, when speaking of the transactions transpiring at Ghent, referred to him as "that furious orator, Clay; the man who had killed the terrible TecumseK with his own hand, and cut several razor-strops out of his back after he was dead !" The terms of the treaty were at length successfully adjusted. Mr. Clay was in London when the decisive battle of Waterloo was fought, and witnessed the ex- ultation and joy which the English people very natu- rally displayed on that occasion. He there met the Duke of Wellington, Lord Castlereagh, and other distinguished personages visited some of the no- bility at their palaces and country-seats by invitation and returned to the United States in September, 1815. On disembarking at !N"ew York, he was com- plimented with a public dinner; and on arriving at Lexington, in Kentucky, was greeted by a large ont- pouring of the populace to welcome him to his home. A few days afterward a public dinner was tendered him by the leading inhabitants of that city. The sixth toast which was offered was as follows : " Our able negotiators at Ghent: their talents for diplo- macy have kept pace with the valor of our armies in demonstrating to the enemy that these States will bo 5* 54 THB LIFE AND TIMES free." In reply to this well-deserved compliment, Mr. Clay made the following remarks: " I feel myself called on, by the sentiment just ex- pressed, to return my thanks, in behalf of my col- leagues and myself. I do not, and am quite sure they do not, feel that, in the service alluded to, they are at all entitled to the compliment which has been paid thorn. We could not do otherwise than reject the demand made by the other party; and if our labors finally terminated in an honorable peace, it was owing to causes on this side of the Atlantic, and not to any exertions of ours. Whatever diversity of opinion may have existed as to the declaration of the war, there are some points on which all may look back with proud satisfaction. The first relates to the time of the conclusion of the peace. Had it been made immediately after the Treaty of Paris, we should have retired humiliated from the contest, be- lieving that we had escaped the severe chastisement with which we were threatened ; and that we owed to the generosity and magnanimity of the enemy, what we were incapable of commanding by our arms. That magnanimity would have been the theme of every tongue, and of every press, abroad and at home. We should have retired unconscious of our own strength, and unconscious of the utter inability of the enemy, with his whole undivided force, to make any serious impression upon us. Our military character, then in the lowest state of degradation, would have been un retrieved. Fortunately for us, Great Britain, chose to try the issue of the last campaign. And the of the last campaign has demonstrated, in the OF HENRY CLAY. 65 repulse before Baltimore, the retreat from Platts- burgh, the hard-fought action on the aSTiagara frontier, and in that most glorious day, the 8th of January, that we have always possessed the finest elements of military composition, and that a proper use of them only was necessary to ensure for the army and militia a fame as imperishable as that which the navy had previously acquired. " Another point which appears to me to afford the highest consolation is, that we fought the most power- ful nation, perhaps, in existence, single-handed and alone, without any sort of alliance. More than thirty years has Great Britain been maturing her physical means, which she had rendered as efficacious as pos- sible, by skill, by discipline, and by actual service. Proudly boasting of the conquest of Europe, she vainly flattered herself with the easy conquest of America also. Her veterans were put to flight, or defeated, while all Europe 1 mean the government of Europe was gazing with cold indifference, or sentiments of positive hatred of us, upon the arduous contest. Hereafter no monarch can assert claims of grati- tude upon us, for assistance rendered in the hour of danger. "There is another view of which the subject of the war is fairly susceptible. From the moment that Great Britain came forward at Ghent with her extra- vagant demands, the war totally 'changed its charac- ter. It became, as it were, a new war.- It wa.-* no longer an American war, prosecuted for redress of British aggressions upon American rights, but be- came a British war, prosecuted for objects of British 66 THE LIFE AND TIMES ambifion, to be accompanied by American sacrifices. And what were those demands? Here, in the imme- diate neighborhood of a sister State and Territories, which were to be made, in part, the victims, they must have been felt, and their enormity justly appre- ciated. They consisted of the erection of a barrier between Canada and the United States, to be formed by cutting off from Ohio, and some of the Territories, a country more extensive than Great Britain, con- taining thousands of freemen, who were to be aban- doned to their fate, and creating a new power, totally unknown, upon the continent of America: of the dis- mantling of our fortresses, and naval power on the lakes, with the surrender of the military occupation of those waters to the enemy, and of an arrondixse- ment for two British provinces. These demands, boldly asserted, and one of them declared to be a tine qua won, were finally relinquished. Taking this view of the subject, if there be a loss of reputation by either party, in the terms of the peace, who has sustained it? "The effects of the war are highly satisfactory. Abroad our character, which, at the time of its decla- ration, was in the lowest state of degradation, ia raised to the highest point of elevation. It is impos- sible for any American to visit Europe, without being sensible of this agreeable change, in the personal attentions which he receives, in the praises which are bestowed on our past exertions, and the predictions which are made as to our future prospects. At home, a government, which, at its formation, was appre- hended by its best friends, and pronounced by it? OP HENRY CLAY. 5T enemies, to be incapable of standing the shock, ia found to answer all the purposes of its institution. In spite of the errors which have been committed (and errors have undoubtedly been committed), aided by the spirit and patriotism of the people, it is demon- strated to be as competent to the objects of effective war, as it has been before proven to be to the con- cerns of a season of peace. Government has thus acquired strength and confidence. Our prospects for the future are of the brightest kind. With every reason to count on the permanence of peace, it re- mains only for the government to determine upon, military and naval establishments adapted to the growth and extension of our country, and its rising importance keeping in view a gradual, but not burdensome, increase of the navy: to provide for the payment of the interest, and the redemption of the public debt, and for the current expenses of govern- ment. For all these objects, the existing sources of the revenue promises not only to be abundantly suffi- cient, but will probably leave ample scope to the ex- ercise of the judgment of Congress, in selecting for repeal, modification, or abolition, those which may be found most oppressive and inconvenient." 68 THELIFEANDTIMES CHAPTER V. ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL BANK MR. CLAY'S ADVOCACY or IT PROPOSAL TO INCREASE THE SALARY OF REPRESENTATIVES MR. CLAY'S TOTE ON THIS SUBJECT THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUB- LICS MR. CLAY'S PROPOSITION TO SYMPATHIZE WITH THEM HIS ELOQUENCE ON THIS SUBJECT ITS FINAL RESULTS RESOLU- TIONS CENSURING GENERAL JACKSON THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI TO THE UNION THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE MR. CLAY's RE- TIREMENT TO PROFESSIONAL LIFE HIS ILL-HEALTH RETURN TO CONGRESS. AT the commencement of the session of Congress of 1815-16, President Madison recommended in his message the establishment of a national bank, and a high protective tariff, as the most efficacious means of remedying the financial evils which afflicted the country immediately after the termination of the war. Air. Clay, on this occasion, surprised the public by the {Viinouncement of that change in his opinions to which we have already adverted; and defended both of the measures proposed by Mr. Madison, with great zeal and eloquence. The reasons which he assigned for his sudden conversion to a new policy were as follows: Since 1811 an entire change of circum- stances had supervened. A suspension of specie payment had taken place. The paper money issued by the United States Government was selling at a heavy discount. As to the power of Congress to OF HENRY CLAY. 69 establish a bank, he no longer hesitated; for, inas- much as the Constitution confers on the National Legislature the right to coin money, and regulate the value of foreign coins; and as the States are forbidden O t to exercise that ris:ht, or emit bills of credit, he drew O ' * the inference that Congress possessed exclusive juris- diction over the whole question of the currency of the country. In the exercise of that jurisdiction, the establishment of a national bank was an obvious and legitimate measure. The bill to re-charter the bank was discussed with great zeal and ability in both Houses of Congress. It was eventually passed by both, and then received the approval of the President. Mr. Clay's agency in this measure was severely reprehended by his poli- tical opponents, but he had evidently been guided by considerations which he believed to be promotive of the welfare of the country. During the same session of Congress, a bill was in- troduced by which the mode of paying the salaries of the members was changed. It proposed that instead of receiving the sum of six dollars per day, as was then the rule, they should be paid fifteen hundred dollars'per annum. Mr. Clay was personally in favor of a different arrangement from either of these ; but as a large majority of both Houses were in favor of the proposition, he agreed to it, and voted for its pas- sage. He incurred not a little opprobrium in conse- quence of this step, from some of his constituents, and several anecdotes are still extant, illustrative of the manner in which, in those primitive times in Ken- tucky, he was assailed by the objections of the dia- 60 THE LIFE AND TIMES a fleeted, and how lie answered and repelled them. One of these is :is follows. During the next canvass, when the question of his re-election was discussed, he met an old hunter who had always been his staunch admirer and partizan, and who had then become alienated from him in consequence of his voting in favor of the compensation bill. "Have you a good rifle, my friend?" asked Mr. Clay. "Yes." "Does it ever flash?" "Once only," he replied. "What did you do with it throw it away?" "No, I picked the flint, tried it again, and brought down the game." "Have I ever flashed but upon the compensation bill?" "No." "Will 3-00, throw me away?" "No, no!" exclaimed the hunter, with enthusiasm, nearly overpowered by his feelings; "I will pick the flint, and try you again!" On the 5th of December, 1817, the first session of the Fifteenth Congress commenced, to which body Mr. Clay had been elected by a triumphant majority. He was again chosen Speaker of the House. During this session he took an active part in the most important discussions which occurred. Prominent among these was the question of sympathy and aid, which some members were in favor of extending, from the government and people of the United States to several of the republics of South America which were then struggling for the achievement of their liberties; to which they had been incited by the glorious ex- ample and the splendid success of our own revolution. Mr. Clay was enthusiastic in favor of this proposition. Many distinguished representatives opposed it; pro- minent among whom was Mr. Randolph of Virginia. OFHENRYCLAY. 61 He ridiculed the idea of increasing our standing arrny, and taxing our citizens to assist the inhabitants of South America, who, as he contended, came not to our aid in the clay of our necessity, and who he declared were not only unworthy of the enjoyment of political freedom, but did not even understand or comprehend its nature. Several sharp collisions passed between Messrs. Clay and Randolph on this occasion, which however then led to no serious result. A proposition was made in Congress to send com- missioners to South America, to ascertain the con- dition of the country. Subsequently Mr. Clay ad- vocated the passage of a bill, deputing a minister from the United States to the Provinces situated on the River La Plata in South America; and to appro- priate eighteen thousand dollars as an outfit for him. The measure at that time failed ; but Mr. Clay's speech in favor of it was one of the ablest and most eloquent of his efforts; the following extracts from which possess the deepest interest: "In contemplating the great struggle in which Spanish America is now engaged, our attention is first fixed by the immensity and character of the coun- try which Spain seeks again to subjugate. Stretching on the Pacific Ocean, from about the fortieth decree of north latitude to about the fifty-fifth degree of south latitude, and extending from the mouth of the Rio del ISTorte (exclusive of East Florida), around the Gulf of Mexico, and along the South Atlantic to near Cape Horn ; it is about five thousand miles in length, and in some places near three thousand in breadth. Within this vast region we behold the most sublime and iu- 6 62 THE LIFE AND TIMES teresting objects of creation : the loftiest mountains, the most majestic rivers, in the world; the richest mines of the precious metals, and the choicest pro- ductions of the earth. We behold there a spectacle still more interesting and sublime the glorious spec- tacle of eighteen millions of people, struggling to burst their chains and to be free. When we take a little nearer and more detailed view, we perceive that nature has, as it were, ordained that this people and this country shall ultimately constitute several dif- ferent nations. Leaving the United States on the north, we come to New Spain, or the viceroyalty of Mexico on the south ; passing by Guatemala, we reach the viceroyalty of New Grenada, the late captain- generalship of Venezuela, and Guiana, lying on the east side of the Andes. Stepping over the Brazils, we arrive at the United Provinces of La Plata; and crossing the Andes, we find Chili on their west side, and, further north, the viceroyalty of Lima, or Peru. Each of these several parts is sufficient in itself, in point of limits, to constitute a powerful State; and, in point of population, that which has the smallest contains enough to make it respectable. Throughout all the extent of that great portion of the world, which I have attempted thus hastily to describe, the spirit of revolt against the dominion of Spain has manifested itself. The revolution has been attended with various degrees of success in the several parts of Spanish America. In some it has been already crowned, as I shall endeavor to show, with complete success, and in all I am persuaded that independence has struck such deep root, that the power of Spain OP HENRY CLAY. 63 can never eradicate it. "What are the causes of this great movement ? 'In the establishment of the independence of Spa- ir.ch America, the United States have the deepest in- terest. I have no hesitation in asserting my firm belief, that there is no question in the foreign policy of this country, which has ever arisen, or which I can conceive as ever occurring, in the decision of which we have had or can have so much at stake. This in- terest concerns our politics, our commerce, our navi- gation. There can not be a doubt that Spanish Ame- rica, once independent, whatever may be the form of the governments established in its several parts, these governments will be animated by an American feel- ing' and guided by an American policy. They will obey the laws of the system of the new world, of which they will compose a part, in contradistinction to that of Europe. Without the influence of that vortex in Europe, the balance of power between itrf several parts, the preservation of which has so often drenched Europe in blood, America is sufficiently re- mote to contemplate the new wars which are to affiict that quarter of the globe, as a calm, if not a cold and indifferent spectator. In relation to those wars, the several parts of America will generally stand neutral. And as, during the period when they rage, it will be important that a liberal system of neutrality should be adopted and observed, all America will be inte- rested in maintaining and enforcing such a system. The independence of Spanish America, then, is an interest of primary consideration. Next to that, and highly important in itself, is the consideration of the 64 THELIFEANDTIMES nature of their governments. That is a question, however, for themselves. They will, no doubt, adopt those kinds of governments which are best suited to their condition, best calculated for their happiness. Anxious as I am that they should be free govern- ments, we have no right to prescribe for them. They are, and ought to be, the sole judges for themselves. I am strongly inclined to believe that they will in most, if npt all parts of their country, establish free governments. We are their great example. Of us the} r constantly speak as of brothers, having a similar origin. They adopt our principles, copy our institu- tions, and, in many instances, employ the very lan- guage and sentiments of our revolutionary papers. "But it is sometimes said, that they are too igno- rant and too superstitions to admit of the existence of free government. This charge of ignorance is often urged by persons themselves actually ignorant of the real condition of that people. I deny the al- leged fact of ignorance ; I deny the inference from that fact, if it were true, that they want capacity for free government ; and I refuse assent to the further conclusion, if the fact were true, and the inference just, that we are to be indifferent to their fate. All the writers of the most established authority, Depons, Humboldt, and others, concur in assigning to the people of Spanish America, great quickness, genius, and particular aptitude for the acquisition of the exact sciences, and others which they have been allowed to cultivate. In astronomy, geolog}*, mineralogy, che- mistry, botany, and so forth, they are allowed to make distinguished proficiency. They justly boast of their OFHENRYCLAY. 65 Abzaie, Yelasques, and Gama, and other illustrious contributors to science. They have nine universities, and in the City of Mexico, it is affirmed by Hum- boldt, that there are more solid scientific establish- ments than iu any city even of North America. I would refer to the message of the supreme director of La Plata, which I shall hereafter have occasion to use for another purpose, as a model of fine composi- tion of a State paper, challenging a comparison with any, the most celebrated, that ever issued from tho pens of Jefferson or Madison. Gentlemen will egre- giously err, if they form their opinions of the present moral condition of Spanish America, from what it was under the debasing system of Spain. The eight years' revolution in which it has been engaged, has already produced a powerful effect. Education has been attended to, and genius developed. It is the doctrine of thrones, that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partizans assert his incapacity, iu re- ference to all nations ; if they cannot command uni- versal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded as to particular nations; and our pride and presumption too often make converts of us. I contend, that it is to arraign the dispositions of Providence Himself, to sup- pose that He has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self- government is the natural government of man, and for proof, I refer to the aborigines of our own land. Were I to speculate in hypotheses unfavorable to human liberty, my speculations should be founded rather upon the vices, refinements, or density of popu- lation. Crowded together in compact masses, 6* B 66 THELIFEANDTIMES if they -were philosophers, the contagion of the pas. sions is communicated and caught, and the effect too often, I admit, is the overthrow of liberty. Dispersed over such an immense space as that on which the people of Spanish America are spread, their physical, and I believe also their moral condition, both favor their liberty." Although the efforts of Mr. Clay on this occasion were not successful, he accomplished his noble pur- pose at a later day. In February, 1821, he offered a resolution to the effect, that the American Congress regarded the struggles of the South American republics for the establishment of their liberties with great interest; and suggesting that the Pre- sident of the United States should recognize the national independence. The motion eventually pre- vailed; and in March, 1822, the President sent in a message recommending that Congress should then recognize the South American republics as free and independent sovereignties. The suggestion was ap- proved after a full discussion, and passed with but a single dissenting voice. In the accomplishment of this propitious result, the agency of Mr. Clay was prominent and decisive. It was he who had brought it to pass. His exertions in behalf of the Republics of South America were duly appreciated, and their obliga- tions to him were acknowledged by them. The illus- trious Bolivar addressed a letter to Mr. Clay, in which he gave expression to the feelings of gratitude and admiration which he and all his compatriots felt for the heroic position which Mr. Clay had taken, and for the honorable results which he had achieved, in OF HENRY CLAY. 67 their behalf, and through them, for the cause of uni- versal liberty. An exciting topic of discussion which arose in Con- gress during the term of 1819, was a proposition which was introduced to censure the conduct of General Jackson during his campaign in Florida, where he had imposed the most cruel conditions upon the Indians, and had punished some of them with the most un- paralled rigor. Mr. Clay was in favor of the passage of the bill ; for although he was willing to excuse the intentions of the General as being pure and innocent, his acts he stigmatized as outrageous and unjustifiable. Both Houses afterward passed resolutions which con- tained qualified censures of the extreme measures of the Hero of New Orleans ; to which result Mr. Clay effectually contributed. It was soon after this event, during the session of 182021, that the subject of slavery first assumed an important and threatening aspect in the deliberations of the National Legislature. A proposition was then made to admit Missouri into the Union ; and the point of controversy was, whether she should be re- ceived as a free or as a slave State. When Ohio, Indiana and Illinois were admitted, in which slavery did not then exist, Congress expressly excluded slavery in future from their limits. Missouri was a part of the territory of Louisiana, which had been purchased from France in 1803; and in it slavery al- ready prevailed, and had been long established. The States of Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, had also been received; but as slavery existed in them at the period of their admission, 68 THELIFEANDTIMES nothing was said against the continuance of the in- stitution. It was alleged that Missouri was placed precisely in the same situation, and that she should be received on precisely the same conditions, and her domestic institutions be not interfered with. On the other hand it was urged, that Congress possessed the right to impose whatever conditions they chose on new States and Territories ; that the evident intention of the Federal Government was not to extend slavery, having prohibited its introduction into new States which were formed, or to be formed, out of the North- western Territory; and that slavery was in itself so infamous a thing, that it ought to be crushed and ex- tirpated wherever an opportunity for so doing was presented. This question was discussed with greaf zeal ; and the excitement respecting it became intense, not merely in Congress but throughout the Union. In 1820 the inhabitants of Missouri proceeded to adopt a Constitution ; and in it there was a clause which forbade free negroes and mulattoes from coming into the Territory, or settling in it, on any pretext. This measure tended to increase the existing excitement, and to complicate the difficulty. The discussions in Congress in reference to the admission of Missouri continued to be animated and bitter. On the 10th of February Mr. Clay introduced a resolution with the view to adjust the difficulty, and calm the popular commotion, which had assumed a portentous aspect. This resolution embodied the famous Missouri Com- promise. After a full and protracted discussion, it was rejected in a Committee of the Whole, by a vote OF HENRY CLAY. 69 df seventy-three to sixty-four. Nevertheless he was not disheartened; and at a subsequent period, on the 2oth of the month, the same measure was proposed a second time by Mr. Clay, and supported by the most remarkable displays of his eloquence. His efforts in this instance were successful. The resolution which was thus carried was as follows : " It is provided that the said State shall never pass any law preventing any description of persons from coming to and settling in the said State, who now are or hereafter may become citizens of any of the States of this Union ; and provided also, that the Legislature of the said State, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said State to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act; upon the receipt whereof, the President, by procla- mation, shall announce the fact; whereupon, and without any further proceedings on the part of Con- gress, the admission of the said State into the Union shall be considered as complete : And provided, fur- ther, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to take from the State of Missouri, when admitted into the Union, the exercise of any right or power which can now be constitutionally exercised by any of the original States." By obtaining the passage of this law, and the adop- tion of this famous Compromise, Mr. Clay averted the evils of anarchy and disunion which then threat- ened the Confederacy in a more imminent and appal- ling manner than has ever since been the case; and 7(T THE LIFE AND TIMES thereby earned a permanent and potent claim to the gratitude of his countrymen. After the attainment of this propitious result, Mr. Clay determined to retire for a time from the public councils of the nation. His private affairs had be- come embarrassed, by endorsing largely for a friend ; and it became necessary for him to retrieve his pecu- niary fortunes by devotion to his professional pur- suits. Accordingly he withdrew from the public ser- vice in 1821, and remained in Kentucky during nearly three years. In the summer of 1823 he accepted a renomination to Congress, and was elected almost without opposition. During the period of his retire- ment he had been industriously engaged in the prac- tice of the law, until he was arrested by ill health. During the early part of 1823 he became so much reduced that his life was despaired of, and he himself anticipated death. He visited the Olympian Springs, in Kentucky; but notwithstanding this expedient, and the best medical treatment, he declined still more. "\Vhen chosen to represent his old constituents in Con- gress in 1823, he scarcely expected to live to assume the duties of his post. Nevertheless he journeyed by slow stages to Washington ; and that journey, part of which he purposely made on foot, exerted a magic effect upon his constitution, and restored him to his usual vigor and health. At the opening of the first session of the Eighteenth Congress in December, 1823, he was again elected Speaker on the first ballot. OFHENRYCLAT. 71 CHAPTER VI. RECOGNITION OF THE FREEDOM OF GREECE THE SUBJECT OF PROTEC- TION OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY MR. CLAY'S SPEECH RESPECTING IT VISIT OF LAFAYETTE TO U. S. IS RECEIVED BY MR. CLAY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1824 RIVAL CANDIDATES MR. ADAMS ELECTED PRESIDENT MR. CLAT APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE CHARGE OF "BARGAIN AND SALE" ITS FALSEHOOD AND MALIGNITY MR. CLAY'S SELF-VINDICATION. DURING the winter term of 1824 of Congress, Mr. Clay took an active part in inducing the Government of the United States to recognize the freedom of Greece, and to send thither a commissioner instructed to express the sympathy of this nation with the Greeks, in the heroic struggles which they were then making against the debasing tyranny of the Turks. Daniel Webster introduced the resolution to that effect; Mr. Clay advocated it with unrivalled elo- quence. Nevertheless, the measure was not then, adopted, in consequence of prudential reasons; but Mr. Clay consummated his hopes on this subject at a subsequent period, while Secretary of State. In January, 1824, the subject of American indus- try, and the protection of American manufactures, occupied the attention of Congress. Mr. Clay took a prominent part in the discussion, and on the 30tL of March delivered his celebrated oration on the sub- ,-*2 THE LIFE AND TIMES ject, which is justly regarded as a master-piece of elo- quence and argument. In the exordium he depicted with thrilling power the then desperate condition of the country, and afterward proceeded to discuss the causes which produced it, and the remedies which alone could cure the evil. In this debate Mr. Webster exerted his utmost to overthrow the positions defended by Mr. Clay, who replied to the profound arguments of that statesman with ability equal to his own ; and on no occasion during the progress of their eventful lives, were the remarkable and very dissimilar talents of these great men more prominently drawn out, or exhibited in clearer and more striking contrast. The tariff bill which Mr. Clay advocated passed the House on the 16th of April, 1824, and soon afterward obtained all the necessary sanctions of law. In August, 1824, General Lafayette visited the United States, and was received by Congress. It be- came the duty of Mr. Clay, as Speaker of the House, to address the illustrious visitor; which he did with great appropriateness and success. The General re- tained through life a grateful remembrance of the agency of Mr. Clay on that occasion, and of the ability with which he discharged the function assigned him. His subsequent sentiments toward Mr. Clay may be inferred from the fact that, in 1832, he de- clared to an officer of the United States Navy who was his guest, when pointing to a portrait of Mr. Clay : " That is the man whom I hope to see President of the United States." Mr. Clay felt it his duty to differ from President Monroe on many important questions of public policy; OF HENRY CLAY. 73 yet the feelings which existed between them were the most friendly. Mr. Clay was offered a seat in the Cabinet, and the liberty to select all the foreign ap- pointments. But he declined the offer, being more desirous to serve his country in the less distinguished and more difficult post which he then occupied. The Presidential campaign of 1824 was one of great excitement and virulence. Mr. Clay had been nominated by a meeting of the members of the Legis- lature of Kentucky, as a suitable person to succeed Mr. Monroe as President of the United States; and that event placed him in a prominent position as a candidate before the country. The proposal was en- dorsed by similar recommendations in Missouri, Lou- isiana, and Ohio, which increased its importance. The rival candidates for that high post were John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, William H. Craw- ford, of Georgia, and Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee. It soon became evident that the election would not be made by the people, but that, according to the provisions of the Constitution, it would pass into the House of Representatives. It soon became evident, also, that in consequence of the relative strength of the four candidates already named, the ultimate power of determining who should be chosen, would fall into the hands of Mr. Clay's electors, which was equivalent to placing it in his own. His conduct and preferences under these delicate and critical circumstances, as- sumed the highest importance, and attracted the closest scrutiny. Until this date Mr. Clay had been recognized by the nation as a Jeffersonian Democrat. Mr. Adams was well known as ' a Whig and Federal- 74 THE LIFE AND TIMES ist ; General Jackson as a staunch and ultra Demo- crat; Mr. Crawford's extreme ill health rendered him almost a nominal candidate, and unfit for the performance of the duties of the office, to which he had been named chiefly as a testimony of apprecia- tion of his previous and valuable services to the country. Mr. Clay had never been an admirer of the hero of New Orleans, and entertained serious apprehensions as to the soundness of his views, and the safety and wisdom of his policy in public affairs. Yet as both were Democrats, it was confidently anticipated by the nation at large, that ultimately Mr. Clay would be constrained to accord him his support, and place him in the Presidential chair. Soon indications began to be apparent, that such an expectation would be dis- appointed; and the first note of alarm at his threat- ened disaffection to the party with which he had pre- viously acted, was a letter which appeared in the "Columbian Observer," a party paper then published in Philadelphia, in which it was boldly charged that Mr. Clay was about to sell himself for office to the successful candidate, whoever that might be. The implication was, that Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay had formed a compact, by which the votes of the parti- sans of the latter were to be given for Mr. Adams. The authorship of this letter was afterward acknowl- edged by Mr. George Kremer, an obscure representa- tive from Pennsylvania. Afterward, when Mr. Adams was elected President, and Mr. Clay was appointed by him Secretary of State, the evidence seemed to be conclusive, that there was some truth in the charge; OF HENRY CLAY. lO and thus began the malignant and groundless impu- tation of "bargain and sale" which afterward haunted the ears of Mr. Clay through the remainder of his lite, and became the most effective weapon in the hands of his enemies, in thwarting his upward path- way to the highest office in the nation. Even at that period, so loud was the clamor raised in reference to this infamous charge, in support of which not the slightest proof was ever adduced, that Mr. Clay was compelled to call the attention of the House to the matter, and he demanded an inves- tigation in reference to it. A committee was there- fore appointed in February, 1825, composed of the leading members of the House. Mr. Kremer was summoned before them, for the purpose of furnishing proofs in support of the charge which he had preferred against Mr. Clay. Previous to this summons, Mr. Kremer had boldly declared his readiness and ability to furnish conclusive proofs of the truth of the allega- tions which he had made; when, however,- he was required by the committee to fulfil his promises and pretensions, he evaded them by declaring that he could not appear before the committee, except either as an accuser or a witness, neither of which charac- ters he was willing to assume. The committee re- ported to this effect, and thus the official aspects of the proceeding terminated. But so deep an impression was subsequently produced upon the public mind by Mr. Clay's presence in the cabinet of Mr. Adams, that the calumny obtained the credence of a large portion of the community. That it was a calumny is evident from two conclusive reasons : Mr. Adams, as 76 THE LIFE AND TIMES well as Mr. Clay, both denied the truth of the charge eubsequently in the most solemn manner; and not the slightest proof was ever adduced to sustain it, either by Kremer, or by any of his most desperate and malignant confederates. On the 12th of July, 1827, Mr. Clay visited Ken- tucky, while still Secretary of State under Mr. Adams. He addressed large assemblages of his former con stituents; and at a public dinner embraced a favor- able opportunity to advert at length to the oft-repeated and loudly-asserted charge of corruption, in reference to this subject. In the progress of his remarks on that occasion, he thus expressed himself: " In February, 1825, it was my duty, as the repre- sentative of this district, to vote for some one of the three candidates for the Presidency who were returned, to the House of Representatives. It has been esta- blished, and can be further proved, that, before I left this State the preceding fall, I communicated to seve- ral gentlemen of the highest respectability, my fixed determination not to vote for General Jackson. The friends of Mr. Crawford asserted to the last, that the condition of his health was such as to enable him to administer the duties of the office. I thought other- wise, after I reached Washington city, and visited him to satisfy myself ; and thought that physical im- pediment, if there were no other objections, ought to prevent his election. Although, the delegations from four States voted for him, and his pretensions were zealously pressed to the very last moment, it has been of late asserted, and I believe by some of the very persons who then warmly espoused his cause, that Or HENRY CLAY. 77 his incompetency was so palpable as clearly to limit the choice to two of the three returned candidates. In my view of my duty, there was no alternative but that which I embraced. That I had some objections to Mr. Adams, I am ready freely to admit; but these did not weigh a feather in comparison with the greater and insurmountable objections, long and de- liberately entertained against his competitor. I take this occasion, with great satisfaction, to state, that my objections to Mr. Adams arose chiefly from apprehen- sions which have not been realized. I have found him, at the head of the government, able, enlightened, patient of investigation, and ever ready to receive with respect, and, when approved by his judgment, to act upon the counsels of his official advisers. 1 add, with unmixed pleasure, that, from the commence- ment of the government, with the exception of Mr. Jefferson's administration, no chief magistrate has found the members of his Cabinet so united on all public measures, and so cordial and friendly in all their intercourse, private and official, as these are of the present President. "Had I voted for General Jackson, in opposition to the well-known opinions which I entertained of him, one-tenth part of the ingenuity and zeal which have been employed to excite prejudices against me, would have held me up to universal contempt ; and what would have been worse, / should have felt that I really deserved it. "Before the election, an attempt was made, by an abusive letter, published in the Columbian Observer, at Philadelphia, a paper which, as has since trans 7* 78 THE LIFE AND TIMES pi red, was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton, the col- league, the friend, and the biographer of General Jackson, to assail my motives, and to deter me in the exercise of my duty. This letter being avowed by Mr. George Kremer, I instantly demanded from the House of Representatives an investigation. A com- mittee was accordingly, on the 5th day of February, 1825, appointed in the rare mode of balloting by the House, instead of by selection of the Speaker. It was composed of some of the leading members of that body, not one of whom was rny political friend in the preceding Presidential canvass. Although Mr. Kre- mer, in addressing the House, had declared his wil- lingness to bring forward his proofs, and his readiness to abide the issue of the inquiry, his fears, or other counsels than his own, prevailed upon him to take refuge in a miserable subterfuge. Of all possible pe- riods, that was the most fitting to substantiate the charge, if it was true. Every circumstance was then fresh ; the witnesses all living and present; the elec- tion not yet complete; and therefore the imputed corrupt bargain not fulfilled. All these powerful considerations had no weight with the conspirators and their accessories, and they meanly shrunk from even an attempt to prove their charge, for the best of all possible reasons because, being false and fabri- cated, they could adduce no proof which was not false and fabricated. "During two years and a half which have now in- tervened, a portion of the press devoted to the cause of General Jackson, has been teeming with the vilest calumnies against me; and the charge, under every OF HENRY CLAY. 79 chameleon form, has been a thousand times repeated. Up to this this time, I have in vain invited investiga- tion, and demanded evidence. None, not a particle, has been adduced. "The extraordinary ground has been taken, that the accusers were not bound to establish by proof the guilt of their designated victim. In a civilized, Chris- tian, and free community, the monstrous principle has been assumed, that accusation and conviction are synonymous ; and that the persons who deliberately bring forward an atrocious charge are exempt from all obligations to substantiate it! And the pretext is, that the crime, being of a political nature, is shrouded in darkness, and incapable of being sub- stantiated. But is there any real difference, in this respect, between political and other offences? Do not all the perpetrators of crime endeavor to conceal their guilt, and to elude detection ? If the accuser of a po- litical offence is absolved from the duty of supporting his accusation, every other accuser of offence stands equally absolved. Such a principle, practically car- ried into society, would subvert all harmony, peace, and tranquillity. None no age, nor sex, nor pro- fession, nor calling, would be safe against its baleful and overwhelming influence. It would amount to a universal license to universal calumny ! "Xo one has ever contended that the proof shculd be exclusively that of eye-witnesses, testifying from their senses positively and directly to the fact. Po- litical, like other offences, may be established by cir- cumstantial as well as positive evidence. But I do contend, that some evidence, be it what it may, ought 80 THELIFEANDTIMES to be exhibited. If there be none, how do the accusers know that an offence has been perpetrated ? If they do know it, let us have the fact on which their con- viction is based. I will not even assert, that, in pub- lic affairs, a citizen has not a right freely to express his opinions of public men, and to speculate upon the motives of their conduct. But if he chooses to pro- mulgate opinions, let them be given as opinions. The public will correctly judge of their value, and their grounds. No one has a right to put forth a positive assertion, that a political offence has been committed, unless he stands prepared to sustain, by satistactory proof of some kind, its actual exist- ence. " If he who exhibits a charge of political crime is, from its very nature, disabled to establish it, how much more difficult is the condition of the accused ? How can he exhibit negative proof of his innocence, if no affirmative proof of his guilt is, or can be, ad- ddced? "It must have been a conviction that the justice of the public required a definite charge, by a re- sponsible accuser, that has, at last, extorted from General Jackson his letter of the 6th of June, lately published. I approach that letter with great reluct- ance, not on my own account, for on that, I do most heartily and sincerely rejoice that it has made its appearance. But it is reluctance excited by the feelings of respect which I would anxiously have cul- tivated towards its author. lie has, however, by that letter, created such relations between us, that, in any language which I may employ, in examining its con- OF HENRY CL, AT. 81 tents, I feel myself bound by no other obligations than those which belong to truth, to public decorum, and to myself. " The first consideration which must, on the peru- sal of the letter, force itself upon every reflecting mind, is that which arises out of the delicate posture in which General Jackson stands before the Ameri- can public. He is a candidate for the Presidency, avowed and proclaimed. He has no competitor at present, and there is no probability of his having any, but one. The charges which he has allowed himself to be the organ of communicating to the very public who is to decide the question of the Presidency, though directly aimed at me, necessarily implicate his only competitor. Mr. Adams and myself are both guilty, or we are both innocent of the imputed arrangement between us. His innocence is abso- lutely irreconcilable with my guilt. If General Jack- son, therefore, can establish my guilt, and, by infer- ence, or by insinuation, that of his sole rival, he will have removed a great obstacle to the consummation of the object of his ambition. And if he can, at the same time, make out his own purit}' of conduct, and impress the American people with the belief that hi* purity and integrity alone prevented his success be- fore the House of Kepresentatives, his claims will be- come absolutely irresistible. Were there ever more powerful motives to propagate was there ever greater interest, at all hazards, to prove the truth of charges? 44 The issue is fairly joined. The imputed oftenco doea not comprehend a single friend, but the col- lective body of my friends iii Congress; and it ao I 82 THE LIFE AND TIMES cuses them of offering, and me with sanctioning, cor nipt propositions, derogating from honor, and in viola- tion of the most sacred of duties. The charge has been made after two years' deliberation. v General Jackson has voluntarily taken his position, and vith- out provocation. In voting against him as President of the United States, I gave him no just cause of offence. I exercised no more than my indisputable privilege, as, on a subsequent occasion, of which I have never complained, he exercised his in voting against me as Secretary of State. Had I voted for him, I must have gone counter to every fixed princi- ple of my public life. I believed him incompetent, and his election fraught with danger. At this early period of the Republic, keeping steadily in view the clangers which had overturned every other free State, I believed it to be essential to the lasting preserva- tion of our liberties, that a man, devoid of civil talents, and offering no recommendation but one founded on military service, should not be selected to administer the government. I believe so yet; and 1 shall consider the days of the Commonwealth num- bered when an opposite principle is established." * * The same sentiments were expressed by Mr. Clay, and the same reasons were assigned by him, for his conduct on the memo- rable occasion referred to, in the following letter addressed by him to his friend, Judge Brooke : " WASHINGTON, 2Sth January, 1325. My DEAR SIR: My position, in relation to the Presidential conte-st, is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued, in regard to it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my publio duty. I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to OF HENRY CLAT. 83 do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to rote for Mr Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the House, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I can not consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest gua- rantee that this Republic will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I owe to your friendsnip this frank exposition of my intentions. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partizan zeal, malignity, and rivalry, can invent. I shall view, without emotion, these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occa- sions, for the good of his country ? " As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with al somte certainty ; but there is every reason to believe that we shall avoid the dangerous precedent to which I allude. II. CUT The Hon. F. BROOKB." 84 THE LIFE AND TIMES CHAPTER VII. MR. CLAT AS SECRETARY OF STATE HIS OFFICIAL ACTIVITY GENS BAL JACKSON REVIVES THE CIIARGE OF BARGAIN AND SALE UN- POPULARITY OF THE ADAMS ADMINISTRATION JOHN RANDOLPH HIS ASSAULT ON MR. CLAY DUEL BETWEEN CLAY AND RANDOLPH ITS INCIDENTS AND RESULT ELECTION OF GENERAL JACKSON TO THE PRESIDENCY RETURN OF MR. CLAY TO KENTUCKY MALIG- NITY AND PERSECUTION OF HIS ENEMIES HIS RE-ELECTION TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE IS NOMINATED FOR THE 1 AESI- DE\CY. MR. CLAY entered upon the performance of his im- portant duties, as Secretary of State, on March 5th, 1825. His term of service was characterized chiefly by two things the ability with which he performed the functions of his office, and the malignity with which he was pursued by his political and personal enemies, with the repeated charge of " bargain and sale" in reference to the election of Mr. Adams. As Secretary of State, his superior diplomatic capacities were repeatedly and clearly evinced. The number of treaties negotiated and concluded by him during four years, exceeded the whole number that had been consummated by the United States Government, during the thirty-five preceding years which had elapsed since the adoption of the Federal Constitu- tion. Prominent among these were compacts made with Prussia, Denmark, Austria, Russia, Columbia, OFHENRYCLAY. 85 and Great Britain. The claims of American citizens on foreign governments were all adjusted; and the political and commercial relations of the United States with the various countries of Europe and South America were arranged in a satisfactory and com- mendable manner. His superior tact, penetration and skill in managing the intricate and difficult de- CJ O tails of diplomatic affairs, were pre-eminent, and elicited the applause of the representatives of foreign powers with whom he thus came officially in con- tact. His letter of instructions to the American Commissioner to the Congress composed of dele- gates from the Republics of Central America, which was to have convened at Panama, was a State paper of remarkable ability ; as was also his letter to the American Minister at St. Petersburg, in reference to the interposition of the Russian Government in ter- minating the contest then existing between Spain and her colonies. But if thus honored in one department of his public character and service, Mr. Clay was over- shadowed at this period by a cloud of opprobrium and detraction in another. In June, 1827, General Jackson addressed a letter to Mr. Carter Beverly, from his residence in Tennessee, repeating the charge of corruption against Mr. Clay, and asserting that, pre- vious to the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, the friends of Mr. Clay had tendered him their sup- port, on condition that Mr. Clay should receive the first seat in the Cabinet. The following extract from this memorable letter, will explain the nature of the S 86 THE LIFE AND TIMES accusation as presented on the part of General Jackson : " I will repeat, again, the occurrence, and to which my reply to you must have conformed, and from which, if there has been any variation, you can cor- rect it. It is this : Early in January, 1825, a member of Congress, of high respectability, visited me one morning, and observed, that he had a communication he was desirous to make to me ; that he was informed there was a great intrigue going on, and that it was right I should be informed of it ; that he came as a friend, and let me receive the communication as I might, the friendly motives through which it was made he hoped would prevent any change of friend- ship or feeling in regard to him. To which I replied, from his high. standing as a gentleman and member of Congress, and from his uniform friendly and gen- tlemanly conduct toward myself, I could not suppose he would make any communication to me, which he supposed was improper. Therefore, his motives being pure, let me think as I might of the communication, rny feelings toward him would remain unaltered. The gentleman proceeded : He said he had been in- formed by the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams had made overtures to them, paying, if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of Mr. Adar.is's election, Mr. Clay should be Secretary of State; that the friends of Mr. Adams were urging, as a reason to induce the friends of Mr. Clay to accede to their proposition, that if I were elected President, Mr. Adams would be continued Secretary of State (inuendo, there would be no room for Kentucky) ; OF HENRY CLAY. 87 t\.A rhe friends of Mr. Clay stated, the west did not wish- to separate from the west, and if I would say, or permit any of my confidential friends to say, that in case I were elected President, Mr. Adams should not be continued Secretary of State, by a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put an end to the Presidential contest in one hour. And he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguers with their own weapons. To which, in substance, I re- plied that in politics, as in everything else, my guide was principle ; and contrary to the expressed and un- biased will of the people, I never would step into the Presidential chair; and requested him to say to Mr. Clay and his friends (for I did suppose he had come from Mr. Clay, although he used the term of 'Mr. Clay's friends'), that before I would reach the Presi- dential chair by such means of bargain and corrup- tion, I would see the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and myself with them. If thev had not confidence in me to believe, if I were */ elected, that I would call to my aid in the Cabinet men of the first virtue, talent, and integrity, not to vote for me. The second day after this communica- tion and reply, it was announced in the newspapers, that Mr. Clay had come out openly and avowedly in favor of Mr. Adams. It may be proper to observe, that, on the supposition that Mr. Clay was not privy to the propo-ition stated, I may have done injustice to him. If so, the gentleman informing me can explain." The person alluded to by the writer of the preceding letter, as having been the agent and spokesman of 88 THE LIFE AI?D TIMES Mr. Clay and his friends, was the Hon. James Bucha- nan. Being thus dragged into the controversy, Mr. Buchanan made a puhlic statement of his connection with the matter; asserting that he had called on Gene- ral Jackson and spoken to him in reference to this subject; that he informed the General, that a rumor prevailed that he would retain Mr. Adams as Secre- tary of State if he were elected President; that such a rumor was operating injuriously to his interests; that he called upon him as his friend, to obtain a denial of the fact from him ; that he (Mr. Buchanan) had never been the personal or political friend of Mr. Clay ; and that he not only had no authority from Mr. Clay to make any proposition whatever to Gene- ral Jackson, but that he had no idea that the General ever entertained the impression that he was deputed by Mr. Clay for that purpose. No evidence was ever adduced to prove that the friends of Mr. Clay had made overtures to the parti- zans either of Mr. Adams or of General Jackson; much less, that Mr. Clay was himself privy to any such overtures, if they had been made; while Mr. Adams, on his side, expressly denied the charge, as far as it referred to him, in the most positive manner, and in the following language : " Upon him (Mr. Clay) the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and appreciated, as successively a member of both Houses of your Na- tional Legislature, as the unrivaled speaker, and, at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in one of them ; as an able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and peace with foreign powers, OP HENRY CLAT. 89 and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts the Department of State itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor honor upon him, but upon which he has shed unfading honor, by the manner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and passion have charged him with obtaining that office by bargain and corruption. Before you, my fellow-citizens, in the presence of our country and Heaven, I pronounce that charge totally un- founded. This tribute of justice is due from me to hiti>, and I seize, with pleasure, the opportunity afforded me by your letter, of discharging the ob- ligation." The administration of Mr. Adams was assailed during its entire progress with the most extraordinary bitterness and hostility. Various causes led to this result, which need riot here be detailed. Prominent among the statesmen who were inimical to the mea- stireg which the President and his Cabinet com- mended and approved, was John Randolph of Vir- ginia. The spirit which characterized his speeches at this period, will appear from the following remarkable extract from one of them, referring to Mr. Adams: "Who made him a judge of our usages? Who constituted him? He has been a professor, I under- stand. I wish he had left off the pedagogue when lie got into the Executive chair. Who made him the censor morum of this body ? Will any one answer this ques- tion? Yes or no? Who? Name the person. Above all, who made him the searcher of hearts, and gave him the right, by an inuendo black as hell, to blacken our motives? Blacken our motives! I did not say 8* 90 THE LIFE AND TIMES that then. I was more under self-command ; I did not use such strong language. I said, if he could borrow the eye of Omniscience himself, and look into every bosom here ; if he could look into that most awful, calamitous, and tremendous of all possible gulfs, the naked unveiled human heart, stripped of all its covering of self-love, exposed naked, as to the eye of God I said if he could do that, he was not, as President of the United States, entitled to pass upon our motives, although he saw and knew them to be bad. I said, if he had converted us to the Catholic religion, and was our father confessor, and every man in this House at the footstool of the confessional had confessed a bad motive to him by the laws of his church, as by this Constitution, above the law and above the church, he, as President of the United States, could not pass on our motives, though we had told him with our own lips our motives, and confessed they were bad. I said this then, and I say it now. Here I plant my foot; here I fling defiance right into his teeth before the American people; here I throw the % gauntlet to him and the bravest of his compeers, to come forward and defend these miserable lines: 'In- volving a departure, hitherto, so far as I am informed, without example, from that usage, and upon the motives for which, not being informed of them, I do not feel myself competent to decide.' Amiable mo- desty ! I wonder we did not, all at once, fall in lova with him, and agree una voce to publish our proceed- ings, except myself, for I quitted the Senate ten minutes before the vote was taken. I saw what was to follow ; I knew the thing would not be done at all, OF HENRY CLAY. 91 rtr would be done unanimously. Therefore, in spite of the remonstrances of friends, I went away, not fearing that any one would doubt what my vote would have been, if I had staid. After twenty-six hours' exertion, it was time to give in. I was defeated, horse, foot, and dragoons cut up, and clean broke down by the coalition of Blifil and Black George ly the combination, unheard of till then, of the puritan with the blackleg.'' The last expression contained in this speech, which applied the epithet of "puritan" to Mr. Adams, and that of "blackleg" to the Secretary of State, thereby alluding to the prevalent report that Mr. Clay was addicted to the gaming-table, led to the memorable duel which took place between him and the repre- sentative from Roanoke. These two celebrated men had been born within a few miles of each other Mr. Clay on the low marshes of Hanover, Mr. Ran- dolph on the high bluffs of the Appomattox. Their characters were as different as their positions and careers in life; the one genial, eloquent, graceful; the other, sarcastic, repulsive, and hated by all, save his few personal friends, with whom he came in contact. Each was the acknowledged champion of a great party, which fact gave greater significance and im- portance to their conduct. After the utterance of the insult contained in his last speech, Mr. Clay demanded an apology from his antagonist, which was refused. Mr. Clay then placed a challenge in the hands of his friend, General Jessup, to be conveyed to Mr. Ran- dolph. The General and Colonel Tattnall, the friend of Mr. Randolph, agreed to suspend the delivery of 92 THE LIFE AND TIMES the hostile message, with the hope that some expla- nation or accommodation might be effected between the parties. Jessup stated that the injury of which Mr. Clay complained was two-fold ; that he had charged him with having forged or manufactured a paper cor.- nected with the Panama Mission, and that he had applied to him the opprobrious epithet of "blackleg." Jessup demanded that Mr. Randolph should declare that he had no intention of charging Mr. Clay with falsifying any paper or mis-stating any fact whatever; and that the word " blackleg," as used by Mr. Ran- dolph, was intended to apply to some other individual. Mr. Tattnall communicated this demand to Mr. Randolph. His reply was as follows, and at once put an end to all prospect of accommodation : "I have gone as far as I could in waiving my pri- vilege to accept a peremptory challenge from a minis- ter of the Executive Government, under any circum- stances, and especially under such circumstances. The words used by me were, that I thought it would be in my power to show evidence, sufficiently presump- tive to satisfy a Charlotte jur} r , that this invitation was "manufactured" here that Salagar's letter struck me as being a strong likeness in point of style, &c., to the other papers. I did not undertake to prove this, but expressed my suspicion that the fact was so. I applied to the Administration the epithet, "puri- tanic, diplomatic, blacklegged Administration. "I have no explanations to give I will not give any I am called to the field I have agreed to go and am ready to go." The seconds proceeded to make the necessary pre OFHENRYCLAY. 93 parations. During the night preceding the duel, Mr. Randolph was found by his friend James Hamilton, in a ;alm and kindly humor. He communicated to General Hamilton the determination which he had adopted, not to return Mr. Clay's fire: "Nothing shall induce me to harm a hair of his head. I will not make his wife a widow, and his children orphans. Their tears would be shed over his grave ; but when the sod of Virginia rests on my bosom, there is not in this wide world one individual to pay this tribute upon mine." Tears then began to flow from those basilisk eyes, so long unused to the melting mood. Hamilton replied that such a resolution was extraordinary, and that it amounted in substance to a determination on his part to go to the field with an intention to throw his life away. No appeals, however, could induce him then to alter his purpose ; but at a subsequent hour of the night, when Gen. Hamilton called upon him again, in company with Col. Tattnall, they found him reading Milton's Paradise Lost; upon the beau- ties of winch he dwelt with his usual discrimination and sagacity. At length he adverted to his intention not to return Mr. Clay's fire. His friends once more expostulated with him upon such a purpose of F elf- sacrifice; arid at length he modified his design by saying: "Well, I promise you one thing; if I see the devil in Clay's eye, and that with malice prepense he means to take my life, I will change my mind." During the interval which preceded the duel, Mr. Clay adjusted his private affairs, but carefully kept the approaching interview concealed from his family. The combatants met the next day at four o'clock, OD 94 THE LIFE AND TIMES the banks of the Potomac. The sun was just declining in mellowed beauty behind the blue hills of Virginia, when these two men, among the most remarkable and gifted of her children, met apparently in mortal con- ilict. Both seemed to be calm and self-possessed, in the near view of possible death which they both en- tertained. Randolph again repeated to Gen. Hamil- ton his determination not to return Mr. Clay's fire, lie well knew that he was one of the best shots of the day, and that Clay's life was in his hands. When taking their respective positions, and in handling the weapon assigned him, Mr. Randolph accidentally sprang the trigger, with the muzzle of the pistol down. General Jessup instantly exclaimed, that if that incident occurred again he would instantly leave the ground. Mr. Clay replied that it was doubtless an accident, and begged that the gentlemen would proceed. The positions were again taken, the word was given, Mr. Clay fired, missing his adversary, and Mr. Randolph then discharged his pistol in the air. As soon as Mr. Clay perceived this act of Randolph, he instantly approached the latter, and exclaimed: "I trust in God, my dear sir, that you are unhurt; after what has occurred, I would not have harmed you for a thousand worlds." Thus ended this famous duel ; presenting on both sides, and in the conduct of each of these remarkable men, that combination of ab- surdity and contradiction of principle and action, in which the so-called code of honor inevitably in- volves even the most gifted and eminent of those who practise its usages, and defer to its authority. The last interview which ever took placo between OP HENRY CLAY. 95 Messrs. Clay and Randolph occurred in March, 1833, a short time before the death of the latter. He was then on his way to Philadelphia, where he afterward expired. The Senate was holding a night session, and Mr. Clay was speaking when Randolph was car- ried into the Senate Chamber, and placed in a chair. "Hold me up," said he to his attendants: "7 have come to hear that voice." When Mr. Clay concluded his remarks, ho approached Mr. Randolph, and they cordially saluted each other. Such was the termina- tion of an acquaintance which had continued during the quarter of a century, and which had been to each party the source of the utmost bitterness, anxiety, and malignity, during the greater portion of its du- ration. In the autumn of 1828 the general election took place, which resulted in the elevation of Andrew Jackson to the Presidency. John C. Calhoun was chosen Vice-President. With the conclusion of the administration of John Quincy Adams, Mr. Clay's official duties terminated. The triumph of the Demo- cratic party in the person of the Hero of Kew Orleans, and his immense popularity with the nation, tended to increase the odium which had already been accu- mulated on the head of Mr. Clay, as his ablest oppo- nent, in consequence of the charges of corruption which had previously been urged against him. The latter at once prepared to remove his family to Ken- tucky. Previous to his departure from Washington, a number of his friends invited him to a public dinner; on which occasion he delivered a speech in which he vindicated himself from the slanders and 96 THELIFEANDTIMES charges of his enemies, and stated his opinions of public affairs. Said he : " I should be glad to feel that I could with any pro- priety abstain from any allusion, at this time and at this place, to public affairs. But considering the occasion which has brought us together, the events which have preceded it, and the influence which they may exert upon the destinies of our country, my silence might be misinterpreted, and I think it therefore proper that I should embrace this first public opportunity which I have bad of saying a few words, since the termination of the late memorable and embittered contest. It is far from my wish to continue or to revive the agita- tion with which that contest was attended. It is ended, for good or for evil. The nation wants repose. A ma- jority of the people has decided, and from their deci- sion there can and ought to be no appeal. Bowing, as I do, with profound respect to them, and to this exer- cise of their sovereign authority, I may nevertheless be allowed to retain and to express my own unchanged sentiments, even if they should not be in perfect co- incidence with theirs. It is a source of high gratifi- cation to me to believe that I share these sentiments in common, with more than half-a-million of freemen, possessing a degree of virtue, of intelligence, of reli- gion, and of genuine patriotism, which, without dis- paragement to others, is unsurpassed, in the same number of men in this or any other country, in this or any other age. u I deprecated the election of the present President of the United States, because I believed he had nei- ther the temper, the experience, nor the attainments OF HENRY CLAY. 97 requisite to discharge the complicated and arduous duties of chief magistrate. I deprecated it still more, because his elevation, I believe, would be the result exclusively of admiration and gratitude for military service, without regard to indispensable civil qualifi- cations. I can neither retract, nor alter, nor modify any opinion which, on these subjects, I have at any time heretofore expressed. I thought I beheld in his election an awful foreboding of the fate which, at some future (I pray to God that, if it ever arrive, it may be some far distant) day was to befall this infant republic. All past history has impressed on my mind this solemn apprehension. Nor is it effaced or weak- ened by contemporaneous events passing upon our own favored continent. It is remarkable that, at this epoch, at the head of eight of the nine inde- pendent governments established in both Americas, military officers have been placed, or have placed themselves. General Lavalle has, by military force, subverted the republic of La Plata. General Santa Cruz is the chief magistrate of Bolivia; Colonel Pinto of Chili; General Lamar of Peru, and General Bolivar of Colombia. Central America, rent in pieces, and bleeding at every pore from wounds in- flicted by contending military factions, is under the alternate sway of their chiefs. In the government of our nearest neighbor, an election, conducted accord - ing'to all the requirements of their Constitution, has terminated with a majority of the States in favor of Pedrazza, the civil candidate. An insurrection was raised in behalf of his military rival; the cry, not exactly of a bargain, but of corruption, was sounded ; 9 o 98 THE LIFE AND TIMES the election was annulled, and a reform effected by proclaiming General Guerrero, having only a minority of the States, duly elected President. The thunders from the surrounding forts, and the acclamations of the assembled multitude, on the fourth, told us what General was at the head of our affairs. It is true, and in this respect we are happier than some of the American States, that his election has not been brought about by military violence. The forms of the Constitution have yet remained inviolate. In re- asserting the opinions which I hold, nothing is fur- ther from my purpose than to treat with the slightest disrespect those of my fellow-citizens, here or else- where, who may entertain opposite sentiments. The fact of claiming and exercising the free and inde- pendent expression of the dictates of my own delibe- rate judgment, affords the strongest guarantee of my full recognition of their corresponding privilege. A majority of my fellow-citizens, it would seem, do not perceive the dangers which I apprehended from the example. Believing that they are not real, or that we have some security against their effect, which ancient and modern republics have not found, that majority, in the exercise of their incontestable right of suffrage, have chosen for chief magistrate a citizen who brings into that high trust no qualification other than military triumph." This was the darkest period of Mr. Clay's career the crisis when the malignity of his triumphant ene- mies flooded the country with calumnies of every de- scription against him, and endeavored to crush him beneath the weight of their detractions. Neyerthe- OP HENRY CLAY. 99 less, his former constituents in Kentucky continued to regard him with the same admiration and par- tiality. He remained in retirement nearly three years, engaged in the duties of his profession. He duly appreciated the firmness with which the inhabi- tants of Kentucky adhered to him through evil as well as through good report, and thus expressed him- self on the subject on a public occasion : " When I felt as if I should sink beneath the storm of abuse and detraction which was violently raging around me, I have found myself upheld and sus- tained by your encouraging voice and your approving smiles. I have, doubtless, committed many faults and indiscretions, over which you have thrown the broad mantle of your charity. But I can say, and in the presence of my God and of this assembled multitude I will say, that I have honestly and faith- |6lly served my country; that I have never wronged it ; and that, however unprepared I lament that I am, to appear in the Divine Presence on other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of His judgment on my public conduct, without the smallest apprehension of His displeasure." During the period of his retirement Mr. Clay visited New Orleans, Columbus, Cincinnati, and other places in the South and "West, where his friends complimented him with public receptions. At length, in the autumn of 1831, he was recalled to public life by being again chosen by the Legislature of Ken- tucky, to represent that Commonwealth in the Senate of the United States. He accordingly resumed his seat in that body, at the opening of the first session 100 THE LIFE AND TIMES of the Twenty-second Congress. It was about tho same period that he was nominated for the Presi- dency by the National Republican Convention, which convened at Baltimore in December, 1831. John Sergeant of Pennsylvania was proposed by that assembly for the office of Vice-president. The result of the conflict which ensued was the election of General Jackson to a second term of the chief magistracy. OF HENRY CLAY. 101 CHAPTER VIII. TOl TARIFF OF 1832 MR. CLAY'S BILL HIS ARGUMENT IN DEFEXCI OF IT DISCONTENT IN SOUTH CAROLINA THE PROCLAMATION OF PRESIDENT JACKSON COUNTER PROCLAMATION OF GOVERNOR HAYNE MR. CLAY'S COMPROMISE BILL HIS ARGUMENT IN SUPPORT OF IT MR. WEBSTER'S OPPOSITION ITS FINAL PASSAGE PEACE OF THE UNION PRESERVED MR. CLAY'S JOURNEY THROUGH THE NORTHERN AND EASTERN STATES EXHIBITIONS OF POPULAR ENTHUSIASM HIS RETURN.TO WASHINGTON. THE subject of the Tariff was the most important which engaged the attention of Congress in the ses- sion of 1831-32. South Carolina had already at that period commenced to exhibit a spirit of discontent, and of insubordination to the revenue laws of the United States, which afterward culminated in the most serious results. For the purpose of producing harmony, Mr. Clay introduced a resolution in the Senate on the 9th of January, 1832, providing for the abolition of the existing duties upon articles im- ported from foreign countries, not coming into com- petition with similar articles made or produced in the United States, except the duties on wines and silks, and that these ought to be reduced ; and also that the Committee on Finance be instructed to report ac- cordingly. He supported this resolution by an able speech, to which Mr. Hayne of South Carolina re- 9* 102 THE LIFE AND TIMES sponded. The subject underwent a protracted debate, and was still before the Senate on the second of Feb- ruary, when Mr. Clay commenced the delivery of his famous oration in defence of the American system, and in opposition to the British colonial system. The delivery of this speech occupied that day, the whole of the next, and was at length concluded on the sixth of that mqnth. It was one of his master-pieces; and on no other occasion did his remarkable abilities shine forth with greater lustre, or more astounding effect. As an illustration of the method with which Mr. Clay treated the dry details of an argument on commercial affairs, we may adduce the following extracts from this oration : " Such are some of the items of this vast system of protection which it is now proposed to abandon. We might well pause and contemplate, if human imagination could conceive the extent of mischief and ruin from its total overthrow, before we proceed to the work of destruction. Its duration is worthy also of serious consideration. Not to go behind the Con- stitution, its date is coeval with that instrument. It began on the ever-memorable fourth day of July the fourth day of July, 1789. The second. act which stands recorded in the statute-book, bearing the illus- trious signature of George Washington, laid the cor- ner-stone of the whole system. That there might be no mistake about the matter, it was then solemnly proclaimed to the American people and to the world, that it was necessary for 'the encouragement and pro- tection of manufactures,' that duties should be laid. It is iu vain to urge the small amount of the measure OP HENRY CLAT. 103 of the protection then extended. The great principle was then established by the fathers of the Constitu- tion, with the father of his country at their head. And it cannot now be questioned, that, if the govern- ment had not then been new and the subject untried, a greater measure of protection would have been applied, if it had been supposed necessary. Shortly after, the master-minds of Jefferson and Hamilton were brought to act on this interesting subject. Tak- ing views of it appertaining to the departments of Foreign Affairs and of the Treasury, which they re- spectively filled, they presented, severally, reports which yet remain monuments of their profound wis- dom, and came to the same conclusion of protection, to American industry. Mr. Jefferson argued that foreign restrictions, foreign prohibitions, and foreign high duties, ought to be met at home by American restrictions, American prohibitions, and American high duties. Mr. Hamilton, surveying the entire ground, and looking at the inherent nature of the subject, treated it with an ability which, if ever equalled, has not been surpassed, and earnestly recom- mended protection. "If we purchased still less from Great Britain than we do, and our conditions were reversed, so that the value of her imports from this country exceeded that of her exports to it, she would only then be compelled to do what we have so long done, and what South Carolina does, in her trade with Kentucky, make up for the unfavorable balance by trade with other places and countries. How does she now dispose of the one hundred and sixty millions of dollars' worth of cotton 104 THE LIFE AND TIMES fabrics which she annually sells? Of that amount the United States do not purchase five per centum. What becomes of the other ninety-five per centum? Is it not sold to other powers, and would not their markets remain, if ours were totally shut? Would she not continue, as she now finds it her interest, to purchase the raw material from us, to supply those markets? Would she be guilty of the folly of de- priving herself of markets to the amount of upward of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, because we refused her a market for some eight or ten mil- lions? "But if there were a diminution of the British demand for cotton equal to the loss of a market for the few British fabrics which are within the scope of our protective policy, the question would still remain, whether the cotton-planter is not amply indemnified by the creation of additional demand elsewhere? With respect to the cotton-grower, it is the totality of the demand, and not its distribution, which affects hia interests. If any system of policy will augment the aggregate of the demand, that system is favorable to his interests, although its tendency may be to vary the theatre of the demand. It could not, for exam- ple, be injurious to him, if, instead of Great Britain continuing to receive the entire quantity of cotton which she now does, two or three hundred thousand bales of it were taken to the other side of the chan- nel, and increased to that extent the French demand. It would be better for him, because it is always better to have several markets than one. Now if, instead of a transfer to the opposite side of the channel, of OF HENRY CLAY. 105 those two or three hundred thousand bales, they are transported to the Northern States, can that be inju- rious to the cotton-grower? Is it not better for him ? Is it not better to have a market at home, unaffected by war, or other foreign causes, for that amount of his staple ? "If the establishment of American manufactures, therefore, had the sole effect of creating a new and an American demand for cotton, exactly to the same extent in which it lessened the British demand, there would be no just cause of complaint against the tariff. The gain in one place would precisely equal the loss in the other. But the true state of the matter is much more favorable to the cotton-grower. It is cal- culated that the cotton manufactories of the United States absorb at least two hundred thousand bales of cotton annually. I believe it to be more. The two ports of Boston and Providence alone received during the last year near one hundred and ten thousand bales. The amount is annually increasing. The raw material of that two hundred thousand bales is worth Bix millions, and there is an additional value conferred by the manufacturer of eighteen millions; it being generally calculated that, in such cotton fabrics as we are in the habit of making, the manufacture consti- tutes three-fourths of the value of the article. If, therefore, these twenty-four millions' worth of cotton fabrics were not made in the United States, but were manufactured in Great Britain, in order to obtain them, we should have to add to the already enormous disproportion between the amount of our imports and exports, in the trade with Great Britain, the further 106 THELIFEANDTIME8 sum of twenty-four millions, or, deducting the price of the raw material, eighteen millions ! And will gentlemen tell me how it would be possible for this country to sustain such a ruinous trade? From all H that portion of the United States lying north and east of James River, and west of the mountains, Great Britain receives comparatively nothing. How would it be possible for the inhabitants of that largest portion of our territory, to supply themselves with cotton fabrics, if they were brought from England exclusivel}'? They could not do it. But for the ex- istence of the American manufacture, they would be compelled greatly to curtail their supplies, if not ab- solutely to suffer in their comforts. By its existence at home, the circle of those exchanges is created, which reciprocally diffuses among all who are em- braced within it the productions of their respective industry. The cotton-grower sells the raw material to the manufacturer; he buys the iron, the bread, the meal, the coal, and the countless number of objects of his consumption from his fellow-citizens, and they in turn purchase his fabrics. Putting it upon the ground merely of supplying those with necessary articles who could not otherwise obtain them, ought there to be from any quarter an objection to the only system by which that object can be accomplished? But can there be any doubt, with those who will re- flect, that the actual amount of cotton consumed is increased by the home manufacture? The main ar- gument of gentlemen is founded upon the idea of mutual ability resulting from mutual exchanges. They would furnish an ability to foreign nations by OP HENRY CLAT. 107 purchasing from them, and I, to our own people, by exchanges at home. If the American manufacture were discontinued, and that of England were to take its place, how would she sell the additional quantity of twenty -four millions of cotton goods, which wo now make? To us? That has been shown to be impracticable. To other foreign nations ? She has already pushed her supplies to them to the utmost extent. The ultimate consequence would then be, to diminish the total consumption of cotton, to say no- thing of the reduction of price that would take place by throwing into the ports of England the two hun- dred thousand bales which would go thither." On the 13th of March, 1832, a bill was reported according to the suggestion of Mr. Clay, embodying his views, which afterward passed both Houses with some modification in July. The revenue was reduced by its operation, but the Protective System was pre- served. The law was received with different senti- ments in different portions of the Union. The dis- content was greatest and fiercest in South Carolina. The tariff of 1832 was made the subject of popular opprobrium; and a Convention was held in that State which enacted a nullifying ordinance, and became a part of its fundamental law. This event took place on the 24th of November. The ordinance was signed by James Hamilton as chairman, and one hundred and forty members, including many of the leading citizens of South Carolina. The Convention prepared and issued an address to the people of the United States, in which the following language occurs: *' Uiider a system of free trade, the aggregate crop 108 THE LIFE AND TIMES of South Carolina would be exchanged for a larger quantity of manufactures, by at least one-third, than it can be exchanged for under the protecting system. It is no less evident, that the value of the crop is di- minished by the protecting system very nearly, if not precisely, to the extent that the aggregate quantity of manufactures that is obtained for it, is diminished. It is indeed strictly and philosophically true, that the quantity of consumable commodities which can be obtained for the cotton and rice, annually produced by the industry of the State, is the precise measure of their aggregate value. But for the prevalent and habitual error of confounding the money price with the exchangeable value of our agricultural staples, these propositions would be regarded as self-evident. If the protecting duties were repealed, one hundred bales of cotton, or one hundred barrels of rice, would purchase as large a quantity of manufactures as one hundred and fifty will now purchase. The annual income of the State, its means of purchasing and consuming the necessaries and comforts and luxuries of life, would be increased in a corresponding degree. Almost the entire crop of South Carolina, amounting annually to more than six millions of dollars, is ulti- mately exchanged either for foreign manufactures subject to protecting duties, or for similar domestic manufactures. The natural value of that crop would be all the manufactures which we could obtain for it under a system of unrestricted commerce. The arti- ficial value produced by the unjust and unconstitu- tional legislation of Congress, is only such part of these manufactures as will remain after paying a duty OP HENRY CLAY. 109 of fifty per cent, to the government ; or, to speak with more precision, to the Northern manufacturers. . . . The inevitable result is, that the manufactures thus lawfully acquired by the honest industry of South Carolina, are worth annually three millions of dollars less to her citizens, than the very same quantity, of the very same description, of manufactures is worth to the citizens of a manufacturing State a difference of value produced exclusively by the operation of the protecting system. No ingenuity can either evade or refute this proposition. The very axioms of geometry are not more self-evident We confidently ap- peal to our confederated States, and to the whole world, to decide whether the annals of human legis- lation furnish a parallel instance of injustice and op- pression perpetrated in the form of free government. However it may be disguised by the complexity of the process by which it is effected, it is nothing less than the monstrous outrage of taking three millions of dollars annually from the value of the productions of South Carolina, and transferring it to the people of other and distant communities." Irritated by these exhibitions of hostility to a law which he had approved, General Jackson issued his proclamation on the 10th of December, 1832, de- nouncing the proceedings which had taken place in South Carolina as treasonable, and insisting that they should be immediately abandoned. Ten days after- ward Governor Hayne issued a counter proclamation, urging all patriotic citizens of the State to obey tho ordinance of nullification. When the second session of the twenty-second Congress opened, the presence 10 110 THE LIFE AND TIMES and influence of Mr. Calhoun, who had resigned the Vice-Presidency, and accepted a seat in the Senate, and whom General Jackson had at one time threat- ened to arrest on his arrival at Washington, became invested with immense importance, as the leader and originator of the project of nullification, and as the great representative, pro hoc vice, of State rights, in opposition to those of Federal law and government. A collision of the most dangerous and desperate character between the President and the State of South Carolina, seemed inevitable; but just in the most critical moment, Mr. Clay came forward in the Senate with his celebrated "Compromise Bill," which provided for a gradual reduction of duties till the year 1842, when twenty per cent, at a home valuation, should become the rate, until some other proportion should be established by the authority of law. This Compromise Bill was the product of much study and reflection on the part of its author. When passing through Philadelphia, previous to the opening of the session, Mr. Clay had held conferences with the lead- ing manufacturers of that city, then, as now, the centre of the manufacturing enterprise and resources of the Union, to ascertain the opinions which they had derived from their practical knowledge and ex- perience of the subject. On arriving at Washington, he conferred with Mr. Calhoun upon the existing difficulties, and compared views with him in refer- ence to the necessary and practicable changes in the tariff. His rare powers of persuasion and concilia- tion were used to the utmost, in producing a spirit of harmony among Southern Representatives, who OF HENRY CLAY. 11} had been most disposed to refractory measures. He prevailed so far, that at last they generally expressed the feeling, that they much preferred that the diffi- culty should be settled by Mr. Clay, than by the arbitrary measures threatened by the Federal Gov- ernment. The Compromise Act was discussed with much zeal and ability in both Houses of Congress. Its chief opponent was Daniel Webster, who threw into the scale against it the ponderous weight of his talents and influence. Mr. Clay met the arguments which he advanced with great boldness and skill. He thus replied to the chief considerations advanced by the Colossus of the North against the bill: "The Senator from Massachusetts objects to the bill under consideration, on various grounds. He argues, that it imposes unjustifiable restraints on the power of future legislation ; that it abandons the pro- tective policy; and that the details of the bill are practically defective. He does not object to the gra- dual, but very inconsiderable, reduction of duties which is made prior to 1842. To that he could not object, because it is a species of prospective provision, as he admits, in conformity with numerous prece- dents on our statute-book. He does not object so much to the state of the proposed law prior to 1842, during a period of nine years ; but, throwing himself forward to the termination of that period, he contends that Congress will then find itself under inconvenient shackles, imposed by our indiscretion. In the first place, I would remark, that the bill contains no obli- gatory pledges it could make noue none are at- 112 THE LIFE AND TIMES tempted. The power over the subject is in the Con- stitution, put there by those who formed it, and liable to be taken out only by an amendment of the instru- ment. The next Congress, and every succeeding Congress, will undoubtedly have the power to repeal the law whenever they may think proper. Whether they will exercise it, or not, will depend upon a sound discretion, applied to the state of the whole country, and estimating fairly the consequences of the repeal, both upon the general harmony and the common in- terests. Then the bill is founded in a spirit of com- promise. Now, in all compromises there must be mutual concessions. The friends of free-trade insist, that duties should be laid in reference to revenue alone. The friends of American industry say, that another, if not paramount object in laying them, should be, to diminish the consumption of foreign, and increase that of domestic products. On this point the parties divide, and between these two opposite opinions a reconciliation is to be effected, if it can be accomplished. The bill assumes as a basis adequate protection for nine years, and less beyond that term. The friends of protection say to their opponents, wo are willing to take a lease of nine years, with the long chapter of accidents beyond that period, includ- ing the chance of war, the restoration of concord, and along with it a conviction common to all, of the utility of protection ; and in consideration of it, if, in 1842, none of these contingencies shall have been realized, we are willing to submit, as long as Congress may think proper, to a maximum rate of twenty per centum, with the power of discrimination below it, OF HENRY CLAY. 113 cash duties, home valuations, and a liberal list of free articles, for the benefit of the manufacturing interest. To these conditions the opponents of protection are ready to accede. The measure is what it professes to be, a compromise ; but it imposes, and could impose, no restriction upon the will or power of a future Con- gress. Doubtless great respect will be paid, as it ought to be paid, to the serious condition of the country that has prompted the passage of this bill. Any future Congress that might disturb this adjust- ment, would act under a high responsibility ; but it would be entirely within its competency to repeal, if it thought proper, the whole bill. It is far from the object of those who support this bill, to abandon or surrender the policy of protecting American industry. Its protection or encouragement may be accomplished in various ways first, by bounties, as far as they are within the constitutional power of Congress to otter them ; second, by prohibitions, totally excluding the foreign rival article; third, by high duties, with- out regard to the aggregate amount of revenue which they produce; fourth, by discriminating duties, so adjusted as to limit the revenue to the economical wants of government; and, fifth, by the admission of the raw material, and articles essential to manufac- tures, free of duty; to which may be added, cash du- ties, home valuations, and the regulation of auctions. A perfect system of protection would comprehend most, if not all these modes of affording it. There * o might be, at this time, a prohibition of certain arti- cles (ardent spirits and coarse cottons, for example) to public advantage. If there were not inveterate 10* H 114 THK LIFE AND TIMES prejudices and conflicting opinions prevailing (and what statesman can totally disregard impediments ?), such a compound system might be established. "Now, Mr. President, before the assertion is made, that the bill surrenders the protective policy, gentle- men should understand perfectly what it does not, as well as what it does propose. It impairs no power of Congress over the whole subject; it contains no promise or pledge whatever, express or implied, as to bounties, prohibitions, or auctions; it does not touch the power of Congress in regard to them, and Con- gress is perfectly free to exercise that power at any time; it expressly recognizes discriminating duties within a prescribed limit; it provides for cash duties and home valuations ; and it secures a free list, em- bracing numerous articles, some of high importance to the manufacturing arts. Of all the modes of pro- tection which I have enumerated, it aftects only the third; that is to say, the imposition of high duties, producing a revenue beyond the wants of government. The Senator from Massachusetts contends that the policy of protection was settled in 1816, and that it has ever since been maintained. Sir, it was settled long before 1816. It is coeval with the present Con- stitution, and it will continue, under some of its va- rious aspects, during the existence of the government. No nation can exist, no nation perhaps ever existed, without protection in some form, and to some extent, being applied to its own industry. The direct and necessary consequence of abandoning the protection of its own industry, would be to subject it to the restrictions and prohibitions of foreign Powers ; and OF HENRY CLAY. 115 no nation, for any length of time, can endure an alien legislation, in which it has no will. The discontents which prevail, and the safety of the Republic, may require the modification of a specific mode of protec- tion, but it must be preserved in some other more acceptable shape. "All that was settled in 1816, in 1824, and in 1828, was, that protection should be afforded by high du- ties, without regard to the amount of the revenue which they might yield. During that whole period, we had a public debt which absorbed all the surpluses be- yond the ordinary wants of government. Between 1816 and 1824, the revenue was liable to the greatest fluctuations, vibrating between the extremes of about nineteen and thirty-six millions of dollars. If there were more revenue, more debt was paid ; if less, a smaller amount was reimbursed. Such was some- times the deficiency of the revenue, that it became necessary to the ordinary expenses of government, to trench upon the ten millions annually set apart as a sinking fund, to extinguish the public debt. If the public debt remained undischarged, or we had any other practical mode of appropriating the surplus revenue, the form of protection, by high duties, might be continued without public detriment. It is the pay- ment of the public debt, then, and the arrest of in- ternal improvements by the exercise of the veto, that unsettles that specific form of protection. Nobody sujh. poses, or proposes, that we should continue to levy, by means of high duties, a large annual surplus, of which no practical use can be made, for the sake of the incidental protection which they afford. The 116 THE LIFE AND TIMES Secretary of the Treasury estimates that surplus on the existing scale of duties, and with the other sources of revenue, at six millions annuallj r . An annual accumulation at that rate would, in a few years, bring into the treasury the whole currency of the country, to lie there inactive and dormant." The Compromise Bill, in consequence of the unwea- ried exertions of Mr. Clay, passed the House on tho 26th of February, 1833, by a vote of one hundred and twenty to eighty-four; and the Senate, on the 1st of March following, by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen. This result was most propitious to the interests of the whole Confederacy, restoring concord, preserving unity, and averting civil war and bloodshed, the pro- bable horrors of which it would be impossible for the mind to conjecture, or adequately estimate; while, at the same time, it placed Mr. Clay on an exalted and honorable eminence, as the preserver of the unity and prosperity of the nation. He regarded the glorious work which he had been able to achieve with that particular pride and jo}% which were so natural to the breast of a true patriot, whose feli- citous destiny it had been, to merit the gratitude of his country by the importance and value of his services. In the autumn of 1833 Mr. Clay complied with repeated invitations which had been extended to him, to visit the Northern and Eastern States of the Union. The reception with which he was greeted, during the progress of his journey, indicated the im- mense popularity which he had attained, in the esti- mation of his countrvmen. Immense and enthusias- OP HENRY CLAY. 117 tic crowds greeted his arrival at Baltimore, Philadel- phia, New York, Providence, Boston, Charlestown, Lowell, Sulem, Albany, and many other places of importance on his route. He declined the frequent invitations which he received to public dinners. The manufacturing population of New England, espe- cially, hailed his presence as that of a public bene- factor and national favorite. He visited many insti- tutions of interest in the leading cities through which he passed ; and no conqueror, loaded with the spoils of blood-bought victories, ever received such genuine homage and applause from his countrymen, as this triumphant hero of peace, conciliation, and union. He visited ex-President Adams at Quincy, and as- cended the historic heights of Bunker Hill ; on which a platform having been erected, he was ad- dressed, in the presence of a great multitude, by Edward Everett, as chairman of the committee, in a complimentary speech. The recipient of these, and many other demonstrations of popular applause, re- turned to Washington at the opening of Congress. During the entire tour he was accompanied by Mrs. Clay, and by a portion of his family, who were thus the gratiiied witnesses of this extraordinary exhibi- tion of a nation's esteem and admiration. 118 THE LITE AND TIMES CHAPTER IX. DISPOSAL OF THE PUBLIC LANDS POLICY OF MR. CLAT RESPECTING THEM HIS REPORT ON THE SUBJECT PRESIDENT JACKSON'S OP- POSITION TO IT THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES THE PRE- SIDENT RESOLVES TO REMOVE THE DEPOSITS CHANGES PRODUCED THEREBY IN HIS CABINET THE OPPOSITION OF CONGRESS TO THE MEASURE THE DEPOSITS REMOVED MR. CLAY's SPEECHES OK THE SUBJECT THE EXPUNGING RESOLUTION EXTRACTS. Ix March, 1832, the subject of the disposal of the public lands was introduced into the deliberations of Congress. A proposition was made by Mr. Bibb, of Kentucky, to reduce their price ; while other Repre- sentatives urged that the public territory, which be- longed to the United States, should be sold to the respective States within which they were located, at a moderate price. These propositions were referred to the committee of which Mr. Clay was a member ; and the supposition was, that he might be tempted to advocate the sale of the public lands on those terms, in order to acquire popularity in the Western States, thereby defending a policy inconsistent with his pre- vious position. Mr. Clay detected the trap with his usual sagacity, and evaded it. The position which he assumed and advocated was not only independent of any selfish con- sideration, but was just and equitable in itself. He contended that the public lands were a national do- OF HENRY CLAY. 119 main, belonging in common to the Federal Govern- ment. Ito right to this territory was based both on conquest and compact. It had been obtained by the blood and the money of the original thirteen colonies. The triurr.ph at Yorktown, and the treaty of peace made by discomfited England, acknowledging the freedom and independent sovereignty of the revolted colonies, completed and perfected their indefeasible title. The thirteen States, the original foeftees of those dom&ins, then conveyed their right, title, and interest therein to the Federal Government, to be ad- ministered for the common good, and to serve as sources from which to replenish the common trea- sury. In return, the Federal Government had pledged itself to administer the trust according to the wishes of the grantors, for the interests of the original pos- sessors, and of those new States which might after- ward become incorporated into the Union. Mr. Clay made an able report from the Committee on Public Lands. The positions which he assumed and advocated on this subject will be understood most clearly from the following provisions of hia bill: I. That after the thirty-first day of December, 1832, twelve and a half per cent, of the net proceeds of the public lands sold within their limits, should be paid to Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, and Mississippi, over and above what these States were severally entitled to by the compacts of their admission into the Union ; to be applied to internal improvements and purposes of education within those States, under the direction of their Legislatures in- 120 THELIFE" AND TIMES Uepenclently of the provisions for the construction and maintenance of the Cumberland road. II. After this deduction, the net proceeds were to bo distributed among the (then) twenty-four States, according to their respective federal representative population ; to be applied to such objects of internal improvement, education, or colonization, as might be designated by their respective Legislatures, or the reimbursement of any previous debt contracted for internal improvements. III. The act to continue in force for five years, except in the event of a war with any foreign Power; and additional provisions to be made for any new State that might be meanwhile admitted to the Union. IV. The minimum price of the public lands not to be increased; and not less than eighty thousand dol- lars per annum to be applied to complete the public surveys. V. Land offices to oe discontinued in districts where, for two successive years, the proceeds of sales should be insufficient to pay the salaries of the officers employed. VI. That certain designated quantities of land should be granted to six of the new States, not to be sold at a less price than the minimum price of lands sold by the United States, to be applied to internal improvements. General Jackson had previously advocated a simi- lar arrangement; nevertheless, when the bill passed both Houses, and was laid before him for his ap- proval, he could not sacrifice his personal hostility OF HENRY CLAY. 121 against the author of the bill to his consistency, but vetoed it. Subsequently, on the 2d of May, 1834, Mr. Clay introduced his propositions again into Con- gress, and after a vigorous struggle, obtained the establishment of those principles and measures, in reference to the public lands, which he had always advocated, and which have remained the equitable and beneficent law of the land. The most important event connected with this period of Mr. Clay's career, was the struggle between the Bank of the United States and President Jack- son. In 1830 the financial condition of the country was prosperous ; yet at that period, the President commenced his attacks upon the " monster," which eventually led to the most serious results. In his message of that year he recommended the establish- ment of a Treasury Bank, on the ground that the de- posits of the national funds were not safe in the vaults of the United States Bank ; and for the pur- pose of "strengthening the States" by giving them the means of furnishing the local paper currency through their own banks." In 1831 Congress passed a bill for the recharter of the Bank of the United States, which the President immediately vetoed ; at the same time intimating that if he had been invited to furnish the plan of " such an institution as would be constitutional," he would willingly have done so. Mr. Clay condemned the positions contained in the vetoing message with great earnestness, and assailed them with much ability, in July, 1832. He also in- sisted that the President had mistaken his oath to .support the Constitution of the United States, when 11 122 THE LIFE AND TIMES he claimed the right, to put upon it whatever inter- pretation of its meaning he pleased. He was bound to obey it as he found it, and as it was understood in the general comprehension of the nation. These positions of the President were preparatory to his subsequent attacks on the Bank. In the autumn of 1833 he determined to stretch his power to the utmost, and effect a removal of the deposits from the Bank, as the most effectual blow which could possibly be struck at its prosperity. It was not without difficulty that the President obtained a public officer who was sufficiently pliable to his will, as to serve as his agent in accomplishing this important and decisive step. It seems to be an admitted doctrine of constitutional law, that the treasury of the United States was never intended to be placed under the authority of the Executive branch of the Federal Government; but, on the contrary, that it is of essential importance that they should always remain entirely distinct; and that the House of Representatives, the Democratic branch of the government, should exercise complete control over the funds of the Confederac} 7 . Hence, the "Trea- surer of the United States," and not the "Secretary of the Treasury," is the person to whom the pub- lic moneys are entrusted ; and hence it is further enacted, that the Treasurer of the United States shall receive and keep the moneys of the United States, and disburse the same, upon warrants drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, countersigned by the Controller, recorded by the Register, and not otherwise. It is also provided that no money shall OF HENRY CLAT. 128 be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of "appropriations made by law" a function which lies within the jurisdiction of Congress alone. Hence it was contended by Mr. Clay, that the order of the President to withdraw the deposits from the IBank, where they had been placed by the action of Con- gress, was unconstitutional, and exceeded his autho- rity. Nineteen million dollars was the amount then deposited and subject to the drafts of the govern- ment, in the vaults of the Bank. Congress, as if to avert the purpose of the President by a significant hint, passed a resolution that the public funds were safe while in the Bank ; but the President proceeded to the accomplishment of his determination. When he proposed the removal of the deposits, and their distribution among certain favorite State banks, to his Cabinet, they all expressed their conviction of the unconstitutionality of the measure. He then read to them a paper, in which he declared that he wished his Cabinet to consider the proposed mea- sure as entirely his own ; in support of which he would not require any of them to make a sacrifice of opinion or of principle, and that he himself assumed its entire responsibility. In September, 1833, the President proceeded in the execution of his purpose, and directed Mr. McClain, the Secretary of the Treasury, to order the removal of the deposits. He declined, and was dismissed from his office. William J. Duane, of Philadelphia, was then chosen in his place ; but Mr. Duane also refused to become the agent in accomplishing the President's purpose, and was also dismissed. Roger 124 THE LIFE AND TIMES B. Tauey, of Maryland, was then called to the vacant post. lie accepted it, and readily obeyed the injunc- tion of the President to withdraw the public moneys from the bank. It may naturally be supposed that this summary method of proceeding excited the utmost hostility of the opponents and enemies of the President. They regarded his measures as arbitrary, tyrannical, and dangerous to the liberties of the country. Bold and confident statesmen, among whom Mr. Clay was foremost, considered the condition of the nation as perilous. On the 26th of December, 1833, he accord- ingly introduced resolutions in the Senate to the following effect : " Resolved, That by dismissing the late Secretary of the Treasury, because he would not, contrary to his sense of his own duty, remove the money of the United States in deposite with the Bank of the United States and its branches, in conformity with the Presi- dent's opinion, and by appointing his successor to effect such removal, which has been done, the Presi- dent has assumed the exercise of a power over the treasury of the United States not granted to him by the Constitution and laws, and dangerous to the liber- ties of the people. " Resolved, That the reasons assigned by the Secre- tary of the Treasury for the removal of the money of the United States, deposited in the Bank of the United States and its branches, communicated to Congress on the third of December, 1833, are unsatis- factory and insufficient." Mr. Taney had been called upon by a previous re- OF HENRY CLAY. 125 solution of Congress to furnish the Houses vith a ropy of the letter containing the reasons by which his action as Secreiary of the Treasury was defended. The resolutions of Mr. Clay were discussed with great zeal and ability, he himself taking a prominent part in the debate. During the course of his remarks on this occasion, he uttered the following attack upon the prominent actors in this event: " The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in the first paragraph, commences with a mis-statement of the fact. He says, * I have directed' that the de- posifs of the money of the United States shall not be made in the Bank of the United Slates. If this assertion is regarded in any other than a mere formal eense, it is not true. The Secretary may have been the instrument, the clerk, the automaton, in whose name the order was issued ; but the measure was that of the President, by whose authority or command the order was given ; and of this we have the highest and most authentic evidence. The President has told the world that the measure was his own, and that he took it upon his own responsibility. And he has exone- rated his Cabinet from all responsibility about it. The Secretary ought to have frankly disclosed all the circumstances of the case, and told the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. If he had done so, he would have informed Congress that the removal had been decided by the President on tho eighteenth of September last; that it had been an nounced to the public on the twentieth; and that Mr. Duane remained in office until the twenty-third. He would have informed Congress that this important 126 THE LIFE AND TIMES measure was decided before he entered into his new office, and was the cause of his appointment. Yes, sir, the present secretary stood by, a witness to the struggle in the mind of his predecessor, between his attachment to the President and his duty to the coun- try ; saw him dismissed from office, because he would not violate his conscientious obligations, and came into his place, to do what he could not, honorably, and would not perform. A son of one of the fathers of Democracy, by an administration professing to be Democratic, was expelled from office, and his place supplied by a gentleman, who, throughout his whole career, has been uniformly opposed to Democracy ! a gentleman who, at another epoch of the republic, when it was threatened with civil war, and a dissolu- tion of- the Union, voted (although a resident of a slave State), in the Legislature of Maryland, against the admission of Missouri into the Union without a restriction incompatible with her rights as a member of the confederacy ! Mr. Duane was dismissed be- cause the solemn convictions of his dut}' would not allow him to conform to the President's will because his logic did not bring his mind to the same conclu- sions with those of the logic of a venerable old gen- tleman, inhabiting a white house not distant from the capitol because his watch [here Mr. Clay held up his own] did not keep time with that of the Presi- aident. He was dismissed under that detestable system of proscription for opinion's sake, which has finally dared to intrude itself into the halls of Con- gress a system under which three unoffending clerks, the husbands of wives, the fathers of families, OF HENRY CLAY. 127 dependent on them for support, without the slightest imputation of delinquency, have been recently un- ceremoniously discharged, and driven out to beggary, by a man, himself the substitute of a meritorious officer, who has not been in this city a period equal to one monthly revolution of the moon ! I tell our secretary [said Mr. Clay, raising his voice], that, if he touch a single hair of the head of any one of the clerks of the Senate (I am sure he is not disposed to do it), on account of his opinions, political or reli- gious, if no other member of the Senate does it, I will instantly submit a resolution for his own dis- mission. " The secretary ought to have communicated all these things he ought to have stated that the Cabi- net was divided two and two, and one of the mem- bers [Mr. Cass, Secretary of War] equally divided with himself on the question, willing to be put into either scale. He ought to have given a full account of this, the most important act of executive authority since the origin of the government he should have stated with what unsullied honor his predecessor re- tired from office, and on what degrading conditions he accepted his vacant place. When a momentous proceeding like this, varying the constitutional dis- tribution of the powers of the legislative and execu- tive departments, was resolved on, the ministers against whose advice it was determined, should have resigned their stations. No ministers of any monarch in Europe, under similar circumstances, would have retained the seals of office. And if, as nobody doubts, there is a cabal behind the curtain, without character 128 THE LIFE AND TIMES and without responsibility, feeding the passions, stimu- lating the prejudices, and moulding the actions of the incumbent of the Presidential office, it was an addi- tional reason for their resignations. There is not a mattre d' hotel in Christendom, who, if the scullions were put into command into the parlor and dining- room, would not scorn to hold his place, and fling it up in disgust with indignant pride!" After a protracted discussion the substance of Mr. Clay's resolutions was passed in the Senate on the 28th of March, 1834, by a vote of twenty to twenty- six. On the 23d of June Mr. Taney's nomination as Secretary of the Treasury was sent in, and rejected by a vote of eighteen to twenty-eight. Subsequently he was rewarded for his zeal in the service of the President, by his appointment tc the office of the Chief Justice of the United States. The popularity and power of the Hero of New Or- leans culminated in February, 1835, when a resolu- tion was introduced into the Senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri, to expunge from the minutes of that body the resolution of March, 1834, condemning the removal of the deposits. The motion was defeated on this occasion; but it was subsequently renewed in January, 1837, and passed. On both of these occa- sions Mr. Clay opposed the measure with his usual eloquence, but in vain. It was ordered that the manuscript journal of the minutes should be brought into the Senate ; that the clerk should draw black lines around the resolution ; and that over it should be written in large letters the words: "Expunged by order of the Senate, this IQth day of January, in the OF HENRY CLAY. 129 year of our Lord eighteen hundred and thirty -seven" In opposition to this resolution Mr. Clay uttered tho following earnest appeal : ' Mr. President, what patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by this expunging resolution? What new honor or fresh laurels will it win for our common country ? Is the power of the Senate so vast that it ought to be circumscribed, and that of the President so restricted that it ought to be extended? What power has the Senate ? Kone, separately. It can only act jointly with the other House, or jointly with the Executive. And although the theory of the Con- stitution supposes, when consulted by him, it may freely give an affirmative or negative response, ac- cording to the practice, as it now exists, it has lost the faculty of pronouncing the negative monosylla- ble. When the Senate expresses its deliberate judg- ment, in the form of resolution, that resolution has no compulsory force, but appeals only to the dispas- sionate intelligence, the calm reason, and the sober judgment of the community. The Senate has no army, no navy, no patronage, no lucrative offices nor glittering honors to bestow. Around us there is no swarm of greedy expectants, rendering us homage, anticipating our wishes, and ready to execute our commands. " How is it with the President ? Is he powerless ? He is felt from one extremity to the other of this vast republic. By means of principles which he has in- troduced, and innovations which he has made in ouf institutions, alas! but too much countenanced by Congress and a confiding people, he exercises uncon- I 130 THE LIFE AND TIMES trolled the power of the State. In one hand he hold** the purse, and in the other brandishes the sword of the country. Myriads of dependents and partisans, scattered over the land, are ever ready to sing hosan- nalis to him, and to laud to the skies whatever he does. He has swept over the Government, during the last eight years, like & tropical tornado. Every department exhibits traces of the ravages of the storm. Take, as one example, the Bank of the United States. No institution could have been more popular with the people, with Congress, and with State Legis- latures. None ever better fulfilled the great purposes of its establishment. But it unfortunately incurred the displeasure of the President. He spoke, and the bank lies prostrate. And those who were loudest in its praise are now loudest in its condemnation. What object of his ambition is unsatisfied? When disabled from age any longer to hold the sceptre of power, he designates his successor, and transmits it to his favor- ite. What more does he want? Must we blot, de- face, and mutilate the records of the country to punish the presumptuousness of expressing an opi- nion contrary to his own ? " What patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by this expunging resolution ? Can you make that not to be which has been ? Can you eradicate from memory and from history the fact, that in March, 1834, a majority of the Senate of the United States passed the resolution which excites your enmity? Is it your vain and wicked object to arrogate to your- selves that power of annihilating the past which has been denied to Omnipotence itself? Do you intend OF HENRY CLAY. 131 to thrust your hands into our hearts, and to pluck out the deeply-rooted convictions which are there ? or ia it your design merely to stigmatize us? You cannot stigmatize us. " ' Ne'er yet did base dishonor blur our name.' " Standing securely upon our conscious rectitude, and bearing aloft the shield of the Constitution of our country, your puny efforts are impotent, and we defy all your power. Put the majority of 1834 in one scale, and that by which this expunging resolution is to be carried, in the other, and let truth and justice, in heaven above and on the earth below, and liberty and patriotism, decide the preponderance. " What patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by this expunging? Is it to appease the wrath, and to heal the wounded pride, of the Chief Magistrate? If lie be really the hero that his friends represent him, he must despise all mean condescension, all grovel- ling sycophancy, all self-degradation and self-abase- ment. He would reject with scorn and contempt, as unworthy of his fame, your black scratches, and your baby lines in the fair records of his country. Black lines ! Black lines ! Sir, I hope the secretary of the Senate will preserve the pen with which he may in- scribe them, and present it to that senator of the majority whom he may select, as A proud trophy to be transmitted to his descendants. And hereafter, when we shall lose the forms of our free institutions, all that now remain to us, some future American monarch in gratitude to those by whose means he 132 THE LIFE AND TIMES has been enabled, upon the ruins of civil liberty, to erect a throne, and to commemorate especially thia expunging resolution, may institute a new order of knighthood, and confer on it the appropriate name of THE KNIGHT OF THE BLACK LINES. "But why should I detain the Senate, or needlessly waste my breath in fruitless exertions? The decree has gone forth. It is one of urgency, too. The deed is to be done that foul deed, like the blood-stained hands of the guilty Macbeth, all ocean's waters will never wash out. Proceed, then, to the noble work which lies before you, and like other skilful execu- tioners, do it quickly. And when yon have perpe- trated it, go home to the people, and tell them what glorious honors you have achieved for our common country. Tell them that you have extinguished one of the brightest and purest lights that ever burned at the altar of civil liberty. Tell them that you have silenced one of the noblest batteries that ever thun- dered in defence of the Constitution, and bravely spiked the cannon. Tell them that, henceforward, no matter what daring or outrageous act any Presi- dent may perform, you have forever hermetically sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell them that he may fearlessly assume what power he pleases, snatch from its lawful custody the public purse, command a military detachment to enter the halls of the capitol, overawe Congress, trample down the Constitution, and raze every bulwark of freedom ; but that the Senate must stand mute, in silent submission, and not dare to raise its opposing voice ; that it must wait OF HENKY CLAY. 133 until a House of Representatives, humbled and sub- dued like itself, and a majority of it composed of the partisans of the President, shall prefer articles of im- peachment. Tell them, finally, that you have restored the glorious doctrine of passive obedience and non- resistance; and, if the people do not pour out their indignation and imprecations, I have yet to learii the character of American freemen." 131 THE LIFE AND TIME! CHAPTER X. MR. CLAY'S OPPOSITION TO PRESIDENT JACKSON HIS VISIT TO KKW- TUCKY AMERICAN CLAIMS ON FRANCE THEIR ADJUSTMENT MR. CLAY'S REPORT ON THE SUBJECT ELECTION OF MR. TAN BUREN TO THE PRESIDENCY THE SUB-TREASURY SYSTEM MR. CLAY*3 OPPOSITION TO IT HIS SPEECHES ON THE SUBJECT DEFEAT OF THK BILL PROPOSING IT ITS SUBSEQUENT REVIVAL CONTINUED OPPO- SITION TO IT BY MR. CLAY. MR. CLAY took a prominent part in all the discussions which were held in the session of Congress of 1833-34, and proved himself to be the most energetic and for- midable antagonist who ever assailed the administra- tion and the authority of General Jackson, lie resisted and embarrassed his policy at every step; for in re- gnrd to all his leading measures, Mr. Clay sincerely thought that they were prejudicial to the welfare of the country. The removal of the deposits had pro- duced great confusion and distress in the financial affairs of the community ; and an immense number of memorials were sent to Congress on the subject, demanding a change in the policy of the Government. Mr. Clay was selected by the petitioners to present a large proportion of these appeals; and in performing this welcome duty, lie accompanied the memorials with several speeches of immense power and ability. This remark applies particularly to those memorable OF HENRY CLAY. 135 arguments which he delivered on the 26th of Febru- ary, 1834, when ottering a memorial from Kentucky; and to that of the 15th of the ensuing April, when presenting another from Troy, New York. After the termination of the first session of the twenty-third Congress, on the 30th of June, Mr. Clay commenced his journey to Kentucky, anxious to re- visit his home and family after his long and arduous labors. During this journey he made a very narrow escape from death, or at least from serious injury, when journeying in the public stage-coach from Charlestown to Winchester, in Virginia. The coach was overturned while descending a steep hill, and one of the passengers was instantly killed. Mr. Clay re- ceived some bruises, though not of a very severe na- ture. At the opening of the following session of Congress he was at his post again with his usual promptitude and zeal in the public service. A subject was soon presented for discussion which elicited his efforts in opposition to the warlike tendencies of Pre- sident Jackson. Between the years 1800 and 1817, the cruisers of France had made repeated aggressions on American commerce. In July, 1831, a treaty had been made between the two countries, by which the French Government agreed to indemnify the Ameri- can claimants for their losses by the payment of tuenty-tive million francs. The payment of the first instalment of this sum fell due twelve months after the date of the treaty ; but that period had elapsed, and the draft of the American Government on the French Minister of Finance for the amount, had been dishonored. General Jackson recommended that a 136 THE LIFE AND TIMES Ia\v be immediately passed, allowing reprisals to be made by American citizens on French property. This matter, so pregnant with important and peril- ous results, was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which Mr. Clay was chairman. On the 6th of January, 1835, he read his report on the sub- ject in the Senate, occupying an hour and a half in the delivery of it. It was an able and profound docu- ment, clearly demonstrating the impolicy and injus- tice of the measure recommended by the President, and advising an opposite course. While maintaining the national honor by a high and chivalrous tone while contending for the justice and equity of the American claims he demonstrated that it was just to allow further time and opportunity to the French Government to execute the terms of the existing treaty. His efforts on this occasion prevailed ; and a resolution was finally adopted to the effect, that " it was inexpedient at that time to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France." This result, which was chiefly due to the influence and exertions of Mr. Clay, may with truth be said to have averted from the country the evils and calamities involved in a war with France. The important and delicate interests involved in this subject were finally and satisfactorily adjusted in 1836. In that year Mr. Clay was again appointed Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and he introduced a resolution in the Se- nate calling upon the President to furnish Congress with further information in regard to the state of affairs as they then existed between the two govern- OF HENRY CLAY. 137 ments. The resolution was adopted; and accordingly, in February, 1836, the President sent in a message communicating the fact that the British Government had tendered its mediation for the purpose of settling the differences between the United States and France. This message was submitted to a committee, who after- ward reported that the proffered mediation had been accepted, and that the matters in litigation between the two governments had been satisfactorily settled. Congress adjourned on the 4th of July, 1836, after which Mr. Clay returned to Kentucky. He was received by his neighbors and constituents with great enthu- siasm, and with every possible display of admiration and applause. The voice of calumny and of enmity was now dumb. The peerless statesman had regained the popularity of which he had been temporarily de- prived by the efforts of his enemies and assailants. It was at this period that he first announced his de- termination soon to retire from the toils and respon- sibilities of public life. But in the following winter he was again elected by the Legislature of Kentucky to represent that Commonwealth in the United States Senate. The vote stood seventy-six for Mr. Clay, fifty-four for Mr. Guthrie, the candidate of the Ad- ministration. Mr. Clay once more accepted the high trust, and was present in the Senate at the opening of the ensuing session. The result of the Presidential campaign of 1836 was the election of Martin Van Buren, who was chosen as the representative of the policy of General Jackson. On the 15th of May, 1837, he issued hia proclamation, summoning an extraordinary session 12* 138 THE LIFE AND TIMES of Congress to convene on the first Monday of Sep* tcmber. When that body assembled at the appointed time, Mr. Van Buren transmitted a message to both Houses, in which he recommended the Sub-treasury system for the deposit and disbursement of the pub- lic funds. This topic at once became the all-absorb- ing theme of discussion in Congress. The measures which he commended involved the following arrange- ments: the revenues of the United States, the trea- sures deposited in the Mint and its branches, the col- lectors, receivers, and all other office-holders were ordered to receive in specie; and they were to keep subject to the drafts of the government, all public moneys coming into their possession, instead of de- positing them, as formerly, in banks. The bill em- bodying these provisions was presented in the Senate on the 20th of September. On the 25th ensuing, Mr. Clay addressed that body in opposition to it. lu the course of this argument he spoke as follows: "No period has ever existed in this country, in which the future was covered by a darker, denser, or more impenetrable gloom. None, in which the duty was more imperative to discard all passion and preju- dice, all party ties and previous bias, and look exclu- sively to the good of our afflicted country. In one respect, and I think it a fortunate one, our present difficulties are distinguishable from former domestic trouble, and that is their universality. They are felt, it is true, in different degrees, but they reach every section, every State, every interest, almost every man in the Union. All feel, see, hear, know their exist- ence. As they do not array, like our former divisions, OF HENRY CLAY. 13& one portion of the Confederacy against another, it is to be hoped that common sufferings may lead to com- mon sympathies and common counsels, and that we shall, at no distant day, be able to see a clear way of deliverance. If the present state of the country were produced by the fault of the people; if it proceeded from their wasteful extravagance, and their indulg- ence of a reckless spirit of ruinous speculation ; if public measures had no agency whatever in bringing it about, it would, nevertheless, be the duty of Gov- ernment to exert all its energies, and to employ all its legitimate powers, to devise an efficacious remedy. But if our present deplorable condition has sprung from our rulers ; if it is to be clearly traced to their acts and operations, that duty becomes infinitely more obligatory; and Government would be faith- less to the highest and most solemn of human trusts should it neglect to perform it. And is it not too true, that the evils which surround us are to be ascribed to those who have had the conduct of our public affairs? "In glancing at the past, nothing can be further from my intention than to excite angry feelings, or to find grounds of reproach. It would be far more congenial to my wishes that, on this occasion, we should forget all former unhappy divisions and ani- mosities. But in order to discover how to get out of our difficulties, we must ascertain, if we can, how we got into them. "Prior to that series of unfortunate measures which had for its object the overthrow of the Bank of the United States, and the discontinuance of its fiscal 140 THE LIFE AND TIMES ngency for the Government, no people upon earth ever enjoyed a better currency, or had exchanges better regulated, than the people of the United States. Our monetary system appeared to have attained as great perfection as anything human can possibly reach. The combination of United States and local banks presented a true image of our system of Gene- ral and State Governments, and worked quite as well. Not only within the country had we a local and general currency perfectly sound, but in what- ever quarter of the globe American commerce had penetrated, there also did the bills of the United States Bank command unbounded credit and confi- dence. Now we are in danger of having fixed upon us, indefinitely as to time, that medium, an irredeem- able paper currency, which, by the universal consent of the commercial world, is regarded as the worst. How has this reverse come upon us? Can it be doubted that it is the result of those measures to which I have adverted? When, at the very moment of adopting them, the very consequences which have happened were foretold as inevitable, is it necessary to look elsewhere for their cause? Never was pre- diction more distinctly made; never was fulfilment more literal and exact. " Let us suppose that those measures had not been adopted; that the Bank of the United States hud been rechartered ; that the public deposits had re- mained undisturbed; and that the treasury order had never issued ; is there not every reason to believe that we should be now in the enjoyment of a sound cur- rency ; that the public deposits would be now safe OF HENRY CLAY. 141 and forthcoming, and that the suspension of specie payments in May last would not have happened? ** The President's message asserts that the suspen- sion has proceeded from over-action, over-trading, the indulgence of a spirit of speculation, produced by bank and other facilities. I think this is a view of the case entirely too superficial. It would be quite as correct and just, in the instance of a homicide per- petrated by the discharge of a gun, to allege that the leaden ball, and not the man who levelled the piece, was responsible for the murder. The true inquiry is, how came that excessive over-trading, and those ex- tensive bank facilities, which the message describes? Were they not the necessary and immediate conse- quences of the overthrow of the bank, and the re- moval from its custody of the public deposits? And is not this proved by the vast multiplication of banks, the increase of the line of their discounts and accom- modations, prompted and stimulated by Secretary Taney, and the great augmentation of their circula- tion which ensued?" The Sub-treasury bill, after undergoing some changes, was passed in the Senate on the 4th of Oc- tober, but afterward defeated in the House on the 10th. Congress adjourned on the 16th of the month, and the administration was thus successfully resisted, chiefly through the agency of Mr. Clay, in the accom- plishment of the main purpose for which the extra session had been summoned. During the second term of the Twenty-fifth Con- gress, the subject of the Sub-treasury was again in- troduced into the discussions of that body. Mr. Clay 142 THE LIFE AND TIMES displayed his usual zeal and ability against the mea- sure. On the 19th of Februar}-, 1838, he delivered a lengthy argument against the project, in which the following passage occurs as the exordium: " I have seen some public service, passed through many troubled times, and often addressed public as- semblies, in this capitol and elsewhere ; but never before have I risen in a deliberative body, under more oppressed feelings, or with a deeper sense of awful re- sponsibility. Never before have I risen to express my opinions upon any public measure, fraught with such tremendous consequences to the welfare and pros- perity of the country, and so perilous to the liberties of the people, as I solemnly believe the bill under consideration will be. If you knew, sir, what sleep- less hours reflection upon it has cost me; if you knew with what fervor and sincerity I have implored .Divine assistance to strengthen and sustain me in my oppo- sition to it, I should have credit with you, at least, for the sincerity of my convictions, if I shall be so un- fortunate as not to have your concurrence as to the dangerous character of the measure. And I have thanked my God that He has prolonged my life until the present time, to enable me to exert myself in the service of my country, against a project far transcend- ing in pernicious tendency any that I have ever had occasion to consider. I thank Him for the health 1 am permitted to enjoy; I thank Him for the soft and sweet repose which I experienced last night; I thank Him for the bright and glorious sun which shines upon us this day. "It is uot my purpose at this time, Mr. President, OF HENRY CLAY. 143 to go at large into a consideration of the causes which have led to the present most disastrous state of public affairs. That duty was performed by others, and myself, at the extra session of Congress. It was then clearly shown that it sprung from the ill-advised and unfortunate measures of executive administration. I will now content myself with saying that, on the fourth day of March, 1829, Andrew Jackson, not by the blessing of God, was made President of these United States; that the country was then eminently prosperous ; that its currency was as sound and safe as any that a people were ever blessed with ; that, throughout the wide extent of this whole Union, it possessed a uniform value; and that exchanges were conducted with such regularity and perfection, that funds could be transmitted from one extremity of the Union to the other, with the least possible risk or loss. In this encouraging condition of the business of the O O country, it remained for several years, until after the war wantonly waged against the late Bank of the United States was completely successful, by the over- throw of that invaluable institution. What our pre- sent situation is, is as needless to describe as it is painful to contemplate. First felt in our great com- mercial marts, distress and embarrassment have pene- trated into the interior, arid now pervade almost the entire Union. It has been justly remarked by one of the soundest and most practical writers that I have had occasion to consult, that ' all convulsions in the circulation and commerce of every country must ori- ginate in the operations of the Government, or in the mistaken views and erroneous measures of those pos- 144 THE LIFE AND TIMES sessing the power of influencing credit and circula- tion ; for they are not otherwise susceptible of con- vulsion; and if left to themselves, they will find their own level, and flow nearly in one uniform stream.' "Yes, Mr. President, we all have but too melan choly a consciousness of the unhappy condition of our country. We all too well know that our noble and gallant ship lies helpless and immovable upon breakers, dismasted, the surge beating over her vene- rable sides, and the crew threatened with instanta- neous destruction. How came she there? Who was the pilot at the helm when she was stranded ? The party in power! The pilot was aided by all the science and skill, by all the charts and instruments, of such distinguished navigators as Washington, the Adamses, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe; and yet he did not, or could not, save the public vessel. She was placed in her present miserable condition by his bungling navigation, or by his want of skill and judg- ment. It is impossible for him to escape from one or the other horn of that dilemma. I leave him at liberty to choose between them." The plan of this speech is laid out as follows : "I shall endeavor, Mr. President, in the course of the address I am about making, to establish certain propositions which I believe to be incontestable; and for the sake of perspicuity, I will state them severally to the Senate. I shall contend: "First, that it was the deliberate purpose and fixed design of the late administration to establish a Govern- ment bank a treasury bank to be administered and controlled by the executive department. OF HENRY CLAY. 145 " Secondly, that, with that view, and to that end, it was its aim and intention to overthrow the whole banking system, as existing in the United States when that administration came into power, beginning with the Bank of the United States and ending with the State banks. " Thirdly, that the attack was first confined, from considerations of policy, to the Bank of the United States ; but that, after its overthrow was accomplished, it was then directed, and has since been continued, against the State banks. "Fourthly, that the present administration, by its acknowledgments, emanating from the highest and most authentic source, has succeeded to the prin- ciples, plans, and policy of the preceding administra- tion, and stands solemnly pledged to complete and perfect them. "And, fifthly, that the bill under consideration is intended to execute the pledge, by establishing, upon the ruins of the late Bank of the United States and the State banks, a Government bank, to be managed and controlled by the Treasury Department, acting under the commands of the President of the United States. "I believe, solemnly believe, the truth of every one of these five propositions. In the support of them, I shall not rely upon any gratuitous surmises or vague conjectures, but upon proofs, clear, positive, unde- niable, arid demonstrative. To establish the first four, I shall adduce evidence of the highest possible authenticity, of facts admitted or undeniable, and fair reasoning founded on them. And as to the last, the 13 K 146 THE LIFE AND TIMES measure under consideration, I think the testimony, intrinsic and extrinsic, on which I depend, stamps, beyond all doubt, its true character as a Government bank, and ought to carry to the mind of the Senate the conviction which I entertain, and in which I feel perfectly confident the whole country will share." Mr. Clay demonstrated the truth of each of these propositions at considerable length, and with remark- able conclusiveness and force of reasoning. His views on the subject of the relation of specie to paper currency: "All experience [said Mr. Clay] has demonstrated that in banking operations, a much larger amount of paper can be kept out in circulation than the specie which it is necessary to retain in the vaults to meet it when presented for payment. The proportions which the same experience has ascertained to be entirely safe, are one of specie to three of paper. If, there- fore, the Executive Government had sixty millions of dollars accumulated at the port of New York, in the hands of the receiver-general, represented by sixty millions of Government drafts in circulation, it would be known that twenty of that sixty millions would be sufficient to retain to meet any amount of drafts which, in ordinary times, would be presented for payment. There would then remain forty millions in the vaults, idle and unproductive, and of which no practical use could be made. Well ; a great election is at hand in the State of New York, the result of which will seal the fate of an existing Administration. If the application of ten millions of that dormant capital could save, at some future day, a corrupt Ex- OF HENRY CLAY. 147 ecutive from overthrow, can it be doubted that the ten millions would be applied to preserve it in power? Again, let us suppose some great exigency to arise: a season of war, creating severe financial pressure and embarrassment. Would not an issue of paper, founded upon and exceeding the specie in the vaults, in some such proportions as experience had demon- strated might be safely emitted, be authorized ? Fi- nally, the whole amount of specie might be exhausted, and then, as it is easier to engrave and issue bank- notes than to perform the unpopular office of imposing taxes and burdens, the discovery would be made that the credit of the Government was a sufficient basis whereupon to make emissions of paper money, to be redeemed when peace and prosperity returned. Then we should have the days of continental money, and of assignats, restored ! " The system would control YOU. You could not control the system. Assuming the downfall of the local banks the inevitable consequence of the ope- rations of this great Government bank; assuming, as I have shown would be the case, that the Government would monopolize the paper issues of the country, and obtain the possession of a great portion of the specie of the country, we should then behold a com- bined and concentrated moneyed power equal to that of all the existing banks of the United States, with that of the late Bank of the United States superadded. This tremendous power would be wielded by the Secretary of the Treasury, acting under the immediate commands of the President of the United States. Here would be a perfect union pf the sword and tho 148 THE LIFE AND TIMES purse; here would be no imaginary, but an actual, visible, tangible consolidation of the moneyed power. "Who or what could withstand it? The States them- selves would become suppliants at the feet of the Executive for a portion of those paper emissions, of the power to issue which they had been stripped, and which he now exclusively possessed. "How admirably did the whole system, during the forty years of its existence [Bank of the United States], move and work! And on the two unfortu- nate occasions of its ceasing to exist, how quickly did the business and transactions of the country run into wild disorder and utter confusion ! " I have been curious, Mr. President, to know whence this idea of receivers-general was derived. It has been supposed to have been borrowed from France. It required all the power of that most extra- ordinary man that ever lived, Napoleon Bonaparte, when he was in his meridian greatness, to displace the farmers-general, and to substitute in their place the receivers-general. The new pystem requires, I think I have heard it stated, something like one hun- dred thousand employees to have it executed. And, notwithstanding the modesty of the infant promises of this new r project, I have no doubt that ultimately we shall have to employ a number of persons approx- imating to that which is retained in France. That will undoubtedly be the case whenever we shall revive the system of internal taxation. In France, what reconciled them to the system was, that Kapoleon first, and the Bourbons afterward, were pleased with the immense patronage which it gave them, They OF HENRY CLAY. 149 liked to have one hundred thousand dependents to add strength to the throne, which had been recently constructed or reascended. I thought, however, that the learned Chairman of the Committee of Finance must have had some other besides the French model for his receivers-general ; and, accordingly, looking into Smith's history of his own State, I found that, when it was yet a colony, some century and a half ago, and when its present noble capital still retained the name of New Amsterdam, the historian says: * Among the principal laws enacted at this session, we may mention that for establishing the revenue, which was drawn into precedent. The sums raised by it were made payable into the hands of receivers-gene- ral, and issued by the governor's warrant. By this means the governor became, for a season, independent of the people, and hence we find frequent instances of the assemblies contending with him for the dis- charge of debts to private persons, contracted on the faith of the government.' The then governor of the colony was a man of great violence of temper, and arbitrary in his conduct. How the Sub-treasury sys- tem of that day operated, the same historian informs us in a subsequent part of his work: 'The revenue,' he says, * established the last year, was at this session continued five years longer than was originally in- tended. This was rendering the governor independ- ent of the people. For, at that day, the assembly had no treasure, but the amount of all taxes went, of course, into the hands of the receiver-general, who was appointed by the crown. Out of this fund, mo- neys were only issuable by the governor's warrant, so 13* 150 THE LIFE AND TIMES that every officer in the government, from Mr. Blaith- wait, who drew annual!}' five per centum out of the revenue, as auditor-general, down to the meanest ser vant of the public, became dependent solely on the governor. -And hence we find the House, at the close of every session, humbly addressing his excellency for the trifling wages of their own clerk.' And, Mr. President, if this measure should unhappily pass, the day may come when the Senate of the United States will have humbly to implore some future President of the United States to grant it money to pay the wages of its own sergeant-at-arms, and doorkeeper." OF HENRY CLAY. 151 CHAPTER XI. Tire CAMt*