OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 CX\LI 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 The First Republican President of the United States 
 
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Twelfth 
 Republican National Convention 
 
 HELD IN THE CITY O? 
 
 Philadelphia, June 19, 20 and 21 
 1900 
 
 RESULTING IN THE RENOMINATION OP 
 
 WILLIAM McKINLEY, of Ohio, for President 
 
 AND THE NOMINATION OF 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York, for Vice-President 
 
 Reported by M. W. BLUMENBERG, Official Reporter 
 
 ERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
 PRESS OP DUNLAP PRINTING COMPANY 
 
 1332-34-36 CHERRY STREET and 118-20-22-24-26 N. JUNIPER STREET 
 PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
 
ffictal proceedings* 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby 
 directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the 
 official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the 
 National Committee, co-operating with the local committee. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested 
 to republish the official proceedings of preceding Republican 
 National Conventions now out of print, under the direction of the 
 National Committee. 
 
 CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 
 
 SECRETARY. 
 
 8PRECKELS 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 I9OO 
 
Officers of the Convention. 
 
 CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
 
 HON. M. A. HANNA, 
 
 OF OHIO. 
 
 TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION 
 
 HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, 
 
 OF COLORADO. 
 PERMANENT CHAIRMAN OF THE CONVENTION 
 
 HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 GENERA L SEC RE TA R Y 
 
 CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 
 
 OF MINNESOTA. 
 SERGEANT- A T-ARMS 
 
 GEORGE N. WISWELL, 
 
 OF WISCONSIN. 
 
 101366 
 
HON. WM. McKINLEY, of Ohio 
 Repwbltearv Candidate fotr President of th United Startes, 1<90O 
 
WILLIAM McKINLEY 
 
 WILLIAM MCKINLEY, the unanimous nominee of the Convention, was 
 born at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, January 29, 1843, and has made that 
 State his home during his entire life. He is of Scotch-Irish stock, his great- 
 great-grandfather, James McKinley, having come from the north of Ire 
 land to the United States in the first half of the eighteenth century and 
 settled in York County, Pennsylvania, where, on May 16, 1755, was born to 
 him a son, David McKinley, who was the great-grandfather of the present 
 William McKinley. David McKinley evinced his loyalty to the country 
 by serving as a private in the War of the Revolution, as shown by the 
 records of the Pension Bureau and War Department. His son. James 
 McKinley, was the father of William McKinley, ST., the father of the present 
 President and nominee of the Convention. 
 
 William McKinley, Sr., the father of President McKinley, removed from 
 Pennsylvania to Ohio with his parents in childhood, and on reaching man 
 hood became interested in iron manufacturing and the management of iron 
 furnaces, in which he was engaged until the time of his retirement from busi 
 ness in 1876. As a consequence William, Jr., President, came to have a 
 practical knowledge of one of the greatest manufacturing industries of the 
 United States and of the important relation which those industries sustain to 
 that greatest of all industries agriculture. 
 
 Growing to manhood in the country town of Poland, Ohio, to which his 
 father, on account of its superior educational facilities, had removed, William 
 Jr. familiarized himself with many of the details of the daily occupation of 
 those with whom he was brought constantly in contact. With the method? 
 of the country storekeeper, the iron manufacturer, the farmer, the school 
 teacher, the postmaster, the book-keeper and the business man of the village, 
 he was thoroughly familiar and his progress as a student in the Academy 
 of Poland was so rapid that it enabled him, at an early age, to become 
 instructor in the district school, thus adding to his funds with which to 
 pursue his studies in the Academy. Of his career at that time an old 
 citizen of Poland, being asked for reminiscences of Mr. McKinley, said: 
 "He was always studying, studying, studying all the time." Thus he became 
 familiar with the details of the life of the masses of the people in whose 
 welfare and prosperity he has shown such a marked interest during all of 
 his public career. 
 
 The first great event in his life, which has been characterized by many 
 striking incidents, occurred in June, 1861. The War of the Rebellion had 
 begun; a throng of excited citizens gathered at the Sparrow House, the 
 
 5 
 
6 WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 hotel of the village, and an impassioned speaker, pointing to the stars and 
 stripes which hung on the wall, said: "Citizens of Poland: Our country s 
 flag has been shot at. It has been trailed in the dust by those who should 
 defend it, dishonored by those who should cherish and revere it. And for 
 what? That this free government may keep a race in the bondage of 
 slavery. Who will be the first to defend it?" Among the first who stepped 
 to the front to offer his life as a protest against this form of imperialism 
 was a boy of seventeen, William McKinley, Jr., and he thus became a 
 member of Company "E," 23d Ohio, which a few days later marched forth 
 from the village of Poland, thence to Camp Chase, and thence to the war. 
 Upon the rolls of this regiment were such names as W. S. Rosecrans, 
 Stanley Matthews, Rutherford B. Hayes and many who subsequently at 
 tained national reputation; it participated in many battles Carnifex Ferry, 
 Clark s Hollow, Princeton, W. Va. ; South Mountain, Md. ; Antietam, 
 Buffington s Island, Ohio, in Morgan s raid; Cloyd s Mountain, Va. ; New 
 River Bridge, Va. ; Buffalo Gap, W. Va.; Lexington, W. Va.; Buchanan, 
 W. Va.; Otter Creek, Va.; Buford s Gap, Va.; Winchester, Va.; Berryville, 
 Va.; Opequan, Va.; Fisher s Hill, Va., and Cedar Creek, Va. 
 
 William McKinley, Jr., although enlisting as a private had, in less than 
 one year, been promoted to Commissary Sergeant, and in the subsequent 
 years to Second Lieutenant, First Lieutenant, Acting Assistant Adjutant 
 General, and finally brevetted Major his service continuing from June n, 
 1861, to July 26, 1865. As Commissary Sergeant at Antietam he performed a 
 feat, probably never before undertaken, of supplying the men of his regiment 
 with hot coffee and meats during an active engagement, risking his life in so 
 doing, but coming out unscathed and receiving, as a result, a promotion to 
 the position of Second Lieutenant. 
 
 At Kernstown he again distinguished himself by carrying a message from 
 General Hayes to a regiment posted at a distance, galloping for a long dis 
 tance obliquely toward tho advancing enemy in a direct line of their 
 fire, but again escaping almost as by miracle, and in numbers of other en 
 gagements he showed bravery and won popularity with all classes of men 
 with whom he was associated. 
 
 At the close of the war he returned to Ohio and decided to take up the 
 study of law, and in preparing himself for this life work took a course in 
 the Albany, New York, law school and was, in 1867, admitted to the bar 
 at Canton, Ohio, which place he had selected as his future home and which 
 has been his home since that date. In 1871 he married Miss Ida Saxton, 
 daughter of James A. Saxton, a prominent citizen of Canton. Major 
 McKinley had been less than three years in Canton when his ability 
 as a lawyer led to his nomination and election as District Attorney of Stark 
 County. In 1876 he announced himself as a candidate for Congress, carry 
 ing every township in his county but one, and was nominated on the first 
 ballot and elected. 
 
 During fourteen years after this event he represented in Congress the 
 District of which Stark County was a part, despite several efforts to so 
 
WILLIAM McKINLEY. 7 
 
 change the lines of his district as to elect a democrat, and might have still 
 continued to do so but for the fact that the democracy which controlled 
 the Legislature of Ohio in 1890 deliberately "gerrymandered" the district 
 to such an extent as absolutely to assure his defeat, although he made a 
 gallant fight against overwhelming odds. The result of this defeat through 
 these questionable methods, after a long and faithful career in Congress 
 in which he had made a brilliant record as an advocate of "Protection" 
 and had become a leader of his party in the House of Representatives, was 
 his nomination for Governor of Ohio, to which position he was twice 
 elected, and before he had finished his services as Governor he became a 
 marked figure as a prospective candidate of the party for the Presidency. 
 
 Mr. McKinley entered upon Congressional life contemporaneously with 
 the inauguration of Mr. Hayes as President, and he soon demonstrated his 
 ability as a working member. He was an ardent advocate of the doctrine 
 of a protective tariff, and a disciple of Hamilton and Clay. In 1888 at the 
 Republican National Convention he had the opportunity of declaring his 
 faith boldly as the author of the platform of that year. Harrison and a 
 Republican Congress were triumphantly elected, and then followed the 
 legislation known as the McKinley bill, prepared by the Committee of Ways 
 and Means, of which he was Chairman. In 1891 McKinley was unani 
 mously nominated by the Republicans for Governor of Ohio. He was 
 elected over James E. Campbell by a plurality of 21,511 votes. In 1893 he 
 was re-elected, defeating L. T. Neal by a plurality of 80,995 votes. 
 
 In his first campaign for the Governorship, McKinley spoke in eighty- 
 four of the eighty-eight counties of the State, and in 1894 he made speeches 
 throughout the country, stretching from Pennsylvania to Kansas and from 
 Minnesota to Louisiana. It was an unparalleled campaign, like the famous 
 days when Lincoln and Douglas were on the stump. His administrations 
 as Governor were successful, and peculiarly so in the matter of adjusting 
 labor difficulties that threatened serious strikes, which he prevented. 
 
 Twice he declined absolutely to permit a national convention to consider 
 his name for the Presidency. In 1888 the Ohio delegation had been in 
 structed to support Sherman in the Republican National Convention and 
 did so. Ballot after ballot had been taken and no candidate had been able 
 to secure a majority, and the cheers which marked Mr. McKinley s entrance 
 to the hall at each session showed his popularity with the members of the 
 convention. On the sixth ballot a delegate voted for William McKinley 
 and was greeted by cheers again and again; the next State called cast 
 seventeen votes for McKinley and again cheers broke forth, indicating that 
 a drift was setting strongly towards him. Instantly Major McKinley who, 
 as Chairman of the Ohio delegation occupied a place upon the floor of the 
 convention, leaping upon a chair, interrupted the roll call with the following 
 words : 
 
 "Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
 
 "I am here as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am here by 
 resolution of the Republican State Convention, commanding me to cast my 
 
g WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
 vote for John Sherman for President, and to use every worthy endeavor to 
 secure his nomination. I accepted the trust, because my heart and judgment 
 were in accord with the letter and spirit and purpose of that resolution. It 
 has pleased certain delegates to cast their votes for me for President. I am 
 not insensible to the honor they would do me, but in the presence of the 
 duty resting upon me, I can not remain silent with honor. I can not consist 
 ently with the wish of the State whose credentials I bear, and which has 
 trusted me; I can not consistently with my own views of personal integrity, 
 consent, or seem to consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate 
 before this convention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my 
 heart to do or permit to be done that which could even be ground for any 
 one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my devotion to 
 the chief of her choice and the chief of mine. I do not request I demand 
 that no delegate who would not cast reflection upon me shall cast a ballot 
 for me." 
 
 The tide was turned and on the seventh ballot Benjamin Harrison was 
 nominated. 
 
 Another incident on the same occasion, of which the public knows less, 
 showed with equal clearness his firmness of purpose to prevent the nomina 
 tion of himself on that occasion. Judge Little, of Ohio, in a statement 
 written in 1895, recounted the incident of a visit by Major McKinley and 
 himself to the headquarters of the New Jersey delegation at midnight before 
 the closing day of the convention. Major McKinley had heard that the 
 New Jersey delegation proposed voting for him on the following day and, 
 on questioning the Chairman, received from him the reply that "it is a 
 matter of our own concern; we shall act upon our own responsibility, being 
 accountable only to the Republicans of New Jersey for what we do." To 
 this Major McKinley replied that he could not permit this in view of his 
 duty to Senator Sherman, adding "Rather than that I would suffer the loss 
 of that good right arm! Yes, I would suffer death! To accept a nomination, 
 if one were possible, under these circumstances, would inevitably lead to my 
 defeat, AND IT OUGHT TO LEAD TO MY DEFEAT! The last clause 
 was uttered slowly and with great emphasis. There was a silence of several 
 moments, which was broken by the Chairman of the New Jersey delegation, 
 who said, "Well, Major, if that is the way you view it, of course we will not 
 vote for you." 
 
 In 1892 he again favored the nomination of Harrison, and although acting 
 as chairman of the Convention, protested against an attempt to cast the vote 
 of Ohio solidly for himself, urging that, as a member of the Ohio delegation, 
 he had a right to demand a poll of the State vote and did so demand, the 
 result of the poll being that the vote of his alternate was cast for Benjamin 
 Harrison, while all the other members of the delegation voted for him. On 
 that ballot Harrison was nominated, but 182 votes were cast for William 
 McKinley. 
 
 It was not until 1896 that he permitted his friends to announce him for 
 the candidacy and present his name to a national convention, and long befoi e 
 the convention of that year met, it became apparent that he would be its 
 
WILLIAM McKINLEY. 9 
 
 nominee, while in the year 1900 no other name was suggested for the 
 nomination. 
 
 In the Convention of 1896, at St. Louis, McKinley was nominated for the 
 Presidency on the first ballot, receiving 66iV 2 votes to 84V 2 for Thomas B. 
 Reed, of Maine; 61% for M. S. Quay, of Pennsylvania; 58 for Levi P. 
 Morton, of New York, and 3SV 2 for W. B. Allison, of Iowa. Early in the 
 campaign the Republicans attempted to wage the contest on the tariff 
 issue, realizing that upon this the party was invincible. The Democrats 
 and Republican Silverites, however, insisted upon the currency question as 
 the principal issue, and in this they had their way. The result was a sweep 
 ing victory for the Republicans. 
 
 During the campaign of 1896, McKinley was in line with his party on the 
 currency question, and as the result of the contest, he was elected, securing 
 271 electoral votes to 176 for Bryan. McKinley s popular vote was 7,107,304, 
 while Bryan polled 6,292,423 on the Democratic ticket and 240.657 on the 
 Populist ticket. 
 
 President McKinky s Administration has been an eventful one, marked 
 chiefly by the war with Spain for the liberation of Cuba, which resulted in 
 the loss to the mother country of Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines and 
 Guam. Later the extraordinary events occurring in China, have compelled 
 the administration to take prompt steps to rescue the ministers and to 
 restore order, and this chapter of our diplomacy and military celerity has 
 been greatly helpful to other civilized nations and to the world. Other 
 features of McKinley s Administration have been the enactment of the 
 Dingley protective tariff and the measure for the establishment of the gold 
 standard. 
 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, the nominee for Vice-President, is of Dutch and 
 Scotch-Irish ancestry, and among them were many notable men. He him 
 self is the thirty-fourth Governor of New York State. Klass Martenson 
 Roosevelt, one of his ancestors, came to America from Holland in 1649. 
 His son, Nicholas, was an Alderman of the Leislerian party, and, although 
 a burgher of the "major right," he espoused the popular side in the con 
 test of the colonies with the mother country. James I. Roosevelt, another 
 ancestor, was a captain in the New York State Troop during the Revolu 
 tion. His father, Theodore, married Martha, daughter of James and Martha 
 Oswald Bulloch, of Roswell, Ga., both of whom were descendants from 
 Revolutionary stock of prominence. 
 
 Thus the nominee of the Republican party for Vice-President comes from 
 a stock that has been noted for generations for the instincts of freedom, 
 the traditions of patriotism and uprightness of conduct. He was born in 
 New York city, October 27, 1858. He was primarily educated at home 
 under private teachers, and then entered Harvard. He was one of the 
 editors of the undergraduate journal, The Advocate, and was prominent 
 in athletics. 
 
 After graduation, in 1880, he spent a year in travel and study, and has 
 since been a persistent student even under the pressure of official life, and 
 at intervals an ardent traveler in both Europe and America. For many years 
 he has been deeply interested in the purification of political and official life 
 and the application of civil service rules to executive administration. 
 
 As an intimate associate and friend of George William Curtis, his schol 
 astic and oratorical abilities brought him to the front as a prominent cham 
 pion of civil service principles. He served as Assemblyman in the New 
 York Legislature during the years 1882-83 and 84. Mr. Roosevelt intro 
 duced the first civil service bill in the Legislature, and it was passed in 
 1883, almost simultaneously with the passage of a similar measure in the 
 National Congress at Washington. He was Chairman of the New York 
 delegation to the National Republican Convention in 1884. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt was nominated as the independent candidate for Mayor of 
 New York city in 1886, and, although endorsed by the Republican party, 
 was defeated at the election. In May, 1889, President Harrison appointed 
 him Civil Service Commissioner, and he served as President of the Board 
 until May, 1895. During his incumbency he was untiring in his endeavors 
 to apply the civil service principles of merit and capacity to all executive 
 departments, with the aggregate result that instead of 14,000 employes, as 
 
 10 
 
HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York 
 Republican Candidate for Vice-President of the United States, 1900 
 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. * 11 
 
 when he began, 40,000 filled their positions under its rules, largely through 
 the permissive clause of the Civil Service act. This position of Mr. Roose 
 velt as President of the Civil Service Commission made his name familiar 
 in all parts of the country, and his reputation for rigid honesty of purpose 
 and fearlessness of character was firmly established. 
 
 Legislative investigation having disclosed the conditions which existed 
 throughout the New York city police, Mr. Roosevelt was naturally looked 
 upon as the man who could thoroughly purge the city and restore the 
 morale of the service. The appointment of Police Commissioner was, 
 therefore, offered him in May, 1895, and he promptly resigned his position 
 as Civil Service Commissioner to accept this post. He immediately began 
 the reorganization of the police system with characteristic vigor. The 
 prominent features of his administration were impartial enforcement of the 
 laws and ordinances, and insistence on rigid honesty and fearlessness in the 
 discharge of the duties of the police, and a rigorous application of civil 
 service principles in appointments to and promotions on the force. 
 
 Such drastic changes from the previous practice in the department raised 
 violent opposition among many people, which only served to incline Roose 
 velt s purpose more strongly towards the enforcement of the law. Hereto 
 fore it had been considered that an effectual and impartial enforcement of 
 the excise law was a moral and a physical impossibility. In a short time 
 he proved the contrary. 
 
 Shortly before the outbreak of the Spanish-American War Roosevelt was 
 tendered the office of Assistant Secretary of the Navy by President McKin- 
 ley. He accepted promptly, and entered on his new duties with his usual 
 energy and enthusiasm. He worked night and day, and to him as much as 
 to any other man, probably, was due the splendid condition of the United 
 States navy when the war with Spain began. 
 
 He had only been in office a short time when he asked for an appro 
 priation of $800,000 for "practical target" shooting in the navy, and a few 
 months later requested another appropriation of $500,000 for the same pur 
 pose. This was considered extravagant, and he was asked what became of 
 the ammunition which was purchased with the $800,000. He coolly replied 
 that it was all shot away, and he thought it might be that he would do the 
 same with that bought with the $500,000 if it were given him. The amount 
 was appropriated, and the subsequent results at Manila and Santiago justi 
 fied Roosevelt s action, and completely silenced the talk of extravagance. 
 
 When the war with Spain broke out, in 1898, Roosevelt resigned his 
 position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to enter the army. He began 
 the formation of a volunteer cavalry regiment. The recruits for this were 
 chiefly Western cowboys and hunters, chosen for their courage and en 
 durance, and were called the Rough Riders. But they were also joined by 
 men from every part of the country, who represented many nationalities 
 and every social grade. He was moved to organize this particular form of 
 regiment from the fact that years before while in the West on his hunting 
 expeditions he formed the acquaintance of these brave western men, to 
 
12 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 whom he became speedily endeared on account of his devotion to sport, 
 his skill with the rifle, his fine horsemanship and his thoroughly democratic 
 manners. 
 
 He had been a member of the Eighth Regiment, New York National 
 Guards, from 1884 until 1888, and for a time had served as Captain, thus 
 gaining experience in military matters. The Rough Riders was commanded 
 by Colonel Leonard Wood, of the regular army, and a close personal friend 
 of Roosevelt. The latter was made Lieutenant Colonel, and, on June 15, 
 1898, a part of the troops embarked from Tampa with the advance guard 
 of Shafter s invading army. 
 
 The Rough Riders took part in all the engagements preceding the fall 
 of Santiago, and, at the battle of San Juan, on July I, Colonel Roosevelt 
 distinguished himself by leading the desperate charge of the Ninth Regi 
 ment and the Rough Riders up San Juan Hill. Known before for his 
 energy, sterling honesty and capability, and deeply respected therefor, Lieu 
 tenant Colonel Roosevelt, by this magnificent charge against the Spanish 
 forces, became one of the idolized heroes of the country. This was strength 
 ened by his subsequent acts in Cuba. Every hardship experienced by the 
 privates was shared by him. At the close of the Spanish war, Roosevelt 
 was commissioned Colonel on July II. 
 
 Colonel Roosevelt was nominated as Governor of New York State on 
 September 27, 1898. His Democratic opponent was Judge Augustus Van 
 Wyck. Colonel Roosevelt entered into the campaign with characteristic 
 enthusiasm, and visited nearly every part of the State. He drew to his 
 support the majority of the Independent Republicans and many of the 
 Democrats, and carried New York State by a plurality of 18,079. He 
 brought to the new position the same force and personality that he had 
 displayed in everything he had previously undertaken. He consulted all 
 factions and followed what seemed to him to be the best course for the 
 State. He maintained his reputation for independence, yet held the respect 
 of the party managers. 
 
 Governor Roosevelt might have readily lapsed into habits of indolence, 
 but, coming of a race whose mental and physical endurance is seemingly inex 
 haustible, he is incessantly industrious. He owns a ranch on the Little Mis 
 souri river, in North Dakota, and has a personal acquaintance with life on 
 the plains and in the wilderness. As a daring hunter of big game he is a 
 conspicuous figure among American sportsmen, and the trophies of the 
 chase that adorn his home at Sagamore Hill, near Oyster Bay, L. I., testify 
 to the skill with which he handles a rifle. He organized the Boone and 
 Crocket Club, and for a long time was its President. 
 
 He has described his various experiences most entertainingly in "Hunting 
 Trips of a Ranchman," "The Wilderness Hunter" and "Ranch Life and 
 the Hunting Trail." His first work was published a year after he left 
 college, and was entitled "The Naval War of 1812." As a biographer he 
 has been highly praised for his "Life of Thomas H. Benton" and "Life of 
 Gouverneur Morris" in the American Statesman Series. He has also pub- 
 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 13 
 
 lished a "History of the City of New York," "Essays on Practical Politics," 
 "American Political Ideals," and has collaborated with Captain Mahan in 
 writing the "Imperial History of the British Navy." He is also joint author 
 with Henry Cabot Lodge of "Hero Tales from American History." 
 
 Governor Roosevelt is also known as a successful and a captivating lec 
 turer. He is a member of the Reformed (Dutch) Church, with which his 
 family has been connected for generations. He holds membership in many 
 clubs, both social and political. He is a trustee of the American Museum 
 of Natural History in New York and is a member of the State Charities Aid 
 Association. Columbia University awarded him the degree of LL. D. in 
 
 1899- 
 
 He was married when a very young man to Alice Lee, of Boston, who 
 died two years later, leaving a daughter. He was married again in 1886 to 
 Edith Kermit Carow, of New York. They have six children, four of whom 
 are sons. 
 
IRepublican national Committee for 1900 
 
 State Member Post-Office 
 
 Alabama J. W. DIMMICK Montgomery. 
 
 Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON Eureka Springs. 
 
 California W. C. VAN FLEET San Francisco. 
 
 Colorado E. O. WOLCOTT Denver. 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia. 
 
 Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS Wilmington. 
 
 Florida JOHN G. LONG St. Augustine. 
 
 Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS Augusta. 
 
 Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City. 
 
 Illinois GRAEME STEWART Chicago. 
 
 Indiana HARRY C. NEW Indianapolis. 
 
 Iowa ERNEST E. HART Council Bluffs. 
 
 Kansas. ^.x_^rT*rt7rnrnv..^.<^D AVID W. MULVANE Topeka. 
 
 Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES Danville. 
 
 Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY New Orleans. 
 
 Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY Augusta. 
 
 Maryland Louis E. McCOMAS Hagerstown. 
 
 Massachusetts GEO V. L. MEYER ...Boston. 
 
 Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT Detroit. 
 
 Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN Minneapolis. 
 
 Mississippi H. C. TURLEY Natchez. 
 
 Missouri RICHARD C. KERENS St. Louis. 
 
 Montana WILLIAM H. DE WITT Butte. 
 
 Nebraska R. B. SCHNEIDER Fremont. 
 
 Nevada PATRICK L. FLANNAGAN Reno. 
 
 New Hampshire-r^wTTTTrrrvw. CHARLES T. MKANS Manchester. 
 
 New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY Newark. 
 
 New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS New York. 
 
 North Carolina JAMES E. BOYD Greenboro. 
 
 North Dakota ALEXANDER MCKENZIE Bismarck. 
 
 Ohio GEORGE B. Cox Cincinnati. 
 
 Oregon GEORGE A. STEEL Portland. 
 
 Pennsylvania M. STANLEY QUAY Beaver. 
 
 Rhode Island CHARLES R. BRAYTON Providence. 
 
 South Carolina E. A. WEBSTER Orangeburg. 
 
 South Dakota J. M. GREEN Chamberlain. 
 
 Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW Jonesboro. 
 
 Texas R. B. HAWLEY Galveston. 
 
 Utah O. J. SALISBURY Salt Lake City. 
 
 Vermont JAMES W. BROCK Montpelier. 
 
 Virginia GEORGE E. BOWDEN Norfolk. 
 
 Washington GEORGE H. BAKER Goldendale. 
 
 West Virginia N. B. SCOTT Wheeling. 
 
 Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE Milwaukee. 
 
 Wyoming WILLIS D. VANDEVANTER Cheyenne. 
 
 ^Territories, ^District of Columbia artD tmwaii 
 
 Alaska JOHN G. HEID Juneau. 
 
 Arizona W. M. GRIFFITH Florence. 
 
 New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA- Los Lunas. 
 
 Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES Kingfisher. 
 
 Indian Territory WILLIAM M. MILLETTE Vinita. 
 
 District of Columbia MYRON M. PARKER Washington. 
 
 Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL.... ....Honolulu. 
 
HON. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio, 
 Chairman Republican National Committee, 1900 
 
(( UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF K . 
 
CAMPAIGN OF J900 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 INEVV YORK HEADQUARTERS 
 No. i Madison Avenue 
 
 M. A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman. 
 
 JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine. 
 
 N. B. SCOTT, of West Virginia. 
 
 FRED. S. GIBBS, of New York. 
 
 FRANKLIN MURPHY, of New Jersey. 
 
 CORNELIUS N. BLISS, of New York , Treasurer 
 
 CHICAGO HEADQUARTERS 
 233 Michigan Avenue 
 
 M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Chairman. 
 
 KENRY C. PAYNE, of Wisconsin, Vice Chairman. 
 
 PERRY S. HEATH, of Indiana, Secretarv. 
 
 VOLNEY W. FOSTER, Illinois, Asst. Treasurer. 
 
 EDWIN F. BROWN, Illinois, Sub Treasurer. 
 
 RICHARD C. KERENS, Missouri. 
 
 GRAEME STEWART, Illinois. 
 
 HARRY S. NEW, Indiana. 
 
 GEORGE N. WISWELL, Wisconsin, Serjeant-at-arms. 
 
 ADVISORY COMMITTEE. 
 
 HON. THOMAS C. PLATT New York, New York 
 
 HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW New York, New York 
 
 HON. WILLIAM L. STRONG New York, New York 
 
 SAMUEL T. WAINWRIGHT Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 
 
 W W GIBES Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 
 
 COL. MYRON T. RERRICK Cleveland, Ohio 
 
 BISHOP B W. ARNETT Wilberforce, Ohio 
 
 ALEXANDER REVELL Chicago, Illinois 
 
 F O LOWDEN Chicago, Illinois 
 
 S. B RAYMOND Chicago, Illinois 
 
 JOHN DUPEE Chicago, Illinois 
 
 CYRUS FIELD ADAMS Chicago, Illinois 
 
 EDWARD ROSEWATER Omaha, Nebraska 
 
 HON. GEO. L. V. MYKR Boston, Massachusetts 
 
 HON. W. B. PLUNKETT Boston, Massachusetts 
 
 CHARLES F. BROOKER Ansonia, Connecticut 
 
 HON. NELSON W. ALDRICH Rhode Island 
 
 THOMAS LOWRY Minneapolis, Minnesota 
 
 M. D. GROVER St. Paul, Minnesota 
 
 H. H. HANNA Indianapolis, Indiana 
 
 HON. TAS. A. GARY Baltimore, Maryland 
 
 DR. ERNEST LYON Baltimore. Maryland 
 
 IRVING M. SCOTT San Francisco, California 
 
 WM. BARBOUR * New Jersey 
 
 HON. JOHN KEAN New Jersey 
 
 W. B. CLARK St. Louis, Missouri 
 
 E. O. STANNARD St. Louis. Missouri 
 
 W. L STRATTON Denver, Colorado 
 
 HON.JOHN L. WILSON Tacoma, Washington 
 
 CHARLES F. PFISTER Milwaukee, Wisconsin 
 
 WILLIAM LIVINGSTON Detroit, Michigan 
 
 JUSTICE C. STERNS Detroit, Michigan 
 
 D. W 7 . MULVANE Topeka, Kansas 
 
 E. E. HART Council Bluffs, Iowa 
 
 NOTE. The above Committee is auxiliary to the NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
OFFICERS AND MEMBERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Republican Congressional Committee, 1900 
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 Chairman, HON. JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Wisconsin. 
 Vice-Chairman, HON. JAMES S. SHERMAN, New York. 
 Secretary, HON. JESSE OVERSTREET, Indiana. 
 Treasurer, MR. WM. B. THOMPSON, Washington, D. C. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 Rep. JOHN A. T. HULL, of Iowa. 
 Rep. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. 
 Rep. DAVID H. MERCER, of Nebraska. 
 Sen. REDFIELD PROCTOR, of Vermont. 
 Sen. J. H. GALLINGER, of New Hampshire. 
 Sen. G. W. MCBRIDE, of Oregon. 
 Rep. H. C. LOUDENSLAGER, of New Jersey. 
 Rep. C. A. RUSSELL, of Connecticut. 
 Rep. W. C. LOVERING, of Massachusetts. 
 
 MEMBERS 
 
 STATF NAME POST-OFFICE 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 Alabama W. F. ALDRICH Aldrich 
 
 California VICTOR H. METCALF ; Oakland 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES A. RUSSELL Killingly 
 
 Delaware JOHN H. HOFFECKER Smyrna 
 
 Idaho GE ORGE L. SHOUP Salmon City 
 
 Illinois JOSEPH G. CANNON Danville 
 
 Indiana JESSE OVERSTREET Indianapolis 
 
 Iowa JOHN A. T. HULL Des Moines 
 
 Kansas W. A. CALDERHEAD. ... Marysville 
 
 Kentucky SAMUEL J. PUGH Canceburg 
 
 Maine CHARLES A. BOUTELLE Bangor 
 
 Maryland SYDNEY E. MUDD La Platte 
 
 Massachusetts WILLIAM C. LOVERING Taunton 
 
 Michigan JOHN B. CORLISS Detroit 
 
 Minnesota FRANK M. EDDY Glenwood 
 
 Missouri CHARLES E. PEARCE St. Louis 
 
 Montana THOMAS H. CARTER Helena 
 
 Nebraska DAVID H. MERCER Omaha 
 
 New Hampshire JACOB H. GALLINGER Concord 
 
 New Jersey HARRY C. LOUDENSLAGER Paulsboro 
 
 New York JAMES S. SHERMAN Utica 
 
 North Carolina ROMULUS Z. LINNEY Taylorsville 
 
 North Dakota B. F. SPALDING ...Fargo 
 
 Ohio HENRY C. VANVOORHIS Zanesville 
 
 Oregon GEORGE W. McBRIDE St. Helens 
 
 Pennsylvania WILLIAM CONNELL Scranton 
 
 Rhode Island MELVILLE BULL Middletown 
 
 South Dakota ROBERT J. GAMBLE Yankton 
 
 Tennessee HENRY R. GIBSON Knoxville 
 
 Texas R. B. H AWLEY Galveston 
 
 Vermont REDFIELD PROCTOR Proctor 
 
 Virginia R. A. WISE Williamsburg 
 
 Washington WESLEY L. JONES N. Yakima 
 
 West Virginia BLACKBURN B. DOVEXER Wheeling 
 
 Wisconsin JOSEPH W.-BABCOCK Necedah 
 
 Wyoming FRANK W. MONDELL Newcastle 
 
 TERRITORIES 
 
 Oklahoma DENNIS T. FLYNN.... Guthrie 
 
 New Mexico PEDRO PEREA Bernalillo 
 
CHAIRMEN REPUBLICAN STATE CENTRAL 
 COMMITTEES. 
 
 STATES CHAIRMEN POST OFFICE 
 
 Alabama ........... WM. VAUGHAN .............. Birmingham 
 
 Arkansas ........... H. L. REMMEL ............... Little Rock 
 
 California ......... GEO. STONE .................. Room 184, Palace Hotel, San Francisco 
 
 Colorado ........... A. B. SEAMAN ................. Denver 
 
 Connecticut ....... O. R. FYLER .................... Torrington 
 
 Delaware ........... J. FRANK ALEE .............. Dover 
 
 Florida .............. HENRY S. CHUBB ........... Gainesville 
 
 Georgia. .......... W. H.JOHNSON ............. Atlanta 
 
 Idaho ................. FRANK A. FENN ............ Boise 
 
 Illinois ............... F. H. ROVVE .................... G. N. Hotel, Chicago 
 
 Indiana .............. CHAS. S. HERNLEY ...... Indianapolis 
 
 Iowa .................. H. O. WEAVER ............... Room 313, Equitable Bldg., Des Moines 
 
 Kansas ............... MORTON ALBAUGH ..... Topeka 
 
 Kentucky ........... LESLIE COMBS .............. Louisville 
 
 Louisiana ......... F. B. WILLIAMS ............. New Orleans 
 
 Maine ............... J. H. MANLEY .............. Augusta 
 
 Maryland .......... P. L. GOLDSBOROUGH..5 N. Calvert Street, Baltimore 
 
 Massachusetts ...A. H. GOETTING ............ 164 Washington Street, Boston 
 
 Michigan ............ GERRIT J. DIEKEMA ..... Detroit 
 
 Minnesota ..... TAMS RAN Endicott Buildin ^ St Paul 
 
 Mississippi ......... E. W. COLLINS ............... Jackson 
 
 Missouri..., ......... THOS. J. AKINS .............. Lindell Hotel, St. Louis 
 
 Montana ........... JOS. P. WOOLMAN ......... Helena 
 
 Nebraska .......... H. O. LINDSAY ............... Omaha 
 
 Nevada ............. R. K. COLCORD .............. Carson City 
 
 New HampshireJACOB H. GALLINGER..Concord 
 
 New Jersey ........ FRANKLIN T. MURPHY 143 Chestnut Street, Newark 
 
 New York ......... BENJ. B. ODELL, JR ........ Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York City 
 
 North Carolina..A. E. HOLTON ................ Winston 
 
 North Dakota. ..W. H. ROBINSON ............ Mayville 
 
 Ohio .................. CHAS. DICK .................... Columbus 
 
 Oregon .............. GEO. A. STEEL ............... Rooms 600-604 Cham. Com., Portland 
 
 Pennsylvania ....GEN. FRANK REEDER..Easton 
 
 Rhode Island ..... HUNTER C. WHITE ...... Providence 
 
 South Carolina. ..R. R.TOLBERT,jR ......... Greenwood 
 
 South Dakota ..... FRANK CRANE ............... Sioux Falls 
 
 Tennessee ......... A. M. TILLMAN ............... Nashville 
 
 Texas ................. E. H. R. GREEN .............. Terrell 
 
 Utah .................. E. H. CALLISTER ........... Salt Lake City 
 
 Vermont ............ IRA R. ALLEN ................. Fair Haven 
 
 Virginia ............ PARK AGNEW ................ Alexandria 
 
 Washington ...... J. H. SHIVELY ................ Seattle 
 
 West Virginia. ..W. M. O. DAWSON .......... Parkersburg 
 
 Wisconsin ......... GEN. GEO. E. BRYANT...Hotel Pfister, Milwaukee 
 
 Wyoming .......... J. A. VAN ORSDEL ......... Cheyenne 
 
 TERRITORIES 
 
 Arizona CHAS. R. DRAKE Tucson 
 
 Indian Territory H. W. DARROUGH Vinita 
 
 New Mexico. ... ..JOHN S. CLARK Las Vegas 
 
 Oklahoma WM. GRIMES Guthrie 
 
 2 17 
 
HON. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine, 
 Chairman of Sub-Committee on Arrangements for National Convention of 1900 
 
THE LOCAL COMMITTEES 
 AND THEIR WORK 
 
 BY LEON M. COXWELL, OF PHILADELPHIA 
 
 In the efforts to secure the Republican National Convention of 1900 
 for their city, in the preparation and arrangements for that event and 
 in providing for the comfort and entertainment of the delegates, the citi 
 zens of Philadelphia acted as one harmonious unit, all appreciating the 
 honor of having the convention that was to renominate President McKinley 
 and eager to do all in their power to make it a success. The movement pro 
 gressed continuously from the day of its inception, and when the conven 
 tion was over all identified with it agreed that the convention had been 
 the best arranged and most successfully executed in the history of the 
 party. 
 
 The first public suggestion that Philadelphia should strive to secure 
 the National Convention appeared in the leading editorial of "The Press" 
 on October i, 1899. The suggestion was general in its nature, but it was 
 taken up by the Young Republican Club and soon resolved itself into a 
 definite attempt to bring the Republican Convention of 1900 to Philadelphia. 
 The daily papers took up the movement and on November I7th in re 
 sponse to invitations issued by the Young Republicans, an enthusiastic 
 meeting was held in their clubhouse. Representatives were present from 
 the Union League, the Philadelphia Bourse, Manufacturers Club, Board of 
 Trade, National Association of Manufacturers, Hardware Mechanics and 
 Manufacturers Association, Oil Trade Association, Commercial Exchange, 
 Maritime Exchange, Grocers and Importers Exchange, Lumbermen s 
 Exchange, Drug Exchange, Paint Club, Chamber of Commerce, Master 
 Builders Exchange, Philadelphia Board of Marine Underwriters, Merchants 
 and Salesmens Association, Board of City Passenger Railways, Working- 
 mens Protective Tariff League, Carpenters Company, Bricklayers Com 
 pany, Business Mens League, the Brewers Association, the various railroad 
 companies, heads of departments and bureaus of the city government, bank 
 ing interests, Republican City Committee, Republican Ward Executive Com 
 mittees and Republican clubs. 
 
 19 
 
20 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Horace D. Gavv, president of the Young Republicans, pointed out 
 the strength of the city s claim to the Convention, since it was the strongest 
 Republican city in the strongest Republican State of the Union. The pecu 
 liar advantages of the city for handling crowds and housing large assem 
 blies were pointed out by others. All the speakers were hearty in their 
 advocacy of the plan and the enthusiasm of their auditors was great. One 
 week later, at the Young Republicans Club, the Citizens National Repub 
 lican Convention Association was formed with the avowed object of bend 
 ing every energy to bringing that gathering to Philadelphia. Thomas 
 Martindale was elected chairman and when the organization was perfected, 
 Henry Burk was elected president; Thomas Martindale first vice-presi 
 dent; Mahlon N. Kline second vice-president; Porter F. Cope secretary, 
 and Richard H. Rushton, treasurer. Senator Penrose, National Committee- 
 man Quay and the entire Pennsylvania delegation in Congress pledged 
 their heartiest support. Personal appeals were sent to each member of 
 the National Republican Committee and after a few days of energetic work 
 it was tacitly agreed that if the Convention came east it would come to 
 Philadelphia. Committees were appointed by President Burk and it was 
 decided that the vast auditorium which had been built for the National 
 Export Exposition would, with slight alterations, be an ideal place for the 
 Convention. Director General Wilson of the Exposition and Director of the 
 Philadelphia Museums, entered gladly into the project and the use of the 
 building was easily secured. It was decided to pledge $100,000 to the Na 
 tional Committee if the Convention was held in Philadelphia. 
 {/ On December nth, 1899, the sub-committee of the Citizens Executive 
 Committee went to Washington to work in the interest of Philadelphia 
 before the meeting of the National Committee, which was to take place 
 four days later. The sub-committee included W. S. P. Shields, chairman; 
 Henry Brooks, Penrose A. McClain, Major A. T. Ennis, J. F. McLaughlin, 
 Louis H. Smith and Robert McWade. Senator Penrose accompanied them 
 on a visit to President McKinley, during which Mr. Shields explained the 
 purpose of the Committee s visit to Washington. The President naturally 
 declined to express any preference as to where the Republican Convention 
 should be held, but the visitors were much encouraged by his evident 
 kindly feeling for Philadelphia. 
 
 Delegations seeking the convention for other cities were soon on the 
 ground, and the rivalry was intense. Philadelphia presented her claims in 
 a business-like way and left no stone unturned which could further her 
 } object. The experience of the city with the National Export Exposition, 
 the Peace Jubilee and the National Encampment of the Grand Army of the 
 Republic was practical proof of her ability to provide for big occasions 
 and to handle large crowds without inconvenience or discomfort. 
 
 On December i4th, Philadelphia s committee of one hundred repre 
 sentative citizensTheaded by Mayor Samuel H. Ashbridge, left in a special 
 train for Washington. The committee met at the Young Republican Club, 
 where each one was given a badge, and the march begun to Broad Street 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 21 
 
 Station. J. Hampton Moore, the Mayor s secretary, accompanied the 
 party and the members of the Committee included: 
 
 Mahlon N. Kline, Edward T. Davis, John V. Cresson, Edwin S. Cramp, 
 Richard H. Rushton, J. Martin Rommel, Richard B. Williams, George G. 
 Clark, M. D., J. F. Hartman, B F. Jarrett, J. H. Scott, Richard G. Oellers, 
 Charles H. Sayre, J. G. Ramsdell, George B. McClellan, W. E. McCall, Jr., 
 E. St. Elmo Lewis, S. K. Shedaker, William C. Kramer, P. C. B. O Dono- 
 van, Daniel J. Shern, Frank Roma, Colonel W T illiam J. Bruehl, Alexander 
 Cowan, Colonel J. J. Hinds, Joseph J. Martin, J. William Morgan, Horace 
 Pettit, Captain R. B. Schellinger, Dr. H. Bullen, William Matthews, W. H. 
 Redheffer, G. Wallace Simpson, Emory P. Day, Colonel O. C. Bosbyshell. 
 Joseph A. Eslen, John Lunkenheimer, Jr., William G. Carroll, Albert Web 
 ster, Walter Graham, John R. McFetridge, Edward E. Paxson, Frank 
 Leake, Dr. William H. Bricker, John McClintock, John W. Woodside, 
 William B. Cunningham, Morris Newburger, George E. Vickers, M. J. 
 O Callaghan, David Lavis, Lincoln Acker. 
 
 Thomas Martindale, Russell Duane, Dr. Wilmer R. Batt, James Henry, 
 S. Abrahams, Colonel John A. Weidersheim, Horace D. Gaw, Murray 
 Gibson, I. Stroud Hinkson, Colonel Wendell P. Bowman, B. F. Oblinger, 
 John R. Wiggins, William C. Gross, Charles N. Mann, Andrew V. Brown, 
 W. A. Fredericks, R. H. Innes, Joseph McGlathery, Robert B. Kelly, 
 W. H. Cullen, C. C. A. Baldi, William H. Brooks, Howard B. French, 
 John A. Leslie, Evan Morris, John A. O Rourke, Charles M. Swain, 
 Thomas M. Updyke, Dr. William P. Wilson, Colonel John A. Morris, 
 Edwin S. Stuart, James B. Craighead, C. S. Warfield, Porter F. Cope. 
 John H. Klang, Elmer S. Little, William R. Knight, Jr., H. D. Beaston, 
 Cyrus S. Detre, Charles L. Flanigan, George W. Sunderland, George 
 Demming, Dr. C. S. Page, James Stewart, Matthias Seddinger, Theodore 
 C. Search, Benjamin P. Obdyke, John G. Croxton, Henry W. Lambert, 
 Byron E. Wrigley, A. S. Hottel, George B. Wilson, Jr., Thomas R. Sewell, 
 Dr. James M. Magee, John S. Stewart, W. C. Felton, C. H. Johnson, 
 George W. Ledlie, George V. Kerst, W. H. Mohler, Harry R. Wildey, 
 John Alexander, Benjamin L. Berry, Robert vonMoschzisker, and W. 
 H. Sayen. 
 
 Councils appointed a committee of ten from each chamber to co-operate 
 with the Citizens Committee. 
 
 The claims of Philadelphia were presented at the meeting of the Na 
 tional Committee on December J-Sth, by Mayor Ashbridge, Congressmen 
 Bingham and Adams, and Messrs. Shields and Burk of the Citizens Com 
 mittee. On the first ballot the vote stood: Philadelphia, 13; Chicago, 20: 
 St. Louis, 9; New York, 7. On the next ballot Philadelphia received 24 
 votes, Chicago, 23, and St. Louis, i. The choice was made on the third 
 ballot, when Philadelphia received 25 votes to 24 for Chicago. The choice 
 was then made unanimous and the delegations from rival cities cheerfully 
 joined in the cheers for Philadelphia and the Republican Convention of 
 
22 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 1900. When the committee returned to Philadelphia that night there was 
 a great demonstration, including a parade, and the work of making good 
 the promises and perfecting the details of the coining Convention was 
 begun in earnest. The Committee on Finance began the labors of secur 
 ing the $100,000. The Building Committee arranged for alterations to 
 the Exposition Auditorium. 
 
 When National Committeemen Payne of Wisconsin, Manley of Maine, 
 and Fessenden of Connecticut, arrived on December I7th, they found 
 everything running smoothly. After inspecting the buildings Mr. Payne 
 said: "We expect great things of your city and I feel sure we will not 
 be disappointed." That they were not disappointed is now a matter of 
 Republican history. 
 
 As the first of the year approached the sentiment grew that as the 
 reputation of Philadelphia was at stake in providing for the Convention, 
 a committee should be formed with more authority and responsibility than 
 could be assumed by the Citizens Convention Committee. There were 
 a number of resignations from the Committee and on January 3ist over 
 sixty representative men of Philadelphia met with Mayor Ashbridge in 
 his office to discuss the best plan of raising the fund of $100,000 promised 
 to the National Committee. The Mayor was elected chairman, and on 
 February pth the Citizens National Republican Convention Association 
 was merged with the Mayor s Committee and the Mayor was named as 
 the responsible head of the organization. His secretary, J. Hampton 
 Moore, as President of the State League of Republican Clubs, interested 
 himself heartily in the movement, and at a meeting in the Union Repub 
 lican Club, representatives from forty-eight clubs met to arrange for the 
 care and entertainment of visiting clubs and delegates with the object 
 in view of maintaining Philadelphia s reputation for hospitality. 
 
 The make-up of the Philadelphia Citizens National Republican Con 
 vention Committee as finally organized and by which the plans for the 
 Convention were pushed to completion is as follows: 
 
 MAYOR SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, CHARLES H. CRAMP, 
 
 Chairman. Vice-Chairman. 
 
 JAMES POLLOCK, Chairman Finance Committee. 
 
 RICHARD H. RUSHTOX, J. HAMPTON MOORE, 
 
 Treasurer. General Secretary. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 J. J. SEEDS, Chairman. 
 
 SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE, JOHN G. CARRUTH, 
 
 CHARLES C. ADAMS, HENRY CLAY, 
 
 ALEXANDER BALFOUR, CHARLES H. CRAMP, 
 
 C. W. BERGNER, GEORGE V. CRESSON, 
 
 J. H. BROMLEY, WILLIAM J. COLLINS, 
 
 RALPH BLUM, EDWARD T. DAVIS, 
 
 HENRY BURK, SAMUEL DISSTON, 
 
HON. SAMUEL H. ASHBRIDGE 
 Mayor of Philadelphia 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 MURRELL DOBBINS, 
 JOHN FIELD, 
 H. B. FRENCH, 
 HENRY A. FRY, 
 
 WILLIAM B. GILL, 
 JOSEPH R. GRUNDY, 
 J. OGDEN HOFFMAN, 
 JAMES HENRY, 
 J. S. W. HOLTON, 
 E. CLARENCE HOWARD, 
 MAHLON N. KLINE, 
 WILLIAM L. MARTIN, 
 WILLIAM L. MCLEAN, 
 
 PENROSE A. McCLAIN, 
 JOHN MUNDELL, 
 WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN, 
 J. HAMPTON MOORE, 
 GEORGE F. PAYNE, 
 JAMES POLLOCK, 
 WILLIAM T. B. ROBERTS, 
 RICHARD H. RUSHTON, 
 W. S. P. SHIELDS, 
 W. H. STAAKE, 
 ISAAC SCHLICTER, 
 
 RICHARD G. OELLERS, 
 CHARLES F. WARWICK, 
 CHARLES J. WEBB, 
 MAHLON D. YOUNG, 
 
 Committee on Badges: 
 HENRY CLAY, Chairman. 
 RICHARD G. OELLERS, 
 HENRY BURK. 
 
 Committee on Decorations: 
 J. S. W. HOLTON, Chairman. 
 JOHN G. CARRUTH, 
 HOWARD B. FRENCH, 
 JOSEPH R. GRUNDY, 
 MAHLON N. KLINE. 
 
 Committee on Accommodations: 
 W. S. P. SHIELDS, Chairman. 
 EDWARD T. DAVIS, 
 WILLIAM J. COLLINS, 
 W. T. B. ROBERTS, 
 WILLIAM L. MARTIN. 
 
 RECEPTION COMMITTEE. 
 
 CHARLES F. WARWICK, Chairman. 
 
 ADAMS, CHARLES C., 
 ADAMS, ROBERT, JR., 
 ANDERSON, H. E., 
 ARTMAN, E. A., 
 ANDERS, J. M., 
 ALLISON, THOMAS W-, 
 BROOKS, HENRY, 
 BAUGH, DANIEL, 
 BLUM, RALPH, 
 BALFOUR, ALEXANDER, 
 BURK, HENRY, 
 BROMLEY, JOHN H., 
 BLASIUS, OSCAR, 
 BODINE, SAMUEL, 
 BIGELOW, A. C., 
 BUSCH, MEIERS, 
 BALDI, C. C. A., 
 BERGNER, CHAS. WM V 
 BALTZ, ALBERT, 
 BARNEY, CHARLES D., 
 BUCK. DANIEL N., 
 BURPEE, W. ATLEE, 
 BERWIND, M. A., 
 BALLARD, ELLIS AMES, 
 BROMLEY, JOSEPH H., 
 BAILEY, JOHN N., 
 BETZ, J. FRED., 
 BINGHAM, HENRY H., 
 BLANKENBURG, RUDOLPH, 
 
 BAILEY, CHARLES W., 
 BRADENBURG, CHARLES A., 
 BRINGHURST, R. R., 
 BROOKS, DR. EDWARD, 
 BROWN, JOSEPH H., 
 BROWN, EVERETT B., 
 BOK, EDWARD W., 
 BUNN, WILLIAM M., 
 BAILEY, JOHN W., 
 BEATH, ROBERT B., 
 CONVERSE, JOHN H., 
 CLAY, HENRY, 
 CUMING, JOHN K., 
 CASSATT, A. J., 
 CRESSON, GEORGE V., 
 CARRUTH, JOHN G., 
 CALDWELL J. E. 
 CRAMP CHARLES H. 
 CARSON HAMPTON L., 
 CRAMP, EDWIN S., 
 CLOTHIER, CLARKSON, 
 CROW, ALEXANDER, JR., 
 CLEMENT, SAMUEL M., 
 CARPENTER, WILLIAM H., 
 COLLINS, WILLIAM J., 
 COLESBERRY, ALEXANDER P., 
 CUNNINGHAM, THOMAS, 
 CORBIN, J. ROSS, 
 COPE, PORTER F., 
 
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COOK, JOEL G-, 
 CROXTON, JOHN G., 
 CADWALLADER, A. J., 
 CARSTAIRS, J. HAZELTINE, 
 CAMPION, RICHARD, 
 DETRE, CYRUS S., 
 DISSTON, SAMUEL, 
 DEVLIN, THOMAS, 
 DODGE, JAMES M., 
 DAVIS, EDWARD T., 
 DOBSON, JOHN, 
 DOBSON, JAMES, 
 DOBBINS, MURRELL, 
 DAVIS, ROBERT S., 
 DUNLAP, HARRY C., 
 DUNLAP, JOHN, 
 DICK, EVANS R., 
 DISSTON, WILLIAM, 
 DUGAN, THOMAS, 
 DOAK, JAMES, JR., 
 DANDO, THOMAS S., 
 DARLINGTON, JOSEPH G., 
 DOLAN, THOMAS, 
 DAVIS, G. HARRY, 
 ELVERSON, JAMES, JR., 
 ELVERSON, JAMES, 
 ELLISON, WILLIAM H., 
 ELLIOTT, GEORGE J., 
 ENNIS, A. J., 
 ENGLISH, ABRAHAM L., 
 EMSLEY, WILLIAM, 
 EVERLY, ADAM, 
 FITZGERALD, HARRINGTON, 
 FOX, ALEXANDER H., 
 FIELD, JOHN, 
 FILBERT, L. S., 
 FOERDERER, ROBERT H., 
 FITLER, E. H., JR., 
 FOX, L. WEBSTER, 
 FOULKROD, W. W., 
 FREIHOFER, WILLIAM, 
 FRENCH, HOWARD B., 
 FORD, WILLIAM, 
 FINKENAUER, THEODORE, 
 FRY, HENRY A., 
 FRICKE, J. E., 
 GIBBS, W. W., 
 GILL, WILLIAM F., 
 QRATZ, SIMON, 
 (1RUNDY, JOSEPH R., 
 GRIEB, J. G., 
 GARDINER, JOHN, 
 GRAY, HENRY W., 
 GILLINGHAM, CHARLES A., 
 GREENE, STEPHEN, 
 GIMBEL., ELLIS A., 
 GOLDNER, HENRY, 
 
 GAW, HORACE D., 
 GROVE, GEORGE W., 
 GRADY, JOHN G., 
 GRAY, JOHN GORDON, 
 GAYTON, S. R., 
 HARRIS, FRANKLIN M. 
 HALLAHAN, P. T., 
 HENSEL, GEORGE S., 
 HARRISON, THOMAS S., 
 HIRES, CHARLES E., 
 HOUSTON, SAMUEL F., 
 HOOD, JAMES, 
 HAUCK, PHILIP, 
 HOFFMAN, J. OGDEN, 
 HARRIS, JOSEPH S., 
 HARDING, CHARLES H. 
 HARTMAN, WENCEL, 
 HENDERSON, J. D. G., 
 HUHN, GEORGE A., 
 HULSHIZER, J. D., 
 HOLTON, J. S. W., 
 HENRY, CHARLES W., 
 HENRY, JAMES, 
 HARMER, A. C., JR., 
 HART, JOHN W., 
 HUSTON, JOSEPH M., 
 HOFFMAN, J. W., 
 HETHERINGTON, A. G., 
 HADDOCK, WILLIAM C. 
 HACKETT, HORATIO B. ? 
 HUNT, D. W., 
 HESTON, HARRY B., 
 HENRY, J. BAYARD, 
 HUEY, WILLIAM G., 
 HIBBS, JAMES M., 
 HAYES, JAMES A., 
 HANCE, EDWARD N., 
 HOWARD, CLARENCE E. 
 IVINS, WILLIAM, 
 JONES, J. R., 
 JERMON, J. G., 
 JAGODE, PHILIP, 
 KLINE, MAHLON N., 
 KESS, JOSEPH S., 
 KINDRED, CHARLES F.. 
 KINSEY, JOHN L., 
 KENDRICK, JOHN R., 
 KETTERLINUS, J. L., 
 KILBURN, JOHN H., 
 LEAKE, FRANK, 
 LIT, SAMUEL D., 
 LAMBERT, WILLIAM H.. 
 LAUMAN, FLOYD, 
 LANE, DAVID H., 
 LESLEY, ROBERT W., 
 LEWIS, JOHN T., 
 MATHIEU, J. P., 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 25 
 
 MAYER, GUSTAV, 
 MANN, CHARLES H., 
 MITCHELL, S. MURRAY, 
 MUNDELL, JOHN, 
 MARTINDALE, THOMAS, 
 MARTIN, DAVID, 
 MARTIN, D. B., 
 MALTBY, L. U., 
 MILLIGAN, WILLIAM J., 
 MORSE, EDWIN F., 
 MALONE, EDWIN V., 
 MORRELL, EDWARD de V., 
 MULHOLLAND, ST. CLAIR A., 
 MARTIN, WILLIAM L., 
 MARKS, FERDINAND, 
 MACK, JOHN M., 
 MILES, JAMES L., 
 MALPASS, EDWARD M., 
 MOYER, WILLIAM, JR., 
 McBRIDE, THOMAS C., 
 McCAHAN, WILLIAM J., 
 McCALL, JOSEPH B., 
 McCLAIN, PENROSE A., 
 McCLURE, ALEXANDER K., 
 McCLOSKEY, JOHN J., 
 McCORMICK, LAWRENCE, 
 McCORMICK, W. M., 
 McCURDY, GEORGE, 
 MxcILWAINE, E. A., 
 
 MCLAUGHLIN, JAMES F., 
 MCLEAN, WILLIAM L., 
 
 McMAHON, DAVID, 
 McMICHAEL, CLAYTON, 
 McMICHAEL, MORTON, 
 McMULLEN, DAVID, JR., 
 McNICHOL, JAMES P., 
 NACHOD, JULIUS E., 
 NEEDHAM, JAMES F., 
 NORTON, CHARLES B., 
 O ROURKE, MICHAEL, 
 OBLINGER, BENJAMIN F., 
 OELLERS, RICHARD G., 
 OTT, WILLIAM H., 
 PARSONS, JOHN B., 
 PORTER, CHARLES A., 
 POWERS, THOMAS H., 
 PASSMORE, LINCOLN K., 
 PATTON, WILLIAM A., 
 POTH, F. A., 
 PLUMB, FAYETTE R., 
 PATTON, EDWARD W., 
 POTTER, THOMAS, JR., 
 PHILLER, GEORGE, 
 PAYNE, GEORGE F., 
 PERNA, JOSEPH, 
 POLLOCK, JAMES, 
 
 PIERIE, GEORGE G., 
 PETTIT, HORACE, 
 PAGE, HARLAN, 
 PRATT, D. T., 
 PENROSE. BOIES, 
 PATTERSON, GEORGE STUART, 
 PEOPLES, DAVID, 
 RIDGWAY, JACOB E., 
 ROSENGARTEN, J. G., 
 ROTHERMEL, P. F., JR., 
 RICHARDSON, THOMAS 
 REEVES, FRANCIS B., 
 RAMSDELL, J. G., 
 ROBERTS, WILLIAM T. B., 
 RICE, THOMAS B., 
 RIGHTER, FREDERICK C., 
 ROMMEL, J. MARTIN, 
 RIEBENACK, MAX, 
 REYBURN, JOHN E., 
 REYBURN, W. S., 
 RONEY, WILLIAM J., 
 RYAN, WALTER, 
 STOTESBURY, E. T., 
 SWETT, GEORGE W., 
 SNELLENBURG, NATHAN, 
 SCHOEN, CHARLES T., 
 SWAIN, CHARLES N., 
 SAYEN, WILLIAM HENRY, 
 SHOCK, HENRY R., 
 SULLIVAN, JAMES F., 
 SMITH, LOUIS H., 
 SMITH, EDWARD L, 
 SMITH, CHARLES, 
 SMITH, ROBERT, 
 SMITH, WINTHROP, 
 STRONG, JAMES, 
 SOULAS, CHARLES W., 
 STOKLEY, WILLIAM S., 
 STEAD, WESLEY, 
 SCHELL, EDWARD L., 
 STAAKE, WILLIAM H., 
 SCHWAAB, C. M.. 
 SCHLICTER, ISAAC, 
 SEEDS, JACOB J., 
 SEWELL, WILLIAM J., 
 SUPPLEE, J. WESLEY, 
 STAFFORD, JOHN, 
 SHARP, SAMUEL S., 
 STEVENS, JOHN S., 
 SHAFTO, T. MILTON, 
 SHOEMAKER, HARRY B., 
 SMEDLEY, WILLIAM, 
 SHIELDS, W. S. P., 
 SHIELDS, A. S. L., 
 STUART, EDWIN S., 
 STRAWBRIDGE, JUSTUS C, 
 
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 WARWICK, CHARLES F., 
 WEGER, FRANK L., 
 WALTON, JOHN M., 
 WOLF, CLARENCE, 
 WOLSTENHOLME, THOMAS, 
 WOOD, WILLIAM, 
 WYETH, F. H., 
 WATTS, DAVID H., 
 WAHN, SAMUEL W., 
 WANAMAKER, WILLIAM H., 
 WILSON, JAMES, 
 WILSON, WILLIAM P., 
 WOODSIDE, JOHN W., 
 WOODWARD, GEORGE, 
 WIGGINS, JOHN R., 
 WOOD, MORRISON D., 
 WINDRIM, JOHN T., 
 WALTON, HENRY F., 
 WARBURTON, BARCLAY H., 
 WAGNER, LOUIS, 
 WIEDERSHEIM, JOHN A., 
 WEYGANDT, JULIUS S., 
 WEAVER, GEORGE W., 
 YOUNG, JAMES R., 
 YOUNG, MAHLON D., 
 
 SNOWDEN, A. LOUDON, 
 SOLIS, ISAAC H., 
 SEARCH, THEODORE C., 
 STEWART, HENRY C., 
 SMEDLEY, W. HENRY, 
 SCOTT, JAMES F., 
 SMYTH, MARIOTT C., 
 SCATTERGOOD, HENRY W., 
 SELIG, ELY K., 
 TOWNSEND, HENRY L., 
 TRAINER, HENRY J., 
 THOMAS, C. WESLEY, 
 TILDEN, WILLIAM T., 
 TRAINER, EDWARD, 
 TARR, H. G. R., 
 VOORHEES, THEODORE E., 
 VARE, GEORGE A., 
 VIRDIN, JOHN, 
 VOORHEES, CHARLES E., 
 VAN NEESEN, T. W., 
 VAN RENNSELAER, ALEX., 
 VON MOSCHZISKER, ROBERT, 
 VREEMAN, SAMUEL B., 
 WANAMAKER, THOMAS B., 
 WELLS, CALVIN, 
 WEBB, CHARLES J., 
 
 Of the Allied Republican Clubs of Philadelphia and vicinity, under whose 
 auspices the convention parade was held, and which were active in the 
 entertainment of guests, the following were the officers: 
 
 President, J. HAMPTON MOORE. 
 
 Vice-President, THOMAS J. POWERS, 
 
 Secretary, JOHN KELLY. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 Chairman, 
 J. HAMPTON MOORE. 
 
 Vice-Chairmen, 
 JST, JOHN C. GRADY, 20, HORACE D. GAW, 30, JOHN VIRDIN. 
 
 Secretary, Asst. Secretary, 
 
 JOHN KELLEY. WILLIAM C. T. BAUERLE. 
 Financial Secretary, Treasurer, 
 
 J. MARTIN ROMMEL. T. E. WIEDERSHEIM. 
 
 CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES. 
 
 Finance, Conferences and Courtesies, 
 
 JOHN R. WIGGINS, WILLIAM J. MILLIGAN. 
 
 Reception and Entertainment. Badges, Music and Decorations, 
 
 JOHN C. GRADY. WILLIAM M. GEARY. 
 
 Hotels and Boarding Houses. Demonstrations, 
 
 JAMES H. ECKERSLEY. FREDERICK M. WAGNER. 
 
 Transportation, Press and Printing, 
 
 JAMES F. MORRISON. ARTHUR R. H. MORROW. 
 
 The work of collecting the fund of $100,000 was a large undertaking 
 even in Philadelphia, whose generosity is widely known. The collections 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 27 
 
 were pushed with energy by the Mayor and Chairman Pollock of the 
 Finance Committee, and on February i6th Mayor Ashbridge forwarded 
 to Senator Hanna, Chairman of the National Republican Committee, his 
 check for $25,000, being the first quarter of the fund pledged in the name 
 of the city. Before March ist a check for the second quarter was sent 
 to Washington and the third quarter was forwarded soon after. The 
 completion of the $100,000 fund was announced on May I4th and stragg 
 ling subscriptions coming in afterwards swelled the total considerably 
 above $100,000. Philadelphia, as usual, more than made good her word. 
 
 Alterations on the hall were speedily made and the accommodations 
 planned to seat 15,000 people. At every visit of members or sub-com 
 mittees of the Republican National Committee nothing but words of com 
 mendation were given. Sergeant-at-arms George N. Wiswell, after his 
 tour of inspection on March 24th, said: "I have no hesitancy in saying 
 that the arrangements made by the citizens of Philadelphia for the coming 
 Convention are in every respect satisfactory to the Republican National 
 Committee. I may also say that in my opinion the hall in which the 
 Convention is to be held will be the best in which a national convention 
 has ever met." 
 
 When the Convention assembled on June ipth everything that could 
 be done by Philadelphia to make it a success had been done. The organi 
 zation of the Citizens Committee and the Allied Republican Clubs was 
 perfect and it worked like a well oiled machine. Every citizen was eager 
 to help in looking after the delegates and other visitors to the Convention. 
 The police arrangements were unexcelled and transportation facilities 
 adequate. Providence assisted by providing ideal weather, and on every 
 side were heard enthusiastic and continual laudations of Philadelphia, her 
 energy, her hospitality and her ability to provide for great events. 
 
 To Mayor Ashbridge and through him to the citizens of the city Na 
 tional Committeeman Hanna said: "I want to say to you, Mr. Mayor, 
 that I have heard the opinion expressed everywhere that Philadelphia 
 in the matter of this Convention has outdone herself. I want to say 
 to you in all sincerity that we have never seen anything like it. The 
 members of the National Committee are pleased beyond expression. Per 
 sonally, I cannot thank you too much for what you and the citizens of 
 Philadelphia have done to make the Convention a success and to make 
 the visit of the delegates and their friends agreeable. Everybody is talk 
 ing about it and one and all are sounding theN praises of Philadelphia as 
 a convention city. The perfect order that has been maintained here is 
 freely commented upon. The hospitality of your people has been bound 
 less and with all the liberality I have seen no signs of disorder." 
 
 The National Chairman also congratulated Mr. Moore on the arrange 
 ments made and carried out by the Allied Republican Clubs. Mr. Hanna 
 but voiced the general sentiment, and when the Convention, having ac 
 complished its business, adjourned, the delegates spread all over the Union 
 the praises of Philadelphia; the typical American city. 
 
HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado, 
 
 Temporary Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to 
 Notify the Candidate for Vice-President 
 
PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Republican National Convention 
 
 HELD IN 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PA, 
 
 June 19, 20 and 2J, 1900 
 
 THE FIRST DAY 
 
 THE CALL TO ORDER AND OPENING PRAYER ADDRESS OF 
 CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE, MR. HANNA 
 TEMPORARY OFFICERS AND ORGANIZATION AD- 
 DRES^ OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN, MR. WOLCOTT 
 STANDING COMMITTEES PRAYER OF CHAPLAIN OF THE 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1856. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Tuesday, June 19, 1900. 
 
 Mr. MARCUS A. HANNA, of Ohio, Chairman of the Republican National 
 Committee (at 12.36 o clock p. m.) The Convention will come to order, 
 and will be opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. James Gray Bolton, of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. JAMES GRAY BOLTON, D. D. 
 
 Rev. James Gray Bolton, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following 
 prayer: 
 
 O Thou who art a Spirit Infinite, eternal, unchangeable, in Thy being, 
 wisdom, power, holiness, justice, goodness, and truth. 
 
 Thou art the Sovereign God. 
 
 The Creator, ruler, disposer of us, and all that Thou hast made. 
 
 Thy thoughts are not our thoughts, nor Thy ways our ways. 
 
 Thy mercy is not limited to persons and to races, but comprehendeth all 
 that live and breathe. 
 
30 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Blessed be Thy name. Thy glory is shown, and Thy kingdom established 
 and advanced in leading men and nations, by a way that they knew not, 
 to a land of security and peace. 
 
 Oh, that men would praise Thee for Thy goodness and for Thy wonder 
 ful works to the children of men. 
 
 We adore Thee for the way in which Thou hast led us. 
 
 The glory and honor of our nation is the manifestation of Thy power 
 and glory. 
 
 Thou hast led us in ways not of our own choosing; ways best for us 
 and most to Thy glory. 
 
 May we cheerfully follow where Thou leadest. 
 
 Thou hast been the God of our fathers. 
 
 Thou art the God of their children. 
 
 Our trust is in Thee. 
 
 Save us, O Lord, from ingratitude and discontent. 
 
 Give us the spirit of praise and thanksgiving. 
 
 Grant that we, as a nation and a people, may remember Thy goodness, 
 and praise Thee for continued life and prosperity. 
 
 O Lord, our God, let Thy richest blessing rest upon Thy servant, the 
 President of these United States. 
 
 Indue him with a competency of Thy divine wisdom; that he may direct 
 the affairs of the nation to Thy glory and the well-being of all our people. 
 
 We humbly beseech Thee, O Lord God, to bless all in authority. 
 
 Sustain them in their responsible relations to Thee and a free people. 
 
 O God of all wisdom and grace, grant unto this assembly wisdom, grace, 
 and guidance; that in all their deliberations, and conclusions. Thy name 
 shall be glorified, the honor of this nation maintained and the peace and 
 prosperity of the people established. 
 
 Glory be to the Father, and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost, as it was 
 in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end, Amen. 
 t 
 
 CALL FOR THE CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. The Secretary will now read the call for the 
 Convention. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES DICK, Secretary of the Republican National Committee, 
 read the call for the Convention, as follows: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 N. W. Cor. I4th and G Streets, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The Executive Committee M. A. Hanna, Ohio, Chairman; Charles 
 Dick, Akron, Ohio, Secretary; James G. Cannon, New York, Treasurer; M. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 31 
 
 5. Quay, Beaver, Pennsylvania; Joseph H. Manley, Augusta, Maine; Henry 
 C. Payne, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Powell Clayton, Eureka Springs, Ark.; 
 W. T. Durbin, Anderson, Indiana; Cyrus Leland, Troy, Kansas; N. B. 
 Scott, Wheeling, West Virginia; Charles G. Dawes, Evanston, Illinois. 
 
 To the Republican Electors of the United States: 
 
 In accordance with established custom and in obedience to instructions 
 of the National Convention of 1896, the National Republican Committee 
 directs that a National Convention of delegated representatives of the 
 Republican party be held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Penn 
 sylvania, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice- 
 President, to be voted for at the Presidential election, Tuesday, November 
 
 6, 1900, and for the transaction of such other business as may properly 
 come before it, and that said Convention shall assemble at 12 o clock noon 
 on Tuesday, the ipth day of June, 1900. 
 
 The Republican electors of the several States, the District of Columbia, 
 and the Territories, and all other electors, without regard to past political 
 affiliations, who believe in the principles of the Republican party and en 
 dorse its policies, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the 
 selection of candidates for President and Vice-President. 
 
 Said National Convention shall consist of a number of delegates at 
 large from each State, equal to double the_number oMJnited States Sena 
 
 tors to which each State is entitlec[~ and for each representative at large 
 in Congress two delegates at large; from each Congressional district and 
 the District of Columbia, two delegates; from each of the Territories of 
 Alaska, Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, two dele 
 gates. For each delegate elected to said Convention an alternate delegate 
 shall be elected to act in case of the absence of the delegate, said alternate 
 delegate to be elected at the time and in the manner of electing the delegate. 
 
 All delegates shall be elected not less than thirty days before the meet 
 ing of the National Convention. Delegates at large shall be elected by 
 popular State and Territorial Conventions, of which at least thirty days* 
 notice shall have been published in some newspaper or newspapers of 
 general circulation in the respective States and Territories. 
 
 The Congressional district delegates shall be elected by conventions 
 called by the Congressional Committee of each district, in the manner 
 of nominating the candidate for Representative in Congress in said dis 
 trict, provided, that in any Congressional district where there is no Re 
 publican Congressional Committee, the Republican State Committee shall 
 appoint from among the Republicans residents in such district, a committee 
 for the purpose of calling a district convention to elect delegates to repre 
 sent said district. 
 
 The election of delegates from the District of Columbia shall be held 
 under the direction and supervision of an election board composed of Hon. 
 John B. Cotton, Mr. W. C. Chase, and Mr. L. M. Saunders. 
 
32 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Such board shall have authority to fix the date of such election and to 
 arrange all details and regulations incident thereto, and shall provide for 
 a registration of the votes as cast, such registration to include the name and 
 residence of each voter. 
 
 The Territorial delegates shall be elected in the manner of nominating 
 candidates for delegates in Congress, and delegates from the Indian Ter 
 ritory and Alaska shall be elected by popular convention. 
 
 We recommend that the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New 
 Mexico, and Oklahoma each elect six delegates and six alternate delegates, 
 and that Alaska elect four delegates and four alternate delegates, and the 
 admission of such additional delegates to the Convention is hereby recom 
 mended. 
 
 All notices of contest shall be submitted in writing, accompanied by a 
 printed statement setting forth the grounds of contest, which shall be filed 
 with the Secretary of the National Committee twenty days prior to the 
 meeting of the National Convention. Contests will be acted on by the Na 
 tional Convention in the order of the date of filing of notice and statement 
 with the Secretary. 
 
 M. A. HANNA, Chairman. 
 CHARLES DICK, Secretary. 
 
 ADDRESS OF CHAIRMAN OF NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COM 
 MITTEE. 
 
 MR. M. A. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention: In bidding 
 you welcome I also desire to extend congratulations upon this magnificent 
 gathering of representatives of the great Republican party (applause). 
 The National Republican Committee made no mistake when they brought 
 the National Convention to the city of Philadelphia. (Applause.) This city, 
 the cradle of liberty (applause), the birthplace of the Republican party 
 (applause), this magnificent industrial center, a veritable beehive of industry 
 what fitter object lesson could be presented to those of us who gather 
 here to witness the success of the great principle of our party which has 
 been its foundationprotection to American industries (applause); this 
 city which has long and always been known the country over for its un 
 bounded hospitality and the superb management of all great functions 
 which have come within its limits (applause). On the part of the National 
 Committee I desire to extend sincere thanks to the people of Philadel 
 phia, and especially to your honorable Mayor (applause) and the loyal 
 citizens, who, without regard to party, have labored with him to make this 
 Convention a success. Never in the history of conventions of either po 
 litical party has success been greater. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 33 
 
 Delegates, I greet you on the anniversary in Philadelphia of the birth 
 day of our party (applause). I need not remind you that your duty here 
 is one of deliberate judgment, one for which you will be held responsible 
 not only by your party, but by the country. We are called together once 
 more upon the eve of another great struggle. We are now beginning to 
 form our battalions under the leadership of our great statesman-general, 
 William McKinley (great applause). I was about to give the order for 
 those battalions to move, but you interrupted me (laughter). It needs no 
 order to Republicans when they scent from afar the smoke of battle. It 
 is unnecessary to tell the men who sit in front of me what their duty is. 
 
 Before I lay aside my gavel and retire from the position I have held for 
 four years as Chairman of the Republican National Committee, I desire in 
 this presence, in the most public manner, to return my sincere thanks to 
 every member of this splendid Committee who stood by me in the struggle 
 of 1896 (applause), and especially to that coterie who gathered at the head 
 quarters in New York and Chicago and worked from early morn till late 
 at night for the principles of the Republican party and for the welfare of 
 their country. I leave it in the hands of others to tell you what that meant, 
 but in passing to others those duties, I want to make one suggestion 
 always trust the people. (Applause.) I want them to use as the motto of 
 the Committee of 1896: "There is no such word as fail." (Applause.) 
 plause.) 
 
 And now, gentlemen, it becomes my duty and very great pleasure to 
 present as your temporary chairman Senator Wolcott, of Colorado. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 MR. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I move that 
 the recommendation of the National Republican Committee in respect of 
 the selection of a temporary chairman be approved. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 MR. HANNA, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the convention, I have the honor 
 to present to you as the temporary presiding officer of the convention, Hon. 
 Edward O. Wolcott, of Colorado (applause). 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 
 
 THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (HoN. E. O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado.) Gen 
 tlemen of the convention.Since the first party convention in these United 
 States, there was never one gathered together under such hopeful and aus 
 picious circumstances as those which surround us to-day. United, proud 
 of the achievements of the past four years, our country prosperous and hap 
 py, with nothing to regret and naught to make us ashamed, with a record 
 spotless and clean, the Republican party stands facing the dawn, confident 
 3 
 
34 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 that the ticket it shall present will command public approval, and that in 
 the declaration of its principles and its purposes, it will voice the aspirations 
 and hopes of the vast majority of American freemen (applause). 
 
 We need "no omen but our country s cause;" yet there is a significance 
 in the fact that the convention is assembled in this historic and beautiful 
 city, where we first assumed territorial responsibilities, when our fathers, 
 a century and a quarter ago, promulgated the immortal Declaration of In 
 dependence. 
 
 The spirit of justice and liberty that animated them found voice three- 
 quarters of a century later in this same City of Brotherly Love, when Fre 
 mont led the forlorn hope of united patriots who laid here the foundations 
 of our party and put human freedom as its corner stone (applause). It 
 compelled our ears to listen to the cry of suffering across the shallow 
 waters of the Gulf two years ago. While we observe the law of nations 
 and maintain that neutrality which we owe to a great and friendly gov 
 ernment, the same spirit lives to-day in the genuine feeling of sympathy 
 we cherish for the brave men now fighting for their homes in the veldts 
 of South Africa. It prompts us in our determination to give to the dusky 
 races of the Philippines the blessings of good government and republican 
 institutions, and finds voice in our indignant protest against the violent 
 suppression of the rights of the colored man in the South (applause). That 
 spirit will survive in the breasts of patriotic men as long as the Nation en 
 dures; and the events of the past have taught us that it can find its fair and 
 free and full expression only in the principles and policy of the Republican 
 party. 
 
 The first and pleasant duty of this great convention, as well as its instinc 
 tive impulse, is to send a message of affectionate greeting to our Leader 
 and our country s President, William McKinley, (applause). In all that 
 pertains to our welfare in times of peace, his genius has directed us. 
 He has shown an unerring mastery of the economic problems which con 
 front us, and has guided us out of the slough of financial disaster, im 
 paired credit and commercial stagnation, up to the high and safe ground of 
 National prosperity and financial stability (applause). Through the deli 
 cate and trying events of the late war he stood firm, courageous and con 
 servative, and under his leadership we have emerged triumphant, our Na 
 tional honor untarnished, our credit unassailed, and the equal devotion of 
 every section of our common country to the welfare of the Republic ce 
 mented forever (applause). Never in the memory of this generation has 
 there stood at the head of the Government a truer patriot, a wiser or more 
 courageous leader, or a better example of the highest type of American 
 manhood (applause). The victories of Peace and the victories of War 
 are alike inscribed upon his banner (applause). Those of us whose pleasure 
 and whose duty have called us from time to time into his presence, know 
 how freely he has spent and been spent in his country s service; but the 
 same vigorous manhood and clear and patriotic vision animate him as of 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 35 
 
 old, and give us confidence and trust for the future of our Republic, be 
 cause his hand will guide us, and his genius direct (applause). 
 
 Four years ago the Republican party at St. Louis named a ticket which 
 commanded the confidence and support of the American people. It bore 
 the names of two eminent Americans, each endeared by years of loyal ser 
 vice to his country and his party. No whisper of personal attack intruded 
 upon the National issues which determined the contest. There was a 
 double safeguard for the country s welfare. Every true American knew 
 that if in the dispensation of Providence our Leader should be called from 
 his high place, there stood beside him a statesman devoted and staunch, 
 in whose hands the. vast and weighty affairs of our country could be well 
 and safely entrusted. Had Garret Augustus Hobart been spared to us 
 until to-day, the work of this convention would have been limited to a cor 
 dial and unanimous indorsement of the leaders of 96. Diis aliter visum 
 and when, a few months ago, our dear Vice-President left this sphere of 
 usefulness for another, he was accompanied with the tears and sorrow of 
 every lover of his country. He distinctly lifted up the high office of Vice- 
 President to a nobler plane and to greater dignity and importance. He was 
 always the trusted friend and adviser of our President, sage in counsel 
 and wise in judgment; while to those of us whose great privilege it was 
 for three years to see him daily in the Senate of the United States, and to 
 come under the influence of his calm and kindly presence, and to grow 
 nearer to him and more endeared in friendship as the months rolled around, 
 his loss is personal and deep. He is no longer with us in the body, but his 
 influence still permeates the Senate and will for all time make better and 
 kindlier the sons of men, and he lives in the hearts he left behind. 
 
 " There Is 
 
 One great society alone on earth 
 The noble living and the noble dead." 
 
 So many events of great portent have been crammed into the past months, 
 that we are to judge and measure the work of this administration chiefly 
 by the occurrences since the outbreak of the Spanish war. It is worth while 
 for us to recall earlier days. 
 
 When Mr. McKinley became President he took the reins of govern 
 ment after four years of Democratic administration. For the first time in 
 more than a generation Democracy had full sway, with both Houses of 
 Congress in party accord with the Executive. No summary of the unmer 
 ciful disasters of those four years can convey an idea of a tithe of the ruin 
 they wrought. 
 
 In the four years preceding Mr. Cleveland s administration we had paid 
 two hundred and sixty millions of the National debt; he added two hundred 
 and thirty millions to its burdens. He found a tariff act, bearing the name 
 of his successor and our President, fitted to meet the requirements of our 
 necessary expenditures, to furnish the needed protection to our farmers 
 
36 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 and manufacturers, and to insure the steady and remunerative employment 
 of those who labor. Instead of permitting manufacture and commerce that 
 repose and stability of law which are essential for working out economic 
 conditions, he at once recommended violent and radical changes in rev 
 enue and tariff provisions, recommendations which his party in Congress 
 proceeded partially and disastrously to execute. The appalling result of 
 his policy is still fresh in the memory of millions who suffered from it. In 
 four years the country witnessed some 60,000 commercial failures, with 
 liabilities aggregating more than nine hundred million dollars. One hun 
 dred and seventy-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the 
 circle of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion 
 dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into the 
 hands of receivers. More than 170 national banks closed their doors, with 
 liabilities reaching seventy millions; wool and all farm products which tariffs 
 could affect, lost tens of millions in value; farm mortgages were foreclosed 
 by thousands throughout the great West; our agricultural exports shrunk 
 in value; the balance of trade which had been in our favor turned ruinously 
 against us; the National Treasury was depleted of its gold reserve; our 
 Government bonds were sold to syndicates at far below their market value 
 before or since, and our steadily declining revenues were insufficient to meet 
 the necessary expenses of conducting the Government. If capital alone had 
 suffered, the loss would have been great, but not irremediable. Unfortu 
 nately those who rely upon their daily labor for their sustenance, and 
 their families dependent upon them, constituting the great mass of the 
 American people, were made to feel heaviest the burden of disaster. 
 Nearly one-third of the laboring population of the United States were 
 thrown out of employment, and men by thousands, able and willing to 
 labor, walked the highways of the land clamoring for work or food. 
 
 Four years of commercial misfortune enabled our industries to meet, 
 in a measure, these changed and depressed conditions, but when President 
 McKinley was inaugurated the country was in a state more deplorable 
 than had existed for a generation. 
 
 Facing these difficulties, the President immediately upon his inaugura 
 tion convened Congress in extra session, and in a message of force and lu 
 cidity summarized the legislation essential to our National prosperity. The 
 industrial history of the United States for the past four years is the tribute 
 to the wisdom of his judgment. (Applause.) It is quickly epitomized. 
 
 The tariff measure under which we are now conducting business was 
 preceded by an unusual volume of importations based upon common know 
 ledge that certain duties were to be raised; the bill met the popular demand 
 that duties on many of the necessaries of life should be lowered and not 
 raised; advances in invention and new trade conditions made it unnecessary 
 and unwise to revert to the higher tariff provisions of the law of 1890; the 
 increases in the revenue provisions were slight. Yet, notwithstanding all 
 these facts, tending to reduce income, the revenues from the Dingley Bill 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 37 
 
 marched steadily upwards, until soon our normal income exceeded our nor 
 mal expenditure, and we passed from a condition of threatened insolvency 
 to one of National solvency. (Applause.) 
 
 This tells but a small fraction of the story. Under the wise provisions 
 of our tariff laws and the encouragement afforded to capital by a renewal 
 of public confidence, trade commenced to revive. The looms were no 
 longer silent and the mills deserted; railway earnings increased, merchants 
 and banks resumed business, labor found employment at fair wages, our 
 exports increased, and the sunshine of hope again illumined the land. 
 The figures that illustrate the growing prosperity of the four years of Re 
 publican administration well nigh stagger belief. There is not an idle mill 
 in the country to-day. The mortgages on Western farms have been paid 
 by the tens of thousands, and our farmers are contented and prosperous. 
 Our exports have reached enormous figures; for the last twelve months 
 our exports of merchandise will exceed our imports by five hundred and 
 fifty million dollars. Our manufactured articles are finding a market all 
 over the world and in constantly increasing volume. We are rapidly tak 
 ing our place as one of the great creditor nations of the world. Above 
 and beyond all, there is no man who labors with his hands, in all our broad 
 domain, who cannot find work, and the scale of wages was never in our his 
 tory so high as now. (Applause.) 
 
 Passing over, for the moment, the events associated with the war, let 
 me refer briefly to other legislation of the past four years. 
 
 We passed a National Bankrupt Act, a measure rendered essential by 
 four years of Democratic rule, and under its beneficent provisions, thou 
 sands of honest men who were engulfed in disaster because of the blight of 
 the Democratic policy, are again enabled to transact business and share 
 the blessings of Republican prosperity. (Applause.) 
 
 For half a century the Hawaiian Islands, a menace to the long line of 
 coast which skirts our Pacific slope, have been knocking for admission as 
 part of our territory, and during that period the publicly expressed opin 
 ion of both political parties favored their annexation. Four times have they 
 been occupied by European powers, and so often have we compelled their 
 abandonment because it was essential that they should never be occupied 
 by any foreign power. Finally, after years of misgovernment by native 
 rulers, the gallant descendants of American merchants and missionaries 
 made proffer again of these valuable possessions to this country, asking 
 only to come under our flag and dominion. A Democratic President re 
 pudiated the offer, and sought to assist in restoring the former corrupt 
 and oppressive ruler. It was left for this administration to make them 
 a* part of American territory. (Applause.) They are on the way to our 
 islands in the Southern seas; every instinct of self-protection should have 
 prompted our quick acceptance of their sovereignty, and yet they were ac 
 quired in spite of the bitter opposition of almost every Democrat in Con 
 gress. 
 
38 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 During the last administration an offer of settlement was made to the 
 Pacific railroads which would have brought us forty-two million dollars 
 out of the seventy million dollars due us in principal and interest. Presi 
 dent McKinley, refusing to consider as binding the former offer, and act 
 ing within the authority of Congress, collected every dollar both of prin 
 cipal and interest due from the Union Pacific Company, and the principal 
 of the debt due from the Kansas Pacific. (Applause.) We saved more 
 than twenty million dollars over the offer of settlement made by Mr. Cleve 
 land, and have collected all of the principal and most of the interest due 
 us. (Applause.) Thus was this transaction closed, and it has since been 
 followed by a settlement of the debt of the Central Pacific Railroad, call 
 ing for every dollar of principal and interest of the debt, amounting to 
 fifty-eight millions. More than 35 years ago a Republican administra 
 tion lent the credit of the country to the building of the great iron band 
 that was to link together the East and the West, lent it not in times of peace 
 but when our country was in the throes of civil war. The area to be pene 
 trated was then unsettled and unknown. It is now a great empire, rich, 
 prosperous and happy, and the money of the people which made the high 
 way possible, has been returned to them in overflowing measure. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Whenever a Republican administration is in power there is constant talk 
 of trusts. The reason is not far to seek. Aggregations and combinations 
 of capital find their only encouragement in prosperous days and widening 
 commerce. (Applause.) Democratic administration in this country has 
 universally meant industrial stagnation and commercial depression, when 
 capital seeks a hiding place instead of investment. The Republican party 
 has always maintained that any combination having for its purpose the cor 
 nering of a market or the raising or controlling of the price of the nec 
 essaries of life was unlawful and should be punished (applause), and a com 
 mission appointed by the President under act of Congress has made care 
 ful investigation and will soon present a full report of the best method of 
 dealing with this intricate question. We shall meet it in some efficient 
 way and, as a party, shall have the courage to protect every class of our 
 citizens (applause). There was never a better time to deal with it than 
 now, when there is not in this broad land a man willing to work who does 
 not find employment at fair wages, and when the clamor of the agitator 
 who seeks confiscation and not regulation, falls on dead ears and finds no 
 response from the artisans in our busy workshops. (Applause.) 
 
 The campaign four years ago was fought on the currency question. The 
 Populistic Democracy insisted that the United States alone should embark 
 on the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I, without waiting the 
 concurrence of any other nation. The Republican party insisted that the 
 question of bimetallism was international, and that until it should be settled 
 under agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, gold 
 should continue to be the standard of value in these United States. Upon 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 39 
 
 that issue we triumphed. (Applause). In accordance with the pledge of 
 the party an honest effort was made to reach some international solution of 
 the question. The effort failed of accomplishment. The mints of the coun 
 tries of Europe were open for the coinage of gold alone. The vast dis 
 coveries of Alaska, South Africa, and the States of our own country, have 
 furnished a steadily increasing volume of gold, and, with the recent Euro 
 pean action, have demonstrated that the question is one calling for inter 
 national action by all the great countries of the world, and, if ever entered 
 into, must be by such concurrent action of the leading commercial nations 
 as shall secure permanence of relative value to the two metals. Mean 
 while we follow the path of safety. (Applause.) As we grow year by year 
 more firmly established as a creditor nation, the question concerns us less 
 and other countries more. No impairment of national credit can be con 
 templated by an honorable nation. We have made advances enough; this 
 country can better afford than any other to enter upon the contest for 
 commercial supremacy with gold as its standard, and for us the time has 
 come to give fair notice to the world that we, too, make gold our stan 
 dard and redeem our obligations in that metal. (Applause.) For twelve 
 years the platforms of the party have declared in favor of the use of gold 
 and silver as money. The logic of recent events, together with the at 
 tempt of the Democracy to drag down the question from its international 
 character, to associate it with every vagary of Populism and Socialism, 
 and to drive this country to an alliance with Mexico and China, as an ex 
 clusively silver using country, has impelled our people to this settlement of 
 the problem, and the recent action of Congress has eliminated the danger 
 which its further agitation menaced. (Applause.) 
 
 The provisions of the act secure to the people a needed increase in the 
 volume of currency, prevent the future depletion of the gold in the 
 Treasury, and encourage a more extended use of our bonds by the Na 
 tional Banks of the country. But, above all, the success attending its pas 
 sage has demonstrated that our own people and the nations of Europe 
 have faith in the permanence of our institutions and our financial integrity. 
 (Applause.) Our debt is funded at two per cent, per annum, and millions 
 of our interest charge saved annually. The world has never witnessed so 
 triumphant a financial success as has followed the passage of the currency 
 law, and our two per cent, bonds, held the world over, already command 
 a substantial premium. (Applause.) Through the policy of the Repub 
 lican party and the wisdom of a Republican administration, we have not 
 only made stable and permanent our financial credit, at home and abroad, 
 are utilizing more silver as money than ever before in our history, but we 
 have left the Populistic Democracy a dead issue they can never again gal 
 vanize into life, and compelled them to seek to create new issues growing 
 out of a war which they were most eager to precipitate. (Applause.) 
 
 May I, a Western man, add another word? The passage of this bill, 
 which received the vote of every Western Republican in Congress, marked 
 
40 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 the termination, forever final, of any sort of difference between Republi 
 cans of the East and of the West, growing out of currency problems. 
 (Applause.) Even if the stern logic of events had not convinced us, our 
 deep and abiding loyalty to the principles of the party, our belief that the 
 judgment of its majority should govern, would lead us to abandon further 
 contention. And the thousands of Republicans in the West who left us 
 four years ago are returning home. (Applause.) The men of the far West 
 are bone of your bone, and flesh of your flesh. The sun that shines on you 
 blesses them also, and the shadow before your door darkens their homes 
 as well. They are naturally expansionists in the Western plains and moun 
 tains (applause), and when they see a great political party attacking the 
 integrity of the Nation, and lending encouragement to insurrectionists 
 who are shooting down our soldiers and resisting the authority of the Gov 
 ernment of the United States, all other questions fade and are forgotten, 
 and they find themselves standing shoulder to shoulder in the ranks of the 
 Republican party, keeping step, always, "to the music of the Union." (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 There is more to follow this summary of a few of the leading measures 
 passed by a Republican Congress and approved by a Republican President. 
 Before the expiration of Mr. McKinley s first term, we shall have passed a 
 law relieving certain articles from a portion at least of the burdens they now 
 carry because of the War Revenue Act, and meanwhile we have, out of sur 
 plus revenues, already paid and called in for cancellation forty-three mil 
 lion dollars of outstanding bonds. The coming winter will see enacted into 
 law, legislation which shall revivify and upbuild our ocean merchant ma 
 rine, and enable us to compete on fair terms with the subsidized ships of 
 foreign nations which now so largely monopolize the carriage of American 
 goods. (Applause.) And above all, we shall, having then before us the 
 report of the able commission now ascertaining the most favorable route, 
 pass a law under which we shall build and own and operate as property 
 of the United States, under exclusive American dominion and control, a 
 ship canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific. (Applause.) Through it 
 in time of peace the commerce of the world shall pass. If we shall be un 
 happily engaged in war, the canal shall carry our warships and shall ex 
 clude those of the enemy, and under conditions which shall violate no 
 treaty stipulations. (Applause.) 
 
 This is the brief account of our stewardship for four years. During a 
 portion of that period we were involved in a war which for a time paralyzed 
 business and commerce, and would have taxed heavily the resources and 
 credit of any other country than ours; and for the past year or more 
 we have been employing an army of some 50,000 men in suppressing an 
 insurrection against our authority 8,000 miles away. No industry has felt 
 the strain of these extraordinary expenses, nor have they affected the 
 general sum of our prosperity. (Applause.) More than that, the con 
 ditions resulting from the legislation of the past four years have obliterated 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 41 
 
 every issue that was raised during the last campaign. The Democracy 
 having therefore to find some rallying cry, seek it in the results of our 
 late war with Spain, and upon that question, as upon all others, we stand 
 ready to meet them in the open. (Applause.) 
 
 During the weeks and months preceding the outbreak of hostilities with 
 Spain, the President of the United States, who knew by personal experi 
 ence on many a battle-field something of the horrors of war, and who 
 realized the expense and suffering which war entailed, stood firmly upon 
 the ground that a peaceful solution could be found. And when that awful 
 occurrence took place in the harbor of Havana, and a hot frenzy of in 
 dignation swept over our people, and a conflict seemed inevitable, he faced 
 popular clamor and heated counsels, and still believed that the wrongs 
 of Cuba could be remedied and redressed without an appeal to the arbi 
 trament of war. (Applause.) 
 
 The folly of Spain and the indignation of the American people forbade 
 a peaceful solution. Then the President, seconded by a Republican Con 
 gress, before a gun was fired, declared to the world the lofty and unselfish 
 motives that alone actuated the nation. (Applause.) No man now, or in 
 the centuries to come, when History, which alone "triumphs over time," 
 recounts the marvelous story of the war which changed the map of the 
 world, shall ever truthfully say that this Republic was animated by any 
 but the noblest purposes. (Applause.) Recorded .time tells of no such 
 war, for it was fought, with bloody sacrifice, by a great and free Republic, 
 for the freedom of another race, while its own liberties were unassailed. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 This is not the time or the occasion to dwell upon the incidents of the 
 war, crowded with successive victories and illuminated with countless 
 examples of individual bravery and gallant conduct. (Applause.) Its liv 
 ing heroes are honored by a generous country; its dead have ennobled 
 the race, and will live forever in the hearts of a grateful people. (Applause.) 
 Throughout all its anxious days the President, Commander-in-Chief of 
 our armies and our navies, planned and directed with unerring hand. His 
 wise diplomacy saved us from threatened international complications. From 
 the commencement of hostilities until their close the conduct of the war 
 was unassailable, and the paltry criticisms of two years ago are already 
 buried in the limbo of oblivion. (Applause.) 
 
 In August, 1898, a preliminary protocol was executed at Washington, 
 followed by the sessions of the Peace Commissioners of the United States 
 and Spain, in Paris, commencing in October of that year. Public interest 
 in this country concerning these negotiations was intense. Until cur sol 
 diers and sailors had landed at Manila we had known little of the con 
 ditions of the people of the Philippines. We soon ascertained that the 
 cruelties and oppressions existing in Cuba were mild compared with the 
 treatment to which eight millions of people in those islands were sub 
 jected. We realized that if we relinquished the archipelago to Spain we 
 
42 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 consigned its inhabitants again to a condition worse than slavery, worse 
 than barbarism. We had put our hands to the plough, and every in 
 stinct of honor and humanity forbade us to turn back. {Applause.) A 
 universal demand arose from all over the country that we should retain 
 our hold upon these islands, afford their people the protection of our laws, 
 lift them out of their unfortunate condition, and fit them, if possible, for 
 self-government. Any agreement by our Commissioners to give back the 
 Philippines to Spain, reserving for ourselves an island or a coaling sta 
 tion, would have aroused a universal national indignation, and would never 
 have been ratified by the representatives of the people. (Applause.) 
 
 No man saw this so clearly as did the President. In his advices to the 
 Commissioners he told them it was imperative that we should be governed 
 only by motives that should exalt the nation; that territorial expansion 
 was our least concern, but that, whatever else was done, the people of the 
 Philippines must be liberated from Spanish domination; and he reached 
 this view solely through considerations of duty and humanity. (Applause.) 
 The American Commissioners, men of differing political faiths, reached a 
 unanimous conclusion. The Treaty of Paris was ratified by the vote of 
 two-thirds of the Senate, and the territory we acquired under it became 
 lawful and legal possessions of the United States. (Applause.) The re 
 sponsibility for the war rested upon us all; the responsibility for the treaty 
 rests chiefly upon the Republican party, and that party avows the wisdom 
 of the treaty and declares it to be the policy of the party to adhere to 
 its terms and to accept the responsibilities it imposed. (Applause.) 
 
 We assumed dominion of Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines for 
 reasons differing as to each of them. 
 
 We took to ourselves the little island of Porto Rico because it lay under 
 the shadow of our own shores, and because its continued occupancy by 
 Spain or by any foreign government would be a constant menace to the 
 States and to that great inter-oceanic waterway which we shall build and 
 own and operate as an American canal. (Applause.) We found it im 
 poverished by years of colonial misgovernment and without any system 
 of revenue laws. Soon after the peace its people were further stricken 
 by flood and famine. We assumed towards them every obligation which 
 sympathy and friendship could prompt. (Applause.) We contributed as 
 a nation large sums of money to ameliorate their condition and to enable 
 them to plant and garner their crops. Then we said to them, "we shall 
 give you a just and equitable government, with power to manage your 
 home affairs. Until you shall devise proper and efficient methods of reve 
 nue and taxation, your needed funds shall be raised as follows: You shall 
 pay upon your imports 15 per cent, of the present tariff rate governing 
 importations into the United States, which means an average duty of 
 about 7 per cent. All the necessaries of life and building materials for 
 the structures you need shall be free. On the 1st day of March, 1902, 
 all these duties shall cease in any event, and shall cease sooner if before 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 43 
 
 that time you can arrange for the needed revenues of the island." (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 The recommendations of the President were fully and satisfactorily com 
 plied with; the people of the island are content, the vast mass of the 
 American people approve, and we have avoided precedents that might vex 
 us when we come to deal with the problems that finally await us in the 
 establishment of our permanent relations towards the people of the Philip 
 pine Islands. (Applause.) 
 
 There has been much discussion during the past few months in respect 
 to the extent of the power of this country to deal with Porto Rico and our 
 other possessions, and it has been frequently contended by the Democracy 
 that as soon as we became the owners of any of these islands the Con 
 stitution cf the United States at once extended over them, or in the 
 oratorical but misleading phrase, "The Constitution follows the Flag." 
 The argument is specious, but it will not bear investigation. The same 
 question was raised in 1803, at the time of the Louisiana Purchase, and 
 the doctrine was then established by Congress that we could acquire for 
 eign soil by purchase, that Congress had the right to establish there 
 such government as it saw fit, and that the Constitution did not of its 
 own force extend over such territory. The doctrine was never questioned 
 until in Calhoun s time it was sought to be denied in the effort to extend 
 human slavery into the territories. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States has more than once determined 
 the question, and the contention concerning it now by our opponents is 
 not because anybody believes that the laws we have enacted for the gov 
 ernment of the island are unjust, but in order to embarrass the adminis 
 tration in dealing effectively with our new possessions. (Applause) 
 The flag went to Mexico in 1848, the Constitution did not. The 
 flag went to Cuba and was carried into Santiago, and is there yet. (Ap 
 plause.) But our Constitution not only is not there, but we are busy 
 encouraging Cuba to prepare a constitution of her own. When any por 
 tion of our territory becomes a sovereign State, then is our Constitution 
 its cornerstone. In the territory of the United States not included within 
 State boundaries Congress alone determines the extent to which the pro 
 visions of the Constitution extend. 
 
 The circumstances associated with our possession of Cuba are new and 
 unparalleled in the history of conquests. The cruelties practiced upon its 
 people induced the war. Before we commenced hostile proceedings, how 
 ever, and that the world might know that our hands were clean and that 
 we were not animated by lust for territory, we solemnly disclaimed any 
 disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control 
 over the island except for its pacification, and asserted our determination, 
 when that was accomplished, to leave the government and control of the 
 island to its people. (Applause.) To this declaration we still rigorously 
 adhere. (Applause.) 
 
44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 When we took possession at the close of the war we found the condi 
 tions existing in Cuba to be deplorable. Under the conservative and wise 
 management of Generals Brooke and Wood vast improvements have been 
 effected, and we have given the people the first good government they 
 have ever known. We found its cities beds of pestilence. We have stamped 
 out yellow fever and made Havana as healthy a city as exists at that lati 
 tude. We took its starving reconcentrados who had survived the war, 
 and its other poverty-stricken people, and fed and clothed them. We or 
 ganized a public school system, and have everywhere established law and 
 order. (Applause.) This had first to be done. Then followed a com 
 pliance of the terms of the treaty which gave the Spanish inhabitants until 
 April nth to determine whether or not they would register as citizens 
 or preserve their allegiance to Spain. Meanwhile a careful census of the 
 island was made. Then came the fixing of the qualifications for the right 
 of suffrage, which were fairly bestowed. The island was divided into 
 municipalities and the registration provided for. And on yesterday, the 
 i8th of June, municipal elections were held all through the island, as the 
 first and preliminary step towards the establishment of a national govern 
 ment and the adoption of a constitution. (Applause.) 
 
 And in this connection it is fitting to say that the peculations and frauds 
 committed in Cuba by subordinate officials have made every American 
 blush with shame, and until the last of the guilty men is arrested and 
 convicted and sentenced that shame will know no abatement. (Applause.) 
 It is no more to be charged to the party than would a theft by a trusted 
 employee be charged against the character of the merchant who employed 
 him. (Applause.) The party that shields and protects dishonest officials 
 forfeits public confidence, not the part} that exposes and punishes them. 
 (Applause.) The Republican party has been rarely the victim of misplaced 
 confidence in its officials. In this instance the appointments were made 
 with the greatest care, many of them from the classified service. When 
 ever fraud has been discovered the guilty have been pursued unsparingly 
 and with the greatest publicity. (Applause.) So has it been with these 
 thieving Post Office officials; so has it been always. In the vast aggregate 
 of business transacted by the Government the dishonest man is rare, and 
 his detection certain. The great humiliation is that the thefts were from 
 the people of an island towards whom we sustain a fiduciary relation, and 
 whose confidence we ask. That this Government makes good the loss is 
 not enough, and perhaps the lesson has not been in vain if it shall serve 
 to stimulate us to even greater care in dealing with these people for whom 
 we have poured out our blood and treasure, and whom we hope .some day 
 to welcome on terms of closest friendship as citizens of a sister republic. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 We are dealing with Cuba in a spirit not only of fairness but of gen 
 erosity and of absolute unselfishness, and whenever the inhabitants of that 
 island evince and declare their ability to take over its government and 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 45 
 
 control, that day they shall receive it; and until then we shall continue 
 to administer its affairs under a rule salutary and satisfactory to all good 
 citizens in Cuba, and creditable to the administration at Washington under 
 whose orders the government is conducted. (Applause.) 
 
 Had there been, fellow-citizens, no war with Spain this Republic, in 
 clined by principle and instinct and tradition to peaceful ways, would have 
 continued the development of our National resources and character within 
 its existing borders, content in the future, as throughout the century just 
 ending, with that path of National duty. We are not a warlike or a quar 
 relsome people. We have never coveted the possessions of foreign prin 
 cipalities, and land lust is unknown among us. We would fight to the 
 death to protect that which is rightfully ours; to avenge a wrong sought 
 to be perpetuated upon us, and to guard this hemisphere from any attempt 
 by foreign powers to further extend their rule over its soil. (Applause.) 
 This has been our creed, and we have looked forward with hope and 
 confidence to the time when these United States, lying between the two 
 oceans, should lead among the nations of the earth, not by right of the 
 sword, but because the character and high intelligence of our people, and 
 the marvelous resources of our country, would enable us, in the peaceful 
 rivalry of commerce, to dominate eventually the markets of the world. 
 (Applause.) To that end we had, for more than a hundred years, held 
 ourselves aloof from foreign complications, and sought to make ourselves 
 strong from within, with no thought of colonial conquest. 
 
 The future of nations, however, like the future of man, is hid from 
 mortal vision, and, no more than man may a nation choose its own duties. 
 When this war ended and we faced our victory in all its completeness, we 
 found eight million people, living upon uncounted islands, delivered into 
 our hands. Abandonment of them would be confession that while the 
 oppression by Spain of a million and a half of Cubans demanded our 
 armed interference, greater barbarity and cruelty to millions of Filipinos, 
 less able to protect themselves, was a subject of no concern to us. (Ap 
 plause.) No civilized nation in the world, no Christian nation, could have 
 turned these people back to Spain. Our Commissioners, when they in 
 sisted upon our retention of the Philippines, voiced the sentiments and 
 wishes of the American people; and this nation has assumed with open 
 eyes and with full realization of the difficulties which may be encountered, 
 the grave responsibilities imposed upon us by the Treaty of Paris. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 We are told that the islands are rich in all the products of the tropics, 
 in mineral wealth, and in the possibilities of their future development. 
 So much the better. But if they were as barren as the Libyan desert, 
 we would have taken them just the same. (Applause.) 
 
 We have not been there long, but long enough to reach two conclu 
 sions: One is, that the first thing we intend doing is to suppress the Tagal 
 insurrection and to establish law and order throughout the archipelago. 
 
46 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 (Applause.) That is the first thing we shall do. And the last, the very 
 last thing we intend doing, is to consider, even for a moment, the question 
 of giving up or of abandoning those islands. (Applause.) 
 
 We are actually owners of the Philippines by an undisputed and in 
 dubitable title. We are there as the necessary and logical outcome of our 
 victory over Spain. There are upwards of a thousand islands sprinkled 
 upon that Southern sea, peopled by more than eighty tribes of differing 
 race and language, and having absolutely nothing in common with each 
 other. Most of these tribes welcome our coming and are grateful for our pro 
 tection. The Tagal tribe, hostile not only to us but to most of the native 
 tribes, are in insurrection against our authority. They have neither a gov 
 ernment nor the capacity to conduct one, and are waging a predatory 
 guerilla warfare which would be turned against the other native tribes if 
 we let them alone. What would the Democracy have us do? Give them 
 up to rapine and bloodshed, and leave the islands as flotsam and jetsam 
 on the face of the waters? 
 
 There are parallels in our own history. For five millions of dollars, 
 and other valuable considerations we purchased Florida from Spain in 
 1821, when it had four thousand white settlers. The Seminoles, natives 
 of the soil, brave, resolute, having far greater intelligence and character 
 than the Tagals, disputed our possession. We sent Andrew Jackson down 
 to fight them, and it took us twenty-one years to subdue them and send 
 what was left of them west of the Mississippi. If the "Anti-everythings" 
 had lived then, they would, I suppose, have urged us to turn over Florida 
 to Osceola, the Aguinaldo of the Seminoles! (Laughter.) Would you, 
 after the war with Mexico and the Gadsden purchase have given the great 
 area south and west of the Arkansas to the red Apache? Not so did our 
 fathers construe their duty, and as they built, so shall we their sons. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 The insurrection against our legitimate authority, which, for the time, 
 impedes our efforts to establish a government for the Filipinos, involves 
 us in a sacrifice of lives and of treasure. The difficulties we encounter 
 in the island of Luzon are many, but the chief inspiration and encouragement 
 of the Tagal insurrection come from the Democratic headquarters in the 
 United States. (Applause.) Partisanship has proved stronger than pa 
 triotism, even while our soldiers are being murdered by marauding ban 
 dits, and if it were not for the hope held out to Aguinaldo by American 
 sympathizers, the insurrection in the Philippines would long ago have 
 ended. (Applause.) 
 
 The obstacles to the establishment of a civil government in the islands 
 are many, but we shall overcome them. (Applause.) Mistakes will un 
 doubtedly be made, but we shall remedy them. We shall in time extend 
 over that archipelago the aegis of our protection and of free government, 
 and we shall gradually, but surely, lift these alien and savage races 
 into the light of civilization and Christianity. (Applause.) Meanwhile, 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 (7 
 
 American enterprise and ingenuity and push may be depended upon to 
 develop the resources of the islands, and to make them an added source 
 of wealth to our country. The wise statesmanship of the President and 
 our able Secretary of State has already brought from the countries of 
 Europe a recognition of our right to share in the vast commercial advan 
 tages which will follow the opening of the Chinese Empire to foreign trade; 
 the Nicaraguan Canal will be soon constructed; Hawaii, with its valuable 
 harbor, is ours; we possess the best of the Samoan Islands, with its mag 
 nificent roadway; the Philippines are almost at the door of China, and if 
 counsels of fear do not prevail, this generation will see the American Na 
 tion girdling half the globe with its flag, extending its foreign commerce 
 to the uttermost parts of the earth, and taking its place among the great 
 world-nations, a power for good, for peace, and for righteousness. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Never since 1864, when the voters of the country were called upon to 
 determine whether the efforts of Abraham Lincoln to preserve the Union 
 should be continued or whether they should be abandoned and other meas 
 ures attempted, have questions so vital been presented to the American 
 people for settlement. Their decision must determine the maintenance 
 or the degradation both of our National credit and our National honor. 
 A Democratic President could paralyze the operation of the new currency 
 law as effectively as if it were wiped from our statute books. A Democratic 
 victory would infuse new life into the Tagal insurrection, cost us the lives 
 of thousands of our gallant army in the Philippines, impair or destroy our 
 prestige, if not our power, in the islands, make us a byword among the 
 other great nations of the world, and obliterate our influence in the settle 
 ment of the vital questions certain to arise when China shall be opened to 
 foreign commerce. (Applause.) 
 
 There is little room for fear. The farmer and the artisan in their day of 
 prosperity still remember the impoverishment and blight of Democracy, 
 and the Chicago platform has no allurements for them. (Applause.) Our 
 National honor is equally secure. 
 
 The American people are neither poltroons nor pessimists, and they will 
 not signalize the dawn of the new century by the surrender of either con 
 victions or territory. (Applause.) fEvery soldier back from the islands 
 and they are in almost every hamlet in the land, returns an advocate of 
 theif retention. Our dead are buried along the sands of Luzon, and on its 
 soil no foreign flag shall ever salute the dawn. J (Applause.) 
 
 Whatever may be in store for us in the new and unbeaten track upon 
 which we are entering, we shall not be found "with the unlit lamp and the 
 ungirt loin." (Applause.) Our way is new, but it is not dark. In the 
 readjustment of world-conditions, where we must take our place with the 
 other great nations of the earth, we shall move with caution, but not with 
 fear. We seek only to lift up men to better things, to bless and not to 
 destroy. (Applause.) The fathers of the Republic accepted with courage 
 
48 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 such responsibilities as devolved upon them. The same heavens bend over 
 us, and the same Power that shielded them will guard and protect us, for 
 what we seek is to build still more firmly, always upon foundations of 
 probity and of virtue, the glorious edifice of the Republic. (Applause.) 
 
 We stand at the dawn of the new century. Before it shall have reached 
 its meridian the youngest here will have passed beyond this life or beyond 
 the sphere of usefulness. New recruits will step into the ranks as we fall 
 out. This very year thousands of young men will for the first time exer 
 cise the right of citizenship and cast their ballots at the National election. 
 The safety of this Republic must ever rest in the courage of young hearts 
 and the vigor of a noble manhood." Youth is buoyant and hopeful. No 
 snarling criticism, or gospel of a little America, or prophecy of despair, 
 will find response from hearts that beat full and strong with courage and 
 with faith, and whose creed it is that 
 
 " God s in His heaven, 
 
 All s right with the world." 
 
 Whatever else in the past has suffered change or decay, the Republican 
 party, which for forty years has been identified with everything ennobling 
 and uplifting in our history, was never so vital, so virile, and so vigorous 
 as to-day. (Applause.) And the heritage we shall transmit to the new 
 century, to the coming generation and to their children, and to their 
 children s children, shall be a record clean and untarnished, an unquench 
 able faith in free institutions, an unalterable belief in the patriotism of the 
 people, and an undying love of liberty and of country. (Applause.) 
 
 TEMPORARY OFFICERS. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. By direction of the National Committee 
 the chairman submits the following list of temporary officers: 
 
 Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota. 
 
 Assistant Secretaries: John R. Malloy, of Ohio; John R. Beam, of New 
 Jersey; Lucien Gray, of Illinois; Gardner P. Stickney, of Wisconsin; James 
 Francis Burke, of Pennsylvania; W. B. Bauchman, of Tennessee; Warren 
 Bigler, of Indiana; John L. Royce, of Kansas; F. S. Gaylord, of Con 
 necticut. 
 
 Reading Clerks: Dennis E. Alward, Michigan; E. L. Lampson, Ohio; 
 James H. Stone, Michigan. 
 
 Clerk at Chairman s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Maine. 
 
 Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois. 
 
 Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of New Jersey; George R. Butlin, of 
 Nebraska. 
 
 Messenger to Chairman, Griffin Halstead. 
 
 Messenger to Secretary, Joseph W. Young. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 49 
 
 Mr. W. S. TAYLOR, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman I move that the re 
 commendations of the National Republican Committee in the matter of 
 the selection of a Secretary, Assistant Secretaries, Official Reporter, Read 
 ing Clerks, etc., be approved by the Convention. 
 
 The motion was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 RULES. 
 
 Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I offer the reso 
 lution \\hich I send to the desk. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York submits 
 a resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this convention be gov 
 erned by the rules of the last Republican National Convention. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 COMMITTEES. 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I offer the resolution I send 
 to the desk. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey offers a 
 resolution, which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called, and that the Chair 
 man of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to serve on the 
 several committees, as follows: Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Bust- 
 ness; Credentials; Resolutions. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the reso 
 lution submitted by the gentleman from New Jersey. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. In addition to the announcement by the " 
 chairman of each delegation, as provided by the resolution just adopted, 
 each delegation is requested to send to the desk in writing the names of 
 the persons selected to serve on the committees named in the resolution. 
 
 The roll of States, etc., was called. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The committees as constituted will be an 
 nounced. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 4 
 
50 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 HON. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio, Chairman. 
 
 Alabama JAMES T. PETERSON 
 
 Arkansas FERDINAND HAVIS 
 
 California R. D. ROBBINS 
 
 Colorado D. B. FAIRLEY 
 
 Connecticut J. DEMING PERKINS 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida W. H. LUCAS 
 
 Georgia M. C. PARKER 
 
 Idaho GEORGE A. ROBETHAN 
 
 Illinois JOHN J. BROWN 
 
 Indiana CHARLES L. JEWETT 
 
 Iowa WILLIAM McFARLANE 
 
 Kansas S. B. ROHRER 
 
 Kentucky H. C. HOWARD 
 
 Louisiana L. S. CLARKE 
 
 Maine DANIEL A. KURD 
 
 Maryland J. EDWIN WEBSTER 
 
 Massachusetts EVERETT C. BENTON 
 
 Michigan LESLIE B. ROBERTSON 
 
 Minnesota E. A. WHITFORD 
 
 Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 
 
 Missouri JAMES E. BIRNEY 
 
 Montana C. W. GOODALE 
 
 Nebraska H. RAGATZ 
 
 Nevada R. L. FULTON 
 
 New Hampshire THOS. N. HASTINGS 
 
 New Jersey WM. S. HANCOCK 
 
 New York WM. C. WALLACE 
 
 North Carolina H. C. COWLES 
 
 North Dakota H. L. HOLMES 
 
 Ohio CHARLES H. GROSVENOR 
 
 Oregon MALCOLM A. MOODY 
 
 Pennsylvania JOHN B. STEEL 
 
 Rhode Island FRANK F. CARPENTER 
 
 South Carolina R. M. WALLACE 
 
 South Dakota GEORGE RICE 
 
 Tennessee ERNEST COLDWELL 
 
 Texas C. M. FERGUSON 
 
 Utah HEBER M. WELLS 
 
 Vermont W. H. H. SLACK 
 
 Virginia V. M. SOWDER 
 
 Washington H. S. CONNER 
 
 West Virginia J. E. DANA 
 
 Wisconsin H. A. LUEDKE 
 
 Wyoming DEFOREST RICHARDS 
 
 District of Columbia DR. J. E. JONES 
 
 Alaska 
 
 Arizona J. L. HUBBELL 
 
 Indian Territory . E. J. FANNIN 
 
 New Mexico A. ABEYTIA 
 
 Oklahoma JOHN McNEAL 
 
 Hawaii ., ...S. PARKER 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 51 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 
 
 HON. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania, Chairman. 
 
 Alabama \V. F. AT.DRICH 
 
 Arkansas JOHN McCLURE 
 
 California N. D. RIDEOUT 
 
 Colorado B. W. RITTER 
 
 Connecticut CH AS. F. BROOKER 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida H. W. CHANDLER 
 
 Georgia W. R. LEAKIN 
 
 Idaho L. L. ORMSBY 
 
 Illinois FREDERICK H. SMITH 
 
 Indiana GEORGE P. HAYVVOOD 
 
 Iowa J. C. MABRY 
 
 Kansas J. R. BURROW 
 
 Kentucky R. P. ERNST 
 
 Louisiana B. F. O NEAL 
 
 Maine GEORGE A. MINCHIE 
 
 Maryland T. MATHEW BARTLETT 
 
 Massachusetts SAMUEL W. McCALL 
 
 Michigan WM. McPHERSON, JR. 
 
 Minnesota H. F. BARKER 
 
 Mississippi R. A. SIMMONS 
 
 Missouri . . . ] CHARLES G. BURTON 
 
 Montana TYLER WORDEN 
 
 Nebraska EUGENE A. TUCKER 
 
 Nevada W. W. WILLIAMS 
 
 New York GEO. W. ALDRIDGE 
 
 New Hampshire WM. C. CLARKE 
 
 New Jersey FLAVEL McGEE 
 
 North Carolina R. B. RUSSELL 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 Ohio B. L. MCELROY 
 
 Oregon RUFUS S. MOORE 
 
 Pennsylvania HENRY H. BINGHAM 
 
 Rhode Island CHAS. N. CHILD 
 
 South Carolina E. F. COCHRANE 
 
 South Dakota M. P. BEEBE 
 
 Tennessee JOHN E. McCALL 
 
 Texas M. M. RODGERS 
 
 Utah GEORGE M. HANSON 
 
 Vermont G. W. RANDALL 
 
 Virginia R. R. HORNER 
 
 Washington F. J. HAYFIELD 
 
 West Virginia M. J. SIMMS 
 
 Wisconsin SAMUEL W. REESE 
 
 Wyoming C. D. CLARK 
 
 District of Columbia J. E. JONES 
 
 Alaska WILLIAM GRANT 
 
 Arizona J. A. VAIL 
 
 Indian Territory C. L. LONG 
 
 New Mexico J. SANTISTERAN 
 
 Oklahoma J. W. McNEAL 
 
 Hawaii A. N. KEPOIKOI 
 
52 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 HON. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York, Chairman. 
 
 Alabama H. V. CASHIN 
 
 Arkansas SID. B. REDDING 
 
 California GEORGE W. REED 
 
 Colorado JOHN GRASS 
 
 Connecticut EDWIN MILNER 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida J. N. COMBS 
 
 Georgia H. L. JOHNS ON 
 
 Idaho J. F. A1LSHIE 
 
 Illinois T. J. GOLDEN 
 
 Indiana C. C. SHIRLEY 
 
 Iowa M. J. TOBIN 
 
 Kansas T. B. WALL 
 
 Kentucky GEORGE DENNY 
 
 Louisiana H. C. WARMOUTH 
 
 Maine ALBERT M. SPEAR 
 
 Maryland ENOCH B. ABELL 
 
 Massachusetts JESSE M. GOVE 
 
 Michigan RUSSELL C. OSTRANDER 
 
 Minnesota A. J. GREER 
 
 Mississippi WESLEY CRAYTON 
 
 Missouri CHARLES L. MOWDER 
 
 Montana JOHN F. FORBES 
 
 Nebraska JOHN A. EHRHARDT 
 
 Nevada M. C. McMlLLAN 
 
 New Hampshire JOHN McLANE 
 
 New Jersey BARKER GUMMERE 
 
 New York SERENO E. PAYNE 
 
 North Carolina E. C. DUNCAN 
 
 North Dakota STEPHEN COLLINS 
 
 Ohio CHARLES DICK 
 
 Oregon WALLACE McCAMANT 
 
 Pennsylvania A. S. L. SHIELDS 
 
 Rhode Island RICHARD THORNLEY 
 
 South Carolina J. H. FORDHAM 
 
 South Dakota JAMES HALLEY 
 
 Tennessee W. P. BROWNLOW 
 
 Texas H. C. FERGUSON (HAWLEY by proxy) 
 
 Utah ARTHUR BROWN 
 
 Vermont EDWIN M. BROWN 
 
 Virginia R. P. THORP 
 
 Washington L. M. SIMS 
 
 West Virginia MORRIS HORKHEIMER 
 
 Wisconsin J. T. MURPHY 
 
 Wyoming. , JAY L. TORREY 
 
 District of Columbia W. C. CHASE 
 
 Alaska W. D. GRANT 
 
 Arizona FRANK DYSART 
 
 Indian Territory C. M. CAMPBELL 
 
 New Mexico F. A. HUBBELL 
 
 Oklahoma J. C. PRINGEY 
 
 Hawaii . . S. PARKER 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, Chairman. 
 
 Alabama J. W. DIMMICK 
 
 Arkansas CHARLES N. RIX 
 
 California CHESTER ROWELL 
 
 Colorado C. C. CAVENDER 
 
 Connecticut WILLIAM E. SEELEY 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida W. G. ROBINSON 
 
 Georgia H. A. RUCKER 
 
 Idaho W. B. HEYBURN 
 
 Illinois MARTIN B. MADDEX 
 
 Indiana CHAS. W. FAIRBANKS 
 
 Iowa G. W. FRENCH 
 
 Kansas M. A. LOWE 
 
 Kentucky W. S. TAYLOR 
 
 Louisiana E. KUNTZ 
 
 Maine FRANKLIN C. PAYSON 
 
 Maryland THOMAS C. NOYES 
 
 Massachusetts WALTER CLIFFORD 
 
 Michigan E. N. DINGLEY 
 
 Minnesota CUSHMAN K. DAVIS 
 
 Mississippi JOHN R. LYNCH 
 
 Missouri DAVID P. DYER 
 
 Montana THOMAS H. CARTER 
 
 Nebraska EDWARD ROSEWATER 
 
 Nevada OSCAR J. SMITH 
 
 New Hampshire J. H. GALLINGER 
 
 New Jersey FRED. P. OLCOTT 
 
 New York LEMUEL E. QUIGG 
 
 North Carolina CHARLES McNAMEE 
 
 North Dakota P. J. McCUMBER 
 
 Ohio JOSEPH B. FORAKER 
 
 Oregon JOHN D. DALY 
 
 Pennsylvania BOIES PENROSE 
 
 Rhode Island CHAS. H. BRAYTON 
 
 South Carolina E. J. DICKERSON 
 
 South Dakota G. G. BENNETT 
 
 Tennessee FOSTER V. BROWN 
 
 Texas R. B. HAWLEY 
 
 Utah GEORGE SUTHERLAND 
 
 Vermont SEVANT M. REED 
 
 Virginia S. BROWN ALLEN 
 
 Washington J. M. ASHTON 
 
 West Virginia E. H. FLYNN 
 
 Wisconsin J. B. TREAT 
 
 Wyoming F. W. MONDELL 
 
 District of Columbia J. E. JONES 
 
 Alaska J. G. HEID 
 
 Arizona CHARLES H. AKERS 
 
 Indian Territory A. F. PARKINSON 
 
 New Mexico E. A. CAHOON 
 
 Oklahoma J. R. TATE 
 
 Hawaii.. A. N. KEPOIKOI 
 
54 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MEETING OF COMMITTEES. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Immediately after the adjournment to-day 
 the Committee on Resolutions will meet in the committee room in the rear 
 of the stage of this hall; the Committee on Permanent Organization will 
 meet in another room in the rear of the stage of this hall; the Committee 
 on Rules and Order of Business will meet at the National Committee 
 room, Hotel Walton; the Committee on Credentials will meet at the Na 
 tional Committee room, Hotel Walton. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I move that the Convention adjourn 
 until 12 o clock meridian to-morrow. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman from Illinois withdraw 
 his motion for a moment? 
 
 Mr. CANNON, of Illinois. Certainly. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. EDGAR M. LEVY, D. D. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair desires to state to the Conven 
 tion that there is upon the platform the Rev. Dr. Levy, who 44 years ago 
 to-day offered prayer at the Republican National Convention. Tire Rev. Dr. 
 Levy will now offer prayer. 
 
 Rev. Edgar M. Levy, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following prayer: 
 
 Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, how excellent is Thy name in all 
 the earth. The whole world is full of Thy glory. Unto Thee do we lift 
 our hearts in humility, love and praise. 
 
 We give Thee most hearty thanks for our personal, social and national 
 blessings. Thou hast cast our lines in pleasant places and given us a 
 goodly heritage. Thou hast not dealt so with any other people. Because 
 of Thy favor our land is even now smiling with fertility and beauty; our 
 cities and towns are rilled with the hum of industry, and our country places 
 with the songs of happy reapers. Thou hast given us wise rulers, brave 
 defenders on land and sea, and just and equal laws by which every man 
 may sit under his own vine and fig tree with none to molest or make 
 afraid. 
 
 We thank Thee for the coming together of this august assembly of repre 
 sentative men from all parts of the nation, and for that great convention 
 held in this city so long ago, and which first flung the banner of universal 
 freedom to the breeze of Heaven. W T e praise Thee, O Lord God of Hosts, 
 that this banner still waves unstained and undimmed, the proud reminder 
 of past achievements, and the hope for all time to come. 
 
 W T e thank Thee for our honored President; for his wisdom, discretion, 
 manly courage and unblemished character. We beseech Thee that his life 
 and health may be precious in Thy sight; and as Thou hast in Thy good 
 ness given him to us, so, if it pleases Thee, let the years of his administra 
 tion of our Government be prolonged. Bless, also, all associated with 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 55 
 
 him in authority. May they ever be found on the side of justice, loving 
 peace, but never counting even life itself too dear to sacrifice for the de 
 fense and advancement of the nation s honor and welfare. 
 
 Save us, O Righteous Father, from forgetfulness of Thee; from all pride 
 and vainglory. Let not the profane, the self-seeking, or the promoters of 
 strife and discontent rule over us, but only such as shall be a terror to evil 
 doers and a praise to them that do well. Let our currency neither be 
 impaired by inflation nor diminished by hoarding. Let the rich among us 
 use their wealth in moderation, and as a benediction to others. Let the 
 poor, by industry and temperance, become rich. Let there never be among 
 us an aristocracy either of color, wealth or birth, but only of intelligence 
 and goodness. Fill our land with truth and righteousness, with school- 
 houses and temples of worship, with God-fearing men and virtuous women. 
 Let the example of our free institutions enlighten and bless the whole earth. 
 
 And now. we commend to Thee, O God, the deliberations of this Con 
 vention, and all the issues thereof. Bless the presiding officers with all 
 sufficiency of wisdom and strength, and preserve all the delegates from 
 sickness, accident and death, and permit them to return to their homes, 
 conscious of having discharged their duty to their God and country. 
 And the glory shall be unto the Father and unto the Son and unto the 
 Holy Spirit, as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world 
 without end. Amen. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH G. CANNON, of Illinois. I renew my motion that the Con 
 vention adjourn until 12 o clock, meridian, to-morrow. 
 
 The motion was agreed to; and (at 3 o clock p. m.) the Convention 
 adjourned until to-morrow, Wednesday, June 20, 1900, at 12 o clock, meri 
 dian. 
 
THE SECOND DAY 
 
 OPENING PRAYER RECEPTION TO SURVIVORS OF FIRST 
 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1856 REPORT 
 OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS REPORT OF THE 
 COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION ADDRESS 
 OF PERMANENT CHAIRMAN, SENATOR LODGE PRESEN 
 TATION OF GAVELS, ETC. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE 
 ON RULES-THE QUAY AMENDMENT REPORT OF THE 
 COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS AND PLATFORM THE 
 NEW NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., June 20, 1900. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN (at 12.27 o clock P. M.). The Convention 
 will come to order. The Rev. Dr. Charles M. Boswell, of Philadelphia, 
 will open the day s proceedings with prayer. 
 
 PRAYER OF REV. CHARLES M. BOSWELL, D. D. 
 
 Rev. Charles M. Boswell, D. D., of Philadelphia, offered the following 
 prayer: 
 
 Our Heavenly Father, we come to Thee as the creator of men and the 
 upholder of governments. Our fathers trusted in Thee and were helped, 
 and where they led may we gladly and boldly follow. We thank Thee 
 for the land in which we live, for its beloved ruler, the prosperity of its 
 people and the victories of its army and navy. May these be abundantly 
 continued. 
 
 We bless Thee for having brave and wise men in charge of our execu 
 tive, legislative and judicial affairs in trying times. May it always be so 
 with America. 
 
 We praise Thee for these men who have left their occupations and homes 
 to transact business for their country by attending this Convention. May 
 Thy special favor rest upon them. Guide them in their deliberations, plat 
 form and candidates, and may these be such as shall be approved by the 
 people, and may they continue to keep our dear old country, whose flag 
 we love to-day better than ever before, in the lead among those respected 
 for righteousness, liberty and humanity. 
 
 56 
 
HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts^ 
 
 Permanent Chairman of the Convention, and Chairman of the Committee to 
 Notify the Candidate for President. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 57 
 
 Give these delegates and their friends a healthful and pleasant stay among 
 us and preserve their loved ones from harm while they are absent from 
 them. Specially remember those who bear arms for us in distant lands, 
 and hasten the day when all wars shall cease, and Thine shall be the honor 
 and glory forever. Amen. 
 
 SURVIVORS OF FIRST REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, there are 
 present here to-day a body of survivors of the first Republican Convention 
 held in Pittsburg and Philadelphia forty-four years ago. They bring with 
 them the same old flag that was then used in the Convention, and with 
 your permission I will ask them to step to the front of the stage, and then 
 will have read some resolutions which have been prepared. (Applause.) 
 
 At that moment a file of white-haired patriarchs appeared from the rear, 
 bearing a faded American flag, tattered and barely held together by a cross 
 staff. As the flag appeared the entire audience rose, and a deafening salute 
 went up for the faded standard and its venerable upholders. The white- 
 haired men ranged themselves side by side, looking out on the sea of faces. 
 Alongside the flag another standard bore the inscription 
 
 NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION, 
 
 REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 ORGANIZED FEBRUARY 220, 1856, 
 AT PITTSBURG, PENN. 
 
 When the applause had subsided the leader of the delegation presented 
 resolutions, declaring their unwavering allegiance to the party they had 
 helped to bring forth. 
 Those who were thus presented to the convention were the following: 
 
 General JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Connecticut. 
 
 S. WOODARD, Illinois. 
 
 GEORGE SCHNEIDER, Illinois. 
 
 JACOB FUSSELL, Maryland. 
 
 D. F. APPLETON, New York. 
 
 Judge RUSH R. SLOANE, Ohio. 
 
 General B. D. BRINKERHOFF, Ohio. 
 
 JOHN JACOBS, Pennsylvania. 
 
 WALTER LAING, Pennsylvania. 
 
 G. W. HOLSTEIN, M. D., Pennsylvania. 
 
 EDGAR M. LEVY, D.D., Pennsylvania. 
 
 JACOB WYAND, Pennsylvania. 
 
 GEORGE H. BELL, Rhode Island. 
 
58 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read the resolutions adopted 
 by the survivors of the first Republican Convention. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 NATIONAL FREMONT ASSOCIATION. 
 
 PITTSBURG, PA., JUNE 16, 1900. 
 To the Republican Party 
 
 in National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, 
 June igth, 1900. 
 
 In response to the invitation extended to us by the Hon. Marcus A. Hanna, Chair 
 man of your National Committee, to be present at your convention as honorary members: 
 We, the survivors of the original Republican Convention held in Pittsburg, Feb. 
 22d, 1856, regret exceedingly the inability of many of said members to accept your kind 
 invitation, owing to advanced age. At a meeting of the National Fremont Association 
 held in Pittsburg, June i6th, 1900, it was resolved that Major R. H. Long, Secretary, 
 and J. K. Conner, be instructed to represent us in your distinguished assembly. Hav 
 ing remained faithful to its principles for forty-four years, we shall continue the same 
 unto the end, heartily endorsing the administration of William McKinley, which gives 
 us such unbounded prosperity. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 GILBERT FOLLANSBEE, Chairman. 
 
 R. H. LONG, Secretary. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the report 
 of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Committee ready to report? 
 
 Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
 the Convention: I will read the report of the Committee on Credentials: 
 
 "Your Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report in the 
 matter of the seating of contested delegates: 
 
 "They met immediately after the adjournment of the session of the convention on 
 Tuesday, the igth, and organized by the selection of the officers of the committee. 
 Since that time they have been in continuous session until the roll of membership was 
 completed. Your committee reports its action in the cases before it with its recommen 
 dations. 
 
 "As to the contests in the 4th and 7th districts of Alabama, the 4th and 8th districts 
 of Georgia, the delegates at large and the ist, 2d, 3d and 4th districts of Louisiana; 
 the delegates at large, and the 6th and gth districts of Tennessee; the delegates at large 
 and the ist, $th, 7th and 9th districts of Texas; the zd Virginia and the District of 
 Columbia, the action of the National Committee in the matter of making a temporary 
 roll it is recommended shall be the action of the convention. Action was also taken 
 by the Committee in the following cases, and your committee recommend that the 
 permanent roll as to these shall be as follows: 
 
 STATE OF ALABAMA, AT LARGE. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery 
 
 C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 59 
 
 THIRD DISTRICT OF ALABAMA. 
 
 W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula 
 
 Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs 
 
 FIFTH ALABAMA. 
 
 J. L. Davis Lafayette L. W. Whitaker Rockford 
 
 Hugh A. Carson Haynesville J. W. Ferryman Dadeville 
 
 STATE OF DELAWARE, AT LARGE. 
 
 J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay 
 
 W. B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington 
 
 James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton 
 
 C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville 
 
 H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel 
 
 A. B. Conner Felton Theodore Townsend Milford 
 
 FIFTH LOUISIANA DISTRICT. 
 
 W. W. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega 
 
 John W. Cooke Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence 
 
 FOURTH TEXAS DISTRICT. 
 
 J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning. 
 
 H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker. 
 
 SIXTH TEXAS DISTRICT. 
 
 Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick. 
 
 W. E. King. G. W. Lanier. 
 
 "A copy of the Roll of Delegates and Alternates as adopted by this committee is 
 herewith submitted. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 SERENO E. PAYXS. Chairman." 
 
 ROLL OF DELEGATES 
 
 The roll of delegates and alternates above referred to is as follows: 
 CORRECTED ROLL OF DELEGATES AND ALTERNATES TO 
 THE TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 AS PRESENTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 B. W. Walker Montgomery Nathan Alexander Montgomery 
 
 C. W. Buckley Montgomery G. W. Lovejoy Mobile 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i P. D. Barker Mobile A. N. McEwen Mobile 
 
 James Peterson Mobile E. H. Threep Demopolis 
 
 2 J. W. Dimmick Montgomery L. J. Bryan Montgomery 
 
 Percy W. Morris Daphne D. B. Pryor Troy 
 
 3 W. W. Milliken Dothan S. M. Murphy Eufaula 
 
 Moses W. Garden Opelika Aaron T. Timothy Union Springs 
 
60 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ALABAMA Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 4 _Wm. F. Aldrich Aldrich 
 
 Charles W. Smith Selma 
 
 5 J. L. Davis Lafayette 
 
 Hugh A. Carson Haynesville 
 
 6 P. M. Long Cordova 
 
 Thomas B. Morton Fayette 
 
 7 Frank H. Lathrop Riverside 
 
 John T. Ezzell Russelville 
 
 8 H. V. Cashin Huntsville 
 
 Fred. Arn Scottsboro 
 
 9 J. W. Hughes Birmingham 
 
 Ad. Wimbs Greensboro 
 
 L. T. Smith Anniston 
 
 Lytton Green Anniston 
 
 L. W. Whitaker Rockford 
 
 J. W. Ferryman Dadeville 
 
 S. L. Whatley Tuscaloosa 
 
 W. H. Chapman Eutaw 
 
 C. E. Sneed Eoaz 
 
 R. B. Thompson Cullman 
 
 Felix McWilliams Elkmont 
 
 S. P. Merrill Florence 
 
 G. G. Walker Perry 
 
 H. D. Davidson .. Bibb 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John McClure Little Rock Chas. H. Newell Fordyce 
 
 Charles N. Rix Hot Springs Patrick Raleigh Little Rock 
 
 Ferd Havis Pine Bluff R. C. Thompson Pine Bluff 
 
 S. A. Duke Baxter T. J. Sharum Walnut Ridge 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i_j. w. Grubbs New Port 
 
 E. C. Morris Helena 
 
 2 Charles D. Greaves Hot Springs 
 
 Oscar M. Spellman Pine Bluff 
 
 3 Floyd Thompson Texarkana 
 
 Henry Thane Arkansas City 
 
 4 Sid. B. Redding Little Rock 
 
 J. P. Robinson Little Rock 
 
 5 Charles M. Greene Harrison 
 
 J. F. Henley Marshall 
 
 6-J. M. McClintock Devall Bluff 
 
 G. W. Chase Yellville 
 
 W. W. Harrison Ebony 
 
 J. H. Blount "Forrest City 
 
 W. W. Bailey Ft. Smith 
 
 S. W. Dawson Fairfield 
 
 J. C. Russell Camden 
 
 M. M. Murray New Lewisville 
 
 M. H. Johnson Little Rock 
 
 John W. White .. Russelville 
 
 J. M. Jernigan Green Forest 
 
 J. F. Mayes Fayetteville 
 
 W. N. Carpenter DeWitt 
 
 H. H. Cole .. ...Beebe 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 U. S. Grant San Diego H. G. W. Dinklcspiel San Francisco 
 
 George C. Pardee Oakland E. S. Babcock San Diego 
 
 George A. Knight San Francisco A. Bouvier San Francisco 
 
 N. D. Rideout Marysville W. R. Porter Watsonville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Douglas S. Cone Red Bluff 
 
 John L. Childs Crescent City 
 
 2 E. C. Hart Sacramento 
 
 Harold T. Power Michigan Bluff 
 
 3 George W. Reed Oakland 
 
 R. D. Robbins Suisun 
 
 4 Joseph S. Spear San Francisco 
 
 Moses A Gunst San Francisco 
 
 5 W. C. Van Fleet San Francisco 
 
 H. G. Bond Santa Clara 
 
 6 William M. Garland Los Angeles 
 
 Andrew J. Bell Ventura 
 
 7 Chester Rowell Fresno 
 
 William S. Hooper San Bernardino 
 
 J. N. Roberts Potter Valley 
 
 J. H. Steves St. Helena 
 
 J. W. Wilson Sacramento 
 
 E. C. Voorheis Sutter Creek 
 
 A. P. Leach Oakland 
 
 A. A. Thayer Colusa 
 
 A. Ruef San Francisco 
 
 Henry P. Sonntag San Francisco 
 
 G. M. Bowman San Jose 
 
 Edward D. Peixotto San Francisco 
 
 E. Henderson Pomona 
 
 Warren M. Johns San Luis Obispo 
 
 C, E. Arnold Bakersfield 
 
 J. L. Paul Ontario 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 61 
 
 COLORADO. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Edward O. Wolcott Denver Harry E. Churchill Greeley 
 
 David H. Moffat Denver Earl B. Coe Denver 
 
 Winfield S. Stratton Colorado Springs Crawford Hill Denver 
 
 D. R. C. Brown Aspen B. W. Ritter Durango 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 I Charles C. Cavender Leadville William K. Burchinell Denver 
 
 John B. Thompson Longmont Thomas H. Davy Ft. Collins 
 
 2 D. B. Fairley Colorado Springs Richard P. Chinn Dumont 
 
 John Grass Trinidad George R. Hurlburt Ouray 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Linus B. Plimpton Hartford Win. C. Cheney South Manchester 
 
 Charles F. Brooker Ansonia Samuel P. Calef Middletown 
 
 Edwin Milner Plainfield Frank B. Brandegee New London 
 
 J. Deming Perkins Litchfield R. Jay Walsh Greenwich 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 i Andrew J. Sloper New Britain Isadore Wise Hartford 
 
 Francis G. Maxwell Rockville Edward E. Fuller Tolland 
 
 2 William F. Rockwell Meriden Frederick E. Gaylord Ansonia 
 
 Mathewson W. Potter Deep River J. B. Holman Old Saybrook 
 
 3 Frederick Farnsworth New London F. H. Hinkley Mystic 
 
 George A. Hammond Putnam Charles N. Daniels Willimantic 
 
 4 Henry H. Bridgman Norfolk R. J. Plumb Plymouth 
 
 William E. Seeley Bridgeport John R. Hill Danbury 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 J. Edward Addicks Claymont Webster Blakeley Henry Clay 
 
 W, B. Clerk Wilmington Thomas E. Postles Wilmington 
 
 James Franck Alice Dover D. S. Clark Kenton 
 
 C. R. Layton Georgetown Newell Ball Bridgeville 
 
 H. M. Burton Lewes C. M. Davis Laurel 
 
 A. B. Conner .. ...Felton Theodore Townsend Milford 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Joseph E. Lee Jacksonville W. H. Lucas Jacksonville 
 
 John G. Long St. Augustine S. H. Hadley Lake City 
 
 Henry S. Chubb Winter Park R. L. Scarlett Orange Hill 
 
 Mark S. White Pensacola A. Purdee Marianna 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Tames N. Coombs Apalachicola M. A. Trapp Quincy 
 
 John F. Horr Jacksonville G. W. Raiford Pensacola 
 
 2 Walter G. Robinson Gainesville James Atkinson De Land 
 
 Henry W. Chandler Ocala P. N. Richardson Fernandina 
 
62 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 W. H. Johnson Columbus Alex. Akerman Dublin 
 
 H. A. Rucker Atlanta L. M. Pleasant Savannah 
 
 J. W. Lyons Augusta A. Graves Atlanta 
 
 H. L. Johnson Atlanta T. M. Dent Rome 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i John H. Deveaux Savannah S. O. Cherry Waynesborough 
 
 W. R. Leaken Savannah S. B. Morse Savannah 
 
 2 W. H. Satterwhite Albany S. S. Broadnax Thomasville 
 
 James L. Reddick Dawson E. B. Brown Tifton 
 
 3 M. G. Hall Cordele C. H. Moore Jeffersonville 
 
 J. T. Noble Perry P. C. Cooley Hawkinsville 
 
 4 E. N. Clemence Columbus H. A. Poer Hamilton 
 
 Samuel Loveloy Bullochville J. B. Richardson Hogansville 
 
 5 E. F. Blodgett Atlanta L. L. Lee Atlanta 
 
 C. C. Wimbish Atlanta N. H. Sims Conyers 
 
 6 R. D. Locke Macon J. A. Smith Forsythe 
 
 I. W. Wood Forsythe W. E. Harp Jackson 
 
 7 J. J. Hamilton Rome D. C. Cole Marietta 
 
 M. C. Parker Rome J. W. Leigh Etna 
 
 8 W. A. Pledger Athens E. W. Howell Eatonton 
 
 M. B. Morton Athens W. M. Matthews Lexington 
 
 9 J. R. Allen Talking Rock C. E. Williams Winder 
 
 H. D. Ingersoll Dahlonega M. C. Wilcox Mt. Airy 
 
 10 A. E. Williams Gordon John T. White Augusta 
 
 P. H. Craig Augusta A. G. Floyd Sandersville 
 
 ii W. H. Matthews Brunswick J. M. Milton Waycross 
 
 Clark Grier Dublin S. S. Mincey Ailey 
 
 IDAHO. 
 
 George L. Shoup Boise City H. B. Eastman Boise City 
 
 W. B. Heyburn Osborn D. H. Budlong Coeur d Alene City 
 
 J. F. Ailshie Grangeville Mrs. J. B. West Lewiston 
 
 L. L. Ormsby Boise City Lewis Hall W r eiser 
 
 Frank R. Gooding Shoshone F. C. Bradley Hailey 
 
 George A. Robethan Pocatello D. W. Church Pocatello 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon Danville C. H. Castle Adair 
 
 John J. Brown Vandalia H. W. Jameson Chicago 
 
 John M. Smyth Chicago Norman H. Moss Mt. Vernon 
 
 H. D. Judson Aurora Maurice Rosenfield Chicago 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 i Martin B. Madden Chicago Nicholas Birkhoff Chicago 
 
 Henry G. Foreman Chicago A. L. Williams Chicago 
 
 2 William Lorimer Chicago D. M. Ball Norwood Park 
 
 Charles S. Deneen Chicago E. B. Bliss Riverside 
 
 3 Frank O. Lowden Chicago Wm. J. Cook Chicago 
 
 E. J. Magerstadt Chicago Hestor Duranti Chicago 
 
 4 Christopher Mamer Chicago John Dwyer Chicago 
 
 D. W. Clark Chicago James J. Banks Chicago 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 I LLI N O I S Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 5 Louis D. Sitts Chicago 
 
 Ephram Banning Chicago 
 
 6 Graeme Stewart Chicago 
 
 Bernard E. Sunny Chicago 
 
 7 David S. McMullen Evanston 
 
 Fred L. Wilk Chicago 
 
 8 Isaac L. Ellwood De Kalb 
 
 John Stewart Elburn 
 
 9 L. W. Mitchell Dixon 
 
 John M. Rhinewalt Mt. Carroll 
 
 10 F. C. Rice Galesburg 
 
 Charles H. Deere Moline 
 
 ii John C. Ames Streator 
 
 Con. Brown Wyanet 
 
 12 John Lambert Joliet 
 
 Hamilton K. Wheeler Kankakee 
 
 13 J. H. Rowell Bloomington 
 
 J. P. Middlecoff Paxton 
 
 14 Frederick H. Smith Peoria 
 
 U. W. Wilson Minonk 
 
 is W, S. WarfieM . Quincy 
 
 EveTe^rE. Hardin Monmouth 
 
 16 J. G. Pope Greenfield 
 
 Charles A. E. Martin Virginia 
 
 17 Loren C. Wheeler Springfield 
 
 W. C. Johns Decatur 
 
 18 George W. Hewett Alton 
 
 W. G. Cochran Sullivan 
 
 lo-T. J. Golden Marshall 
 
 T. A. Fritchie Olney 
 
 20 Orlando Burrell Carmi 
 
 L. L. Emerson Mt. Vernon 
 
 21 Charles Becker Belleville 
 
 Julius Huegely Nashville 
 
 22 P. T. Chapman Vienna 
 
 Thomas John, Jr Murphysboro 
 
 Winfield S. McCoy Chicago 
 
 James S. Burke Chicago 
 
 F. A. Haggerty Chicago 
 
 Charles Probst Chicago 
 
 W. M. McEwen Chicago 
 
 Geo. W. Turner Ft. Sheridan 
 
 John R. Marshall Yorkville 
 
 W. W. Sherwin Elgin 
 
 Richard Barrett Galena 
 
 M. E. Schryver Polo 
 
 B. F. Knox Rock Island 
 
 Samuel White Lafayette 
 
 A. J. Boydon Sheffield 
 
 J. W. Wilcox Minonk 
 
 Chas. A. Noble Joliet 
 
 P. E. Larson ...Watseka 
 
 T. H. McCartney Monticello 
 
 Thomas Lyons Arcola 
 
 D. C. White Mason 
 
 L. H. Durley Putnam 
 
 Rans Cooper Oquawka 
 
 Geo. Curry Mt. Sterling 
 
 W. H. Stewart Carlinville 
 
 J. R. Robertson Jacksonville 
 
 E. C. Perkins Lincoln 
 
 J. C. McQuigg Pana 
 
 Geo. R. Copper Hillsboro 
 
 P. M. Johnston St. Elmo 
 
 R. S. Dyas Paris 
 
 H. G. Vanzandt Montrose 
 
 Anthony Spaeth Mt. Carmel 
 
 Thomas S. Williams Louisville 
 
 R. C. Aderly Chester 
 
 Henry H. Anderson Du Quain 
 
 O. J. Page Metropolis 
 
 Chas. L. Rice Mound City 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Charles W. Fairbanks Indianapolis Nathan Powell 
 
 A. J. Beveridge Indianapolis 
 
 James A. Mount Indianapolis 
 
 Charles S. Hernley Indianapolis 
 
 Madison 
 
 Wm. Amsden Marion 
 
 Thomas H. Adams Vincennes 
 
 Gurley Brewer Indianapolis 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Walter M. Schmitt Evansville 
 
 Sylvester Thompson Petersburg 
 
 2 Job Freeman Linton 
 
 Albert H. Davis Bedford 
 
 3 Charles L. Jewett New Albany 
 
 Eugene Cummings Cannelton 
 
 4 Arthur Overstreet Columbus 
 
 William P. Masters Seymour 
 
 5 Quincy A. Blankenship Martinsville 
 
 Elder Cooper Evansville 
 
 S. C. Dickson Mt. Vernon 
 
 John B. Loyd Shoals 
 
 Wm. S. Mead Spencer 
 
 A. L. Fisher Scottsburg 
 
 Jas. R. Pro English 
 
 John P. Thompon Greensburg 
 
 Wm. Wingate Batesville 
 
 Frank J. Singleton Martinsville 
 
OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 INDIANA Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 George M. Allen Terre Haute 
 
 6 Charles F. Jones Brookville 
 
 Joshua Davis Liberty 
 
 7 Harry B. Gates Indianapolis 
 
 Robert Metzger Indianapolis 
 
 8 Charles Kimbrough Muncie 
 
 Grant Lupton Hartford City 
 
 9 James L. Allen Covington 
 
 William Craig Noblesville 
 
 10 George P. Hay wood Lafayette 
 
 Murray A. Turner Hammond 
 
 ii C. C. Shirley Kokomo 
 
 Will H. Hart Huntington 
 
 12 Albert C. Robins Auburn 
 
 Charles Nichols Lima 
 
 13 John D. Widaman Warsaw 
 
 Rome C. Stephenson Rochester 
 
 Otto C. Carr Terre Haute 
 
 Benj. F. Koons New Castle 
 
 Chas. K. Bruner Greenfield 
 
 Wm. Kothe Indianapolis 
 
 Lew. W. Cooper Indianapolis 
 
 Frank Braden Portland 
 
 Cassius M. Greenlee Elkwood 
 
 Geo. T. Dinwiddie Frankfort 
 
 W. H. Marker Tipton 
 
 Wm. B. Austin Rensselear 
 
 Warren T. McCray Kentland 
 
 A. C. Alexander Marion 
 
 Ed. Bridges Wabash 
 
 John F. Criswell Churubusco 
 
 Harry K. Scott Angola 
 
 Wm. Hendricks Plymouth 
 
 Saml. I. Brown .. Winamac 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Leslie M. Shaw Denison 
 
 Lafayette Young Des Moines 
 
 George W. French Davenport 
 
 J. H. Smith Cedar Rapids 
 
 Chas. M. Junkin Fairfield 
 
 F. M. Epperson Eddyville 
 
 E. G. Penrose Tama 
 
 T. E. Purcell Hampton 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i J. Elerick Keosauqua 
 
 Warren Beckwith Mt. Pleasant 
 
 2 J. N. W. Rumple Marengo 
 
 W. L. Roach Muscatine 
 
 3 C. E. Allbrook Eldora 
 
 C. R. Ransier Independence 
 
 4 E. O. Worder Floyd 
 
 J. J. Marsh Eldora 
 
 5 M. J. Tobin Vinton 
 
 E. M. Sargent Grundy Center 
 
 6 C. M. Hinsdale Newton 
 
 John A. Dunn Bloomfield 
 
 7 W. O. Payne Nevada 
 
 H. C. Schamel Dallas Center 
 
 8 William Eaton Sidney 
 
 J. C. Mabry Centerville 
 
 9 John A. Storey Greenfield 
 
 Asmus Boysen Gray 
 
 10 J. E. Allen Laurens 
 
 J. L. Stevens Boone 
 
 1 1 William McFarlane Blencoe 
 
 W 7 . H. Lyon, Jr Peterson 
 
 A. B. Anderson Washington 
 
 J. B. Morrison Ft. Madison 
 
 W. F. Main Iowa City 
 
 David Brant Clinton 
 
 H. L. Rann Manchester 
 
 F. J. Will Eagle Grove 
 
 B. W. Newberry Strawberry Point 
 
 A. H. Gale Mason City 
 
 E. C. McMillan Marshalltown 
 
 T. R. Ercanbrack Anamosa 
 
 George H. Woodson Oskaloosa 
 
 Ed. A. Canning Albia 
 
 R. N. Hyde Des Moines 
 
 J. R. Thompson Earlham 
 
 W. S. Richards Osceola 
 
 J. S. Clark Prescott 
 
 W. W. Ellis Villisca 
 
 C. R. Benedict Shelby 
 
 D. J. Townsend Lohrville 
 
 Wm. Anderson Webster City 
 
 B. T. French Hawarden 
 
 Fred. Morton Sibley 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 M, A. Low Topeka 
 
 B. H. Tracy Topeka 
 
 E. W. Wellington Ellsworth 
 
 A. D. Walker -. .Holton 
 
 J. J. Mitchell Eskridge 
 
 Frank Strain Phillipsburg 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 KAN S AS Con tin ued. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 65 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 Frank L. Martin ............... Hutchinson 
 
 \V. S. Metcalf ..................... Lawrence 
 
 F. A. DuBois ...................... Howard 
 
 G. W. Nimocks ................. Great Bend 
 
 George Ford ...................... Ft. Scott 
 
 O. F. Lewis .......................... Hepler 
 
 i R. M. Emery Seneca 
 
 Jno. Seaton Atchison 
 
 2 \Y. G. Holt Kansas City 
 
 Grant Hornadny Ft. Scott 
 
 3 R. N. Allen Chanute 
 
 J. T. Bradley Sedan 
 
 4 S. B. Rohrer Le Roy 
 
 Frank Hunsicker Osage City 
 
 5 J. R. Burton Abilene 
 
 \Y. \V. Caldwell Concordia 
 
 6 J. R. Burrows Smith Center 
 
 D. J. Hanna Hill City 
 
 7 T. B. Wall Wichita 
 
 H. F. Millikan .. ...Santa Fe 
 
 F. W. Willard Leavenworth 
 
 Melville H. Soper Hiawatha 
 
 J. H. Ransom Ottawa 
 
 IT. F. Blaker Mount City 
 
 W. H. Upton Arkansas City 
 
 P. P. Campbell Pittsburg 
 
 T. M. Potter Peabody 
 
 G. Nagle Eureka 
 
 S. T. Yoder Washington 
 
 W. D. Houston Ottawa 
 
 R. R. Hayes Osborne 
 
 W. H. Mitchell Beloit 
 
 A. Sabine Garden City 
 
 Wm. Dixon St. John 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 AV. S. Taylor Frankfort 
 
 W. O. Bradley Lancaster 
 
 George Denny Lexington 
 
 W. A. Gaines Covington 
 
 John R. Kelday Louisville 
 
 W. T. Morrow Sheperdsville 
 
 James A. \Vallace Irvine 
 
 Charles R. Logan Grayson 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i John C. Gates Princeton 
 
 W. H. McRidley Cadiz 
 
 2 E. T. Franks Owensboro 
 
 W. P. Ross Madisonville 
 
 3 E. U. Fordyce Bowling Green 
 
 Jefferson Vallandingham . .Russelville 
 4 M. L. Heavrin Hartford 
 
 George W. Long Litchfield 
 
 5 Charles E. Sapp Louisville 
 
 T. H. Baker Louisville 
 
 6 Richard P. Ernst Covington 
 
 Frank S. McMillin Palmouth 
 
 7 R. P. Stoll Lexington 
 
 H. C. Howard Paris 
 
 8 Daniel R. Collier Lancaster 
 
 Thomas J. Ballard Lawrenceburg 
 
 9 George W. Armstrong Grayson 
 
 Horace J. Cochran Maysville 
 
 jo John W. Langly Prestonburg 
 
 James M. Owens Tulip 
 
 ii James A. Coleman Somerset 
 
 John B. Hurst Harlan 
 
 5 
 
 D. C. Tackett Wickliffe 
 
 J. T. Stephens Hickman 
 
 H. S. Smith Hopkinsville 
 
 D. \V. Thornberry Pool 
 
 George L. Barnes Frankfort 
 
 William W. Wilson Bowling Green 
 
 John R. Eskridge Hardinsburg 
 
 John B. Weller Bardstown 
 
 R. I. James Louisville 
 
 Alf. W. Davis Louisville 
 
 Benedict S. Landram Warsaw 
 
 Henry C. Morgan Cordovia 
 
 W. E. Foster Owensten 
 
 Charles E. Nason Frankfort 
 
 Jesse B. Kincheloe Taylorsville 
 
 John T. Ballard Shelbyville 
 
 A. M. Earle Berry 
 
 William Riffe Louisa 
 
 Thomas S. Kirk Paintsville 
 
 James Eversole Jackson 
 
 D. C. Edwards London 
 
 T. S. Scott ., ...Burksville 
 
66 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Henry C. Warmouth New Orleans Wm. E. Ramsey Lake Charles 
 
 Lewis S. Clark St. Marys Edward Godchaux New Orleans 
 
 Thomas J. Woodward New Orleans Wm. E. Howell Thibodaux 
 
 Joseph E. Le Blanc New Of leans Chas. A. Bourgeois Hahnville 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 I WalterL. Cohen New Orleans Octave Ray New Orleans 
 
 Charles W. Boothby New Orleans W. J. Moore New Orleans 
 
 2 Emile Kuntz New Orleans Eugene F. R. Augustus New Orleans 
 
 Ernest Duconge New Orleans Wm. H. Williams New Orleans 
 
 3 Julius Godchaux New Orleans Gus. A. Breux Lafayette 
 
 William J. Behan White Castle A. Deuperrier Iberia 
 
 4 B. F. O Neal Benton I. H. Bell Shreveport 
 
 F. M. Welsh Alexandria S. H. Ralph , Alexandria 
 
 5 W. A. Johnson Omega George W. Stewart Omega 
 
 John W. Cook Lake Providence J. B. Robinson Lake Providence 
 
 6-L. J. Souer Mandeville Geo. J. Reilley Clinton 
 
 B. V. Baranco Baton Rouge Henry Erlich Bayou Chicot 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Sidney M. Bird Rockland Harry B. Austin Phillips 
 
 Joseph H. Manley Augusta Benjamin S. Higgins Eden 
 
 George W. Norton Portland Emery Andrews Kennebunk 
 
 George A. Murchie Calais Flavius O. Beal Bangor 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Franklin C. Payson Portland Woodbury K. Dana Westbrook 
 
 Daniel A. Hurd North Berwick Charles W. Smith Waterboro 
 
 2 Waldo Pettingill Rumford Falls Edwin Riley Livermore Falls 
 
 Henry B. Estes Lewistoa L. X. Campbell Rockland 
 
 3 Albert M. Spear Gardiner R. G. Henderson Madison 
 
 Albert Pierce Frankfort Henry W. Sargent Sedgwick 
 
 4 Frederick H. Parkhurst Bangor Atwood W. Spaulding Caribou 
 
 Wainwright Gushing Foxcrof t Frank L. Shaw Machias 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Louis E. McComas Hagerstown Geo. D. Day Glenelg 
 
 Sydney E. Mudd Laplata Reese Pitcher Baltimore 
 
 William E. Malster Baltimore H. S. Cummings Baltimore 
 
 Phillips L. Goldsborough Cambridge D. W. Young Annapolis 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Thomas M. Bartlett Easton Thomas N. Conway Berlin 
 
 B. Frank Lankford Princess Ann Marion A. Humphreys Salisbury 
 
 2 George E. Baughman Westminster P. Leslie Hopper Havre de Grace 
 
 J. Edwin Webster Belair Chas. M. Short Baltimore 
 
 3 George R. Heffner Baltimore Levi A. Thompson Baltimore 
 
 William F. Airey Baltimore William Griffith Baltimore 
 
 4 S. T. Addison Baltimore B. L. Turner Baltimore 
 
 J. T. Bradford Baltimore C. E. West Baltimore 
 
 5 Enoch B. Able James A. Caulk Baltimore 
 
 W. G. Frick James Mars Elkridge Landing 
 
 6 Thomas C. Noyes Rockville Harry T. Mullin Cumberland 
 
 D. C. Winebrenner Frederick Abraham C. Strite Hagerstown 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 67 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. . # , 
 
 AT LARGE. >J 
 
 Henry C. Lodge Nahant George R. Jewett Salem 
 
 Samuel W. McCall Winchester Henry P. Field Northampton 
 
 William B. Plunkett Adams Samuel E. Courtney Boston 
 
 Walter Clifford New Bedford Alfred E. Rose ...Lowell 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Francis W. Rockwell Pittsfield 
 
 Dana Malone Greenfield 
 
 2 Henry M. Phillips Springfield 
 
 Richard W. Irwin Northampton 
 
 3 Matthew J. \Vhittall Worcester 
 
 George R. Marble Webster 
 
 4 Arthur H. Lowe Fitchburg 
 
 Charles C. Bancroft Natick 
 
 5 Arthur G. Pollard Lowell 
 
 E. Frank Lewis Lawrence 
 
 6 Joseph N. Peterson Salem 
 
 Walter B. Hopkinson Newburyport 
 
 ; Alfred E. Cox Maiden 
 
 George N. Swallow Boston 
 
 8 Stillman F. Kelley Cambridge 
 
 Franklin E. Huntress Somerville 
 
 9 Jesse M. Gove Boston 
 
 William W. Campbell ....Boston 
 
 10 John Shaw Quincy 
 
 John H. Colby Boston 
 
 ii Everett C. Benton Belmont 
 
 M. J. Murray Boston 
 
 12 George E. Keith Brockton 
 
 Alfred B. Williams Taunton 
 
 13 Hugo A. Dubuque Fall River 
 
 Chester Snow Harwich 
 
 C. S. Shattuck Hatfield 
 
 Nathan B. Wood North Adams 
 
 Norman P. Wood Northfield 
 
 Almond Smith Athol 
 
 John E. Lancaster Worcester 
 
 Silas E. Wheelock Uxbridge 
 
 W. H. Chase Leominster 
 
 Walter Howard Clinton 
 
 Enoch Foster Tewksbury 
 
 George H. Poor Andover 
 
 Levi L. H. Taylor Haverhill 
 
 Solomon Jacobs Gloucester 
 
 Charles Bruce Everett 
 
 Charles C. Fry Lynn 
 
 J. Mott Hallowell Medford 
 
 Henry F. Strout Boston 
 
 Charles A. Grant Winthrop 
 
 Marcus C. Cook Boston 
 
 Charles B. Woolley Boston 
 
 Geo. B. Pierce Milton 
 
 William W. Davis Boston 
 
 Clifford A. Cook Milford 
 
 Amos A. Lawrence Cohasset 
 
 Charles J. Mercer Bridgewater 
 
 Otis Foss Cottage City 
 
 Emanuel Sallavott New Bedford 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Frank J. Hecker Detroit 
 
 Delos A. Blodgett Grand Rapids 
 
 William McPherson, Jr Howell 
 
 William E. Parnall .. ...Calumet 
 
 Albert S. Glasgow Jackson 
 
 Herbert F. Sands Pentwater 
 
 William Barie Saginaw 
 
 John N. McCall Ithaca 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i August Marxhausen Detroit 
 
 William Livingstone Detroit 
 
 2 Charles L. Edwards Carleton 
 
 Leslie B. Robertson Adrian 
 
 3 Edward N. Dingley Kalamazoo 
 
 George E. Howes Battle Creek 
 
 4 George E. Bardeen Otsego 
 
 George M. Valentine... Benton Harbor 
 5 Henry Spring Grand Rapids 
 
 Brinton F. Hall Belding 
 
 6 Frederick W. Higgins Woodmere 
 
 Russell C. Ostrander Lansing 
 
 7 John E. Wallace Port Austin 
 
 Charles F. Moore St. Clair 
 
 John H. Carstens Detroit 
 
 Jacob J. Haarer Detroit 
 
 Jerome H. Bishop Wyandotte 
 
 Charles H. Smith Jackson 
 
 Albert A. Dorrence Coldwater 
 
 Fred. A. Roethlisberger Allen 
 
 Martin E. Aulsbrook Sturgis 
 
 Julius O. Becraft Dowagiac 
 
 Peter McPherson Vergennes 
 
 Benjamin A. Mulder Holland 
 
 Jacob Kanouse Byron 
 
 Earl F. Johnson Flint 
 
 Watson Beach Lexington 
 
 Joseph Walsh Port Huron 
 
68 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 MICHIGAN Continued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 8 Ralph Loveland Saginaw Hiram M. High Ovid 
 
 Harvey B. McLaughlin Vernon Fred Slocum Caro 
 
 9 Earl Fairbanks Luther Archibald F. Bunting Empire 
 
 A. Oren Wheeler Manistee George E. Hilton Fremont 
 
 10 Edward F. Loud AuSable Floyd L. Post Midland 
 
 Victor D. Sprague Cheboygan John Walsh West Bay City 
 
 ii Ren Barker Reed City John R. Tennant Lake City 
 
 Wm. H. C. Mitchell Traverse City Addis Albro Mount Pleasant 
 
 12 Murray M. Duncan Ishpeming Robert H. Shields Houghton 
 
 Thomas F. Cole Ironwood Sanford M. Deutcher Newberry 
 
 MINNESOTA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Cushman K. Davis St. Paul Kenneth Clark St. Paul 
 
 Knute Nelson Alexandria J. Frank Wheaton Minneapolis 
 
 Thomas Lowry Minneapolis David N. Tallman Willmar 
 
 Samuel Lord Kasson W. W. Sivright Hutchinson 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 i Allen J. Greer Lake City M. B. Chadwick Owatonna 
 
 E. K. Roverud Caledonia W. A. Morin Albert Lea 
 
 2 George Fitzsimmons Canby Jas. H. Quinn Fairmont 
 
 J. R. Lankard Redwood Falls S. D. Bedford Bushmore 
 
 3 E. A. Whitford Hastings R. R. Stoner Winthrop 
 
 Albert G. Stoddard Fairfax Henry R. Diessner Waconia 
 
 4 H. F. Barker Cambridge George H. Newbert Mora 
 
 Fred. C. Schiffman St. Paul Benjamin F. Knauft St. Paul 
 
 5 Thomas H. Shevlin Minneapolis Henry G. Hicks Minneapolis 
 
 Sever E. Olson Minneapolis E. B. Zier Minneapolis 
 
 6 A. F. Ferris Brainerd I. A. Caswell Anoka 
 
 J. J. Ecklund Duluth J. A. Oldenberg Sturgeon Lake 
 
 7 H. L. Melgaard Argyle S. A. Thomas Ortonville 
 
 Ray W. Jones Frazee Howard Dykeman Breckenridge 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 M. A. Montgomery Oxford F. D. Mclntosh Okolona 
 
 John R. Lynch Natchez Thomas Richardson Port Gibson 
 
 James Hill Jackson R. D. Littlejohn Columbus 
 
 H. C. Turley Natchez W. E. Mollison Ticksburg 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 !_W. F. Elgin Corinth W. B. Elliot Tupelo 
 
 A. C. Shannon Shannon J. H. Parker Aberdeen 
 
 2 John S. Burton Holly Springs John D. Taylor Como Plant 
 
 Geo. M. Buchanan Holly Springs John W. Love Miller 
 
 3 Wesley Crayton Vicksburg L. Waldeur Greenville 
 
 Sam. P. Hurst Clarksdale A. B. Grimes Avondale 
 
 4 William D. Frazee Okolona J. II. Carr Cofleeville 
 
 W. E. Mask Winona G. W. Meacham West Point 
 
 5 J. W. Smith Meridian W. J. Price Meridian 
 
 R. A. Simmons Richland C. A. Buchanan Kosciusko 
 
 6 Frederick W. Collins Summit Thomas I. Keyes Ocean Spring 
 
 John P. \Valworth Bay St. Louis L. G. Piernas Bay St. Louis 
 
 7 G. E. Matthews Eva E. C. Yellowley Jackson 
 
 R. O. Edwards Jackson S. S. Matthews Hazlehurst 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Daniel M. Houser St. Louis 
 
 David P. Dyer St. Louis 
 
 James L. Minnis Carrollton 
 
 Charles G. Burton Nevada 
 
 O. M. Wood St. Louis 
 
 Louis Wood Kansas City 
 
 J. C. Chastine Kansas City 
 
 H. H. Walker St. Joseph 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Thos. B. Morris Hannibal 
 
 Thos. J. Dockery Kirkesville 
 
 2 J. L. Nichols Trenton 
 
 A. C. Pettijohn Brookfield 
 
 3 James E. Goodrich Cameron 
 
 Chas. L. Mowder Braymer 
 
 4 Chas J. Borden St. Joseph 
 
 Daniel W. Porter Mound City 
 
 5 Walter S. Dickey Kansas City 
 
 Daniel Hoefer Higginsville 
 
 6 Jas. T. Burney Harrisonville 
 
 W. Y. McLemore Everton 
 
 7 Frank D. Roberts Springfield 
 
 \Vm. S. Shirk Sedalia 
 
 8 J. F. Gemlich Boonville 
 
 R. S. Harvey Eldon 
 
 9 J. B. Garber W arrenton 
 
 Theo. Bruere St. Charles 
 
 10 Henry Ziegenheim St. Louis 
 
 Emil Dosenbach Clayton 
 
 : i Theo. D. Kalbfell St. Louis 
 
 Geo. J. Kobusch St. Louis 
 
 12 Charles Schweickardt St. Louis 
 
 John B. Owen St. Louis 
 
 13 B. B. Cahoon Fredericktown 
 
 E. C. Steele Hartville 
 
 14 M. E. Leming Cape Girardeau 
 
 Guy T. Harrison Gainesville 
 
 15 C. U. Shartel Nevada 
 
 Arthur H. Spencer Joplin 
 
 W. B. Rowland Bevier 
 
 A. A. Logan Glenwood 
 
 Charles R. Pattison Carrollton 
 
 J. W. Stigall Cairo 
 
 John E. Schooler Grant City 
 
 Wm. Channell Stanberry 
 
 Robert P. McGeehan Plattsburg 
 
 Robert M. Stevenson Tarkio 
 
 W. W. Harnden Kansas City 
 
 H. M. Gerhart Kansas City 
 
 Geo. N. Richards Warsaw 
 
 Edw. A. Remley Columbia 
 
 John W. Moore California 
 
 Chas. H. Schubert Richland 
 
 Silas O. Osterhaut Center 
 
 Wm. T. Aydelott Troy 
 
 Charles Kratz St. Louis 
 
 J. H. Fisher Sullivan 
 
 Wm. J. Broeker St. Louis 
 
 John G. Brinkmeyer St. Louis 
 
 Fred H. Smith St. Louis 
 
 John W. Wheeler St. Louis 
 
 George Gilbert Marshfield 
 
 A. H. Cashion Perryville 
 
 Jesse Tollerton Forsyth 
 
 Henry M. Smith Marble Hill 
 
 J. H. Spencer Joplin 
 
 J. O. St. John Lamar 
 
 MONTANA. 
 
 Thcmas H. Carter Helena 
 
 Henry Dion Glendive 
 
 Tyler Worden Missoula 
 
 John F. Forbes Butte 
 
 David E. Folsom. ..White Sulphur Springs 
 Charles W. Goodale Great Falls 
 
 Wilbur F. Sanders Helena 
 
 John F. Hendricks Hamilton 
 
 Milton L. Davidson Dillon 
 
 Joseph R. McKay Miles City 
 
 William Lindsay Glendive 
 
 Willis A. Hedges Yale 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John M. Thurston Omaha 
 
 Edward Rosewater Omaha 
 
 John H. McClay Lincoln 
 
 John A. Ehrhardt Stanton 
 
 Norris Brown Kearney 
 
 H. C. Baird Niobrara 
 
 C. W. Kaley Red Cloud 
 
 M. R. Snodgrass West Point 
 
70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 NEBRASKA. Continued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Geo. W. Spurlock Plattsmouth R. C. Boyd South Auburn 
 
 E. A. Tucker Humboldt J. W. Worl Sterling 
 
 2 Wm. F. Gurley Omaha C. E. Hoover Papillion 
 
 Ed. J. Cornish Omaha F. H. Claridge Blair 
 
 3 Henry Ragatz Columbus N. W. Wells Schuyler 
 
 Jno. D. Haskell Wakefield Nelson Grimsley Wayne 
 
 4 Alex. Laverty Ashland E. L. King Osceola 
 
 C. B. Rogers Wymore N. V. Harlan York 
 
 5 O. A. Abbott Grand Island Edward Updike Harvard 
 
 G. L. Day Superior C. A. Luce Republican City 
 
 6 Geo. B. Darr Lexington James L. Mclntosh Sidney 
 
 E. J. Davenport Valentine M. L. Fries Arcadia 
 
 NEVADA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Milo C. McMillan Virginia City John S. Craig Yerington 
 
 Patrick L. Flanigan Reno P. M. Bowler Hawthorne 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 James P. Woodbury Carson City T. L. Franklin Gardnerville 
 
 Oscar J. Smith Reno I. C. C. Whitmore Eureka 
 
 Warren W. Williams Stillwater O. H. Grey Carson City 
 
 Robert L. Fulton Reno A. Bruce Elko 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Jacob L. Gallinger Concord Charles W. Hoitt Nashua 
 
 Frank Jones Portsmouth Alfred F. Howard Portsmouth 
 
 William C. Clark Manchester A. Crosby Kennett Conway 
 
 Thomas N. Hastings Walpole Frederic A. Faulkner Keene 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Fred. A. Palmer Manchester Ellsworth H. Rollins Alton 
 
 Albert Wallace Rochester Rufus E. Graves Newfields 
 
 2 Frank P. Brown Whitefield James M. Lavin Berlin 
 
 John McLane Milford Edwin C. Hitchcock Newport 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 William J. Sewell Camden Henry J. Irick Bordentown 
 
 Foster M. Voorhees Elizabeth Jno. I. Blair Reiley Phillipsburgh 
 
 Franklin Murphy Newark Robert Williams Paterson 
 
 Barker Gummere, Jr Trenton Edward W. Wooley Jersey City 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i William J. Bradley Camden Morris Davis Bridgeton 
 
 John M. Moore Clayton Lucius E. Hires Salem 
 
 a Wm. S. Hancock Trenton C. Edward Murray Trenton 
 
 Samuel W. Beldon Bordentown Lewis T. Bryant Atlantic City 
 
 3 Oliver H. Brown N. Spring Lake George S. Tice Perth Amboy 
 
 Frederick P. Olcott Bernardsville Andrew H. Church South River 
 
 4 Nathan H. Hart Newton Charles N. Reading Frenchtown 
 
 Geo. W. Stickle Rockaway Joseph H. Fulper Washington 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 71 
 
 NEW JERSEY Continued. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 5 Win. Barbour Paterson 
 
 Sheffield Phelps Teaneck 
 
 6 Leslie D. Ward Newark 
 
 Robt. W. Hawkesworth. . .East Orange 
 7 Flavel McGee Jersey City 
 
 Edward M. Watson Jersey City 
 
 8 Charles J. Fiske Plainfield 
 
 Geo. E. DeCamp Livingston 
 
 Thomas R. Watson Passaic 
 
 Alfred Gramlich Woodridge 
 
 George A. Douglas Newark 
 
 John H. Palmer East Orange 
 
 Henry J. Lemmer West Hoboken 
 
 Wm. A. Schell Hoboken 
 
 John H. Eastwood Belleville 
 
 Edward P. Allen Bayonne 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Thomas C. Platt Owego 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew New York 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt Oyster Bay 
 
 Benj. B. Odell, Jr Newburgh 
 
 James A. Roberts Buffalo 
 
 George H. Roberts Brooklyn 
 
 George J. Smith Kingston 
 
 John Raines Canandaigua 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Frederick P. Morris. .. .Flushing, L. I. 
 
 Joseph M. Belford Riverhead, L. I. 
 
 2 Wm. C. Wallace Brooklyn 
 
 Andrew Jacobs Brooklyn 
 
 3 Charles A. Moore Brooklyn 
 
 George E. Waldo Brooklyn 
 
 4 Adolph Kiendl Brooklyn 
 
 Edward P. Morse Brooklyn 
 
 5 Wm. Cullen Bryant Brooklyn 
 
 Francis T. Williams Brooklyn 
 
 6 James R. Howe Brooklyn 
 
 Harry Jacquillard Brooklyn 
 
 7 Hugh McRoberts. .Tompkinsville, S. I. 
 
 John Murray Mitchell N. Y. City 
 
 8 Lispenard Stewart N. Y. City 
 
 Frank H. Platt N. Y. City 
 
 9 Charles H. Murray N. Y. City 
 
 John Sabine Smith N. Y. City 
 
 10 Frederick S. Gibbs N. Y. City 
 
 Howard Carroll N. Y. City 
 
 ii George Hilliard N. Y. City 
 
 George R. Shelden N. Y. City 
 
 12 Cornelius N. Bliss N. Y. City 
 
 F. Norton Goddard N. Y. City 
 
 13 James W. Perry N. Y. City 
 
 Edward Lauterbach N. Y. City 
 
 14 Lemuel E. Quigg N. Y. City 
 
 John Reisenweber N. Y. City 
 
 15 Francis V. Greene N. Y. City 
 
 Franklin T. Smith N. Y. City 
 
 16 Wm. H. Ten Eyck N. Y. City 
 
 Leslie M. Sutherland Yonkers 
 
 17 Thomas W. Bradley Walden 
 
 Otis H. Cutler Suff ern 
 
 18 Robert H. Hunter Poughkeepsie 
 
 Samuel D. Coykendall Rondout 
 
 C. W. Hellett Long Island City 
 
 D. Whitson Valentine. .Huntington, L. I. 
 
 George W. Brush Brooklyn 
 
 James A. McMicken Brooklyn 
 
 Jacob D. Breener Brooklyn 
 
 William T. Beattie Brooklyn 
 
 David F. Butcher Brooklyn 
 
 John J. Barrett Brooklyn 
 
 George F. Murr TJrooklyn 
 
 Maxwell C. Burger Brooklyn 
 
 John Drescher, Jr Brooklyn 
 
 George H. Nason Brooklyn 
 
 Thos. A. Branif Tompkinsville, S. I. 
 
 Thompkins Mcllvain N. Y. City 
 
 James E. March N. Y. City 
 
 Simon Gavin N. Y. City 
 
 John Stiebling N. Y. City 
 
 Patrick J. O Brien N. Y. City 
 
 John Miller N. Y. City 
 
 Frank H. Graff N. Y. City 
 
 Thomas Rothmann N. Y. City 
 
 Charles M. Jeroloman N. Y. City 
 
 Henry Birrell N. Y. City 
 
 George B. Agnew N. Y. City 
 
 George W. Bleezarde N. Y. City 
 
 Jacob Kahn N. Y. C-y 
 
 Newall Martin N. Y. City 
 
 Henry R. Hoyt N. Y. City 
 
 Jefferson A. Simonds N. Y. City 
 
 Ambrose O. Neal N. Y. City 
 
 James K. Apgar Peekskill 
 
 Edward A. Healey New York 
 
 Edward D. Tompkins Middletown 
 
 J. P. Roose, Jr Monticello 
 
 E. W. Addis Brewster 
 
 George W. Washburn " : augerties 
 
72 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 NEW YORK Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 19 Frank S. Black Troy 
 
 Louis F. Payn Chatham 
 
 20 Lewis E. Carr Albany 
 
 Louis I. Walman Albany 
 
 21 Hobart Krum Schoharie 
 
 Burr Mattice Oneonta 
 
 22 Leslie W. Russell Canton 
 
 W. W. Worden Saratoga 
 
 23 Charles E. Johnson Plattsburg 
 
 Frank S. Witherbee Port Henry 
 
 24 George B. Sloan Oswego 
 
 Elon R. Brown Watertown 
 
 25 John C. Davies Camden 
 
 John M. Budlong Schuyler 
 
 26 John W. Dwight Dryden 
 
 George O. Meade Walton 
 
 27 Hendrick S. Holden Syracuse 
 
 Francis Gates Chittenango 
 
 28 Sereno E. Payne Auburn 
 
 Charles T. Saxton Clyde 
 
 29 John F. Parkhurst Bath 
 
 J. B. H. Mongin Waterloo 
 
 30 S. Benedict Whitlock Warsaw 
 
 Arthur C. Hastings Niagara Falls 
 
 31 George W. Aldridge Rochester 
 
 Henry C. Brewster Rochester 
 
 32 John R. Hazel Buffalo 
 
 Simon Seibert Buffalo 
 
 33 William C. Warren Buffalo 
 
 Herman J. Kreinhoder Buffalo 
 
 34 Hurley L. Phillips Jamestown 
 
 Melvin E. Homer .. ..Belmont 
 
 Herman H. Livingston Catskill 
 
 Cornelius V. Collins Troy 
 
 Henry M. Sage Albany 
 
 John W. Wheelock Albany 
 
 James H. Callanan Schenectady 
 
 Isaac W. Brandow Catskill 
 
 M. R. Sackett Gouverneur 
 
 A. E. Blunck Johnstown 
 
 John Carrier Brighton 
 
 H. E. Tremaine Caldwell 
 
 P. W. Cullinan Oswego 
 
 William H. Johnson Port Leyden 
 
 W atson T. Dunmore Utica 
 
 P. J. McEvoy Little Falls 
 
 C. J. Knapp Binghamton 
 
 W. E. Johnson Waverly 
 
 James W. Upson Baldwinsville 
 
 Eugene P. Sisson Hamilton 
 
 George E. Cornwell Pen Yan 
 
 Charles F. Milliken Canandaigua 
 
 Charles A. Sloans Montour Falls 
 
 Seymour Dexter Elmira 
 
 Stanley E. Filkins Medina 
 
 Jonathan B. Morey Dansville 
 
 John C. McVean, Jr Scottsville 
 
 DeWitt C. Becker Fairport 
 
 James Ash Buffalo 
 
 Charles Hosier Buffalo 
 
 A. G. Baker Hamburgh 
 
 Adam Rinewatt Williamsville 
 
 Charles M. Hamilton Ripley 
 
 Henry A. Soules Allegheny 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 J. C. Pritchard Marshall L. L. Wrenn Siler City 
 
 James E. Boyd Greensboro J. E. Cox High Point 
 
 E. C. Duncan Raleigh A. M. Clarke Southern Pines 
 
 Charles McNamee Baltimore I. M. Meekins Elizabeth City 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i D. H. Abbott Vandemere 
 
 Wheeler Martin Williamston 
 
 2 Geo. H. White Tarboro 
 
 Henry E. Hagans Goldsboro 
 
 3 S. W. Hancock Newbern 
 
 S. A. King Elizabethtown 
 
 4 J. M. Millican Asheboro 
 
 C. T. Bailey Raleigh 
 
 5 Spencer B. Adams Greensboro 
 
 Jos. A. Norwood Buchanan 
 
 6 Thomas E. Wallace Wilmington 
 
 B. B. Russell ..Maxton 
 
 W. R. White Hertford 
 
 J. L. Phelps Plymouth 
 
 Albert Miller Lagrange 
 
 Dred Wimberly Tarboro 
 
 M. B. Williams Clinton 
 
 S. A. Cotton Hope Mills 
 
 H. P. Pierce Selma 
 
 F. D. Jones Gulf 
 
 J. T. Donoho Yanceyville 
 
 B. F. Sprinkle Reidsville 
 
 F. B. Rice Wilmington 
 
 S. B. Pride . . .. .Charlotte 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 73 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA Continued. 
 
 Dekgates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 7 Henry C. Cowles Statesville 
 
 D. Martin Carpenter Maiden 
 
 8 W. A. Lemley Winston 
 
 J. B. Atkins Lenoir 
 
 9 V. S. Lusk Asheville 
 
 Thomas S. Rollins .. ..Marshall 
 
 Moses L. Bean Salisbury 
 
 M. D. Kimbrough Mocksville 
 
 J. W. McNeil Wilksboro 
 
 S. C. Parson Jefferson 
 
 James L. Morgan Marion 
 
 J. F. Hayes Saphire 
 
 NORTH DAKOTA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 H. S. Hansbrough Devils Lake 
 
 Porter J. McCumber Wahpeton 
 
 R. N. Stevens Bismarck 
 
 H. L. Holmes Bathgate 
 
 Stephen Collins Grand Fork 
 
 H. C. Plumley Fargo 
 
 C. V. Brown Sykeston 
 
 Geo. A. White Portland 
 
 R. S. Blackwell Lamoure 
 
 Fred Leutz Hebron 
 
 E. N. Swiggum Graf ton 
 
 Warren Steele . . Rolla 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 George K. Nash Columbus Charles Foster Fostoria 
 
 Jos. B. Foraker Cincinnati W. C. Brown Fostoria 
 
 Chas. H. Grosvenor Athens George A. Meyers Cleveland 
 
 Chas. Dick Akron Myron A. Norris Youngstown 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 k% i George B. Cox CincTnnati 
 
 Charles P. Taft Cincinnati 
 
 2 John A. Caldwell Cincinnati 
 
 Henry Bremfoeder Cincinnati 
 
 3 Joseph E. Lowes Dayton 
 
 O. V. Parrish Hamilton 
 
 4 W. D. Davies Sidney 
 
 W. K. Boone Lima 
 
 5 G. L. Marble Van Wert 
 
 W. H. Phipps Paulding 
 
 6 Irvin McD. Smith Hillsboro 
 
 Wm. W. Dennison Batavia 
 
 7 Geo. C. Rawlins Springfield 
 
 Thos. W. Marchant.. Washington, C. H. 
 
 8 D. E. Strayer DeGraff 
 
 J. L. Cameron Marysville 
 
 9 Robinson Locke Toledo 
 
 J. O. Troup Bowling Green 
 
 10 Orin B. Gould Wellston 
 
 Robert M. Switzer Gallipolis 
 
 ii John F. White Logan 
 
 C. S. Rannels Zaleski 
 
 12 Cyrus Huling Columbus 
 
 O. H. Perry Columbus 
 
 13 Jesse Vickery Bellevue 
 
 Alex. Kiskadden Tiffin 
 
 14 John M. Barry Mt. Gilead 
 
 Burgess L. McElroy Mt. Vernon 
 
 15 James M. Rusk McConnellsville 
 
 P. C. Patterson Cambridge 
 
 Louis Kruckemeyer Cincinnati 
 
 Andrew J. Conroy Cincinnati 
 
 John B. Morris Cincinnati 
 
 Scott Bonham Cincinnati 
 
 J. W. King Eaton 
 
 W. B. Marsh Eaton 
 
 A. F. Markwith Greenville 
 
 W. W. Shafer Rockford 
 
 William Kirtley, Jr Defiance 
 
 M. E. Wilson Hicksville 
 
 L. H. Williams Ripley 
 
 Cheney F. Cretors Xenia 
 
 Thos. B. Wilson London 
 
 Henry P. Folsom Circleville 
 
 Frank J. McCulloch Bellefontaine 
 
 Geo. J. Carter Kenton 
 
 John B. Wilson Bowling Green 
 
 Wm. Sowders Port Clinton 
 
 P. N. Wickerham Peebles 
 
 T. N. Patterson Waverly 
 
 P. B. Stanberry Pomeroy 
 
 J. T. Axline Shawnee 
 
 L. W. Buckmaster Columbus 
 
 M. C. Lakin Columbus 
 
 Roscoe B. Fisher Sandusky 
 
 John W. Cupp Galion 
 
 A. G. Bodley Plymouth 
 
 Lem P. Yokum Norwalk 
 
 J. S. Rownd Summerfield 
 
 L. C. Hayes Vincent 
 
74 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 OHIO Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 16 G. E. Bradfield Barnesville 
 
 Robert Blythe Carrollton 
 
 17 John Huston Millersburg 
 
 Wilson A. Korns New Philadelphia 
 
 18 Joseph G. Butler, Jr Youngstown 
 
 H. W. Morgan Alliance 
 
 19 S. J. Smith Conneaut 
 
 W. H. Crafts Mantua 
 
 201. P. Lamson Cleveland 
 
 Robert C. Moody Painesville 
 
 21 Frank R. Hatfield Cleveland 
 
 James Barnett Cleveland 
 
 S. K. McLaughlin Hurford 
 
 Robert McGowan Steubenville 
 
 George A. Hay Coshocton 
 
 Ross W. Funk Wooster 
 
 H. R. Hill East Liverpool 
 
 Wm. Cornelius Youngstown 
 
 Richard King Chardon 
 
 W. S. Darlis Kinsman 
 
 James Calwell Cleveland 
 
 Charles C. Hamilton Cleveland 
 
 W. F. Hoppensack Cleveland 
 
 Joseph Carabelli Cleveland 
 
 OREGON. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Wallace McCamant Portland 
 
 Henry E. Ankenny Sterling 
 
 John D. Daly Corvallis 
 
 H. L. Knuck ...The Dalles 
 
 Lewis Simpson North Bend 
 
 H. L. Holgate Corvallis 
 
 Wallis Nash Nashville 
 
 John W. Knowles La Grande 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 i George A. Steel Portland Rufus S. Moore Klamath Falls 
 
 John B. David Newberg James A. Wilson Portland 
 
 2 Joseph Simon Portland Thomas McEwan Sumpter 
 
 F. S. Stanley Perry R. Alexander Pendleton 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 M. S. Quay Beaver 
 
 John B. Steel Greensburg 
 
 Frank Reeder Easton 
 
 William Connell Scranton 
 
 B. W. Green Emporium 
 
 Chas. A. Porter Philadelphia 
 
 James Elverson Philadelphia 
 
 John Leisenring Upper Lehigh 
 
 J. Thomas Preston : . . Whitford 
 
 W. E. Rice Warren 
 
 C. F. Barclay Sinnemahoning 
 
 Edward A. Price Media 
 
 Mial E. Lilley Towanda 
 
 W. C. Kreps Green Castle 
 
 Jesse L. Hartman Hollidaysburg 
 
 George Edward Reed Carlisle 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Henry H. Bingham Philadelphia 
 
 Israel W. Durham Philadelphia 
 
 2 Boies Penrose Philadelphia 
 
 David H. Lane Philadelphia 
 
 3 James B. Anderson Philadelphia 
 
 Joseph H. Klemmer Philadelphia 
 
 4-A. S. L. Shields Philadelphia 
 
 Chas. F. Kindred Philadelphia 
 
 5 John H. Bromley Philadelphia 
 
 Isaac Schlichter Philadelphia 
 
 6 J. Herbert Ogden Lansdowne 
 
 Horace A. Beale Parkesburg 
 
 7 Jos. Bosler Ogontz 
 
 Joseph R. Grundy Bristol 
 
 8 Russel C. Stewart Easton 
 
 J. Monroe Driesbach Mauch Chunk 
 
 William McCoach Philadelphia 
 
 Thomas Patterson Philadelphia 
 
 Samuel M. Clement Philadelphia 
 
 Jacob Wildemore Philadelphia 
 
 Harry J. Trainer Philadelphia 
 
 Robert J. Moore Philadelphia 
 
 Harry D. Beaston Philadelphia 
 
 Charles W. Boger Philadelphia 
 
 William L. Martin Tacony 
 
 Chas P. Francis Philadelphia 
 
 J. B. Robinson Media 
 
 Joseph Morris i Lionville 
 
 Henry B. Freed Souderton 
 
 Chas. G. Knight Churchville 
 
 H. W. Kistler Stroudsburg 
 
 H. B. Reed Milford 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 75 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA Continued. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alternates. 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 9 Jonathan G. Leinbach Reading 
 
 Walter L. Jones Allentown 
 
 10 \Y. W. Griest Lancaster 
 
 Isaac W. Slokom Christiana 
 
 ii Everett Warren Scranton 
 
 Thomas H. Dale Scranton 
 
 12 Morgan B. Williams Wilkesbarre 
 
 Chas. A. Hiner \V ilkesbarre 
 
 13 V. . J. Whitehouse Pottsville 
 
 Harrison Ball Mahanoy City 
 
 14 Samuel E. Light Lebanon 
 
 Henry C. Shearer. .. .New Bloomfield 
 15 Coe Durland Honesdale 
 
 F. L. Kinner Athens 
 
 16 James N. Kline Williamsport 
 
 Sanford H. Lewis Coudersport 
 
 17 C. M. Clement Sunbury 
 
 James C. Brown Bloomsburg 
 
 18 Dr. Percival Herman Kratzerville 
 
 Carl M. Gage Huntingdon 
 
 19 John L. Hill, Jr Gettysburg 
 
 Chas. H. Mullin Mt. Holly Springs 
 
 20 Robert S. Murphy Johnstown 
 
 John H. Jordon Bedford 
 
 21 Jay C. Booher Falls Creek 
 
 Samuel Donaldson Kittanning 
 
 22 C. L. Magee Pittsburgh 
 
 William Flinn Pittsburgh 
 
 23 James R. Wyman Allegheny 
 
 William Witherow Allegheny 
 
 24 Geo. M. von Bonnhorst Pittsburgh 
 
 John H. Murdock Washington 
 
 23 Oscar L. Jackson New Castle 
 
 Raymond H. Pillow Butler 
 
 26 J. F. Downing Erie 
 
 Samuel B. Dick Meadville 
 
 27 James A. McKean Smithport 
 
 W. P. Nutting Youngsville 
 
 28 C. A. Randall Tionesta 
 
 M. L. McQuown Clearfield 
 
 Uriah Biery Shamrock 
 
 Wm. B. Schaeffer West Bethlehem 
 
 E. S. Hoover Lancaster 
 
 J. G. Usner Rothsville 
 
 Arthur Long Scranton 
 
 Chauncey Derby Scranton 
 
 A. W. Drake Lattimer Mines 
 
 Alex. Thompson Pittston 
 
 Chas. E. Breckons St. Claif 
 
 Geo. C. Deifenderfer Orwigsburg 
 
 Thomas H. Capp Lebanon 
 
 Jacob H. Redsecker Lebanon 
 
 Henry Harding Tunkhannock 
 
 H. L. Hoyt Athens 
 
 A. C. Hopkins Lock Haven 
 
 A. G. Olmsted Coudersport 
 
 A. G. Haas Shamokin 
 
 H. A. McKillip Bloomsburg 
 
 J. J. Booth Lewiston 
 
 H. B. McNulty Chambersburg 
 
 Solomon D. Melering Littlestown 
 
 R. Hathaway Shindle York 
 
 John R. Scott Somerset 
 
 George R. Scull Somerset 
 
 John A. Graff Blairsville 
 
 D. S. Atkinson Greensburg 
 
 J. O. Brown Pittsburgh 
 
 D. L. Gillespie Pittsburgh 
 
 Chas. T. Nevin Allegheny 
 
 C. W. Forsythe Natrona 
 
 Webb W. Murray Pittsburgh 
 
 A. C. Marsh Washington 
 
 Quincy A. Gordon Mercer 
 
 John B. McClure Beaver 
 
 Chas. Burgess Titusville 
 
 O. D. Van Camp Girard 
 
 E. A. Dempsey Bradford 
 
 George W. Campbell Warren 
 
 John M. Dale Bellefontaine 
 
 W. H. Baker Ridgeway 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Charles R. Brayton Providence Henry E. Tiepke Pawtucket 
 
 Frank F. Carpenter Providence 
 
 Charles H. Chid Providence 
 
 Lucius B. Darling Pawtucket 
 
 Elam W. Olney Providence 
 
 Harry C. Curtis Providence 
 
 George L. Pierce Providence 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i William P. Buffum Newport Isaac M. Potter Providence 
 
 Joseph C. Fletcher Bristol Samuel L. Peck Warren 
 
 2 B. Frank Robinson, Jr..S. Kingstown Albert S. Babcock Hopkinton 
 
 Richard Thornley East Greenwich Walter E. Spink Coventry 
 
76 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 E. A. Webster Columbia A. Lathrop Orangeburg 
 
 Robert Smalls Beaufort S. T. Poinier Spartanburg 
 
 E. H. Deas Darlington R. E. Williams New Berry 
 
 R. R. Tolbert Abbeville A. S. Johnson Aiken 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i G. I. Cuningham Charleston 
 
 W. D. Crum Charleston 
 
 2 E. J. Dickerson Aiken 
 
 W. S. Dixon Barnwell 
 
 3 E. F. Cochran Anderson 
 
 A. C. Marrick Walhalla 
 
 4 J. F. Ensor Columbia 
 
 B. F. Means Spartanburg 
 
 5 J. F. Jones Blacksburg 
 
 W. E. Boykin Camden 
 
 6 Joshua E. Wilson Florence 
 
 W. H. Collier Marion 
 
 7 J. H. Fordham Orangeburg 
 
 R. M. Wallace .. ...Sumter 
 
 J. A. Baxter Georgetown 
 
 J. I. Washington Beaufort 
 
 Arthur A. Simkins Edgefield 
 
 G. G. Butler Barnwell 
 
 W. J. Thomas Seneca 
 
 J. W. Tolbert Greenwood 
 
 B. W. Nance Winnsboro 
 
 Frank Nichols Greenville 
 
 F. R. Massey Lancaster 
 
 J. C. Atkinson Chester 
 
 W. R. Jackson Florence 
 
 J. R. Levy Florence 
 
 James O. Ladd Summerville 
 
 J. H. Weston Congaree 
 
 SOUTH DAKOTA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Emil Branch Hurley 
 
 George Rice Flandreau 
 
 L. L. Lostutter Iroquois 
 
 A. H. Betts Alexandria 
 
 C. B. Collins Groton 
 
 M. P. Beebe Ipswich 
 
 James Halley Rapid City 
 
 G. G. Bennett Deadwood 
 
 C. W. Pratt Edgerton 
 
 Geo. Cochran Dell Rapids 
 
 J. C. Sharp Iroquois 
 
 C. W. Ainsworth Alexandria 
 
 D. T. Hindman Aberdeen 
 
 J. H. Bottimo Ipswich 
 
 S. C. Lumis Custer 
 
 Max Blatt Sturgis 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Henry R. Gibson Knoxville Alonzo J. Tyler Sneedville 
 
 Foster V. Brown Chattanooga 
 
 Geo. N. Tillman Nashville 
 
 John E. McCall Lexington 
 
 Richard W. Austin Knoxville 
 
 George W. Porter Clarksville 
 
 Josiah T. Settle Memphis 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Walter P. Brownlow Jonesboro 
 
 George McHenderson Rutledge 
 
 2 John J. Graham Jacksboro 
 
 James A. Green London 
 
 3 Newell Sanders Chattanooga 
 
 T. W. Peace Madisonville 
 
 4 John E. Oliver Cabbatha 
 
 Blanton W. Burford Lebanon 
 
 5 Ernest Coldwell Shelbyville 
 
 James J. Elliott Murfreesboro 
 
 6 A. W. Wills Nashville 
 
 I. W. Pitts Clarksville 
 
 7 John W. Jackson Columbia 
 
 James C. Hickman Lynnville 
 
 Benjamin W. Hooper Newport 
 
 William H. Nelson Backwoods 
 
 Samuel P. Sparks Kingston 
 
 Samuel M. Pickens Cusick s 
 
 F. L. Mansfield Athens 
 
 J. C. Hale Winchester 
 
 Solon Robinson Jamestown 
 
 Claire V. Guinn Hartsville 
 
 J. Mack. Eakin Fayetteville 
 
 Chas. Heidenberg Tullahoma 
 
 John L. Barbour Nashville 
 
 E. F. Peck Dover 
 
 John Turman Waynesboro 
 
 J. S. Beasley Centreville 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 77 
 
 TENNESSE Continued. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 8 F. S. Elgin Selmer W. M. Bray Henderson 
 
 S. W. Hawkins Huntingdon A. A. Watson Savannah 
 
 9 D. A. Nunn Brownsville T. H. Johnson Halls 
 
 G. T. Taylor Union City J. F. Booker Union City 
 
 10 R. R. Church Memphis G. A. Boyd Mason 
 
 J. W. Dutro Memphis Thomas C. Phelan Memphis 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 R. B. Hawley Galveston R. E. Hanney Hempstead 
 
 E. H. R. Green Terrell Geo. Moore Brownsville 
 
 Charles M. Ferguson San Antonio J. A. Smith El Paso 
 
 M. M. Rodgers LaGrange A. L. Maynard Lockhart 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Waller Burns Houston R. B. Smith Treamer 
 
 J. Atkins Navasota W. M. Green Houston 
 
 2 Geo. W. Burkett Palestine Theo. Miller Rusk 
 
 William Sanders Nacogdoches H. L. Price Palestine 
 
 3 C. C. Flannagan Henderson J. M. Gurley Greenbille 
 
 U. G. Roach Celeste J. W. Yates Longview 
 
 4 J. A. Blackwell. B. C. Browning. 
 
 H. G. Goree. H. W. Walker. 
 
 5 G. A. Knight Belcheville H. C. Bell Benton 
 
 W. H. Love McKinney H. J. Hendricks Gainesville 
 
 6 Eugene Marshall. G. W. McCormick. 
 
 W. E. King. G. \V. Lanier. 
 
 7 C. A. Boynton Waco D. R. Emerson Marlin 
 
 G. W. Sledge Cameron R E. Hendricks Calbert 
 
 8 W. C. Forbess \Veatherford J. N. Deal Fort Worth 
 
 Harry Harris Yatesville J. Will Bynum Brownwood 
 
 9 J. G. Hornberger Austin C. V. Compton Taylor 
 
 J. T. Harris Brenham D. N. McCoy Giddings 
 
 10 H. C. Heilig LaGrange W. J. Miller Hallettsville 
 
 H. C. Ferguson Richmond N. H. Haller Angleton 
 
 ii C. G. Brewster Laredo F. W. Groce Victoria 
 
 D. Abner, Jr Seguin G. R. Townsend Victoria 
 
 12 C. C. Drake Eagle Pass Peter Geib Del Rio 
 
 W. G. Robinson San Antonio J. S. Cameron San Antonio 
 
 13 J. G. Lowdon Abilene R. O. Rector Abilene 
 
 C. K. McDowell Dickens T. F. Berner Henrietta 
 
 UTAH. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 C. E. Loose Provo John Meteer Richfield 
 
 Arthur Brown Salt Lake City Stephen H. Love Salt Lake City 
 
 George M. Hanson Ogden Ephraim Homer Provo 
 
 Heber M. Wells Salt Lake City W. H. Clark Salt Lake City 
 
 George Sutherland Salt Lake City E. P. Ellison Layton 
 
 Thomas Kearns Park City Mrs. W. H. Jones Salt Lake City 
 
78 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John G. McCullough North Bennington George T. Chaff ee Rutland 
 
 Henry C. Bates _..St. Johnsbury George T. Howard Craftsbury 
 
 Edward Wells Burlington Jacob B. Hindes Vergennes 
 
 Levant M. Reed Rockingham Curtis S. Henry Chelsea 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Wm. N. Platt Shoreham Frank Kenfield Norristown 
 
 Emery M. Brown Sheldon Henry O. Carpenter Rutland 
 
 3 W. H. H. Slack Springfield F. W. Billings .Woodstock 
 
 E. M. Bartlett Brighton G. W. Randall Waterbury 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Park Agnew Alexandria J. Hampton Hoge Roanoke 
 
 James A. Walker Wytheville A. P. Funkhouser Harrisonburg 
 
 James D. Brady Petersburg W. H. C. Brown Newport News 
 
 S. Brown Allen Staunton J. J. Alley Gate City 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i C. G. Smithers Cape Charles Josephus Trader Fichetts 
 
 Samuel E. Pitts Baity W. H. Parker Onancock 
 
 2 Geo. E. Bowden Norfolk S. L. Burroughs Portsmouth 
 
 W. S. Hollend Windsor W. H. Thoroughgood Norfolk 
 
 3 Morgan Treat West Point E. P. Murphy Richmond 
 
 J. R. Pollard Richmond R. E. Jones Richmond 
 
 4 R. T. Thorpe Boydton W. F. Jones Lawrenceville 
 
 A. W. Harris Petersburg H. L. Jackson Blackstone 
 
 5 Charles P. Smith Martinsville M. O. Cornett Independence 
 
 V. M. Sowder Floyd, C. H. J. H. Pigg Chatham 
 
 6 S. E. Sproul Roanoke G. S. Fitzwater Christiansburg 
 
 J. C. Carter Houston Adolphus Humbles Lynchburg 
 
 7 C. M. Gibbens Winchester Charles L. Estes Barryville 
 
 C. A. R. Moore Mt. Jackson Chas. L. Holtzman Luray 
 
 8 Harry W. Eamick Lovettsville B. F. Ellenger Remington 
 
 R. R. Homer Warrenton F. T. Johnson Stafford s Store 
 
 9 Stuart F. Lindsey Bristol Robert W. Blair Wytheville 
 
 A. P. Gillespie Tazewell R. M. Calfee Pulaski 
 
 ID W. C. Franklin Pamplin City W. H. Shaw Lexington 
 
 C. P. Nair Clifton Forge Robert Southall Staunton 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Levi Ankeny Walla Walla Charles E. Coon Fort Townsend 
 
 L. A. Sims Kalama J. S. Miers Republic 
 
 E. C. Neufelder Seattle J. W. Bean Ellenburg 
 
 George H. Baker Goldendale A. S. Lindsey Wenatchee 
 
 J. M. Ashton Tacoma L. A. Kennedy Ritzville 
 
 N. B. Coffman Chehalis S. G. Cosgrove Pomeroy 
 
 Herbert S. Conner La Conner E. Baumesiter Asotin 
 
 E. J. Hayfield Colfax M. E. Hay Wilbur 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 79 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 George W. Curtin Button F. H. Blake Moundsville 
 
 Samuel H. Gramm Grafton C. A. Whiteshot Mannington 
 
 J. Eugene Dana Charleston S. F. Morris Eckman 
 
 Edward H. Flynn Spencer C. H. Payne Huntington 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i Morris Horkheimer Wheeling Andrew Carney Wheeling 
 
 Daniel U. O Brien Glenville W. F. Morrison Sutton 
 
 2 John D. Rigg Terra Alta A. W. Wight Morgantown 
 
 L. J. Forman Petersburg S. C. Cross Berkeley Springs 
 
 3 Philip Doodwill Bramwell J. W. Heavener Buckhannon 
 
 M. J. Simms Montgomery John H. Hill Institute 
 
 4 W. W. Monroe Parkersburg R. A. Riggs Point Pleasant 
 
 Eugene M. Campbell Huntington T. B. McClure Wayne 
 
 WISCONSIN. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Joseph B. Treat Monroe Charles H. Baxter Lancaster 
 
 H. Augustus Luedtke Milwaukee Andrew J. Frame Waukesha 
 
 Isaac Stephenson Marinette John L. Erdall Madison 
 
 James H. Stout Menomonie N. C. Foster Fairchild 
 
 DISTRICTS. 
 
 i James Reynolds Lake Geneva John Luchinger Monroe 
 
 James Hoskins Darlington B. B. Blake Racine 
 
 2 A. A. Porter Portage W. H. Proctor Portage 
 
 George J. Kispert Jefferson A. R. Hoard Fort Atkinson 
 
 3 L. H. Bancroft Richland Centre W. A. Warren Baraboo 
 
 Samuel W. Reese Dodgeville Matt D. Pitman Boscobel 
 
 4 Bernard Leidersdorf Milwaukee Irving M. Bean Milwaukee 
 
 W. H. Stevens Milwaukee C. W. Milbrath Milwaukee 
 
 5 John R. Dennett Pt. Washington Ed. Foster Waukesha 
 
 Chas. Elkert Milwaukee John J. Kempf Milwaukee 
 
 6 E. G. Nash Manitowoc Karl D. Jackson Oshkosh 
 
 H. A. Winslow Fond du Lac Ira P. Coon Plainfield 
 
 7 James T. Barber Eau Claire E. A. Miller Hixton 
 
 Levi Withee La Crosse W. L. House Tomah 
 
 8 George L. Rodgers Steven Point J. J. Nelson Amherst 
 
 Peter Thorn Appleton A. J. Simpich Appleton- 
 
 9 Walter Alexander Wausau John Friend Antigo 
 
 B. W. Davis Phillipps W. J. Davis Marinette 
 
 10 R. L. McCormick Hayward i had. C. Pound Chippewa 
 
 John T. Murphy Superior S. A. Peterson Rice Lake 
 
 WYOMING. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Frances E. Warren Cheyenne Edward W. Stone Cheyenne 
 
 Clarence D. Clarke Evanston Thomas D. Bebb Buffalo 
 
 Frank W. Mondell New Castle F. E. Rounds Sundance 
 
 DeForrest Richard Douglas J. G. Cosgriff Rawlins 
 
 J. L. Torrey Embar A. A. Spaugh Mauville 
 
 George C. Gobel Rock Springs John D. McGill Rock Creek 
 
80 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 ALASKA. 
 
 Delegates. Alternates. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John G. Heid Junea Edward de Graffe Sitka 
 
 W. D. Grant Wrangel J. F. Collins Wrangel 
 
 ARIZONA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Charles H. Akers Phoenix O. D. M. Gaddis Kingman 
 
 Charles R. Drake Tucson W. H. Clark Holbrook 
 
 John W. Dorrington Yuma R. A. F. Penrose Pearce 
 
 Frank Dysart Solomonville Thomas F Grindell Phoenix 
 
 J. L. Hubbel St. Johns George Christy Phoenix 
 
 J. A. Vail Flagstaff Charles F. Solomon Solomonville 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John E. Jones Washington Geo. E. Emmons Washington 
 
 W. Calvin Chase Washington Lucius H. Peterson Washington 
 
 NEW MEXICO. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 Miguel A. Otero Santa Fe Robert P. Ervien Clayton 
 
 E. A. Cahoon Roswell R. C. Gortner Santa Fe 
 
 Secundino Romero Las Vegas Henry D. Bowman Las Cruces 
 
 Frank A. Hubbell Albuquerque David J. Lehy Raton 
 
 Juan Santisteven Taos J. M. Sandoval Albuquerque 
 
 Abram Abeytia Socorro L. Sollenberger Hillsboro 
 
 OKLAHOMA. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 John R. Tate Blackwell S. C. Eckhard El Reno 
 
 J. G. Pringey Harvey P. F. Tyler Watonga 
 
 C. H. Thompson Guthrie Frank T. Cook Cloud Chief 
 
 W. J. French Alva I. F. Norris Orlando 
 
 G. G. Baker Britton J. M. Van Winkle Shawnee 
 
 J. W. McNeal Guthrie R. A. Southard Perry 
 
 HAWAII. 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 S. Parker Honolulu 
 
 A. N. Kepoikai Honolulu 
 
 INDIAN TERRITORY. 
 
 P. L. Soper Vinita, Cherokee Nation C. W. Poole Chelsea, Cherokee Nation 
 
 E. J. Fannin.S. McAlester, Choctaw Nat. D. Thomas Talihina, Choctaw Nation 
 
 A. F. Parkinson. . .Wagoner, Creek Nation A. G. W. Sango. .Muscogee, Creek Nation 
 
 W. L. McWilliams. .Miami, Quapaw Ag y Wm. Logan Miami, Quapaw Agency 
 
 C. L. Long Wowoka, Seminole Nation C. A. Bruner. . .Econtuchka, Seminole N. 
 
 Chas. M. Campbell. Ardmore, Chicasaw N. W. C. Blanchard. .Purcell, Chickasaw N. 
 
 Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of a 
 majority of the delegates from the State of New York I demand the pre 
 vious question on the adoption of the report. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 81 
 
 Mr. WILLIAM J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. On the part of New Jersey I 
 second the demand. 
 
 Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I second the demand on behalf 
 of Maryland. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The demand for the previous question 
 being seconded by two States, the question is, shall it be ordered? 
 
 The previous question was ordered. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. There will be forty minutes of debate 
 upon the question of agreeing to the report of the Committee on Creden 
 tials. Twenty minutes of the time will be allotted by the Hon. Sereno E. 
 Payne, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, and the other twenty 
 minutes should be equitably divided among the minority, representing the 
 differing sides. 
 
 Mr. PAYNE, of New York. I reserve my time. I do not know that any 
 debate will be required. 
 
 (Cries of "Question!" "Question!") 
 
 Mr. H. V. CASHIN, of Alabama. Before the question is put, I wish to 
 call attention to an error in the report of the Committee in reference to 
 the delegation from Alabama. The report shows that two of the delegates 
 are alternates. It is merely a clerical error, which can be easily corrected. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The clerical error has already been cor 
 rected by the Secretary. If no one desires to debate the matter the ques 
 tion is on agreeing to the report of the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 The report was agreed to. 
 
 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The next order of business is the report 
 of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the Committee ready 
 to report? 
 
 Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, 
 the Committee on Permanent Organization submit the report which I 
 hold in my hand. They have selected for Permanent Chairman of the 
 Convention the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. (Applause.) 
 I ask that the report be read. 
 
 The report was read as follows: 
 To the HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, Temporary Chairman: 
 
 The Committee on Permanent Organization begs leave to report the following, for 
 the permanent officers of the convention: 
 
 Permanent Chairman, Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts 
 6 
 
82 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY. 
 
 General Secretary, Hon. Charles W. Johnson, of Minneapolis, Minnesota. 
 Assistant Secretaries, John R. Malloy, of Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 John R. Beam, of Paterson, New Jersey. 
 
 Lucien Grey, of Lewistown, Illinois. 
 
 Gardner P. Stickney, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
 
 James F. Burke, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. 
 
 W. B. Bauchman, of Bluff City, Tennessee. 
 
 Warren Bigler, of Wabash, Indiana. 
 
 John Q. Royce, of Phillipsburg, Kansas. 
 
 F. S. Gaylord, of Connecticut. 
 
 D. C. Kolp, of Iowa Park, Texas. 
 Reading Clerks, Dennis E. Alward, of Michigan. 
 
 E. L. Lampson, of Jefferson, Ohio. 
 James H. Stone, of Detroit, Michigan. 
 H. L. Remmel, of Little Rock, Arkansas. 
 
 Clerk at President s Desk, Asher C. Hinds, of Portland, Maine. 
 Official Reporter, Milton W. Blumenberg, of Illinois. 
 Tally Clerks, J. Herbert Potts, of Jersey City, New Jersey. 
 
 George R. Butlin, of Omaha, Nebraska. 
 
 Messengers to Secretary, Griffin Halstead, C. W. DeKnight. 
 Messenger to Chairman, Joseph W. Young. 
 
 OFFICE OF THE SERGEANT AT ARMS. 
 
 Sergeant at Arms, George N. Wiswell, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
 Chief Organizer, David C. Owen, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
 First Assistant Chief of Staff, W. W. Johnson, of Baltimore, Maryland. 
 Second Assistant Chief of Staff, Maj. W. P. Huxford, of Connecticut, residence 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Master of Doors, Samuel Kercheval, of Indianapolis, Indiana. 
 Assistant Master of Doors, Earle D. Sweetwood, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
 
 We also recommend an honorary Vice President for each State, to be furnished to 
 the Secretary of the Convention for the journal of proceedings. 
 
 Mr. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I move the adoption of the report of the 
 Committee on Permanent Organization. 
 
 The report was agreed to. 
 
 COMMITTEE TO ESCORT THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. The Chair appoints as a committee to 
 escort the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge to the platform, Governor Shaw, of 
 Iowa, and Governor Roosevelt, of New York. 
 
 The committee appointed by the Temporary Chairman escorted Mr. 
 Lodge to the platform. 
 
 The TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the 
 honor to present as vour Permanent Chairman Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge. 
 (Applause.) 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge). Gentlemen of 
 the Convention: One of the greatest honors that can fall to any American 
 in public life is to be called to preside over a Republican National Con 
 vention. How great that honor is you know, but you cannot realize, nor 
 can I express the gratitude which I feel to. you for having conferred it 
 upon me. I can only say to you, in the simplest phrase, that I thank you 
 from the bottom of my heart. "Beggar that I am, I am even poor in thanks, 
 and yet I thank you." (Applause.) 
 
 We meet again to nominate the next President of the United States. 
 (Applause.) Four years have passed since we nominated the soldier and 
 statesman who is now President, and who is soon to enter upon his second 
 term. Since the Civil War no Presidential term has been so crowded with 
 great events as that which is now drawing to a close. They have been four 
 memorable years. To Republicans they show a record of promises kept, 
 of work done, of unforeseen questions met and answered. To the Democrats 
 they have been generous in the exhibition of unfulfilled predictions, in 
 the ruin of their hopes of calamity, and in futile opposition to the forces 
 of the times and the aspirations of the American people. I wish I could 
 add that they had been equally instructive to our opponents, but while 
 it is true that the Democrats, like the Bourbons, learn nothing, it is only 
 too evident that the familiar comparison cannot be completed, for they 
 forget a great deal which it would be well for them to remember. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 In 1897 we took the government and the country from the hands of 
 President Cleveland. His party had abandoned him and were joined to 
 their idols, of which he was no longer one. During the last years of his 
 term we had presented to us the melancholy spectacle of a President try 
 ing to govern without a party. The result was that his policies were in 
 ruin, legislation was at a standstill and public affairs were in a perilous 
 and incoherent condition. Party responsibility had vanished, and with it 
 all possibility of intelligent action, demanded by the country at home and 
 abroad. It was an interesting but by no means singular display of Demo 
 cratic unfitness for the practical work of government. To the political 
 student it was instructive, to the country it was extremely painful, to busi 
 ness disastrous. 
 
 We replaced this political chaos with a President in thorough accord 
 with his party, and the machinery of government began again to move 
 smoothly and effectively. Thus we kept at once our promise of better and 
 more efficient administration. (Applause.) In four months after the in 
 auguration of President McKinley we had passed a tariff bill. For ten 
 years the artificial agitation, in behalf of what was humorously called 
 tariff reform, and of what was really free trade, had kept business in a fer 
 ment, and had brought a treasury deficit, paralyzed industries, depression, 
 panic, and, finally, continuous bad times to a degree never before imagined. 
 
84 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Would you know the result of our tariff legislation, look about you! Would 
 you measure its success, recollect that it is no longer an issue; that our 
 opponents, free traders as they are, do not dare to make it an issue; that 
 there is not a State in the Union to-day which could be carried for free 
 trade against protection. Never was a policy more fully justified by its 
 works, never was a promise made by any party more absolutely fulfilled. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Dominant among the issues of four years ago was that of our monetary 
 and financial system. The Republican party promised to uphold our credit, 
 to protect our currency from revolution, and to maintain the gold standard. 
 (Applause.) We have done so. We have done more. We have been 
 better than our promise. Failing to secure, after honest effort, any en 
 couragement for international bimetallism, we have passed a law strength 
 ening the gold standard and planting it more firmly than ever in our finan 
 cial system, improving our banking laws, buttressing our credit, and re 
 funding the public debt at two per cent, interest, the lowest rate in the 
 world. (Applause). It was a great work well done. The only argument 
 the Democrats can advance to-day in their own behalf on the money ques 
 tion is that a Republican Senate, in the event of Democratic success, 
 would not permit the repeal of a Republican law. (Laughter.) This is a 
 precious argument when looked at with considerate eyes, and quite worthy 
 of the intellects which produced it. Apply it generally. Upon this theory 
 because we have defeated the soldiers of Spain and sunk her ships we can 
 with safety dispense with the army and the navy which did the work. Take 
 another example. There has been a fire in a great city; it has been checked 
 and extinguished, therefore let us abolish the fire department and cease 
 to insure our homes. (Laughter.) Distrust in our currency, the dread of 
 change, the deadly fear of a debased standard were raging four years ago 
 and business lay prostrate before them. Republican supremacy and Re 
 publican legislation have extinguished the fires of doubt and fear and 
 business has risen triumphant from the ashes. (Applause.) Therefore 
 abolish your fire department, turn out the Republicans and put in power 
 the incendiaries who lighted the flames and trust to what remains of Re 
 publican control to avert fresh disaster. (Applause.) The proposition is 
 its own refutation. The supremacy of the party that has saved the stand 
 ard of sound money and guarded it by law is as necessary for its security 
 and for the existence of honest wages and of business confidence now as 
 it was in 1896. The moment the Republican party passes from power and 
 the party of free silver and fiat paper comes in, stable currency and the 
 gold standard, the standard of the civilized world, are in imminent and 
 deadly peril. Sound currency and a steady standard of value are to-day safe 
 only in Republican hands. (Applause.) 
 
 But there were still other questions in 1896. We had already thwarted 
 the efforts of the Cleveland administration to throw the Hawaiian Islands 
 back to their dethroned Queen, and to give England a foothold for her 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 85 
 
 cables in the group. We then said that we would settle finally the Hawaiian 
 question. We have done so. The traditional American policy has been 
 carried out. The flag of the Union floats to-day over the crossroads of the 
 Pacific, and her representatives sit with you in this hall. (Applause.) 
 
 We promised to deal with the Cuban question. Again comes the reply, 
 we have done so. The long agony of the island is over. Cuba is free. 
 (Applause.) But this great work brought with it events and issues which 
 no man had foreseen, for which no party creed had provided a policy. The 
 crisis came, bringing war in its train. The Republican President and the 
 Republican Congress met the new trial in the old spirit. We fought the 
 war with Spain. The result is history known of all men. (Applause.) 
 We have the perspective now of only a short two years, and yet how clear 
 and bright the great facts stand out, like mountain peaks against the sky, 
 while the gathering darkness of a just oblivion is creeping fast over the 
 low grounds where lie forgotten the trivial and unimportant things, the 
 criticisms and the fault findings, which seemed so huge when we still 
 lingered among them. Here they are, these great facts: a war of a hun 
 dred days with many victories and no defeats, with no prisoners taken 
 from us and no advance stayed, with a triumphant outcome startling in its 
 completeness and in its world wide meaning. (Applause.) Was ever a 
 war more justly entered upon, more quickly fought, more fully won, mere 
 thorough in its results? (Applause.) Cuba is free. Spain has been driven 
 from the Western Hemisphere. Fresh glory has come to our arms and 
 crowned our flag. It was the work of the American people, but the 
 Republican party was their instrument. (Applause.) Have we not the 
 right to say that, here too, even as in the days of Abraham Lincoln, we 
 have fought a good fight, we have kept the faith, we have finished the 
 work. (Applause.) 
 
 War, however, is ever like the sword of Alexander. It cuts the knots. 
 It is a great solvent and brings many results not to be foreseen. The 
 world forces unchained in war perform in hours the work of years of quiet. 
 (Applause.) Spain sued for peace. How was that peace to be made? The 
 answer to this great question had to be given by the President of the 
 United States. We were victorious in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the Phil 
 ippines. Should we give these islands back fo Spain? Never! was the 
 President s reply. (Applause.) Would any American wish that he had 
 answered otherwise? Should we hand them over to some other power? 
 Never! was again the answer. Would our pride and self respect as a na 
 tion have submitted to any other reply? Should we turn the islands, 
 where we had destroyed all existing sovereignty, loose upon the world 
 to be a prey to domestic anarchy and the helpless spoil of some other na 
 tion? Again the inevitable negative. (Applause.) Again the President 
 answered as the nation he represented would have him answer. He boldly 
 took the islands, took them knowing well the burden and responsibility; 
 took them from a deep sense of duty to ourselves and others, guided by a 
 
86 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 just foresight as to our future in the East, and with an entire faith in the 
 ability of the American people to grapple with the new task. (Applause.) 
 When future Conventions point to the deeds by which the Republican 
 party has made history, they will proclaim with special pride that under 
 a Republican administration the war of 1898 was fought, and that the peace 
 with Spain was the work of William McKinley. (Applause.) 
 
 So much for the past. We are proud of it, but we do not expect to live 
 upon it, for the Republican party is pre-eminently the party of action, 
 and its march is ever forward. (Applause.) We are not so made that we 
 can be content to retreat or to mark time. The traditions of the early days 
 of our party are sacred to us, and are hostages given to the American 
 people that we will not be unworthy of the great leaders who have gone. 
 The deeds of yesterday are in their turn a pledge and a proof that what we 
 promise we perform, and that the people who put faith in our declarations 
 in 1896 were not deceived, and may place the same trust in us in 1900. 
 (Applause.) But our pathway has never lain among dead issues, nor have 
 we won our victories and made history by delving in political graveyards. 
 (Applause.) We are the party of to-day, with cheerful yesterdays and 
 confident to-morrows. (Applause.) The living present is ours, the pres 
 ent of prosperity and activity in business, of good wages and quick pay 
 ments, of labor employed and capital invested, of sunshine in the market 
 place and the stir of abounding life in the workshop and on the farm. 
 (Applause.) It is with this that we have replaced the depression, the 
 doubts, the dull business, the low wages, the idle labor, the frightened 
 capital, the dark clouds which overhung industry and agriculture in 1896. 
 This is what we would preserve, so far as sound government and wise 
 legislation can do it. This is what we brought to the country four years 
 ago. This is what we offer now. 
 
 Again, we promise that the protective system shall be maintained, and 
 that our great industrial interests shall go on their way unshaken by the 
 dire fear of tariff agitation and of changing duties. (Applause.) Again 
 we declare that we will guard the national credit, uphold a sound currency 
 based on gold, and keep the wages of the workingman, and the enter 
 prise of the man of business, free from that most deadly of all evils, a 
 fluctuating standard of value. (Applause.) The deficit which made this 
 great country in a time of profound peace a borrower of money to meet 
 its current expenditures has been replaced by abundant revenue, bringing 
 a surplus, due alike to prosperity and to wise legislation, so ample that we 
 can now safely promise a large reduction of taxation without imperilling 
 our credit or risking a resort to loans. (Applause.) 
 
 We are prepared to take steps to revive and build up our merchant 
 marine, and thus put into American pockets the money paid for carrying 
 American freights. (Applause.) Out of the abundant resources, which our 
 financial legislation has brought us, we will build the Isthmian Canal, and 
 lay the cables which will help to turn the current of Eastern trade to the 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 87 
 
 Golden Gate. (Applause.) We are on good terms with all nations, and 
 mean to remain so, while we promise to insure our peace and safety by 
 maintaining the Monroe Doctrine, by ample coast defences and by building 
 up a navy which no one can challenge with impunity. (Applause.) 
 
 The new problems brought by the war we face with confidence in our 
 selves, and a still deeper confidence in the American people, who will deal 
 justly and rightly with the islands which have come into their charge. (Ap 
 plause.) The outcry against our new possessions is as empty as the cant 
 about militarism" and "imperialism" is devoid of sense and meaning. Re 
 gard for a moment those who are loudest in shrieking that the American 
 people are about to enter upon a career of oppression and that the Re 
 public is in danger. Have they been in the past the guardians of freedom? 
 Is safety for liberty now to be found most surely in the party which was 
 the defender of domestic slavery? Is true freedom to be secured by the 
 ascendancy of the party which beneath our very eyes seeks! to establish 
 through infamous laws the despotic rule of a small and unscrupulous band 
 of usurpers in Kentucky (applause), who trample there not upon the 
 rights of the black men but of the whites (applause), and which seeks to 
 extend the same system to North Carolina and Missouri? (Applause.) 
 Has it suddenly come to pass that the Democratic party which to-day 
 aims whenever it acquires power to continue in office by crushing out hon 
 est elections and popular rule; has it indeed come to pass, I say, that that 
 party is the chosen protector of liberty? If it were so the outlook would 
 be black indeed. No! The party of Lincoln may best be trusted now, as 
 in the past, to be true, even as he was true, to the rights of man and to 
 human freedom, whether within the borders of the United States or in the 
 islands which have come beneath our flag. (Applause.) The liberators may 
 be trusted to watch over the liberated. (Applause.) We who freed Cuba 
 will keep the pledge we made to her and will guide her along the road to 
 independence and stable government until she is ready to settle her own 
 future by the free expression of her people s will. (Applause.) We will 
 be faithful to the trust imposed upon us, and if among those to whom this 
 great work is confided in Cuba, or elsewhere, wrong doers shall be found, 
 men not only bad in morals but dead to their duty as Americans and false 
 to the honor of our name, we will punish these basest of criminals to the 
 extent of the law. (Applause.) 
 
 For the islands of Hawaii and Porto Rico the political problem has 
 been solved, and by Republican legislation they have been given self gov 
 ernment, and are peaceful and prosperous under the rule of the United 
 States. (Applause.) 
 
 In the Philippines we were met by rebellion, fomented by a self-seeking 
 adventurer and usurper. The duty of the President was to repress that 
 rebellion, to see to it that the authority of the United States, as rightful 
 and as righteous in Manila as in Philadelphia, was acknowledged and 
 obeyed. That harsh and painful duty President McKinley has performed 
 
88 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 firmly and justly, eager to resort to gentle measures whenever possible, 
 unyielding when treachery and violence made force necessary. Unlike the op 
 ponents of expansion we do not regard the soldiers of Otis and Lawton and 
 MacArthur as "an enemy s camp." (Applause.) In our eyes they are the sol 
 diers of the United States, they are our army, and we believe in them and will 
 sustain them. (Applause.) Even now the Democrats are planning, if they 
 get control of the House, to cut off appropriations for the army and thus 
 compel the withdrawal of our troops from the Philippines. The result 
 would be to force the retirement of such soldiers as would remain to Ma 
 nila, and their retreat would be the signal for the massacre and plunder of 
 the great body of the peaceful inhabitants of the islands who have trusted 
 to us to protect and guard them. Such an event would be an infamy. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Is the Government, is the House, to be given over to a party capable 
 of such a policy? Shall they not rather be trusted to the party which will 
 sustain the army and suppress the brigands and guerrillas who, under pre 
 tence of war, are now adding so freely to the list of crimes committed 
 in the name of liberty by usurpers and pretenders, and who, buoyed up 
 by Democratic promises, keep up a highwayman s warfare in hope of 
 Democratic success in November? It is for the American people to decide 
 this question. Our position is plain. The restoration of peace and order 
 now so nearly reached in the Philippines shall be completed. (Applause.) 
 Civil government shall be established, and the people advanced as rapidly 
 as possible along the road to entire freedom and to self-government under 
 our flag. We will not abandon our task. We will neither surrender nor 
 retreat. (Applause.) We will not write "failure" across this page of our 
 history. We will do our duty, our full duty, to the people of the Philip 
 pines, and strive by every means to give them freedom, contentment and 
 prosperity. (Applause.) 
 
 We have no belief in the old slaveholders doctrine that the Constitution 
 of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory, and this 
 doctrine, which we cast out in 1860, we still reject. (Applause.) We do 
 not mean that the Philippines shall come without our tariff system or be 
 come part of our body politic. We do mean that they shall, under 
 our teaching, learn to govern themselves and remain under our flag with 
 the largest possible measure of home rule. (Applause.) 
 
 We make no "hypocritical pretence of being interested in the Philippines 
 solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of these people 
 as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We 
 see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade ex 
 pansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government 
 and legislation we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and to 
 open new markets. Greatest of all markets is China. Our trade there is 
 growing by leaps and bounds. Manila, the prize of war, gives us inesti 
 mable advantages in developing that trade. To-day, when our legations 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 89- 
 
 are in danger, when our missionaries are assailed and our Consuls threat 
 ened, it is well indeed that we have ships in the Bay of Manila and troops 
 that we can send to protect our own. (Applause.) 
 
 Manila is the corner-stone of our Eastern policy, and the brilliant di 
 plomacy of John Hay in securing from all nations a guarantee of our treaty 
 rights and of the open door in China rests upon it. (Applause.) 
 
 We ask the American people whether they will throw away these new 
 markets and widening opportunities for trade and commerce, by putting 
 in power the Democratic party, who seek under cover of a newly discov 
 ered affection for the rights of man, to give up these islands of the East 
 and make Dewey s victory fruitless? The choice lies between this Demo 
 cratic policy of retreat and the Republican policy which would hold the 
 islands, give them freedom and prosperity, and enlarge these great oppor 
 tunities for ourselves and our posterity. (Applause.) The Democratic 
 attitude toward the Philippines rests wholly upon the proposition that the 
 American people have neither the capacity nor the honesty to deal rightly 
 with these islands. They assume that we shall fail. They fall down and 
 worship a Chinese half-breed whose name they had never heard three years- 
 ago, and they slander, and cry down, and doubt the honor of American 
 soldiers and sailors, of Admirals and Generals, and public men who have 
 gone in and out before us during an entire lifetime. (Applause.) 
 
 We are true to our own. We have no distrust of the honor, the humanity, 
 the capacity of the American people. (Applause.) To feel or do otherwise 
 is to doubt ourselves, our government and our civilization. We take issue 
 with the Democrats who would cast off the Philippines because the Ameri 
 can people cannot be trusted with them, and we declare that the American; 
 people can be trusted to deal justly, wisely and generously with these dis 
 tant islands and will lift them up to a higher prosperity, a broader freedom 
 and a nobler civilization than they have ever known. (Applause.) We have 
 not failed elsewhere. We shall not fail here. (Applause.) 
 
 Those are the questions we present to the American people in regard to 
 the Philippines. Do they want such a humiliating change there as Demo 
 cratic victory would bring? Do they want an even more radical change at. 
 home? Suppose the candidate of the Democrats, the Populists, the foes 
 of expansion, the dissatisfied and the envious should come into power,. 
 what kind of an administration would he give us? What would his Cabinet 
 be? Think what an electric spark of confidence would run through every 
 business interest in the country when such a Cabinet was announced as 
 we can readily imagine he would make. More important still we ask the 
 American people whether they will put in the White House the hero of 
 uncounted platforms, the prodigal spendthrift of words, the champion of 
 free silver, the opponent of expansion, the assailant of the courts; or 
 whether they will retain in the Presidency the Union soldier, the leader 
 of the House of Representatives, the trained statesman who has borne vic 
 toriously the heavy burdens of the last four years; the champion of protec- 
 
90 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 tion and sound money, the fearless supporter of law and order wherever 
 the flag floats. (Applause.) 
 
 But there is one question which we will put to the American people in 
 this campaign which includes and outweighs all others. We will say to 
 them, you were in the depths of adversity under the last administration; 
 you are on the heights of prosperity to-day. Will that prosperity continue 
 if you make a change in your President and in the party which administers 
 your government? How long will your good times last if you turn out 
 the Republicans and give political power to those who cry nothing but 
 "Woe! Woe!" the lovers of calamity and foes of prosperity, who hold 
 success in business to be a crime and regard thrift as a misdemeanor? If 
 the Democrats should win do you think business would improve? Do 
 you think prices would remain steady, that wages would rise and employ 
 ment increase when the result of the election was known? Business con 
 fidence rests largely upon sentiment. Do you think that sentiment would 
 be a hopeful one the day after Bryan s election? Business confidence is a 
 delicate plant. Do you think it would flourish with the Democratic party? 
 Do you know that if Bryan were elected the day after the news was 
 flashed over the country wages would go down, prices would decline, and 
 that the great argosy of American business now forging ahead over calm 
 waters, with fair breezes and with swelling canvass, would begin to take 
 in sail and seek the shelter and anchorage of the nearest harbor? Do you 
 not know from recent and bitter experience what that arrest of movement, 
 that fear of the future, means? It means the contraction of business, the 
 reduction of employment, the increase of the unemployed, lower wages, 
 hard times, distress, unhappiness. 
 
 We do not say that we have panaceas for every human ill. We do not 
 claim that any policy we, or any one else, can offer will drive from the 
 world sorrow and suffering and poverty, but we say that so far as govern 
 ment and legislation can secure the prosperity and well being of the Ameri 
 can people our administration and our policies will do it. (Applause.) 
 We point to the adversity of the Cleveland years lying dark behind us. 
 It has been replaced by the prosperity of the McKinley years. Let them 
 make whatever explanation they will, the facts are with us. (Applause.) 
 
 It is on these facts that we shall ask for the support of the American 
 people. What we have done is known, and about what we intend to do 
 there is neither secrecy nor deception. What we promise we will perform. 
 (Applause.) Our old policies are here, alive, successful and full of vigor. 
 Our new policies have been begun and for them we ask support. When 
 the clouds of impending civil war hung dark over the country in 1861 we 
 took up the great task then laid upon us and never flinched until we had 
 carried it through to victory. (Applause.) Now at the dawn of a new 
 century, with new policies and new opportunities opening before us in the 
 bright sunshine of prosperity, we again ask the American people to entrust 
 us with their future. We have profound faith in the people. (Applause.) 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 91 
 
 We do not distrust their capacity to meet the new responsibilities even as 
 they met the old, and we shall await with confidence, under the leadership 
 of William McKinley, the verdict of November. (Applause.) 
 
 PRESENTATION OF GAVELS, ETC. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES H. CHILD, of Rhode Island. Mr. Chairman, I am directed 
 to read the following letters: 
 
 PROVIDENCE, R. I., June igth, 1900. 
 To the HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, 
 
 Chairman of the National Republican Convention. 
 
 DEAR SIR: The Rhode Island Delegates and Alternates take great pleasure in pre 
 senting you this gavel, which was ordered especially for this occasion; thinking it 
 might be of some historical interest to you. 
 
 The mahogany of which it is constructed was secured from the old State Capitol, 
 the Tobin bronze is part of that used in the construction of the yacht Columbia, which 
 was built at Bristol, R. I., by the Herreshoff Co. 
 
 We trust you will value this as a souvenir of this National Republican Convention, 
 of which you have the honor to be its chairman. 
 
 Respectfully yours, 
 
 Charles R. Brayton, Isaac M. Potter, 
 
 Frank F. Carpenter, Elam Ward Olney, 
 
 Charles H. Child, A. S. Babcock, 
 
 Lucius B. Darling, W. E. Spink, 
 
 William P. Buffum, JIenr3c.Jg. L __TlepJke, 
 
 Joseph E. Fletcher, George L. Pierce, 
 
 B. F. Robinson, Jr., Samuel L. Peck, 
 
 Richard Thornley, Harry C. Curtis. 
 
 TILDEN-THURBER CO. 
 
 PROVIDENCE, June 6, 1900. 
 MR. CHARLES H. CHILD, 
 
 DEAR SIR: In response to your request, we beg to submit to you the following 
 description of the gavel ordered of us to be presented to the Chairman of the National 
 Republican Convention. 
 
 We enclose herewith letters from the Herreshoff Mfg. Co. to the Howard Sterling 
 Co., certifying that the Tobin bronze supplied to them was a part of the material used 
 in the construction of the yacht Columbia. Also a guarantee from the Howard Sterling 
 Co., that the material used in the construction of the special gavel is of the said bronze. 
 We also certify that the mahogany in the gavel was secured from the Rhode Island 
 State Capitol, which has just been vacated for the new building. Would also bring to 
 your attention the printed matter on the case, which tells the story. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 TILDEN-THURBER CO. 
 
 HERRESHOFF MANUFACTURING CO. 
 
 BRISTOL, R. I., November 3, 1899. 
 HOWARD STERLING CO., 
 
 WM. H. LONERGAN, MGR., 
 
 Providence, R. I. 
 
 GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the Tobin Bronze Scrap you have purchased 
 from us is a part of the material used in the construction of the yacht "COLUMBIA." 
 that we have not sold any part of same to other parties, nor can other parties pur 
 chase same of us. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 HERRESHOFF MFG. CO. 
 
92 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 HOWARD STERLING CO. 
 
 PROVIDENCE, R. I., May 19, 1900. 
 TILDEN-THURBER CO., 
 City. 
 
 GENTLEMEN: We hereby certify that the special gavel No. IODX is made of bronze 
 purchased by us from Herreshoff Mfg. Co., and part of that which was used in con 
 struction of yacht "Columbia." 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 HOWARD STERLING COMPANY. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Colonel Child has presented to the Chair 
 man of the Convention a gavel made in the manner he has described. The 
 Chairman desires to thank him personally most sincerely for this com 
 pliment from one of the sister States, but he is well aware that the compli 
 ment is paid not to him personally, but as the representative of this great 
 Convention. In its name he takes the liberty of thanking Col. Child 
 and the State of Rhode Island for the gavel to be used during the sessions 
 of the Convention. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, I desire to present 
 a gavel from the mountains of Kentucky. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Kentucky is recog 
 nized. 
 
 Mr. JOHN W. LANGLEY, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 
 the Convention: Up among Kentucky s mountains, in the valley of the 
 Big Sandy, there is a humble country home, wherein dwells an old man 
 a soldier of Republicanism who has spent his life in battling for the re 
 demption of Kentucky from the thraldom of Democracy. He lives at the 
 foot of the hill upon whose summit the great Garfield won a general s star. 
 (Applause.) That home is my home; that old man is my father. (Ap 
 plause.) He has asked me, Mr. Chairman, to present this gavel to you. 
 It is an unpretentious offering from a modest man, but to me the request 
 bears the potency of a sovereign s decree. It was carved from the tree be 
 side which Garfield stood during the battle of Middle Creek, Kentucky, 
 and beside which he is said to have knelt and asked the God of Battles to 
 give the victory \o the Union arms. 
 
 Some of Indiana s soldier boys were in that battle (applause), and they 
 displayed the same heroism and the same courageous devotion to duty 
 that are now being displayed by Indiana s great Governor (applause) in 
 giving asylum and protection to him who is the rightful Governor of 
 Kentucky (applause), and who is an exile from his native State to-day, 
 because if there he could not have enforced the constitutional guarantees 
 of life, liberty and due process of law. I do not mean by this to assert 
 that love of liberty is dead in Kentucky, for it still lives in the hearts of all 
 true Kentuckians (applause) and is being suppressed only by unworthy 
 leaders of the people. It will be strengthened by the news of the renomi- 
 nation of McKinley. (Applause.) 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 93 
 
 I present this gavel to you, Mr. Chairman, as a token of our continued 
 devotion to Republican principles, and as a pledge that Kentucky s elec 
 toral vote will be cast next November for McKinley and Roosevelt. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair extends the thanks of the Con 
 vention to the gentleman from Kentucky, who has presented to him this 
 most interesting gavel. 
 
 Mr. SEVER E. OLSON, of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of 
 the Convention: At the last two National Conventions of the Republican 
 party there was presented and utilized for the proper purpose a table, the 
 handiwork of the young lads in the manual training class of the South 
 Side High School, in the City of Minneapolis. In 1892 it was used at the 
 National Republican Convention which that year assembled in our beautiful 
 city and which was presided over by that matchless American, the most 
 illustrious citizen of our time, who now is the President of the United 
 States. (Applause.) The first imprint on its surface was made by his 
 magic gavel. 
 
 This table was made further historic by being used for a like purpose 
 at the National Republican Convention which assembled in the City of 
 St. Louis in 1896. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, this pleasing duty has 
 been assigned to me, and on behalf of the youthful craftsmen who con 
 structed it, on behalf of our people who are proud of their skill, and on 
 behalf of the delegation here present from the stalwart North Star State, 
 I ask the privilege of placing this table at your service during the delibera 
 tions of the Convention; and its acceptance by you will be a fitting recog 
 nition of and encouragement to the educational and industrial interests of 
 our country, which are always foremost and uppermost in the fostering 
 care of the great Republican party. (Applause.) 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the name of the Convention I accept 
 the table already used at two prior Conventions, and beg to express to you, 
 Mr. Olson, the thanks of the Convention for the kindness of Minnesota in 
 again presenting the table to a Republican National Convention. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF 
 
 BUSINESS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report 
 of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. The gentleman from 
 Pennsylvania (Mr. Bingham) is recognized. 
 
 Mr. HENRY H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I am directed 
 by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business to report for your con 
 sideration and action a body of rules for the governing of this Convention. 
 It is needless for me to submit that the report of the committee is unanimous. 
 
94 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 It is proper to state that your committee adjourned subject to the call of 
 the Chairman, so that should the Convention determine in any way to 
 amend or change the rules submitted, the committee can act immediately. 
 
 There have been many suggestions as to a change of the rules, especially 
 on the basis of representation as now accepted by conventions upon the 
 basis of votes cast in Congressional districts or other ways of representation. 
 Your committee determined that the better and safer course was to adopt 
 the rules which have governed the National Conventions of four and eight 
 years ago, and to leave any new or additional rules to be the subject of your 
 action here to-day. I will read the rules proposed: 
 
 Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State 
 equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six 
 delegates each from the territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and 
 Oklahoma; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii. 
 
 Rule II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fifty-sixth Congress 
 shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent 
 with the following rules: 
 
 Rule III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of the 
 delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two or more States, and 
 the call is sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then be 
 proceeded with, and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representa 
 tives in similar cases. 
 
 Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only when made by 
 authority of a majority of the delegates from any State, and seconded by a majority 
 of the delegates from not less than two other States. 
 
 Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a 
 pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, shall not carry with it, or prejudice such 
 measure. 
 
 Rule VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be called in 
 alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii. 
 
 Rule VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before 
 the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and the report of the 
 Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the 
 nomination of a candidate for President and Vice-President. 
 
 Rule VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
 that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, Alaska, The 
 District of Columbia and Hawaii, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and 
 Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii, in the order heretofore 
 established. 
 
 Rule IX. In making the nomination for President and Vice-President in no case 
 shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. \Vhen it appears at the close of any 
 roll call that any candidate has received the majority of votes to which the Convention 
 is entitled, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: "Shall 
 the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no candidates shall have 
 received such majority, the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall 
 be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes and when 
 any State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of numerical error. 
 
 Rule X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Territory, Alaska, the 
 District of Columbia and Hawaii shall be announced by the Chairman, and in case 
 the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia or Hawaii shall be 
 divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes for any candidate, or for 
 or against any proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correctness 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 95 
 
 of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the President of the Con 
 vention shall direct the roll of members of such delegation to be called, and the 
 result shall be recorded in accordance with the vote individually given. 
 
 Rule XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, nor 
 longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the presenta 
 tion of the names of candidates. 
 
 Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of 
 one member from each State, Territory, Alaska, The District of Columbia and Hawaii. 
 The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the 
 District of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who 
 shall act as member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the 
 meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed 
 for said meeting, and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its 
 delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member 
 for Congress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Conven 
 tion shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, 
 and said National Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the 
 District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National 
 Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in 
 the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for 
 each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective 
 States. 
 
 Rule XIII. The Republican National Comfhittee is authorized and empowered to 
 select an Executive Committee to consist of nine members, who may or may not be 
 members of the National Committee. 
 
 Rule XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Com 
 mittee on Resolutions without debate. 
 
 Rule XV. No person except members of the several delegations and officers of the 
 Convention shall be admitted to that section of the hall apportioned to delegates. 
 
 Rule XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business: 
 
 First. Report of the Committee on Credentials. 
 
 Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
 
 Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 Fourth. Naming members of National Committee. 
 
 Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President. 
 
 Sixth. Balloting. 
 
 Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President. 
 
 Eighth. Balloting. 
 
 Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska, the District of Columbia and 
 Hawaii for names of Delegates to serve respectively on Committees to notify the nominees 
 for President and Vice-President of their selection for said offices. 
 
 I move the adoption of the report of your committee. 
 
 Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amend 
 ment to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, to 
 strike out Rule i and insert in lieu thereof what I send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The amendment proposed by the gentle 
 man from Pennsylvania will be stated. 
 
 The READING CLERK. It is proposed to strike out Rule I and insert 
 in lieu thereof the following: 
 
,96 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 That hereafter each State shall be entitled to four Delegates at Large and one addi 
 tional Delegate for each ten thousand votes or majority fraction thereof cast at the last 
 preceding Presidential election for Republican electors; and six Delegates from each 
 organized Territory and the District of Columbia; and that the methods for the election 
 of such defegates shall be provided for by the National Committee. 
 
 Several delegates addressed the Chair. 
 
 Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I believe I still have the floor. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the 
 floor, and is entitled under the rule to five minutes. 
 
 Mr QUAY, of Pennsylvania. If the amendment is adopted, Rule 12 will 
 have to be modified to conform to Rule i, as amended. 
 
 I desire, Mr. Chairman, to send to the desk and have read a statement 
 showing the practical effect of the amendment. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks that 
 a statement be read to the Convention by the reading clerk. If there is no 
 objection the statement will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK proceeded to read the statement. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
 desire to have the figures read? 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I desire that they be read in order that 
 delegates may understand on what the change proposed is based. 
 
 The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, and was in 
 terrupted by 
 
 Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of 
 order. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Arkansas will state his 
 point of order. 
 
 Mr. McCLURE, of Arkansas. It is that under Rule 14 all resolutions 
 relating to the platform shall be referred to the Committee on Resolutions 
 without debate. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. This is not a resolution. It is an amend 
 ment to the report of the Committee on Rules. 
 
 The READING CLERK resumed the reading of the statement, which is as 
 ^follows : 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 97 
 
 STATEMENT SHOWING 
 
 Number of delegates according to present basis, as compared with basis 
 of one delegate for each 10,000 votes, or majority fraction thereof, cast for 
 President McKinley in 1896. Also, compared with the number of delegates 
 based upon equal representation as stated, to which is added four delegates- 
 at-large from each State. 
 
 State. 
 
 1896. 
 Rep. Vote. 
 
 . 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 M issouri 
 
 Montana 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New York 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 South Dakota 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Utah 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Washington 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 54,787 
 
 87,512 
 146,170 
 
 26,271 
 110,285 
 
 16,804 
 
 11,288 
 
 60,091 
 6,824 
 607,180 
 828,754 
 2X9,298 
 159,541 
 218,171 
 
 22,087 
 
 80,465 
 186,959 
 278,976 
 298,582 
 198,501 
 5,180 
 804,940 
 
 10,494 
 
 102,804 
 
 1,938 
 
 57,444 
 221,367 
 819,888 
 155,222 
 
 26,885 
 525,991 
 
 48,779 
 728,800 
 
 87,487 
 9,281 
 
 41,042 
 148,778 
 167,520 
 
 18,484 
 
 51,127 
 185,36s 
 
 89,158 
 104,414 
 268,1*5 
 
 10,072 
 
 22 
 16 
 
 18 
 8 
 12 
 (i 
 8 
 26 
 6 
 48 
 BO 
 26 
 20 
 26 
 16 
 12 
 16 
 80 
 28 
 18 
 is 
 
 84 
 
 6 
 
 Iti 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 72 
 
 22 
 
 (i 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 15 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 8] 
 
 82 
 
 2!t 
 
 Hi 
 
 22 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 M 
 
 28 
 
 20 
 
 lit 
 
 1 
 
 80 
 
 1 
 
 in 
 
 1 
 
 H 
 
 22 
 
 82 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 58 
 
 5 
 
 78 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 K) 
 
 27 
 1 
 
 714 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 5 
 65 
 86 
 33 
 20 
 26 
 
 6 
 12 
 18 
 32 
 33 
 23 
 
 5 
 34 
 
 5 
 14 
 
 5 
 10 
 26 
 86 
 20 
 
 7 
 57 
 
 9 
 77 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 19 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 18 
 
 8 
 14 
 31 
 
 5 
 
i OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 STATEMENT SHOWING 
 
 (a) Number of delegates in 1896 Convention from all the States, 894 
 
 (&) Republican vote 1896 in all the States 7,104,779 
 
 (c) Average vote per delegate - 7,947 
 
 (d) Republican vote in 1896 in each State. 
 
 (e) Vote per delegate in each State. 
 
 (f) Number of delegates to which each State would be entitled upon 
 
 equal basis of representation according to Republican vote in 1896. 
 
 .States. 
 
 1896 
 Rep. Vote. 
 
 Vote per 
 Delegate. 
 
 Present 
 Basis No 
 Delegates 
 
 Equal 
 Represen 
 tation 
 No. Del. 
 
 
 54,737 
 
 2,488 
 
 22 
 
 7 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 87,512 
 
 2,345 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 California 
 
 146,170 
 
 8,121 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 
 26,171 
 
 3,284 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 110,285 
 
 9,190 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 
 
 16,804 
 
 2,801 
 
 g 
 
 2 
 
 Florida 
 
 11,288 
 
 1,411 
 
 g 
 
 I 
 
 
 60,091 
 
 2,811 
 
 26 
 
 g 
 
 Idaho 
 
 6,824 
 
 1,054 
 
 g 
 
 1 
 
 Illinois 
 
 607,180 
 
 12,649 
 
 48 
 
 76 
 
 
 823,754 
 
 10,792 
 
 80 
 
 41 
 
 
 289,293 
 
 11,127 
 
 26 
 
 86 
 
 
 159541 
 
 7,977 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 K6ntucky 
 
 218,171 
 
 8,391 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 
 22,037 
 
 1,877 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 Maine 
 
 80465 
 
 6,705 
 
 12 
 
 in 
 
 
 136,959 
 
 8,560 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 
 278976 
 
 9,299 
 
 80 
 
 35 
 
 Michigan 
 
 298,582 
 
 10,485 
 
 28 
 
 37 
 
 
 198,501 
 
 10,750 
 
 18 
 
 24 
 
 
 5180 
 
 285 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 304,940 
 
 8,969 
 
 84 
 
 38 
 
 
 10494 
 
 1,749 
 
 g 
 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 102,304 
 
 6,394 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 
 1 988 
 
 328 
 
 g 
 
 1 
 
 
 57444 
 
 7 181 
 
 g 
 
 7 
 
 New J6rsey 
 
 221,367 
 
 11,068 
 
 20 
 
 28 
 
 New York 
 
 819 838 
 
 11,387 
 
 72 
 
 103 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 155,222 
 
 7,056 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 26,335 
 
 4,889 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 Ohio 
 
 525,991 
 
 11,435 
 
 46 
 
 66 
 
 
 48,779 
 
 6,097 
 
 g 
 
 g 
 
 
 728800 
 
 11 880 
 
 64 
 
 92 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 37,437 
 
 4,680 
 
 g 
 
 5 
 
 
 9281 
 
 516 
 
 18 
 
 I 
 
 
 41 042 
 
 5180 
 
 g 
 
 5 
 
 
 148,778 
 
 6199 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 Texas 
 
 167,520 
 
 5,584 
 
 80 
 
 21 
 
 
 13,484 
 
 2,247 
 
 g 
 
 2 
 
 
 51,127 
 
 6391 
 
 g 
 
 g 
 
 Virginia 
 
 135,368 
 
 5,640 
 
 24 
 
 17 
 
 Washington 
 
 39,158 
 
 4894 
 
 g 
 
 5 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 104,414 
 
 8,701 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 268,135 
 
 11,172 
 
 24 
 
 34 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 10,072 
 
 1 679 
 
 g 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 894 
 
 893 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 99 
 
 The reading of the statement was interrupted by 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, the reading of the state 
 ment will be somewhat protracted. The amendment involves a very radical 
 change in the base of representation, and the Convention can scarcely, 
 from the bare reading of the statement by the clerk at the desk, know ex 
 actly what it is proposed to vote on, if we proceed to take a vote now. 
 
 I suggest to the distinguished Chairman of the Committee on Rules and 
 Order of Business that a vote be now taken upon every rule except Rule 
 I and Rule 12, and that the reading of the statement be suspended. (Cries 
 of "platform!") 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Delegates here request that the gen 
 tleman from Pennsylvania take the platform, so that we can hear what he 
 has to say. 
 
 Mr. Quay ascended the platform, and was greeted with prolonged cheer 
 ing. 
 
 THE PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair begs that order will be preserved. 
 Otherwise the absolute suspension of business will be necessary. 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. The suggestion which I desire to make to 
 the Chair is that the clerk suspend the reading of the statement, which is 
 somewhat prolix. It will appear in the newspapers of this city in the even 
 ing, as a matter of course, in connection with the proceedings of the Con 
 vention. I suggest to the distinguishes Chairman of the Committee on 
 Rules and Order of Business that he have a vote upon the adoption of every 
 rule except Rule i and Rule 12, which alone are affected by this amendment, 
 and allow those two rules to stand over until the meeting of the Conven 
 tion to-morrow morning, when I will call them up for the deliberate action 
 of the Convention. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania requests 
 that Rules I and 12, the only rules affected by his amendment, may be 
 passed over for the present and their consideration postponed until to 
 morrow, and that the remainder of the report of the Committee on Rules 
 and Order of Business be now acted upon. Is there objection? 
 
 SEVERAL DELEGATES. I object. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. It is the right of the 
 gentleman from Pennsylvania to demand a division of the question. The 
 matter of postponement can only be the subject of a separate motion. The 
 Chair submitted it in the form of a request for unanimous consent. 
 
 Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, there is opposition 
 to this amendment, and we desire to be heard fully before the Convention 
 is asked or required to submit to a vote on a question so important and 
 vital to Southern Republicans. (Applause.) If it is the purpose to have 
 the amendment passed over until to-morrow, in order that we may be 
 heard fully, we will submit; but if it is the purpose to cut off debate, so that 
 
100 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 the Convention may not understand fully what is meant by the amendment, 
 we desire to be heard now. 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I will say to the delegate from Tennessee 
 that it is in order that the amendment may be fully understood that I sug 
 gested a postponement of its consideration until to-morrow. 
 
 Mr. JOHN R. LYNCH, of Mississippi. In order that the Convention may 
 have before it every phase of this question, I desire to submit a proposition, 
 which has a direct bearing upon the question, as a substitute for the amend 
 ment proposed by Mr. Quay. Let it be read, and then let them go over 
 and be considered together. I offer this as a substitute, and desire to 
 have it read from the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Mississippi has a 
 right to offer a substitute. The substitute proposed by the gentleman from 
 Mississippi for the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsyl 
 vania (Mr. QUAY) will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 "In any State wherein the right to vote is denied to any of the male inhabitants 
 thereof on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, or wherein said 
 right is in any. way abridged for the same reason, representation in Congress should be 
 reduced in the proportion which the whole number of male inhabitants so deprived of 
 the right to vote shall bear to the whole number of male inhabitants twenty-one years 
 of age in such State." 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the substi 
 tute submitted by the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. LYNCH) for the 
 amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY). 
 
 Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. If it is the desire of the Convention to post 
 pone this matter until to-morrow, I shall have nothing more to say to-day. 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I have no objection to 
 
 Mr. LYNCH, of Mississippi. When it does come up we want to be heard 
 fully. 
 
 Mr. FLAVEL McGEE, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey rises to 
 a point of order. The gentleman will state his point of order. 
 
 Mr. McGEE, of New Jersey. The point of order is that the amendment 
 is not germane to the matter before the Convention. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair sustains the point of order. It 
 is clearly not germane to the report of the Committee on Rules and Order 
 of Business. The gentleman from Pennsylvania demands a division. 
 
 Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. On that question the Chairman of the Com 
 mittee desires to be heard. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 101 
 
 Mr. P. L. SOPER, of the Indian Territory. With the consent of the hon 
 orable gentleman from Pennsylvania, I move to strike out the word "or 
 ganized," preceding the word "Territory." The Indian Territory has 450,- 
 ooo people, and it is governed directly by Congress. It certainly should 
 have representation in conventions. 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I suggest that the word "organized? ^e 
 stricken out by unanimous consent. There is no objection to striking nt 
 out. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the word "organized," 
 before the word "Territory," will be stricken out. That suggestion is ac 
 cepted by the mover of the amendment. The amendment offered by the 
 gentleman from Pennsylvania now reads as modified at the suggestion of 
 the gentleman from the Indian Territory. 
 
 Mr. H. H. BINGHAM, of Pennsylvania. As I stated to the Convention in 
 the few remarks I made, the general proposition of representation had no 
 consideration before your committee, for the reason that it was not submit 
 ted. The committee adjourned subject to the call of the Chairman, in order 
 that any action of the Convention which would send the rules back could be 
 duly considered. 
 
 However, the gentleman, under the rules of the House of Representa 
 tives, of his own right demands a division of the question, and asks that 
 Rule i and Rule 12, with his amendment and such other amendments as 
 may be in order, go over until to-morrow. As the body of rules are neces 
 sary for the government of the Convention in permanent organization, I 
 think it wise to accept a division of the question and to ask for the adop 
 tion of all of the rules except Rule I and Rule 12. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The request is made that the consideration 
 of Rule i and Rule 12 may be postponed until to-morrow, and that the other 
 rules may be disposed of at this time. 
 
 Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, I desire to 
 have Rules i and 12 re-read. , 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have already been read from the 
 desk. Does the gentleman from North Carolina ask that they be read 
 again? 
 
 Mr. GEORGE H. WHITE, of North Carolina. I ask that Rule i and Rule 
 12 be re-read, so that we may thoroughly understand the distinction. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Rules i and 12 will be read again, at the 
 request of the gentleman from North Carolina. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Rule I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State 
 equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six dele 
 gates each from the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Okla 
 homa; four from Alaska, two from the District of Columbia and two from Hawaii. 
 
102 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Rule XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
 member from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District of Columbia and Hawaii. The 
 roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska, the District 
 of Columbia and Hawaii shall name, through its Chairman, a person who shall act as 
 member of said Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the meeting of the 
 National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed for said meeting, 
 and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the 
 National Convention in the same way as the nomination of a member for Congress is 
 made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected 
 in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, and said National 
 Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of 
 Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act 
 in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the 
 same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates 
 shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective States. 
 
 Mr. JOHN E. McCALL, of Tennessee. I rise to ask a question for infor 
 mation. Is the motion to defer until to-morrow debatable? If so I desire 
 to be heard in opposition to it. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair supposes it is open to debate, 
 it being a motion to refer to a time certain. 
 
 Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. Then I desire to be heard. 
 
 Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. I make the point of order that 
 there is no motion to refer before the Convention. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent has been asked that 
 Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and that the remainder 
 of the report be now disposed of. 
 
 Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That is true. Unanimous consent 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair now submits to the Convention 
 the request for unanimous consent. 
 Mr. PAYNE, of New York. That was objected to. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. 
 QUAY) requests that Rules i and 12 be passed over until to-morrow, and 
 that they be made the unfinished business, and that the remainder of the 
 report be disposed of now. Is there objection? 
 
 Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I desire to ask a question for information. 
 Will this matter, if passed over until to-morrow, be disposed of before the 
 nominations of candidates for President and Vice President are made? 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. In the opinion of the Chair it will come up 
 the first thing in the morning as the unfinished business. 
 Mr. McCALL, of Tennessee. I have no further objection. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request as stated 
 by the Chair? 
 
 Mr. JOHN McCLURE, of Arkansas. I object. 
 
HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, 
 Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 103 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Objection is made. The question recurs on 
 agreeing to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania to 
 Rule i. 
 
 Mr. SYDNEY E. MUDD, of Maryland. I move that the consideration of 
 the amendments which have been offered be postponed, to come up imme 
 diately after the convening of this body to-morrow. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. 
 MUDD) moves that Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, be post 
 poned until to-morrow, to come up immediately after the assembling of the 
 Convention. 
 
 Mr. T. B. WALL, of Kansas. On behalf of Kansas, I second the motion. 
 
 Mr. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. I second the motion on the part of Penn 
 sylvania. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The motion being duly seconded, the ques 
 tion is on postponing Rules i and 12, with the proposed amendments, until 
 to-morrow immediately after the assembling of the Convention. 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question recurs on agreeing to the 
 motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to adopt the remainder of 
 the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the report of 
 the Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
 Indiana. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana, read the report of the Com 
 mittee on Resolutions, as follows: 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM 1900. 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representa 
 tives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed 
 record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and 
 opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these 
 declarations: 
 
 The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Demo 
 cratic party, entrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magis 
 trate and a Republican Congress, has been met and satisfied. When the 
 people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation 
 and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed and the National 
 credit disastrously impaired. The country s capital was hidden avray and 
 
104 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan 
 with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had themselves 
 produced than to coin silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican 
 party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than 
 those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by 
 means of two legislative measures a protective tariff and a law making 
 gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Re 
 publican party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has 
 been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more 
 general and more abundant, than we have ever known has followed these 
 enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Gov 
 ernment obligations. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured 
 equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any other nation. 
 Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. No 
 single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican Govern 
 ment means to the country than this That while during the whole period 
 of one hundred and seven years from 1790 to 1897 there was an excess of 
 exports over imports of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three 
 years of the present Republican administration an excess of exports over 
 imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094. 
 
 And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, 
 have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and com 
 merce, they/have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and 
 human rights. No thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high 
 purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war un 
 sought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government 
 was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, 
 and the quick and signal triumph of i$s forces on land and sea bore equal 
 tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors, and to the skill and 
 foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race 
 there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the American people a 
 new and noble responsibility. 
 
 We endorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been 
 established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has 
 distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American nation. 
 Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President Mc 
 Kinley has been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright 
 statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, always in 
 spiring and deserving the confidence of his countrymen. 
 
 In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and 
 to renew their commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the 
 fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic 
 principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to 
 conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public 
 confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 105 
 
 intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That 
 confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inade 
 quate, and the country s prosperity, when Democratic success at the polls 
 is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders 
 and failures. 
 
 We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and declare 
 our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress 
 by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon 
 a gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a po 
 tent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of 
 further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest, we favor 
 such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season 
 and of all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly 
 sustained, labor steadily employed and commerce enlarged. The volume 
 of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We 
 declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 
 No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support 
 of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Repub 
 lican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril 
 of base and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic President 
 could not fail to impair the country s credit and to bring once more into 
 question the intention of the American people to maintain upon the gold 
 standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic party must 
 be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago 
 platform. 
 
 We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of 
 capital to meet new business conditions and especially to extend our rapidly 
 increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations 
 intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or 
 to control prices; and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and 
 prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and secure the 
 rights of producers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and com 
 merce. 
 
 We renew our faith in the policy of Protection to American labor. In 
 that policy our industries have been established, diversified and maintained. 
 By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and pro 
 duction cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has 
 been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high 
 rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working 
 people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing coun 
 try. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in 
 the right of self-government and protected in the occupancy of their own 
 markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them 
 to finally enter the markets of the world. We favor the associated policy 
 
106 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for 
 what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets. 
 \s In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective 
 restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the ex 
 tension of opportunites of education for working children, the raising of the 
 age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract 
 convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance. 
 
 Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our 
 foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also 
 a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of 
 European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. 
 The National defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply 
 a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our 
 former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. 
 
 The Nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors 
 who have fought its battles, and it is the Government s duty to provide for 
 the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in 
 the country s wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should 
 be liberal and should be liberally administered; and preference should be 
 given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service 
 to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 
 
 We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency of the 
 Civil Service. The Administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure 
 for public service in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands 
 only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. 
 We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should 
 be confined as far as practicable to their inhabitants. 
 
 It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution 
 to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the 
 elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or 
 constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revo 
 lutionary, and should be condemned. 
 
 Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads 
 and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recom 
 mend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the 
 Legislatures of the several States. 
 
 ^ We favor the extension of the Rural Free Delivery service wherever its 
 extension may be justified. 
 
 In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to 
 
 provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend a_dec[uate national 
 
 legislation to reclaim th..arjjJLJa"dQ of the United States, reserving control 
 
 oTThe distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and ter- 
 
 / ritories. 
 
 We favor home rule for, and the early admission to statehood of the 
 Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 107 
 
 The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct 
 of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to re 
 duce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are the Govern 
 ment s revenues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity of its 
 obligations that its newly-funded two per cent, bonds sell at a premium. 
 The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the 
 Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. 
 ^ We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an 
 Isthmian Canal by the Government of the United States. New markets 
 are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort 
 should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, 
 and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its successful effort 
 to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open door 
 in China. 
 
 In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress 
 create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a Sec 
 retary with~a seat in~ tTie^-CatnTfeTT The United States Consular system 
 should be reorganized under the supervision of this new Department upon 
 such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more service 
 able to the Nation s increasing trade. 
 
 The American Government must protect the person and property of 
 every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 
 
 We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of 
 public service in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and 
 hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and West 
 ern Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of edu 
 cation and industry. 
 
 President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United 
 States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us 
 from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the government 
 of Samoa, his course is especially to be commended. By securing to our 
 undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the 
 best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safe 
 guarded. 
 
 \s We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 
 r L We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Confer 
 ence at the Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy an 
 nounced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of the Hague Conven 
 tion were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly 
 offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African 
 Republic. While the American Government must continue the policy pre 
 scribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and im 
 posed upon us by the Hague treaty of non-intervention in European con 
 troversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be 
 
108 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife 
 between them. 
 
 In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories 
 in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted ap 
 proval of the American people. No other course was possible than to de 
 stroy Spain s sovereignty throughout the Western Indies and in the Philip 
 pine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and 
 with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from 
 Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the estab 
 lishment of good government and for the performance of international ob 
 ligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility; and 
 wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the 
 Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and 
 to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued 
 peoples. 
 
 The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and 
 our duties shall be secured to them by law. 
 
 To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same 
 voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per 
 formed. 
 
 The Republican party, upon its history, and upon this declaration of princi 
 ples and policies confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg 
 ment of the American people. 
 
 CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, 
 
 EDWARD ROSEWATER, Chairman. 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana. By direction of the Commit 
 tee on Resolutions, I move the adoption of the report, and upon that I 
 demand the previous question. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The previous question is demanded by the 
 gentleman from Indiana. Is it seconded? Under the rules two States must 
 second the demand. 
 
 Mr. W. J. SEWELL, of New Jersey. I do not think there is a particle of 
 objection to it. Unanimous consent will be given. 
 
 Mr. H. C. HANSBROUGH, of North Dakota. On behalf of North Dako-ta 
 I second the demand. 
 
 Mr. ROBERT METZGER, of Indiana, I second the demand on the part of 
 Indiana, 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The demand being duly seconded, the 
 question is, shall the previous question be ordered? 
 
 The previous question was ordered. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the re 
 port of the Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 The report was unanimously agreed to. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 109 
 
 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business is the nomination of 
 members of the National Republican Committee. 
 
 Mr. FORAKER, of Ohio. I was about to make a motion to adjourn. In 
 view of the announcement just made by the Chairman, I will withhold the 
 motion until the business can be transacted. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will be called for 
 National Committeemen. The chairman of each delegation is requested to 
 announce the name of the member of the National Republican Committee 
 from his State, Territory or the District of Columbia. 
 
 The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll of States, etc. 
 
 Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Owing to 
 the contest, which was only settled this morning, our delegation has not 
 been able to agree on the member of the National Committee. 
 
 Mr. W. T. BURNS, of Texas (when Texas was called). I ask that Texas 
 be passed for the time being. 
 
 Mr. H. M. WELLS, of Utah (when Utah was called). On the question 
 of National Committeeman, the delegation is divided, one half being in 
 favor of O. J. Salisbury and the other in favor of W. T. McCornick. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Utah will be passed, the delegation being 
 equally divided. 
 
 The call of the roll of States, etc., was concluded. As finally made up 
 the National Republican Committee is as follows: 
 
 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 
 
 Alabama J. W. DIMMICK 
 
 Arkansas POWELL CLAYTON 
 
 California W. C. VAN FLEET 
 
 Colorado EDWARD O. WOLCOTT 
 
 Connecticut CHARLES F. BROOKER 
 
 Delaware JOHN EDWARD ADDICKS 
 
 Florida JOHN G. LONG 
 
 Georgia JUDSON W. LYONS 
 
 Idaho GEORGE L. SHOUP 
 
 Illinois GRAEME STEWART 
 
 Indiana HARRY S. NEW 
 
 Iowa ERNEST E. HART 
 
 Kansas DAVID W. MULVANE 
 
 Kentucky JOHN W. YERKES 
 
 Louisiana A. T. WIMBERLY 
 
 Maine JOSEPH H. MANLEY 
 
 Maryland L. E. McCOMAS 
 
 Massachusetts GEO. VAN L. MEYER 
 
 Michigan WILLIAM H. ELLIOTT 
 
 Minnesota THOMAS H. SHEVLIN 
 
 Mississippi H. C. TURLEY 
 
 Missouri.. ..RICHARD C. KERENS 
 
110 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Montana WILLIAM H. DsWITT 
 
 Nebraska R. B. SNYDER 
 
 Nevada P. L. FLANNIGAN 
 
 New Hampshire CHAS. S. MEANS 
 
 New Jersey FRANKLIN MURPHY 
 
 New York FREDERICK S. GIBBS 
 
 North Carolina J. E. BOYD 
 
 North Dakota ALEX. McKENZIE 
 
 Ohio GEORGE B. COX 
 
 Oregon GEORGE A. STEED 
 
 Pennsylvania MATTHEW S. QUAY 
 
 Rhode Island CHAS. R. BRAYTON 
 
 South Carolina E. A. \VEBSTER 
 
 South Dakota A. M. GREEN 
 
 Tennessee WALTER P. BROWNLOW 
 
 Texas R. B. HAWLEY 
 
 Utah O. J. SALISBURY 
 
 Vermont JAMES W. BROCK 
 
 Virginia GEO. E. BOWDEN 
 
 Washington GEO. H. BAKER 
 
 West Virginia N. B. SCOTT 
 
 Wisconsin HENRY C. PAYNE 
 
 Wyoming WILLIS VAN DEVANTER 
 
 District of Columbia M. M. PARKER 
 
 Alaska JOHN G. HEID 
 
 Arizona . WILLIAM M. GRIFFITH 
 
 Indian Territory WM. M. MELLETTE 
 
 New Mexico SOLOMON LUNA 
 
 Oklahoma WILLIAM GRIMES 
 
 Hawaii HAROLD M. SEWALL 
 
 (Note: When the name of Hon. M. S. Quay was announced as member 
 of the Republican National Committee from Pennsylvania, he was tendered 
 an ovation lasting several minutes. Ed.) 
 
 HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The roll of States, etc., will now be called 
 for honorary Vice-Presidents of the Convention. 
 
 The roll of States, etc., was called. As finally made up the list of Hon 
 orary Vice-Presidents is as follows: 
 
 Alabama FRANK H. LOTHROP 
 
 Arkansas CHAS. D. GRAVES 
 
 California H. G. BOND 
 
 Colorado W. S. STRATTON 
 
 Connecticut JOSEPH R. HAWLEY 
 
 Delaware HIRAM R. BURTON 
 
 Florida H. S. CHUBB 
 
 Georgia J. J. HAMILTON 
 
 Idaho L. L. ORMSBEE 
 
 Illinois CHAS. H. DEERE 
 
 Indiana JAMES A. MOUNT 
 
 Iowa CHAS. M. HINSDALE 
 
 Kansas W. S. METCALF 
 
 Kentucky R. P. STOLL 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. m 
 
 Louisiana W. J. BEHAN 
 
 Maine WALDO PETTINGILL 
 
 Maryland W. E. MALSTER 
 
 Massachusetts F. W. ROCKWELL 
 
 Michigan REA BARKER 
 
 Minnesota GEO. FITZ SIMMONS 
 
 Mississippi F. W. COLLINS 
 
 Missouri NATHAN FRANK 
 
 Montana DAVID E. FOLSOM 
 
 Nebraska JNO. D. HASKELL 
 
 Nevada M. C. McMILLAN 
 
 New Hampshire FRANK JONES 
 
 New Jersey F. M. VOORHEES 
 
 New York FRANK S. BLACK 
 
 North Carolina S. B. ADAMS 
 
 North Dakota H. L. HOLMES 
 
 Ohio JAMES BARNETT 
 
 Oregon F. S. STANLEY 
 
 Pennsylvania SAMUEL B. DICK 
 
 Rhode Island W. P. BUFFUM 
 
 South Carolina JOHN F. JONES 
 
 South Dakota A. H. BETTS 
 
 Tennessee JOHN J. GRAHAM 
 
 Texas JOHN GRANT 
 
 Utah ARTHUR BROWN 
 
 Vermont HENRY C. BATES 
 
 Virginia W. C. FRANKLIN 
 
 Washington N. B. COFFMAN 
 
 West Virginia S. H. GRAMM 
 
 Wisconsin J. H. STOUT 
 
 Wyoming DsFORREST RICHARDS 
 
 District of Columbia J. E. JONES 
 
 Alaska W. D. GRANT 
 
 Arizona J. W. DORRINGTON 
 
 Indian Territory LEO E. BENNETT 
 
 New Mexico W. H. LLEWELLYN 
 
 Oklahoma D. F. FLYNN 
 
 Hawaii SAMUEL PARKER 
 
 ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. I move that the Convention adjourn 
 until 10 o clock to-morrow morning. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the motion 
 of the gentleman from Ohio that the Convention adjourn until 10 o clock 
 to-morrow morning. 
 
 The motion was agreed to, and (at 3 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the 
 Convention adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, June 21, 1900. at IO 
 o clock A. M. 
 
THIRD DAY 
 
 PRAYER BY ARCHBISHOP RYAN REPORT OF COMMITTEE 
 ON RULES ADOPTED NOMINATION OF WILLIAM Mo 
 KINLEY FOR PRESIDENT ADDRESSES BY SENATOR 
 FORAKER, OF OHIO, GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT, OF NEW 
 YORK, JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY, GEORGE A. 
 KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA, GOVERNOR MOUNT, OF INDI 
 ANATHE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT NOMINATION OF 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT FOR VICE PRESIDENT AD 
 DRESSES BY LAFAYTTE YOUNG, OF IOWA, M. J. MURRAY, 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS, J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON- 
 SENATOR DEPEW, OF NEW YORK THE VOTE FOR VICE 
 PRESIDENT RESOLUTIONS VACANCIES ON NATIONAL 
 COMMITTEE THANKS TO OFFICERS OF THE CONVEN 
 TION-THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA-COM 
 MITTEES TO NOTIFY THE CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT 
 AND VICE PRESIDENT ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 CONVENTION HALL 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PENNA., Thursday, June 21, 1900. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (at 10 o clock and 36 minutes A. M.)- The 
 Convention will come to order. Most Rev. Archbishop Ryan will offer 
 prayer. 
 
 PRAYER OF MOST REV. P. J. RYAN, ARCHBISHOP OF PHILA 
 DELPHIA. 
 
 Most Rev. Archbishop P. J. Ryan, of Philadelphia, offered the following 
 prayer : 
 
 In the spirit of deep reverence and filial affection let us pray to the 
 Father, and the Son and the Holy Ghost. O Eternal and Most Sacred God! 
 Father, Son and Holy Spirit, we believe Thee here present. We adore 
 Thee. We praise Thee. We thank Thee. We lift our voices to Thee, 
 Father, in the prayer given to us by Thy Son: Our Father who art in 
 Heaven, hallowed beyThy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done 
 
 112 
 
HON. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio, 
 Who Made the Address Nominating William McKinley for President. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 113 
 
 on earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive 
 us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us 
 not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen. And Thou, O Eter 
 nal Son of the Father, "the figure of his substance and the splendor of Kis 
 high glory," the light of light, who enlightens every man who cometh into 
 this World, Thou who as I speak, sitteth at the right hand of the Father; O 
 Son of the living God, bless this mighty assembly, bless this nation and its 
 rulers. Send down Wisdom that sitteth by Thy throne that she may illu 
 mine the intellects and purify the hearts of the whole people and their rulers, 
 that she may suggest that which will be permanently useful to the great 
 body of the people, that she may elevate above all personal and mere 
 party considerations the great ruling power and give to it a consciousness 
 of the awful responsibility of being minister of God s power to His people, 
 because from Thee, O Lord, through the people, come all power and do 
 minion, and therefore the temporal ruler is also the minister of the Most 
 High. Elevate the intellects and hearts and feelings to this plane on which 
 alone and from which alone humanity can be ruled, and men bow to the 
 authority of their fellow men, as wielding Thy delegated power. 
 
 And Thou, O Spirit of God, spirit of unity, spirit of love, who proceeds 
 from the Father and the Son, O Thou who restored order amid chaos, in 
 the morning of the creation, grant order and unity to this great people, 
 and preserve its institutions. As at Pentecost, when Thou didst descend 
 and all the various nations of the earth heard, each man in his own tongue, 
 the wonderful works of God, and the unity lost at Babel was restored in 
 Jerusalem, so may the congregated races of this land hear the one voice of 
 authority and obey it. And may there be not only a union of authority, 
 but a union of affection. Let us love one another. 
 
 Let all the people, in this land unite; we are all of the same destiny, 
 alike in joy, alike in suffering, travelling through the dark passes of this 
 valley of tears; let all love one another as we have so much in common. 
 And also, O Spirit of God, if in the past there have been any races to 
 whom this charity has not been extended, in the future let it be manifested. 
 Let not the people whose fathers were enslaved, be made to feel their in 
 feriority. The children of the forest, whose fathers once owned the glorious 
 mountains and rivers and rich plains and laughing valleys of this land, O 
 let them also be considered more favorably. Let us discharge faithfully and 
 perseveringly our duty towards them. 
 
 O Eternal Spirit, spirit of love, spirit of unity, banish all religious big 
 otry from this glorious young nation. Let us all, whilst prepared to die for 
 every doctrine in which we pelieve, not allow this to interfere with our 
 brotherly affection. As our Divine Lord who said "salvation is of the 
 Jews," did also give to man for all time the heterodox Samaritan as the 
 example of true fraternal affection, so would he have us know that differ 
 ence of religion should not impede practical common works of charity. 
 8 
 
114 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 In fine, O Spirit of God, look down upon this united people. O 
 look down upon the blood that leaps through its veins, the rejuvenated 
 blood of the old races that Thou didst bless in the past. Give us love for 
 Thee, loyalty to Thee, our God, loyalty to our country, loyalty to the com 
 mon flag, that walking in the light of intelligence, and in the vigor of 
 chastity, we may work out our manifest destiny as a people during time, 
 and in eternity join the chorus of all the nations of the universe, singing 
 forever "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost." 
 Amen. 
 
 RULES I AND XII. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The first business in order is the unfin 
 ished business coming over from yesterday, and on that the Chair recog 
 nizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. QUAY). 
 
 Mr. M. S. QUAY, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I take the floor simply 
 for the purpose of withdrawing, with the consent of the Convention, the 
 amendment I offered yesterday to the report of the Committee on Rules. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania with 
 draws the amendment which he yesterday offered to the report of the Com 
 mittee on Rules. The question is on agreeing to Rules I and 12 as re 
 ported by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 
 
 Rules I and XII were agreed to. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The rules have now been adopted as a 
 whole. 
 
 NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina 
 tion of a candidate for President of the United States. (Applause.) The 
 Clerk will call the roll of States, etc., for the presentation of the names of 
 candidates. 
 
 The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama 
 yields to Ohio. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. Alabama yields to Ohio. 
 
 Mr. J. B. FORAKER, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
 Ohio (Mr. FORAKER). 
 
 NOMINATING SPEECH OF HON. J. B. FORAKER, OF OHIO. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, of Ohio: 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Alabama yields to 
 Ohio, and I thank Alabama for that accommodation. Alabama has so 
 yielded, however, by reason of a fact that would seem in an important sense 
 to make the duty that has been assigned to me a superfluous duty, for 
 Alabama has yielded because our candidate for the Presidency has, 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 115 
 
 in effect, been already nominated. (Applause.) He was nominated by the 
 distinguished Senator from Colorado when he assumed the duties of tem 
 porary chairman. He was nominated again yesterday by the distinguished 
 Senator from Massachusetts when he took the office of permanent chair 
 man; and he was nominated for a third time when the Senator from Indiana 
 yesterday read us the platform. (Applause.) And not only has he been 
 thus nominated by this Convention, but he has also been nominated by the 
 whole American people. (Applause.) 
 
 From one end of the land to the other, in every mind only one and the 
 same man is thought of for the honor which we are now about to confer, 
 and that man is the first choice of every other man who wishes Republican 
 success next November. (Applause.) 
 
 On this account it is that it is not necessary for me or any one else to 
 speak for him here or elsewhere. He has already spoken for himself (ap 
 plause), and to all the world. He has a record replete with brilliant achieve 
 ments (applause), a record that speaks at once both his promises and his 
 highest eulogy. 
 
 It comprehends both peace and war, and constitutes the most striking 
 illustration possible of triumphant and inspiriting fidelity and success in the 
 discharge of public duty. 
 
 Four years ago the American people confided to him their highest and 
 most sacred trust. Behold, with what results! 
 
 He found the industries of the country paralyzed and prostrated; he 
 quickened them with a new life that has brought to the American people 
 a prosperity unprecedented in all their history. 
 
 He found the labor of the country everywhere idle; he has given it 
 everywhere employment. He found it everywhere in despair; he has made 
 it" everywhere prosperous and buoyant with hope. 
 
 He found the mills and shops and factories and mines everywhere closed; 
 they are everywhere now open. (Applause.) And while we here deliberate 
 they are sending their surplus products in commercial conquest to the ends 
 of the earth. 
 
 Under his wise guidance our financial standard has been firmly planted 
 high above and beyond assault, and the wild cry of sixteen to one, so full 
 of terror in 1896, has been hushed to everlasting sleep alongside of the lost 
 cause, and other cherished Democratic heresies, in the catacombs of Ameri 
 can politics. (Applause.) 
 
 With a diplomacy never excelled and rarely equalled he has overcome 
 what at times seemed to be insurmountable difficulties, and has not only 
 opened to as the door of China, but he has advanced our interests in every 
 land. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, we are not surprised by this, for we anticipated it all. 
 When we nominated him at St. Louis four years ago, we knew he was wise, 
 we knew he was brave, we knew he was patient, we knew he would be faith 
 ful and devoted, and we knew that the greatest possible triumphs of peace 
 
116 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 would be his; but we then little knew that he would be called upon to en 
 counter also the trials of war. That unusual emergency came. It came un 
 expectedly as wars generally come. It came in spite of all he could hon 
 orably do to avert it. It came to find the country unprepared for it, but it 
 found him equal to all its extraordinary requirements. (Applause.) 
 
 It is no exaggeration to say that in all American history there is no chap 
 ter more brilliant than that which chronicles, with him as our commander- 
 in-chief, our victories on land and sea. (Applause.) 
 
 In one hundred days we drove Spain from the Western Hemisphere, 
 girdled the earth with our acquisitions and rilled the world with the splendor 
 of our power. (Applause.) 
 
 In consequence the American name has a greater significance now. Our 
 flag has a new glory. It not only symbolizes human liberty and political 
 equality at home, but it means freedom and independence for the long- 
 suffering patriots of Cuba, and complete protection, education, enlighten 
 ment, uplifting and ultimate local self-government and the enjoyment of 
 all the blessings of liberty to the millions of Porto Rico and the Philippines. 
 What we have so gloriously done for ourselves we propose most gener 
 ously to do for them. (Applause.) We have so declared in the platform 
 that we have here adopted. A fitting place it is for this party to make such 
 declaration, here in this magnificent city of Philadelphia, where the evi 
 dences so abound of the rich blessings the Republican party has brought 
 to the American people. Here at the birthplace of the nation, where our 
 own declaration of independence was adopted and our Constitution was 
 framed; where Washington and Jefferson and Hancock and John Adams 
 and their illustrious associates wrought their immortal work; here where 
 center so many historic memories that stir the blood, flush the cheek, and 
 excite the sentiments of liberty, humanity and patriotism is indeed a most 
 fitting place for the party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield and Elaine 
 (applause), the party of Union and Liberty for all men, to formally dedicate 
 themselves to this great duty. 
 
 W r e are now in the midst of Its discharge. We could not turn back if 
 we would, and would not if we could. (Applause.) We are on trial before 
 the world, and must triumphantly meet our responsibilities, or ignomin- 
 iously fail in the presence of mankind. 
 
 These responsibilities speak to this Convention here and now, and com 
 mand us that we choose to be our candidate and the next President which 
 is one and the same thing the best fitted man for the discharge of this great 
 duty in all the Republic. (Applause.) 
 
 On that point there is no difference of opinion. No man in all the na 
 tion is so well qualified for this trust as the great leader under whom the 
 work has been so far conducted. He has the head, he has the heart, he 
 has the special knowledge and the special experience that qualify him be 
 yond all others. And, Mr. Chairman, he has also the stainless reputation 
 and character, and has the blameless life that endear him to his countrymen 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 117 
 
 and give to him the confidence, the respect, the admiration, the love and the 
 affection of the whole American people. (Applause.) 
 
 He is an ideal man, representing the highest type of American citizen 
 ship, an ideal candidate and an ideal President. With our banner in his 
 hands it will be carried to triumphant victory in November. (Applause.) 
 
 In the name of all these considerations, not alone on behalf of his be 
 loved State of Ohio, but on behalf of every other State and Territory here 
 represented, and in the name of all Republicans everywhere throughout 
 our jurisdiction, I nominate to be our next candidate for the Presidency, 
 William McKinley. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Mr. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, of New York. Mr. Chairman and my fellow 
 delegates, my beloved Republicans and Americans, I rise to second the 
 nomination of William McKinley, the President who has had to face more 
 numerous and graver problems than any other President since the days of 
 the mighty Lincoln, and who has faced them. (Applause.) 
 
 Four years ago the Republicans made William McKinley their nominee 
 for President. The Republican nominee, even before a fortnight had 
 passed, he had become the candidate not merely of all Republicans but of 
 all Americans far-sighted enough to see where the true interests of the 
 nation lay, and keenly sensitive to the national honor. (Applause.) Four 
 years ago we were confronted with the gravest crisis which this nation has 
 had to face since .Appomattox was won and the civil war came to a close. 
 (Applause.) We were confronted by a situation where, if our opponents 
 had triumphed, it meant not only an immense aggravation of the existing 
 and already well-nigh intolerable physical distress, but a stain on the na 
 tional honor so deep that a generation would have had to pass away before 
 it could have been wiped out. (Applause.) 
 
 We appealed to the nation to put William McKinley in the first place 
 on the two simple issues that if he were elected prosperity would come to 
 the country and the country s honor would be upheld at home and abroad. 
 (Applause.) We did not promise the impossible. We did not say that 
 prosperity would come to every man, no matter whether that man did or 
 did not try to get it. In the long run each man s own thrift, industry and 
 energy must be the prime factors in determining his success. (Applause.) 
 No legislation can supply their lack, but it is easy enough, by unwise or 
 dishonest legislation or administration, to nullify them absolutely, and it 
 is, though less easy, possible by good administration, clean and wise legis 
 lation, to give them the freest possible scope. And it was that scope which 
 we promised should be given. 
 
 Well, we kept our word. The opportunity was given, and it was seized 
 by American energy, ingenuity and thrift, with the result that this country 
 now, as we sit here, has reached a pitch of prosperity never before attained 
 in the nation s history. 
 
118 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 So it has been in foreign affairs. Four years ago the nation was uneasy 
 because at our very doors an American Island was writhing in hideous 
 agony under a worse than mediaeval despotism. We had our Armenia at 
 our threshold. The situation in Cuba had become such that we could 
 no longer stand quiet and retain one shred of self-respect. The President 
 faced this duty as he faced all others. (Applause.) He exhausted every 
 expedient to get Spain to withdraw peacefully from the island which she 
 was impotent to do aught than oppress, and when every peaceful means 
 had failed, we drew the sword and waged the most righteous and brilliantly 
 successful foreign war that this generation has seen. (Applause.) 
 
 It was not a great war because it did not have to be (laughter) ; because 
 when we could accomplish a result with one finger, we did not need to 
 exert all our strength. But it was momentous indeed in its effect. And 
 like every other great feat that has ever been performed in the history of 
 humanity, it left those who performed it not only a heritage of honor, but 
 a heritage of responsibility. (Applause.) Great is our responsibility; heavy 
 indeed; and we are meeting it as it must be met when President McKinley 
 sends to the Island men like Wood, and Taft, and Allen; men whose names 
 are synonyms of integrity and honesty, and earnests of the fact that we in 
 tend that in those islands liberty, justice and orderly law shall prevail from 
 now onward. (Applause.) 
 
 This is what the nation has done during the three years of President 
 McKinley s administration, and this is what he stands for and typifies. To 
 him it has been given and thrice blessed the man to whom such is given 
 to embody in his own personality all that is loftiest, most earnest, most 
 disinterested in the Nation s hope, in the Nation s desire, and to represent 
 the Nation s strength in the struggle for righteousness. (Applause.) 
 
 We have done so well that our opponents actually use the fact as an 
 argument for turning us out. (Laughter.) We have put our economic 
 policy on a basis so stable, we have enacted such wise financial legislation 
 that they turn to the wise and honest men who deserted them at the last 
 election and beg them to come back and support them now because even 
 if they do get in we will prevent them from doing the harm they would like 
 to do. (Laughter and applause.) I am not exaggerating. That is the 
 exact argument they use; and to all who might be affected by it let me 
 address one word of warning. Wise legislation is vitally important, but 
 honest administration is even more important. (Applause.) No matter 
 how perfect our financial legislation, if the management of the national 
 finances were entrusted to any man who would be acceptable to the Popu- 
 listic Democracy of to-day, we should be plunged back into an abyss of 
 shame, disgrace and business chaos. 
 
 Our opponents have not any more even the poor excuse of honesty for 
 their folly. They have raved against trusts, they have foamed at the mouth 
 in prating of impossible remedies they would like to adopt; and now in 
 my own State we have discovered all of the chief leaders of the Democracy, 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 119 
 
 including that leader before whom the other lesser leaders stand with bared 
 heads and trembling knees (laughter) in a trust which really is of infamous 
 and perhaps of criminal character. (Applause.) These apostles of De 
 mocracy, these prophets of the new dispensation, have themselves been dis 
 covered in a trust through which they hope to wring fortunes for them 
 selves from the dire needs of their poorer brethren. (Applause.) I pity 
 the Democratic orator who in New York State this fall speaks the word 
 "trusts." (Laughter.) 
 
 Now for the Philippines. The insurrection still goes on because the 
 allies in this country of the bloody insurrectionary oligarchy in Luzon have 
 taught their foolish dupes to believe that Democratic success at the polls 
 next November means the abandonment of the islands to the savages, who 
 would scramble for the bloody plunder until some other strong civilized 
 nation came in to do the work that we would have shown ourselves unfit 
 to perform. (Applause.) Our success in November means peace in the 
 islands. The success of our opponents means an indefinite prolongation 
 of the present bloody struggle. 
 
 We nominate President McKinley because he stands indeed for honesty 
 at home and for honor abroad (applause); because he stands for the con 
 tinuance of the material prosperity which has brought comfort to every 
 home in the Union; and because he stands for that kind of policy which 
 consists in making performance square with promise. (Applause.) 
 
 We stand on the threshold of a new century big with the fate of mighty 
 nations. It rests with us now to decide whether in the opening years of that 
 century we shall march forward to fresh triumphs or whether at the outset 
 we shall cripple ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink 
 from the world-work of the great world-powers? (Applause.) No. The 
 young giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an 
 ocean in either hand. (Applause.) Our nation, glorious in youth and 
 strength, looks into the future with eager eyes and rejoices as a strong 
 man to run a race. We do not stand in craven mood asking to be spared 
 the task, cringing as we look on the contest. No. We challenge the proud 
 privilege of doing the work that Providence allots us, and we face the com 
 ing years high of heart and resolute of faith that to our people is given the 
 right to win such honor and renown as has never yet been vouchsafed to 
 the nations of mankind. (Great applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, OF NEBRASKA. 
 
 Mr. JOHN M. THURSTON, of Nebraska. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
 There are voices to-day more powerful and eloquent than those of men 
 seconding the nomination of William McKinley. They come from the 
 forest, and the farm, the mountain and the valley, the North, the South, 
 the East and the West. They are the voices of happy homes, of gladdened 
 hearts, of bustling, toiling, striving, earnest, prosperous millions, of re- 
 
120 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 established business, re-employed labor, re-opened factories, renewed na 
 tional credit and faith. (Applause.) 
 
 In all the whole broad land every furnace fire that roars, every spindle 
 that sings, every whistle that blows, every mountain torrent set to toil, 
 every anvil that rings, every locomotive that screams, every steamship that 
 plows the main, every mighty wheel that turns, are all joining in the glad, 
 grand voice of prosperous, progressive, patriotic America, seconding the 
 nomination of our great President, William McKinley. (Applause.) 
 
 And who is William McKinley? 
 
 Born of the common people, struggling up through the environments 
 of humble boyhood and toil, he stands to-day before the world the fore 
 most representative of all that is most glorious and grand in our uplifted 
 civilization. (Applause.) 
 
 Who is William McKinley? 
 
 A citizen soldier of the Republic, a boy volunteer, knighted by his coun 
 try s commission for daring deeds in the forefront of desperate battle. 
 
 His Alma Mater was the tented field, his diploma of valor bore the same 
 signature as did the Emancipation Proclamation. (Applause.) 
 
 When Sheridan, summoned by the mighty roar of doubtful battle, rode 
 madly down from Winchester and drew nigh to the shattered and retreat 
 ing columns of his army, the first man he met, to know, was a young lieu 
 tenant engaged in the desperate work of rallying and reforming the Union 
 lines, making ready for the coming of the master, whose presence and 
 genius alone could wrest victory from defeat. That young lieutenant of the 
 Shenandoah has been rallying and forming the Union lines from that day 
 to this. (Applause.) He rallied and formed them for the. protection of 
 American labor; he rallied and formed them to maintain the credit of our 
 country and the monetary standard of the civilized world. He rallied and 
 formed them in the great struggle of humanity and sent the power of the 
 Republic to the islands of the sea, that a suffering people might be lifted 
 from the depths of tyranny and oppression. He rallied and formed them 
 that our navies might astound the world and make our flag respected in 
 all the earth. He rallied and formed them that law and order might pre 
 vail and life and liberty and property be secure where the banner of the 
 Republic waves in sovereignty above our new possessions in the East. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 His name is on every tongue, his love in every heart, his fame secure in 
 all time to come and his re-election by the people, whose welfare and honor 
 he has so jealously guarded and maintained, is as certain as the rising of 
 the morning sun. (Applause.) 
 
 I cannot, dare not stand longer between this Convention and its will. 
 You are the delegates of the people. You represent their wish as it is soon 
 to be unanimously recorded. Of the, outcome of the contest that is to fol 
 low, we have no lingering doubt, for we trust the intelligence of the 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 121 
 
 American people and we believe in the justice of Almighty God. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Other candidates of other parties will seek the public confidence and the 
 popular vote. Hawks and buzzards sometimes soar aloft until they cheat 
 the human vision to believe them eagles; but the eagle calmly circles high 
 above them all, the one sole peerless monarch of the snow-capped peaks 
 and the empyrean blue. (Applause.) So in the realm of statesmanship of 
 the United States, William McKinley stands above all others, the worthy 
 successor of Washington, Lincoln, Grant and Garfield our President now 
 our President to be William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. JOHN W. YERKES, OF KENTUCKY. 
 
 Mr. JOHN W. YERKES, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Dele 
 gates: The supreme thought in my mind at this moment is what remains 
 to be said that ought to be said; and as in time of danger one s thought 
 naturally turns to his home, I recall that in the historic Philadelphia Re 
 publican Convention of 1856 liberty-loving men from my State sat as dele 
 gates. In contrast with this immense audience, this huge hall with its 
 splendor of decoration and its superb equipment, that gathering would 
 seem to be of small import. But in devotion to freedom, in intensity and 
 force of utterance, in eternal results, that assemblage has no peer in the 
 history of conventions. (Applause.) 
 
 Forty 3*ears after that body adjourned Kentucky for the first time gave 
 her electoral vote to a Republican Presidential candidate, Major William 
 McKinley. (Applause.) Recognized as a citidel of Democracy she had 
 capitulated .to the Republicans in the noted State campaign of 1895. She 
 was Republican in 1896, Republican in 1899, is Republican to-day (ap 
 plause), and as such she seconds this nomination. 
 
 It would be, gentlemen, but a fitting tribute to our President and to the 
 industrial, commercial, diplomatic and martial victories of his administra 
 tion if every State placed the stamp of its approval upon his course of* con 
 duct (applause); and if opportunity were given there would join in this 
 majestic chorus of national endorsement voices coming across the waters 
 from our new to our old shores; voices coming from our insular posses 
 sions to this venerable city where a nation was born consecrated to lib 
 erty, to freedom and to independence; and what more fitting place for this 
 universal chorus to sound forth than in this old-time city? These voices 
 that would come from abroad would ring out from every home over which 
 for the first time the flag of freedom floats, and that by the orders^ of our 
 President. 
 
 Furthermore, to-day they are linked to our progress and to our destiny, 
 and therefore stable government, domestic tranquility and Christian civili 
 zation are assured to them, and just as Lincoln s name sounds to the eman 
 cipated slave and his children, so the name of President McKinley will be 
 to these liberated millions of political serfs. (Applause.) 
 
122 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 We believe that with the same leadership and the same policies which 
 gave us victory in 1896, the same winning will be repeated in 1900. Then it 
 was a campaign of instruction, of argument, of promise of better days, of 
 trying to teach the people to trust and rely on our plans and purposes. 
 Now it will be a campaign in which we will show what has been accom 
 plished, prophecies fulfilled and pledges redeemed. It will be a presenta 
 tion of actualities, of facts. You will have a rapid portraiture, you will 
 have a shifting panoramic view of the present as compared with the past; 
 and whether this comparison be made by the speaker on the hustings, in 
 the public press, in the pamphlet, in the marvelous lines of the modern 
 cartoonist, it will present an argument so forcible that the minds of the 
 people can not escape it. If there be left among us plain, practical, com 
 mon, everyday sense, then the columns that followed President McKinley s 
 leadership four years ago will be doubled in enthusiasm and in numbers 
 this year. (Applause.) 
 
 We support him for our faith in him; for our confidence in his character, 
 in his capacity; for his splendid personality; for his broad Americanism, 
 for what he is, for what he has done, and for what he stands pledged to do. 
 In all these years of his office-holding as member of your National Legis 
 lature, as Governor, as President, his robes have always been and are to 
 day as spotless as the snows which crown our mountain peaks. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 In Kentucky we know something of what it is to meet the conflicts 
 and the antagonisms that are born and which reach maturity when 
 vicious minorities under guise of law, attempt to destroy popular 
 sovereignty, debauch the ballot box, trample under foot civil liberty and 
 political freedom, and deny to the people the guaranteed right to select 
 those who shall rule over them, and to be represented by officials of their 
 free choice. (Applause). While to us a strong foreign policy, the war and 
 peace, both coming at humanity s call, the wise currency legislation, the 
 proper protection of American industries, American labor, and all American 
 products, appeal with force and directness, yet gentlemen, the right-minded 
 men in Kentucky are Republicans because they are contending for a free 
 ballot and a fair count. (Applause.) They are Republicans because this 
 party by its traditions, by its history, by its platform declarations from the 
 beginning is pledged to the maintenance and the protection of representa 
 tive government and of an untrammeled suffrage. (Applause.) 
 
 In 1896 we gave you an old, representative slave-holding State. By so 
 doing we removed one charge against our party, that it was sectional. 
 The Ohio river was crossed; Republicanism marched southward, and this 
 sectional line disappeared from the map. We will do it again. (Applause.) 
 We will show the people of the North and the South and the East that Re 
 publicanism to use the language of our distinguished chairman means 
 action, and is always moving forward. (Applause.) I am a Kentuckian, 
 a lover of my native State, believing in the ultimate integrity and honesty 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 123 
 
 of her citizens. I have the fullest confidence in them. I believe they will 
 make final response to right arguments, and that that response will be made 
 at our polls next November, in electing electors to vote for President Wil 
 liam McKinley for re-election. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Mr. GEORGE A. KNIGHT, of California. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of 
 the Convention, if my history serves me right, this is an anniversary day 
 for California. I believe the reason why Philadelphia was chosen for hold 
 ing this Republican Convention was in commemoration of the first Repub 
 lican Convention, and its nominees. Amid these historic surroundings I 
 feel quite at home. Forty-four years ago the Republican party met in 
 National Convention in the City of Philadelphia and nominated a ticket 
 asking the support of the loyal, liberty-loving citizens of the Union. I 
 am not a resident of your State, neither am I familiar with the surroundings 
 of your beautiful city. But it seems to me that this time and these few days 
 I have been here have been an anniversary for the State of California. 
 Forty-four years ago John C. Fremont, the weird pathfinder of the Pacific, 
 was named by the Republican National Convention for President of the 
 United States. He crossed the level plains, climbed the mountains of rock 
 and viewed the promised land California God bless her; with a climate 
 soft as a mother s smile; with a soil fruitful as God s love; an Eden in her 
 self; broad enough for an empire the Democrats did not want her as a 
 part of this great National Union. (Applause.) 
 
 California came into the Union a free State, heralding the idea that no 
 man under the shadow of our flag, no matter what his color might be, 
 should be a slave. Believing in the inalienable rights of man and his just 
 claim to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Firmly convinced of 
 the wisdom of Washington s idea of protection, advocating Jefferson s im 
 perialism, California s admission into the Union was significant and most 
 important. Had she come into the Union a slave State, the reign of the 
 dominant power for fifty-five years would have been continued and the 
 destiny of this Republic would have been problematic. 
 
 California elected John C. Fremont one of her first United States Sena 
 tors, and sent him back to Washington as a pledge of faith that California 
 was true to the fundamental principles that to-day has made us the greatest 
 nation on the face of the earth. Therefore, I rejoice with you to-day and 
 the Republican party when you commemorate the nomination of the Cali- 
 fornian who carried the banner of Republicanism in the early days of its 
 sorest trial. 
 
 The Convention is impatient. You have had much work to do and I 
 will not undertake to make a political speech. The time is not opportune 
 for me to talk of the Republican party and its work, and I will not, at this 
 time, undertake so great a task. It has written the history of this Govern 
 ment for every school child to read for the last thirty-five years. There is 
 not a principle that has been advocated by the party since 61, that has not 
 
124 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 been incorporated and crystalized into statutory or organic law. There is 
 net a name that is associated with the advancement and the civilization of 
 our people be he high or low that has not walked under the banner of 
 Republicanism, and. voted our National ticket. We are tired of history; 
 \ve want to teach your children geography, and the text books of two years 
 ago cannot guide the young mind of to-day on account of the advancement 
 and work of the Republican party of this nation. We have changed the 
 map and the flag floats now under skies that never knew it before. 
 
 In California we know what expansion means. In California we want 
 this great and liberal nation to be equal to the occasion that offers itself 
 to it. Happy circumstances shook the world s dice box of opportunity and 
 we won in the throw. The prizes came not from the sky of blue but from 
 the ocean, and Hawaii and the Philippine Archipelago, fresh from the soft 
 creation of the wave, were added to our nation s domain. The King of 
 Commerce has tapped us on the shoulder and said: "I am coming to the 
 Fair Pacific to make her my sea-side home." 
 
 California welcomes commerce; she is glad that conquest prepared the 
 way for her peaceful presence. 
 
 We know what anti-expansion is in California. Had the advocates of 
 that doctrine had their way, my fair State would never have been admitted 
 into the Union. Opposition most strong to the acquisition of California 
 was made by Senator Corwin of Ohio in the United States Senate in 1847, 
 and by all the gifts of oratory and tne persuasion of speech, he sought to 
 influence our Government in its war with Mexico, to withdraw from the 
 contest and not claim my favored section as a necessary piece of territory 
 for our nation. We had an advocate in the Senator from Michigan who 
 told of the unknown country California and incidentally mentioned that 
 he had been told that the San Francisco Bay was one of the finest- in the 
 world and that we ought to have it. He predicted that some day the United 
 States would grow out to the Pacific and, as a matter of precaution, ad 
 vised that California be retained as a part and parcel of our possessions to 
 be used in the future. In a most emphatic, scholarly and well-prepared 
 speech, Senator Corwin combatted the idea of ever purchasing California, 
 and based his opposition upon the ground that it was too far off to be 
 practical and it was unjust and indecent to take from a weaker nation. 
 Speaking of San Francisco Bay he said: "The Senator from Michigan says 
 it is the finest bay in the world and we ought to have it. Why, gentlemen, 
 it is like a horse-thief saying that the reason he stole the horse was because 
 it was the best one he could find." So, gentlemen of the Convention, you 
 see that California has gone all through this fight on expansion, and had 
 the anti-expansionists of that flay had their way, one of the greatest States 
 in this glorious Union would not have been a star in the field of blue on 
 the National Flag. 
 
 We all know what the Democratic party is; we all know what the Demo 
 cratic party was; we all know what the Democratic party will be until the 
 crack of doom. (Applause and laughter). I believe it has often been said 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 125 
 
 that our forefathers builded better than they knew. I say, no; they knew 
 better than they had an opportunity of building in their day and in their 
 time. (Applause.) They had the history of the past; they had the memory 
 of oppression and the tyranny that brought them to these shores. They 
 knew the mistakes of the governments of the old world, and they tried, as 
 best they knew, to avert and avoid them in the building of this new and 
 great nation. One thing was stamped upon their hearts and their minds 
 freedom to all and equal rights before the law; and that has been one of the 
 cardinal principles of the Republican party. (Applause.) 
 
 Let me tell you, fellow citizens and gentlemen of this Conven .ion, we 
 have made no mistakes in our political life. We have taken up the pen 
 and written into the Constitution of the United States language so simple, 
 so musical and so just in itself that you would have thought it was in the 
 original draft, and was the output of the pen that penned the original Con 
 stitution itself. . (Applause.) 
 
 One word with respect to Mr. Bryan. If in the House of Parliament the 
 same speech and speeches, the same sentiments were expressed that Wil 
 liam J. Bryan expresses under the shadow and protection of our flag, ther_ j 
 is not a man, woman or child throughout this great domain who would not 
 be willing to declare war at once. Put into the mouth of the representative 
 of any foreign power the sayings of Bryan, let our army be attacked, let 
 our institutions be made fun of, let our work be degraded in the eyes of 
 the world by anybody but our people, and war would come. If it be true 
 what Mr. Bryan says about our territory, if it be true what he says in criti 
 cism of our institutions, it ought to be right to have the whole civilized 
 world accord with him. 
 
 The Democratic party has always put the arm of labor in a sling. 
 (Laughter and applause.) The Democratic party has blackened the eye of 
 commerce. (Laughter.) The Democratic party has crushed the foot of 
 progress. It has put Uncle Sam to bed every time it has had anything to do 
 with the Government. (Laughter and applause.) And besides that, it seeks 
 alliances with the vicious and the outcasts of other lands who do not have 
 an abiding place under the shadow of their own flag. (Applause.) That is 
 the indictment against it. 
 
 Now, without going further into politics, let me say that the Democrats 
 are going to have a convention on the Fourth of July in Kansas City. I 
 wonder why the Fourth of July was chosen? The Fourth of Ju y! Do 
 you remember when 
 
 Our bugles sang truce, for the night cloud had lowered 
 And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky, 
 
 And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered, 
 The weary to sleep and the wounded to die. 
 
 Among the soldiers who slept on tented fields was William McKinley, 
 and under the stars of heaven he slept with his heart on the flag. I know 
 of no Democrat who has such a record. From 61 to 65 they kept no 
 
126 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 National Anniversaries. I am glad that my friend Roosevelt has said that 
 the Spanish-American war was not a great war. I fully agree with him in 
 a limited sense. All the smoke of the Spanish-American war was not in 
 cense to the god of battles when compared with the battles of Shiloh, 
 Antietam, Gettysburg and the Wilderness, and the silent heroes of the past 
 who fought those battles that the nation might live, are entitled at this hour 
 and time to the praise and remembrance of this grateful Convention. Had 
 it not been for Lincoln, we would have made no nomination for President 
 of the United States to-day. Had it not been for Grant, we would have 
 had no victorious armies. Farragut, lashed in the rigging of the old Hart 
 ford, his gray locks waving defiance to death and danger, made Dewey a 
 possibility. And while we give all credit and all honor to those who so 
 successfully conducted our war with foreign lands, we must not forget those 
 who made that war s success a possibility. We will not take any honor 
 from the brave men who brought us territory in the late war. No grander 
 achievement has ever been chronicled in the history of our country than 
 the acquisition of the islands in the Pacific. We need them commercially; 
 we need them politically; we need them in every way that any nation may 
 need territory. The dismemberment of China is sure to come. The feverish 
 conditions of the Orient are apparent to everyone, and to-day were it not 
 that we own the Philippines, we would have to send our soldiers thousands 
 of miles across the water to protect the lives of the representatives of our 
 flag. We need those islands as a great depot in the Pacific for the distribu 
 tion of the output of our inventive genius and industrial hand. We are 
 proud that California s boys were the first to carry our flag on to foreign 
 shores, and we know the guarantee they feel in their hearts that the nation 
 would approve of their acts, will not be a disappointment. Some of them 
 are over there yet and will never come back. Near the restless sea, amid 
 the spices and perfumes of the tropical land, Columbia, Fair Columbia, 
 sighing for her dead, is guarding their hammocks that are swinging in 
 peaceful and eternal content. I think we will keep the Philippines. 
 
 And now a word for California, the regnant queen. We have built the 
 flagship upon which Dewey stood under the stars and stripes in Manila 
 Bay; we have fashioned the Monterey and baptized her in the waters of 
 San Francisco Bay and sent her sluggishly along to do the will of the com 
 mander of the fleet where she is assigned; we built the Oregon and sent 
 her with the excursion of our Flag on the grandest and greatest trip that 
 ever was known in naval achievement, that not only astonished ourselves 
 but the civilized world stood aghast at the wonderful perfection of these 
 water fighting machines. But we know what master laid their keel; what 
 workman wrought their ribs of steel, and we were not at all alarmed when 
 they started out in defense of the national honor and defense of our con 
 victions of right. 
 
 The time is short and I must close. The embodiment of all the principles 
 of the Republican party I find in William McKinley, a statesman unexcelled, 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 127 
 
 a soldier of honorable renown, and a citizen whose hearthstone of home 
 is an example to all. 
 
 William McKinley stands not only beloved at home, but before all the 
 nations of this earth as one of the greatest and best rulers that ever graced 
 the Presidential chair of the United States. (Applause.) November will 
 soon be here. There will be no doubt as to the result. The ballots are 
 now counted in the minds and hearts of the American people, and four 
 years more of respect for law, respect for the flag and hope and faith in the 
 perpetuity of American institutions and of honor to the name of William 
 McKinley will follow this nomination. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. JAMES A. MOUNT, OF INDIANA. 
 
 Mr. JAMES A. MOUNT, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the 
 Convention, the anxiety of the Convention to vote on the nomination of 
 President McKinley only foretells the anxiety of the American people to 
 express their desire for his election at the polls. 
 
 I esteem it a great honor to second the nomination of a man who has 
 ably discharged every responsibility in peace and war; one who in the 
 perilous crisis of the great civil conflict in this country, though but a mere 
 youth, displayed the loyalty of a patriot and the courage of a hero. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 This man enlisted as a private soldier and fought in the front rank of 
 battle until the Union was saved and honored peace secured. He is states 
 man as well as patriot, a creator of statutes as well as a defender of lib 
 erty. He became a leader in the Congress of the United States. He was 
 Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and the distinguished author 
 of the tariff law which bore his honored name. The anathemas of the 
 Democratic party were showered upon that law, and from the same source 
 came direful prophecies that calamity would follow its adoption. On the 
 contrary, however, the wisdom of the measure was speedily proclaimed 
 through flaming furnaces and forges which illuminated the night and by new 
 industries and expanded markets. It made the closing year of General 
 Harrison s illustrious administration the climax of national prosperity 
 achieved up to that period. 
 
 The induction of the Democratic party into power in 1893 brought in 
 its train ruined markets, declining values, diminishing exports, idle men 
 and a general shrinkage of production. In lieu of the promised better 
 times the results were loss of confidence, distress and disaster a dismal 
 heritage of Democratic incapacity. Idle mills, shops, foundries and fac 
 tories condemned through the eloquence of their silence the party that 
 had proved recreant to the trust reposed in it by a misguided majority. 
 The alluring promises made to the farmers by Democratic orators were 
 as deceptive as the mirage of the desert, which lures to destruction, or as 
 the dead sea apple that turns to ashes on the lips. (Applause.) Instead 
 of prosperity, in those four years there was a decrease of 23,000,000 head 
 
128 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 of live stock, and a shrinkage of $828,000,000 in the value of farm animals, 
 together with a decline of $720,000.000 in the value of farm crops. 
 
 The change from a debt-paying to a debt-making policy reve?.led the 
 utter inability of Democracy to meet and master great economic and finan 
 cial problems. Four years ago this country was filled with alarm, and fore 
 bodings of evil prevailed everywhere. The Democratic party offered as a 
 panacea for depression and disaster one William Jennings Bryan and the 
 free and unlimited coinage of silver. The Republican party, true to its 
 tenets, was guided by the same lofty patriotism by which it was inspired 
 when, in 1860, it chose as its leader that matchless genius, the immortal 
 Lincoln, the brave and generous-hearted man who piloted the nation 
 through the dark night of bitter strife into the sunlight of tranqiulity. So, 
 also, in 1896, it chose as its standard-bearer that brave soldier, intrepid pa 
 triot and statesman, Major William McKinley. 
 
 In prophetic parlance he was designated as the "Advance Agent of Pros 
 perity." He proclaimed the wisdom of opening the shops, mills and fac 
 tories to labor instead of opening our mints to the free and unlimited coin 
 age of silver. (Applause.) In full faith and confidence the people turned 
 to him as the magnetic needle turns to the po e. He was triumphant, r.nd 
 with the beginning of his administration came the dawn of a brighter day. 
 The sun of prosperity awoke the slumbering industries. The whirr of 
 wheels, the hum of spindles, the clanging of hammers, the sound of reap 
 ers echoed the song of labor s rejoicing. The magic wand of prosperi;y 
 touched farm and factor} -, and brought smiling plenty to the home of toilers 
 throughout the length and breadth of the land. (Applause.) The finger 
 of progress that had been turned backward on the dial of time by Demo 
 cratic incompetency and misrule once more moved forward under the in 
 spiring guidance of President McKinley. An annual increase of $400,000,000 
 in our export trade, with the unprecedented two billion dollar mark in for 
 eign commerce reached and passed, are economic truths a part of history 
 that commends with mightier force than the tongue of eloquence the splen 
 did administration of this just and far-seeing statesman. (Applause.) 
 Sound financial legislation has increased the volume and established the 
 value of our currency. 
 
 Impelled by duty s call and the pleadings of the oppressed the United 
 States engaged in war with the cruel and arrogant Kingdom of Spain. 
 Grandly our patriotic President met the grave responsibilities of the war, 
 and with firmness he withstood the clamor for precipitate haste that charac 
 terizes rash men who are disposed to rush unprepared and recklessly into 
 conflict. With a conservatism born of greatness, with a quality of sagacity 
 that commands respect, and with transcendant ability that challenges ad 
 miration he met the issues and carefully prepared for the clash of armor 
 that could be no longer averted. In one hundred days he organized and 
 equipped a volunteer army of 250,000 soldiers, and, with only a fraction of 
 this army, he defeated the land forces of Spain and destroyed her fleets 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 129 
 
 without the loss to this nation of a war vessel, and with a loss of men so 
 small, with results so important, that a parallel cannot be found in all the 
 annals of warfare. (Applause.) The military and naval power of the United 
 States was thus exalted before the nations of the earth, and the name of 
 William McKinley became honored and extolled by the people of all lands. 
 (Applause.) Like Abraham Lincoln, our President has been made the 
 target of abuse by men who will yet, in the calmer moments of candor, ex 
 tol his fairness, his efficiency, his fidelity and his greatness. 
 
 Sons of illustrious sires who wore the Blue and the Gray have unitedly 
 carried Old Glory" to victory. They have planted the ensign of liberty, 
 the flag of our Union, in the Antilles and in the Orient, there to remain as 
 a covenant promise of better government to the inhabitants. 
 
 Mighty problems unforestalled have arisen. They have been and are 
 now being met in this period of transition, this history-making, geography- 
 changing epoch of the world. We need a man, we must have a man, equal 
 to the grave responsibilities that may arise. Platforms can not forecast 
 policies for unforeseen emergencies. 
 
 "God give us men. A time like this demands 
 Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands; 
 Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog 
 In public duty, and in private thinking." 
 
 This Convention has named such a man. (Applause.) I therefore take 
 great pleasure in seconding the nomination of him who stands before the 
 world clear-headed, clean-handed, strong-hearted a patriot, a statesman 
 and hero, a typical American, a Christian gentleman, William McKinley. 
 (Applause.) 
 
130 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no more names of candidates 
 to be presented, the clerk will call the roll of States. Each State, Ter 
 ritory and District of Columbia, as it is called, will answer through its chair 
 man, stating its vote for our nominee for President of the United States. 
 The Chair begs the Convention and audience to preserve quiet while this 
 most solemn act is performed. This is putting in nomination a candidate 
 for President. The clerk will call the roll. 
 
 The READING CLERK called the roll, which resulted as follows: 
 
 Whole For 
 
 Number of William 
 Delegates. McKinley. 
 
 Whole For 
 
 Number of William 
 Delegates. McKinley. 
 
 Alabama 22 
 
 Arkansas 16 
 
 California 18 
 
 Colorado 8 
 
 Connecticut 12 
 
 Delaware 6 
 
 Florida 8 
 
 Georgia 26 
 
 Idaho 6 
 
 Illinois 48 
 
 Indiana 30 
 
 Iowa 26 
 
 Kansas 20 
 
 Kentucky 26 
 
 Louisiana 16 
 
 Maine 12 
 
 Maryland 16 
 
 Massachusetts 30 
 
 Michigan 28 
 
 Minnesota 18 
 
 Mississippi 18 
 
 Missouri 34 
 
 Montana 6 
 
 Nebraska 16 
 
 Nevada 6 
 
 New Hampshire 8 
 
 New Jersey 20 
 
 New York 72 
 
 North Carolina 22 
 
 North Dakota 6 
 
 Ohio 46 
 
 Oregon 8 
 
 Pennsylvania 64 
 
 Rhode Island 8 
 
 South Carolina 18 
 
 South Dakota 8 
 
 Tennessee 24 
 
 Texas 30 
 
 Utah 6 
 
 Vermont 8 
 
 Virginia 24 
 
 Washington 8 
 
 West Virginia 12 
 
 Wisconsin 24 
 
 Wyoming 6 
 
 District of Columbia 2 
 
 Alaska 4 
 
 Arizona 6 
 
 Indian Territory 6 
 
 New Mexico 6 
 
 Oklahoma 6 
 
 Hawaii . 2 
 
 Total 
 
 .926 
 
 12 
 
 24 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 4 
 6 
 6 
 6 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 926 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair will announce the result of the 
 vote. Total number of votes cast, 926; William McKinley has received 
 926 votes. It is a unanimous vote, and the Chair declares that William Mc 
 Kinley is your nominee for the Presidency for the term beginning March 4, 
 1901. 
 
 [The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheer 
 ing which lasted several minutes.] 
 

 TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 131 
 
 NOMINATION OF CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The next business in order is the nomina 
 tion of a candidate for Vice President. The clerk will call the roll of States, 
 etc., for the presentation of candidates. 
 
 The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. P. D. BARKER, of Alabama (when Alabama was called). Alabama 
 yields to Iowa. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Colonel Lafayette 
 Young, of Iowa. 
 
 NOMINATING SPEECH OF MR. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, OF IOWA. 
 
 Mr. LAFAYETTE YOUNG, of Iowa. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have 
 listened with profound interest to the numerous indictments pronounced 
 against the Democratic party, and as an impartial reader of history I am 
 compelled to confess that the indictments are all only too true. If I am 
 to judge, however, by the enthusiasm of this hour, the Republican relief 
 committee sent out four years ago to carry supplies and succor to the pros 
 trate industries of the Republic has returned to make formal report that the 
 duty has been discharged. (Applause.) I can add nothing to this indict 
 ment except to say that that unfortunate party, through four years of legis 
 lative and administrative control, has made it, up to 1896, impossible for 
 an honest man to get into debt or to get out of it. 
 
 But, my fellow citizens, you know my purpose; you know the heart of 
 this Convention. The country never called for patriotic sons from any 
 given family but that more was offered than there was room for on the 
 enlistment roll. (Applause.) When this Convention and this great party 
 called for a candidate for Vice President two voices responded one from 
 the Mississippi Valley by birth; another by loving affection and adoption. 
 
 It is my mission, representing that part of the great Louisiana Purchase^ 
 to withdraw one of these sons and to suggest that the duty be placed upon 
 the other. I therefore withdraw the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver, of Iowa 
 (applause), a man born with the thrill of the Lincoln and Fremont cam 
 paigns in his heart, and with the power to stir the hearts and consciences 
 of men as part of his birthright. 
 
 We turn to this other adopted son of the great Middle West; and at this 
 moment I recall that this is an anniversary with our candidate. Two years 
 ago to-day as many men as there are men and women in this great hall 
 were on board sixty transports lying off Santiago harbor, in full view of the 
 bay, with Moro Castle looming up on the right, and another prominence 
 upon the left, with the opening of the channel between. On board those 
 transports were 20,000 soldiers who had gone away from our shores to lib- 
 erate another race, to fulfill no obligation but that of humanity. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 As camp followers there were those who witnessed this great spectacle 
 
132 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 of the fleet, and on the ship Yucatan was that famous regiment, the Rough 
 Riders of the West and the Mississippi Valley. (Applause.) In command 
 of that regiment was that fearless young American student, scholar, plains 
 man, reviewer, historian, statesman, soldier of the Middle West by adop 
 tion, of New York by birth. That fleet, sailing around the point, coming 
 to the place of landing, stood off the harbor two years ago to-morrow, and 
 the navy bombarded the shore to make a place for landing. No living man 
 who was in that campaign, as an observer, as a camp follower, as a soldier, 
 can fail to recall, especially if he closes his eyes, the awful scenes in that 
 campaign in June and July, 1898. 
 
 The landing being completed, there were those who stood upon the shore 
 and saw those indomitable men land, landing in small boats through waves 
 that dashed against the shore, landing without harbor, but land they did, 
 with the accoutrements and their weapons by their sides. And those who 
 stood upon that shore and saw those men come on, thought they could 
 read in their faces, "Stranger, can you tell me the nearest road to San 
 tiago?" That is the place they were looking for. The name of the leader 
 of that campaign, of one of those regiments, is the one I shall bring before 
 this Convention for the office of Vice President of the United States. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention, I know you have been here a long time, 
 and that you have had politics in abundance; I know the anxiety to complete 
 the work of this Convention, but I cannot forbear to say that this occasion 
 has a higher significance than one of politics. The campaign of this year 
 is higher than politics. In fact, if patriotism could have its way there would 
 be but one political party and but one electoral ticket in any State of the 
 Union, because patriotic duty would enforce it. 
 
 In many respects the years 1898 and 1899 have been the great years of the 
 Republic. There is not under any sun or in any clime any man or govern 
 ment that dares to insult the flag of the United States not one. We are 
 a greater and a broader people on account of these achievements. (Ap 
 plause.) They have made Uncle Sam a cosmopolitan citizen. No one 
 questions his prowess or his bravery. As the result of those campaigns and 
 as a result of the American spirit, my fellow citizens, the American soldier, 
 ten thousand miles away from home, with a musket in his hands, says to 
 the aggressor, to those who are in favor of tyranny: "Halt! Who goes 
 there?" And the same spirit says to the beleaguered hosts of liberty: 
 "Hold the fort; I am coming." Thus says the spirit of Americanism. (Ap 
 plause.) 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention, I place before you this distinguished leader 
 of Republicanism in the United States, this leader of the aspirations of the 
 people whose hearts are right, this leader of the aspirations of the young 
 men of this country. Their hearts and consciences are with this young 
 leader whom I name for the Vice Presidency of the United States Theo 
 dore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.) 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 133 
 
 SPEECH OF. MR. M. J. MURRAY, OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Mr. M. J. MURRAY, of Massachusetts. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
 Massachusetts commissions me, through her delegation, to speak to you 
 to-day, and she accompanied that request with the injunction that I should 
 be exceedingly brief in what I have to say. We who come from the Old 
 Bay State know and love and appreciate the Governor of New York. (Ap 
 plause.) HP has many times been welcomed within our borders, and we 
 have for him that high appreciation which Massachusetts manhood always 
 has for a thoroughgoing, fighting Republican. We yield to him a full meas 
 ure of devotion unsurpassed by that of any other delegation upon the floor 
 of the Convention. His life to us is an embodiment of those qualities 
 which appeal everywhere to American manhood, and which are a sufficient 
 guarantee of the kind of public service he will render in this new and high 
 position of responsibility to the American people. (Applause.) 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention, on behalf of the State of Massachusetts, 
 which has furnished to the President of the United States one of the best 
 assistants he has enjoyed in his Cabinet, in the government of the na 
 tion s affairs, mindful of the duty which he expects us to perform in this 
 Convention, with the heartiest kind of sympathy and regard for the voice 
 of this great gathering, on behalf of the delegation which has complimented 
 me with the privilege I am now to exercise aye, on behalf of all New Eng 
 land, whose towns and cities have been responsible for some of the charac 
 ter that has entered into the Nation s life with all the earnestness at 
 my command, I second the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, of New 
 York. (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. J. M. ASHTON, OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Mr. JAMES M. ASHTON, of Washington. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen 
 of the Convention: We come here from the great, the growing and the 
 mighty Northwest. We come to greet my worthy predecessor, the great 
 States of New England, in the mighty Northeast. We come from the gate 
 way of the treasure land of Alaska, the land which will make the free coin 
 age of silver sink into insignificance. (Applause.) 
 
 The name of Theodore Roosevelt is known at every fireside throughout 
 the great and magnificent mountains and across the broad plains of the 
 great West. Everywhere that name is the symbol of American heroism 
 and American manhood. (Applause.) When we came here we had in our 
 minds for this exalted position an eminent international jurist, an eminent 
 diplomat, the Hon. Bartlett Tripp, of the great Northwest. (Applause.) 
 But he has said from the commencement, if it is possible to secure the 
 nomination of Governor Roosevelt and his acceptance, together with that 
 grand character in American history, the eminent, the illustrious, the patri 
 otic statesman and soldier, William McKinley, it would be the greatest 
 ticket, the grandest ticket, and the strongest ticket which can be placed 
 before the American people. 
 
134 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Now, gentlemen of the Convention, beneath the banner of McKinley 
 and Roosevelt the West will unite with the mighty East and go before the 
 shrine of the people. We have no fears. You will find when the ballots are 
 cast next November that the West has with the entire country woven about 
 the waist of Columbia the girdle of political power and political freedom; 
 you will find when you count the ballots from the States of the setting sun 
 that they will read for McKinley and Roosevelt," and we will clasp that 
 girdle in Republican victory. (Applause.) I thank you. 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, OF NEW YORK. 
 
 (There were cries of "Depew!" "Depew!") 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair calls upon Senator Depew. 
 
 Mr. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, of New York. Gentlemen of the Convention: 
 Permit me to state to you at the outset that I am not upon the programme, 
 but I will gladly perform the pleasant duty of announcing that New York 
 came here, as did every other delegation, for Colonel Roosevelt for Vice 
 President of the United States. (Applause.) When Colonel Roosevelt ex 
 pressed to us his wish not to be considered, we respected it and we proposed 
 to place in nomination by our unanimous vote our Lieutenant Governor, 
 Timothy L. Woodruff. (Applause.) Now that the Colonel has responded 
 to the call of the Convention and the demand of the people, New York 
 and Woodruff withdraw Mr. Woodruff and put Roosevelt in nomination. 
 I had the pleasure of nominating him two years ago for Governor when 
 all the signs pointed to the loss of New York in the election, but he charged 
 up and down the old State from Montauk Point to Niagara Falls, as he 
 went up San Juan Hill against the Spaniards (applause), and the Demo 
 crats fled before him as the Spaniards did in Cuba. (Applause.) 
 
 It is a peculiarity of American life that our men are not born to any 
 thing, but that they get there afterward. (Applause.) McKinley, a young 
 soldier, and coming out a major; McKinley, a Congressman, and making 
 a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected because he represented the pro 
 tection of American industries, and McKinley, after four years develop 
 ment, in peace, in war, in prosperity and in adversity, the greatest Presi 
 dent save one or two that this country ever had, and the greatest ruler in 
 Christendom to-day. (Applause.) 
 
 So with Colonel Roosevelt we call him "Teddy." (Applause.) He 
 was the child of New York, of New York city, the place that you gentle 
 men from the West think breeds coupons, clubs and eternal damnation for 
 every one. (Laughter.) "Teddy" was the child of Fifth avenue. He was 
 the child of the clubs. He was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard 
 College. He went West and became a cowboy (applause and laughter), 
 and then he went into the Navy Department and became an Assistant Sec 
 retary. He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureau came to him and 
 said: "Why, Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this 
 powder." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have to get ready when war comes, 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 135 
 
 and powder was manufactured to be burned." (Applause.) The burning 
 of that powder sunk Cervera s fleet outside of Santiago s harbor and the fleet 
 in Manila Bay. (Aplause.) 
 
 At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing a 
 militia regiment lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bullets were fly 
 ing over them. This voice said: "Get to one side, gentlemen, please; one 
 side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out." And when this polite 
 man got .his men out in the open, where they could face the bayonet and 
 face the bullet, there was a transformation, and the transformation was 
 that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the 
 soldier had become a hero, and, rushing up the hill, pistol in hand (ap 
 plause), the polite man shouted to the militiamen lying down: "Give them 
 hell, boys! Give them hell!" (Applause.) 
 
 Allusion has been made by one of the speakers to the fact that the Dem- 
 ocatic Convention is to meet two weeks from yesterday, on the Fourth of 
 July. Great Scott! The Fourth of July! (Laughter.) On the Fourth of 
 July all the great heroes of the Revolution, all the great heroes of the war 
 of 1812, all the great heroes of the war with Mexico, and the heroes of the 
 war with Spain who are not dead will be in processions all over the coun 
 try those mighty spirits; but they will not be at the Democratic Conven 
 tion at Kansas. City. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. H. HjBiNGHAM, of Pennsylvania. And the heroes of the War of 
 the Rebellion. 
 
 Mr. DEPEW, of New York. And the heroes of the War of the Rebellion. 
 There is one gentleman who is detained from there and from the welcome 
 which they would delight to give him, but he is at present engaged in run 
 ning a footrace, under the blazing sun, from the soldiers of the United 
 States. (Laughter and applause.) George Washington s spirit will not be 
 there, but George Washington Aguinaldo, if he could, would be there as a 
 welcome delegate. (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 I should like to sit in the gallery and hear the platform read; anti-expan 
 sion, with Jefferson coming out of the clouds and saying, "Who are you? 
 Didn t my expansion become fifteen States as glorious and as great as any 
 represented in your Convention? And what are you condemning me for?" 
 Anti-imperialism! Because we are putting down an insurrection in the 
 Philippines! And from the grave at the Hermitage comes the spirit of old 
 Andrew Jackson, saying: "Get out of here, or by the Eternal I will let you 
 know who I am!" (Laughter and applause.) Anti-acquisition of territory? 
 And then comes a procession of Democrats of the old Democratic party 
 Jefferson, Monroe, Polk, Pierce, pointing to Louisiana, pointing to New 
 Mexico, pointing to California, pointing to Oregon, pointing to what has 
 made our country first and foremost among the countries of the world. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 But then will come the great card of the Convention, headed by the great 
 Bryan himself, "Down with the Trusts!" "Down with the Trusts!" and 
 
136 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 when the applause is over it will be found that the pitchers on the table 
 have been broken by the clashing of the ice within (laughter), for that ice 
 will be making merry at five cents a chunk. (Laughter.) 
 
 I heard a story. (Laughter.) This is a brand new story. (Laughter.) It 
 is of the vintage of June, 1900. Most of my stories are more venerable. 
 (Laughter.) There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter he 
 a consumptive and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. (Laughter.) 
 Her one remark as they sat on the piazza was: "Stop coughing, John." 
 John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six weeks. 
 His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We are travelling on 
 a time limited ticket, and we have several more places to go." (Laughter 
 and applause.) So she carried him off. On arriving at the next station the 
 poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: "Madam, what 
 shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have a time limited ticket, and 
 several more places to go." (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 Now, we buried 16 to I in 1896. We put a monument over it, weighing 
 as many tons as the Sierra Nevada, when "gold" was put into the statute 
 by a Republican Congress and the signature of William McKinley. Colonel 
 Bryan has been a body-snatcher. (Laughter.) He has got the corpse out 
 from under the monument, but it is dead. He has got it in its coffiin, car 
 rying it along, as did the bereaved widow, because, he says: "I must, I must; 
 I am wedded to this body of sin and death. (Laughter.) I must, I must, 
 because I have a time ticket which expires in November." (Laughter and 
 applause.) 
 
 I remember that when I first used to go abroad it is a good thing for 
 a Yankee to go abroad I was ashamed because everywhere they would 
 say: "What is the matter with the Declaration of Independence when you 
 have slavery in your land?" Well, we took slavery out, and now no Ameri 
 can is ashamed to go abroad. When I went abroad later the ship was full 
 of merchants going across to buy iron and steel and wool and cotton and 
 all kinds of goods. Now when an American goes around the world, what 
 happens to him? When he reaches the capital of Japan he rides on an 
 electric railway made by American mechanics. When he reaches the cities 
 of China he rides under electric lights invented by Mr. Edison and put up 
 by American artisans. When he goes over the great railway across Siberia 
 from China to St. Petersburg, he rides on American rails in cars drawn by 
 American locomotives. When he gets to Germany he finds our iron and 
 steel climbing over a two dollar and fifty cent tariff, and thereby scaring 
 the Kaiser out of his wits. (Laughter.) When he reaches the great Ex 
 position at Paris he finds the French winemaker saying that American wine 
 cannot be admitted there for the purpose of judgment. When he gets to 
 old London he gets for breakfast California fruit, he gets for luncheon, bis 
 cuit and bread made of Western wheat, and he gets for dinner "roast beef 
 of old England" from the plains of Montana (laughter); and his feet rest 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 137 
 
 on a carpet marked "Axminster," but made at Yonkers, New York. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 Now, my friends, the canvass upon which we are entering is a canvass 
 of the future. The past is only for record and for reference, and, thank 
 God, we have a reference and a record. It is the canvass of the future. Why 
 this war in South Africa? Why these hammerings at the gates of Pekin? 
 Why these marching of troops over Asia and Africa? Why this parading 
 of the people and of the empire of other lands? It is because the surplus 
 products of civilized countries in modern times are greater than civiliza 
 tion can consume. It is because this overproduction rolls back to stagnation 
 and poverty. 
 
 The American people now produce $2,000,000,000 worth more than we 
 can consume, and we have met the emergency, by the providence of God, 
 by the statesmanship of William McKinley, and by the valor of Roosevelt 
 and his associates. (Applause.) We have our market in Cuba, we have 
 our market in Porto Rico, we have our market in Hawaii, we have our 
 market in the Philippines, and we stand in the presence of eight hundred 
 million people, with the Pacific as an American lake and the American 
 artisan producing better and cheaper goods than those of any other country 
 in the world. 
 
 My friends, we go to American labor and to the American farm, and say 
 that with McKinley for another four years there will be no congestion in 
 America. Let invention proceed, let production go on, let the factories do 
 their best, let labor be employed at the highest wages, because the world is 
 ours, and we have conquered it by Republican principles and by Republican 
 persistency in the enforcement of the principles of American industry and 
 of America for Americans. (Applause.) 
 
 Many of you I met in convention four years ago you from New England 
 with all its culture and its coldness (laughter), and you from the Middle 
 West, who, starting from Ohio and radiating in every direction, think you 
 are all there is of it (laughter); you from the West who produced on this 
 platform a product of New England transplanted to the West through New 
 York, who delivered the best presiding officer s speech in oratory and all 
 that makes up a great speech that has been heard in many a day in any con 
 vention in this country. (Applause.) It was a glorious thing to see the 
 fervor of the West and the culture and polish of New England giving us 
 an ammunition wagon from which the spellbinder everywhere can draw 
 the powder to shoot down opposition East and West and North and South. 
 (Applause and laughter.) 
 
 Many of you, as I say, I met in convention four years ago. We all feel 
 what little men we were then compared with what we are to-day. There 
 is not a man here who does not feel four hundred per cent, bigger in 1900 
 than he did in 1896; bigger intellectually, bigger hopefully, bigger patriot 
 ically, bigger in the grasp of the fact that he is a citizen of a country which 
 
138 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 has become a world power for peace, for civilization, and for the expansion 
 of its industries and the products of its labor. (Applause.) 
 
 We have the best ticket ever presented. (Applause.) We have at the 
 head of it a Western man with Eastern notions, and we have at the other 
 end an Eastern man with Western characteristics (applause) ; the states 
 man and the cowboy (laughter) ; the accomplished man of affairs and the 
 heroic fighter; the man who has proved great as President, and the fighter 
 who has proved great as Governor. (Applause.) We leave this old town 
 simply to keep on shouting and working to make it unanimous for Mc- 
 Kinley and Roosevelt. (Applause.) 
 
 VOTE FOR CANDIDATE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. If there are no other nominations to be 
 made for candidate for Vice President, the Clerk will call the roll of States, 
 etc., and the chairman of each delegation, as the State or Territory is called, 
 will announce the vote of the State or Territory for candidate for Vice 
 President. The Clerk will call the roll. 
 
 The READING CLERK proceeded to call the roll. 
 
 Mr. BENJAMIN B. ODELL, of New York (when New York was called). 
 New York casts 71 votes for Theodore Roosevelt, one not voting. 
 
 The roll call was concluded, resulting as follows: 
 
 Whole 
 Number of 
 Delegates. 
 
 Alabama 22 
 
 Arkansas 16 
 
 California 18 
 
 Colorado 8 
 
 Connecticut 12 
 
 Delaware 6 
 
 Florida 8 
 
 Georgia 26 
 
 Idaho 6 
 
 Illinois 48 
 
 Indiana 30 
 
 Iowa 26 
 
 Kansas 20 
 
 Kentucky 26 
 
 Louisiana 16 
 
 Maine 12 
 
 Maryland 16 
 
 Massachusetts 30 
 
 Michigan 28 
 
 Minnesota 18 
 
 Mississippi 18 
 
 Missouri 34 
 
 Montana 6 
 
 Nebraska 16 
 
 Nevada 6 
 
 New Hampshire 8 
 
 New Jersey 20 
 
 For Whole For 
 
 Theodore Number of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt. Delegates. Roosevelt. 
 
 22 New York 72 71 
 
 16 North Carolina 22 22 
 
 18 North Dakota 6 6 
 
 8 Ohio 46 46 
 
 12 Oregon 8 8 
 
 6 Pennsylvania 64 64 
 
 8 Rhode Island 8 8 
 
 26 South Carolina 18 18 
 
 6 South Dakota 8 8 
 
 48 Tennessee 24 24 
 
 30 Texas 30 30 
 
 25 Utah 6 6 
 
 20 Vermont 8 8 
 
 26 Virginia 24 24 
 
 16 Washington 8 8 
 
 12 West Virginia 12 12 
 
 16 Wisconsin 24 24 
 
 30 Wyoming 6 6 
 
 28 District of Columbia 2 2 
 
 18 Alaska 4 4 
 
 18 Arizona 6 6 
 
 34 Indian Territory 6 6 
 
 6 New Mexico 6 6 
 
 16 Oklahoma 6 6 
 
 6 Hawaii 2 2 
 
 20 Total 926 925 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 139 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The total vote of the Convention is 926. 
 Nine hundred and twenty-five votes have been cast (one delegate not voting) 
 for Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. (Applause.) I hereby declare 
 him your nominee for the Vice-Presidency for the term beginning March 4, 
 1901. (Applause.) 
 
 [The announcement of the result was received with applause and cheering 
 which lasted several minutes.] 
 
 PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Mr. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I offer the resolutions which I 
 send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers resolutions 
 which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare and 
 publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this Convention, under 
 the direction of tke National Committee, co-operating with the local committee. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be requested to republish the official 
 proceedings of preceding Republican National Conventions now out of print, under the 
 direction of the National Committee. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The question is on agreeing to the resolu 
 tions submitted by the gentleman from Ohio. 
 The resolutions were agreed to. 
 
 VACANCIES ON NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE. 
 
 Mr. THOMAS H. CARTER, of Montana. Mr. Chairman, I submit the reso 
 lution which I send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Montana offers a reso 
 lution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the National Republican Committee be, and it is hereby empowered to 
 fill all vacancies in its membership. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
 COMMITTEES TO NOTIFY THE NOMINEES. 
 Mr. CHARLES DICK/ of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer a resolution. 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolu 
 tion which will be read. 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Permanent Chairman of this Convention, Hon. Henry Cabot 
 Lodge, of Massachusetts, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify Hon. Wil 
 liam McKinley of his nomination for President, and that the Temporary Chairman, 
 Hon. E. O. Wolcott, of Colorado, be appointed chairman of the committee to notify the 
 nominee for Vice-President of his nomination; and that the committee notify the candi 
 date for President on July 12. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to. 
 
140 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 THANKS TO CONVENTION OFFICERS. 
 
 Mr. SIDNEY M. BIRD, of Maine. I offer the resolution which I send to 
 the desk. 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, in the chair). 
 The gentleman from Maine offers a resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are tendered to the Temporary Chair 
 man, the Permanent Chairman, the Secretary and his Assistants, the Sergeant-at-Arms 
 and his Deputies, the Clerk at the Chairman s Desk, the Reading and Tally Clerks, the 
 Official Reporter and the Messengers. 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the resolution 
 submitted by the gentleman from Maine. 
 The resolution was unanimously agreed to. 
 
 THANKS TO THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Mr. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I offer the resolution 
 which I send to the desk. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN (Mr. Lodge). The gentleman from Maine 
 offers a resolution which will be read. 
 
 The READING CLERK read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to his Honor, 
 Samuel H. Ashbridge, Mayor of Philadelphia, the members of the Citizens Committee 
 and the citizens for the hospitable and perfect provisions made for the session of the 
 convention and the entertainment of the delegates, alternates and visitors. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Convention has heard the resolution, 
 and the Chair is sure it will join him in extending much more than formal 
 thanks to Mayor Ashbridge, to the city of Philadelphia, and to the com 
 mittees which have been so attentive to our comfort, and so hospitable to us. 
 The question is on agreeing to the resolution offered by the gentleman 
 from Maine. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously agreed to. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 141 
 
 COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the Chairman of each 
 delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee 
 to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination. 
 
 The committee as finally made up is as follows: 
 
 Chairman, HON. HENRY CABOT LODGE, of Massachusetts. 
 
 ADDRESS. STATE. 
 
 P. D. BARKER Mobile Alabama. 
 
 CHARLES M. GREENE Harrison Arkansas. 
 
 WILLIAM M. GARLAND Los Angeles California. 
 
 DAVID H. MOFFAT Denver Colorado. 
 
 LINUS B. PLIMPTON Hartford Connecticut. 
 
 J. FRANK ALEE Dover Delaware. 
 
 JOSEPH E. LEE Jacksonville Florida. 
 
 W. A. PLEDGER Athens Georgia. 
 
 W. B. HEYBURN Wallace Idaho. 
 
 FRANK O. LOWDEN Chicago Illinois. 
 
 JOHN D. WIDAMAN Warsaw Indiana. 
 
 C. E. ALLBROOK Eldora Iowa. 
 
 E. T. FRANKS Owensboro Kentucky. 
 
 JULIUS GODCHAUX New Orleans Louisiana. 
 
 WAIN\VRIGHT CUSHUSTG Foxcroft Maine. 
 
 WILLIAM F. AIREY Baltimore Maryland. 
 
 FRANKLIN E. HUNTRESS Somerville Massachusetts. 
 
 FRANK J. HECKER Detroit Michigan. 
 
 RAY W. JONES Frazee Minnesota. 
 
 SAM P. HURST Clarksdale Mississippi. 
 
 JOHN B. OWEN St. Louis Missouri. 
 
 DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Springs. .Montana. 
 
 O. A. ABBOTT Grand Island Nebraska. 
 
 ROBERT L. FULTON Reno Nevada. 
 
 FRED A. PALMER Manchester New Hampshire. 
 
 LESLIE D. WARD Newark New Jersey. 
 
 FRANK S. WITHERBEE Port Henry New York. 
 
 W. A. LEMLEY Winston North Carolina. 
 
 FRED LEUTZ Hebron North Dakota. 
 
 JOS. G. BUTLER, Js Youngstown Ohio. 
 
 HENRY E. ANKENNY Sterling Oregon. 
 
 JOSEPH C. FLETCHER Bristol Rhode Island. 
 
 E. H. DEAS Darlington South Carolina. 
 
 C. B. COLLINS Groton South Dakota. 
 
 GEO. N. TILLMAN Nashville Tennessee. 
 
 J. G. LOWDON Abilene Texas. 
 
 THOMAS KEARNS Park City Utah. 
 
 WM. N. PLATT Shoreham Vermont. 
 
 J. HAMPTON HOGE Roanoke Virginia. 
 
 LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington. 
 
 W. W. MONROE Parkersburg . ., West Virginia. 
 
 WALTER ALEXANDER Wausau Wisconsin. 
 
 CLARANCE D. CLARKE Evanston Wyoming. 
 
 W. D. GRANT Wrangel Alaska. 
 
 JOHN W. DORRINGTON Yuma Arizona. 
 
 W. CALVIN CHASE Washington District of Columbia. 
 
 MIGUEL A. OTERO Santa Fe New Mexico. 
 
 \\ T . J. FRENCH Alva Oklahoma. 
 
 S. PARKER Honolulu Hawaii. 
 
 P. L. SOPER Vinita Cherokee Nation. . Indian Territory. 
 
142 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE TO NOTIFY HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 The PERMANENT CHAIRMAN. The Chair requests the chairman of each 
 delegation to submit in writing the name of its member of the committee 
 to notify the Hon. Theodore Roosevelt of his nomination. 
 
 The committee as finally made up is as follows. 
 
 Chairman, HON. EDWARD O. WOLCOTT, of Colorado. . 
 
 ADDRESS. STATE. 
 
 N. H. ALEXANDER Montgomery Alabama. 
 
 S. A. DUKE Baxter Arkansas. 
 
 GEORGE C. PARDEE Oakland California. 
 
 JOHN B. THOMPSON Longmont Colorado. 
 
 ANDREW J. SLOPER New Britain Connecticut. 
 
 ALVIN D. CONNOR Dover Delaware. 
 
 JOHN F. HORR Jacksonville Florida. 
 
 E. N. CLEMENCE Columbus Georgia. 
 
 GEORGE L. SHOUP Boise City Idaho. 
 
 J. H. ROWELL Bloomington Illinois. 
 
 CHARLES S. HERNLEY Indianapolis Indiana. 
 
 J. J. MARSH Decorah Iowa. 
 
 J. T. BRADLEY Sedan Kansas. 
 
 W. J. DEBOE Marion Kentucky. 
 
 JOHN W. COOKE Lake Providence Louisiana. 
 
 ALBERT PIERCE Frankfort Maine. 
 
 J. T. BRADFORD Baltimore Maryland. 
 
 GEORGE N. SWALLOW Boston Massachusetts. 
 
 WILLIAM E. PARNALL Calumet Michigan. 
 
 J. J. ECKLUND Duluth Minnesota. 
 
 W. E. MASK Winona Mississippi. 
 
 WALTER S. DICKEY Kansas City Missouri. 
 
 DAVID E. FOLSOM White Sulphur Sprin-s. .Montana. 
 
 ALEX LAVERTY Ashland Nebraska. 
 
 PATRICK L. FLANIGAN Reno Nevada. 
 
 ALBERT WALLACE Rochester New Hampshire. 
 
 WM. BARBOUR Paterson New Jersey. 
 
 FRANCIS V. GREENE New York City New York. 
 
 THOMAS S. ROLLINS Marshall North Carolina. 
 
 H. C. PLUMLEY Fargo North Dakota. 
 
 GEO. C. RAWLINS Springfield Ohio. 
 
 THOMAS McEWAN Sumpter Oregon. 
 
 JOHN H. MURDOCK Washington Pennsylvania. 
 
 LUCIUS B. DARLING Pawtucket Rhode Island. 
 
 J. F. ENSOR Columbia South Carolina. 
 
 FMIL BRAUCH Hurley South Dakota. 
 
 T. S. ELGIN Selmer Tennessee. 
 
 CHARLES M. FERGUSON San Antonio Texas. 
 
 C. E. LOOSE Provo Utah. 
 
 E. M. BARTLTT Brighton .. Vermont. 
 
 C. G. SMITHERS Cape Charles Virginia. 
 
 LEVI ANKENY Walla Walla Washington. 
 
 JOHN D. RIGG Terra Alta West Virginia. 
 
 JAMES REYNOLDS Lake Geneva Wisconsin. 
 
 GEORGE C. GOBEL Rock Springs Wyoming. 
 
 W. D. GRANT Wrangel .... Alaska. 
 
 CHARLES H. DRAKE Tucson Arizona. 
 
 JOHN E. TONES Washington District of Columbia. 
 
 SECUNDINO ROMERO .. ...Las Vegas .. New Mexico. 
 
 J. G. PRTNGEY Harvey Oklahoma. 
 
 A. N. KEPOIKAI Honolulu Hawaii. 
 
 W. L. McWILLIAMS Miami Quapaw Agency. .Indian Territory. 
 
 FINAL ADJOURNMENT. 
 
 Mr. SERENO E. PAYNE, of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move that the 
 Convention do now adjourn sine die. 
 
 The motion was agreed to; and (at 2 o clock and 12 minutes P. M.) the 
 Chair declared the Convention adjourned without day. 
 
Official Notification of the Candidates 
 
 NOTIFICATION OF PRESIDENT McKlNLEY 
 
 At his home in Canton, Ohio, on the twelfth of July, 1900, President Mc- 
 Kinley was officially notified that he had been a second time selected by the 
 Republican National Convention as Presidential nominee. Senator Henry 
 Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts was spokesman for the notification commit 
 tee, and President McKinley replied at length. The speeches were con 
 sidered to a certain extent as the basis upon which the campaign is to,*be 
 fought this year. 
 
 Chairman Lodge and the members of the notification committee, to 
 gether with Chairman Hanna and members of the National Committee, 
 arrived on a special train from Cleveland at n o clock. 
 
 There were also on board the train the Tippecanoe Club of Canton, about 
 50 members of President McKinley s old regiment, a number of distin 
 guished guests invited by Senator Hanna, and a band. 
 
 The Citizens Committee met the party at the station and escorted them 
 to the President s home. Flags fluttered from every window along the 
 line of march. Grouped about the lawn at the house were the visiting or 
 ganizations. 
 
 A large space in the front yard was roped off and filled with chairs for 
 the notification party and distinguished guests. Tables were also provided 
 for the press. 
 
 Five minutes after n o clock the booming of guns announced the arrival 
 of the Notification Committee at the station. The committee was re 
 ceived at the McKinley home with cheers. 
 
 Senator Lodge, followed by Senator Hanna, was in the lead of the 
 notification party. Both entered the house and had a few minutes chat 
 with President McKinley. When they appeared a cheer went up from the 
 crowd. 
 
 Among those occupying seats on the porch were Senator Hanna, Post 
 master-General Smith, Cornelius N. Bliss, Henry C. Payne, Judge Day, 
 R. C. Kerens, Representative Taylor. With Mrs. McKinley were Mrs. 
 Barber, Mrs. Mary Saxton, Mrs. Day and Mrs. Charles G. Dawes. 
 
 143 
 
144 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 SENATOR LODGE S SPEECH. 
 
 Senator Lodge immediately mounted a small standing block and delivered 
 his speech. He said: 
 
 Mr. President: This committee, representing every State in the Union 
 and the organized Territories of the United States, was duly appointed 
 to announce to you, formally, your nomination by the Republican National 
 Convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19 last, as the candidate 
 of the Republican party for President of the United States for the term 
 beginning March 4, 1901. 
 
 To be selected by the Republican party as their candidate for this great 
 office is always one of the highest honors which can be given to any man. 
 This nomination, however, comes to you, sir, under circumstances which 
 give it a higher significance, and make it an even deeper expression of honor 
 and trust than usual. You were nominated unanimously at Philadelphia. 
 You received the unforced vote of every delegate from every State and 
 every Territory. The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of 
 the record was but the reflection of a deeper harmony which existed in the 
 hearts and minds of the delegates. Without factions, without dissent, 
 with profound satisfaction and eager enthusiasm, you were nominated for 
 the Presidency by the united voice of the representatives of our great party, 
 in which there is neither sign of division nor shadow of turning. 
 
 THE RECORD REVIEWED. 
 
 Such unanimity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive because 
 it accompanies a second nomination to the great office which you have 
 held for four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over experience, 
 but the sober approval of conduct and character tested in many trials and 
 tried by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities. With the exception of the 
 period in which Washington organized the nation and built the state, and 
 of those other awful years when Lincoln led his people through the agony 
 of civil war and saved from destruction the work of Washington, there has 
 never been a Presidential term in our history so crowded with great events, 
 so filled with new and momentous questions, as that which is now draw 
 ing to its end. 
 
 True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, sir, 
 united with the Republicans in Congress in the revision of the tariff and 
 the re-establishment of the protective policy. You maintained our credit 
 and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by your advice to the pas 
 sage of the great measure which is to-day the bulwark of both. You led 
 again in the policy which has made Hawaii a possession of the United 
 States. On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justified the con 
 fidence of the people who four years ago put trusts in our promises. But 
 in all these questions you had as guides not only your own principles, the 
 well-considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain 
 declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 145 
 
 Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had also promised 
 to settle, brought, first war, and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared 
 war, but you, as commander-in-chief, had to carry it on. You did so, and 
 history records unbroken victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the 
 day when the protocol was signed. The peace you had to make alone. 
 Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines you had to assume alone the responsi 
 bility of taking them all from Spain. Alone and weighted with the terrible 
 responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were 
 obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the 
 Philippines. 
 
 No party creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, fore 
 sight, comprehension of American interests, both now and in the un 
 charted future, faith in the American people and in their fitness for great 
 tasks, were then your only guides and counsellors. Thus you framed and 
 put in operation this great new policy which has made us at once masters 
 of the Antilles and a great Eastern power, holding firmly our possessions on 
 both sides of the Pacific. 
 
 The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience 
 which accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a great departure 
 and a new policy were never more quickly justified than those undertaken 
 by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable diplo 
 macy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out 
 from China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability to send troops and 
 ships in this time of stress to the defence of our ministers, our missionaries, 
 our consuls and our merchants in China, instead of being compelled to leave 
 our citizens to the casual protection of other powers, as would have been un 
 avoidable had we flung the Philippines away and withdrawn from the 
 Orient. 
 
 Rest assured, sir, that the vigorous measures which you have thus been 
 enabled to take, and that all further measures in the same direction which 
 you may take, for the protection of American lives and property, will re 
 ceive the hearty support of the people of the United States, who are now, 
 as always, determined that the American citizen shall be protected at any 
 cost in all his rights, everywhere, and at all times. 
 
 It is to Manila again,, to our fleet in the bay and our army on the land, 
 that we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood in China are 
 closed, to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to insist, in the 
 final settlement, upon an open door to all that vast market for our fast 
 growing commerce. 
 
 THE POLICY STATED. 
 
 Events, moving with terrible rapidity, have been swift witnesses to the wis 
 dom of our action in the East. The Philadelphia Convention has adopted 
 your policy, both in the Antilles and the Philippines, and has made it their 
 own and that of the Republican party. 
 10 
 
146 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Your election, sir, next November, assures to us the continuance of that 
 policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these difficult and 
 vital questions to other hands, at once incompetent and hostile, would be 
 a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity. Your 
 election means not only protection to our industries, but the maintenance 
 of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very corner-stones of our 
 economic and financial welfare. Should these be shaken, as they would be 
 by the success of our opponents, the whole fabric of our business confidence 
 and prosperity would fall into ruin. Your defeat would be the signal 
 for the advance of free trade, for the anarchy of a debased and unstable cur 
 rency, for business panic, depression and hard times, and for the wreck of 
 our foreign policy. 
 
 Your election and the triumph of the Republican party which we be 
 lieve to be as sure as the coming of the day will make certain the steady 
 protection of our industries, sound money and a vigrous and intelligent 
 foreign policy. They will continue those conditions of good government 
 and wise legislation, so essential to the prosperity and well being which have 
 blessed our country in such abundance during the past four years. 
 
 Thus announcing to you, sir, your nomination as the Republican candi 
 date for the Presidency, we have the honor also to submit to you the decla 
 ration of principles made by the National Convention, which, we trust, 
 will receive your approval. We can assure you of the faithful and earnest 
 support of the Republican party in every State, and we beg you to believe 
 that we discharge, here to-day, with ieelings of the deepest personal grat 
 ification, this honorable duty imposed upon us by the convention. 
 
 Senator Lodge s remarks were frequently interrupted with applause. 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY S RESPONSE. 
 
 When Senator Lodge had concluded, the President stepped forward, the 
 audience cheered him heartily, and it was some moments before he could 
 continue. He spoke as follows: 
 
 Senator Lodge and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee: 
 
 The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also a 
 summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of President by a 
 great party, which in thirty-two years out of forty has been triumphant at 
 national elections, is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. To receive 
 unanimous renomination by the same party is an expression of regard and 
 a pledge of continued confidence for which it is difficult to make adequate 
 acknowledgment. 
 
 If anything exceeds the honor of the office of President of the United 
 States it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been invested 
 with both, I do not under-appraise either. Any one who has borne the 
 anxieties and burdens of the Presidential office, especially in time of na 
 tional trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time without pro- 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 147 
 
 foundly realizing the severe reactions and the solemn obligations which it 
 imposes, and this feeling is accentuated by the momentous problems which 
 now press for settlement. If my countrymen shall confirm the action of 
 the convention at our national election in November, I shall, craving Divine 
 guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to administer it for the interest and 
 honor of the country and the well-being of the new peoples who have be 
 come the objects of our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the 
 convention has my hearty approval. At some future date I will consider 
 its subjects in detail, and will by letter communicate to your chairman a 
 more formal acceptance of the nomination. 
 
 On a like occasion four years ago I said: 
 
 The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the conduct 
 of our greatest war; that promptly restored the credit of the country at 
 its close; that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt 
 incurred by this war, and that resumed specie payments and placed our pa 
 per currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to pre 
 serve both our credit and currency with honor, stability and inviolability. 
 The American people hold the financial honor of our government as sacred 
 as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigi 
 lance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demon 
 strated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our coun 
 try is threatened. 
 
 The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and the pensioner must 
 continue forever equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar 
 paid to any government creditor. 
 
 Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and com 
 mercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and cur 
 rency, our proud financial honor, and our splendid free citizenship, the 
 birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign, 
 and thus every home in the land is directly and intimately connected with 
 their proper settlement. 
 
 TRADE MUST BE WON BACK. 
 
 Our domestic trade must be won back, and our idle working people em 
 ployed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must 
 be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so 
 precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, reopened on fair and 
 equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. 
 
 Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, energy and the capital 
 of our country find ample employment at home. The government of the 
 United States must raise money enough to meet both its current expenses 
 and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the 
 material interests of our people withe the lightest possible drain upon their 
 
148 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 resources, and maintaining that high standard of civilization which has dis 
 tinguished our country for more than a century of its existence. 
 
 The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault 
 upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues 
 are provided for the support of the government there will be no necessity 
 for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. 
 
 WORK TO FULFILL PROMISES. 
 
 Three and one-half years of legislation and administration have been 
 concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was con 
 fided the direction of the government kept their pledges? The record is made 
 up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accomplished. The 
 gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The endless chain 
 has been broken and the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 
 The credit of the country has been advanced to the highest place among all 
 nations. We are refunding our bonded debt bearing three and four and five 
 per cent interest at two per cent, a lower rate than that of any other coun 
 try, and already more than three hundred millions have been so refunded, 
 with a gain to the government of many millions of dollars. Instead of 16 
 to i, for which our opponents contended four years ago, legislation has been 
 enacted, which, while utilizing all forms of our money, secures one fixed 
 value for every dollar, and that the best known to the civilized world. 
 
 EFFECT OF TARIFF LAW. 
 
 A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample 
 revenues has been written in public law. We have lower interest and higher 
 wages; more money and fewer mortgages. The world s markets have been 
 opened to American products, which go now where they have never gone 
 before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bond-paying nation; from 
 a nation of borrowers to a nation of lenders; from deficiency in revenue to a 
 surplus; from fear to confidence; from enforced idleness to profitable em 
 ployment. The public faith has been upheld; public order has been main 
 tained. We have prosperity at home and prestige abroad. 
 
 Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been renewed by the allied par 
 ties without abatement or modification. The gold bill has been denounced 
 and its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to i, therefore, still hangs over 
 us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to business and 
 industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallying their scattered forces. 
 The people must once more unite and overcome the advocates of repudia 
 tion and must not relax their energy until the battle for public honor and 
 honest money shall again triumph. 
 
 PLEDGES FULFILLED. 
 
 A Congress which will sustain, and, if need be, strengthen the present law, 
 can prevent a financial catastrophe, which every lover of the republic is in 
 terested to avert. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 149 
 
 Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the government, 
 our political adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted at the extra session 
 of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in obedience to the 
 will of the people, expressed at the election in the preceding November, a 
 law which at once stimulated our industries, opened the idle factories and 
 mines, and gave to the laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their toil 
 and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff which brings deficiency in 
 our revenues and destruction to our industrial enterprises? 
 
 Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, how has the government 
 discharged its international duties? 
 
 THE ANNEXATION OF HAWAII. 
 
 Our platform of 1896 declared "the Hawaiian Islands should be controlled 
 by the United States and no foreign power should be permitted to inter 
 fere with them." This purpose has been fully accomplished by annexation, 
 and delegates from those beautiful islands have participated in the conven 
 tion for which you speak to-day. In the great conference of nations at 
 The Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe doctrine and our 
 adherence to it and our determination not to participate in the complica 
 tions of Europe. We have happily ended the European alliance in Samoa, 
 securing to ourselves one of the most valuable harbors in the Pacific Ocean, 
 while the open door in China gives to us fair and equal competition in the 
 vast trade of the Orient. 
 
 THE POSSESSIONS CEDED BY SPAIN. 
 
 Some things have happened which were not promised, nor even foreseen, 
 and our purposes in relation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war 
 has been waged for humanity, and with it have come new problems and re 
 sponsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the Western Hemisphere, and 
 our flag floats over her former territory. Cuba has been liberated and our 
 guarantees to her people will be sacredly executed. A beneficent govern 
 ment has been provided for Porto Rico. The Philippines are ours and 
 American authority must be supreme throughout the Archipelago. There 
 will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abatement of our rights, no aban 
 donment of our duty. There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill 
 in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and 
 by the treaty of peace, by international law, by the nation s sense of honor, 
 and, more than all, by the rights, interests and conditions of the Philippine 
 people themselves. 
 
 No outside interference blocks the way to peace and a stable govern 
 ment. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They may postpone but 
 they cannot defeat the realization of the high purpose of this nation to re 
 store order to the islands and to establish a just and generous government, 
 in which the inhabitants shall have the largest participation for which they 
 are capable. 
 
150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 The organized forces which have been misled into rebellion have been dis 
 persed by our faithful soldiers and sailors, and the people of the islands, de 
 livered from anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sover 
 eignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, justice, law, righteous freedom, 
 education, the security of life and property, and the welfare and prosperity 
 of their several communities. 
 
 THE POWER OF CONGRESS. 
 
 We reassert the early principle of the Republican party, sustained by un 
 broken judicial precedents, that the representatives of the people in Con 
 gress assembled have full legislative power over territory belonging to the 
 United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and 
 personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to act "for the highest 
 interests of our nation and the people entrusted to its care." The doctrine, 
 first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never be used as a weapon for 
 oppression. I am glad to be assured by you that what we have done in 
 the far East has the approval of the country. 
 
 THE CRISIS IN CHINA. 
 
 The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls for the gravest consideration, 
 and you will not expect from me now any further expression than to say 
 that my best efforts shall be given to the immediate purpose of protecting 
 the lives of our citizens who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the 
 peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights and 
 the maintenaace of those principles of impartial intercourse to which the 
 civilized world is pledged. 
 
 GROWTH OF NATIONAL SENTIMENT. 
 
 I cannot conclude without congratulating my countrymen upon the 
 strong national sentiment which finds expression in every part of our com 
 mon country and the increased respect with which the American name is 
 greeted throughout the world. We have been moving in untried paths, but 
 our steps have been guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning 
 aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty 
 and humanity, and none will be. W r e will perform without fear every na 
 tional and international obligation. 
 
 The Republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It 
 has been the party of liberty and emancipation from that hour; not of pro 
 fession, but of performance. It broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves, and 
 made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another supreme 
 opportunity which it has bravely met in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the 
 human family from the yoke of imperialism. 
 
 In its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it 
 has had the support of members of all parties in the past, and confidently 
 invokes their co-operation in the future. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 151 
 
 Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation of 
 the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of my nom 
 ination, and my thanks to the members of the committee and to the great 
 constituency which they represent for this additional evidence of their favor 
 and support. 
 
 While the speech of the President closed the formal notification, there 
 had not been oratory enough for the gathering, and other speakers were 
 called for. 
 
 Senator Hanna, of Ohio; Senator Fairbanks, of Indiana; Charles Emory 
 Smith, Postmaster-General; Colonel Samuel Parker, of Hawaii, and others, 
 were also heard. 
 
NOTIFICATION OF HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
 
 Governor Roosevelt was officially notified July 12, 1900, of his nomination 
 for the Vice-Presidency, at his country home. Sagamore, near Oyster Bay. 
 The notification committee appointed by the Republican Convention at 
 Philadelphia left New York on a special train at 10:30 o clock, and made a 
 quick run to Oyster Bay, where carriages were in waiting to convey them to 
 Sagamore. A number of invited guests accompanied the party, most of 
 them prominent New Yorkers. Members of the notification committee 
 present were: Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, the Chairman; J. B. Thompson, 
 Colorado; A. J. Soper, Connecticut; Alvin D. Connor, Delaware; C. S. 
 Hernley, Indiana; J. J. Marsh, Iowa; J. T. Bradley, Kansas; Albert Pierce, 
 Maine; Alexander Laverty, Nebraska; Albert Wallace, New Hampshire; F. 
 V. Greene, New York; T. S. Rollins, North Carolina; G. C. Rawlins, Ohio; 
 J. H. Murdock, Pennsylvania; L. B. Darling, Rhode Island; Emil Brauch, 
 South Dakota; G. G. Smithers, Virginia; James Reynolds, Wisconsin; John 
 E. Jones, District of Columbia; W. L. Me Williams, Indian Territory; John 
 G. Long, Florida; O. C. Strong, Oklahoma. 
 
 Among the invited guests who accompanied the committee were William 
 Barnes, Jr.; Douglas Robinson, F. W. Holls, Col. John H. Partridge, Con 
 gressman W. A. Wadsworth, and State Senator T. E. Ellsworth. 
 
 There was a miscellaneous collection of vehicles drawn up at the station 
 when the special train drew in, ranging from single-seated buggies to big 
 carryalls. The committeemen and guests had a good-natured scramble for 
 seats, and the long line of turnouts started in a brisk trot over the three 
 miles of dusty roads to Sagamore. 
 
 It was noon when the party arrived at its destination. Governor Roose 
 velt received them on the wide vine-covered porch of Sagamore. Standing 
 on the lower step, under the porte cochere, he grasped the hand of each 
 gentleman as he alighted and then, turning, presented each to Mrs. Roose 
 velt, who stood on the veranda behind him. As the straggling procession 
 was rather slow in arriving, the early arrivals dispersed about the breezy 
 verandas and grounds and chatted informally before the formal ceremony of 
 notification occurred. 
 
 SENATOR WOLCOTT S SPEECH. 
 
 Shortly after twelve o clock Senator Wolcott called the committee to the 
 porch. There in the cool shade of the awnings and vines he read the formal 
 notification in his clear and resonant, voice. He said: 
 
 152 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 153 
 
 "Governor Roosevelt: The pleasant duty has devolved upon this com 
 mittee, appointed by the National Republican Convention, and representing 
 every State in the Union, to make known to you officially the action of the 
 convention and to hand you a copy of the platform as adopted, which em 
 bodies the principles of the party. 
 
 "The representatives of the Republican party, in convention assembled, 
 unanimously and spontaneously selected you as the candidate of the party 
 at the next election for the high and dignified office of Vice-President of the 
 United States. You were so selected and named through no wish of your 
 own, but because the convention believed that you, among all the Republi 
 cans in the land, were best fitted and adapted to be the associate of our 
 President, in the important and stirring campaign upon which we are enter 
 ing. The convention realized that you were needed in the great Empire 
 State, whose executive you now are, and whose people would delight still 
 further to honor you, but it believed that your path of duty lay for the 
 future in the field of national usefulness. 
 
 "You are still a young man, as years are counted; but the country knows 
 more of you than of most of its citizens. You were identified, and will ever 
 be associated with those efforts toward reform in the civil service which 
 command the approval of intelligent men of all political parties. Your 
 stirring love of adventure has made you a more familiar figure in Western 
 camps and on Western plains than on the avenues of your native city. Your 
 sterling Americanism has led you to the mastery of our earlier history, and 
 you have told us of the winning of the West with a charm and a spirit that 
 have made us all better lovers of our country; while your tales of Western 
 hunting and adventure have filled the breast of every lad in the land with 
 envy and emulation, and whatever doubts may have existed in the past, now 
 that you are our candidate, they will be believed to be true by every good 
 Republican. [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 "There is no man whose privilege it was to know you and to associate with 
 you while you were the Assistant Secretary of the Navy under President 
 McKinley s appointment, who is not eager to testify to the great ability and 
 fidelity which characterized your incumbency of that office. Of your services 
 to our country during the late war with Spain, it is not necessary for me to 
 speak. 
 
 "Your name will ever be identified with the heroic achievements of our 
 army, and your warmest friends and most devoted admirers are the gallant 
 band of Rough Riders whom you led to victory. 
 
 "This bright and glorious record, however, did not lead that great con 
 vention at Philadelphia to insist upon you as its candidate, although it fills 
 with pride the heart of every true American. The Republican party has 
 chosen you because, from your earliest manhood until to-day, in whatever 
 post you have been called upon to fill, and notably during your two years 
 of splendid service as chief executive of the State of New York, you have 
 everywhere and at all times stood for that which was clean and uplifting, 
 
154 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 and against everything that was sordid and base. You have shown the 
 people of this country that a political career and good citizenship could go 
 hand in hand, and that devotion to the public welfare was consistent with 
 party membership and party organization. There is not a young man in 
 these United States who has not found in your life an influence, an incentive 
 to better things and higher ideals. 
 
 "With President McKinley you will lead our ticket to victory, for you have 
 both been tested, and in your honor, your patriotism and your civic virtues 
 the American people have pride and confidence." 
 
 Senator Wolcott s address was frequently applauded, his reference to 
 Governor Roosevelt s hunting stories evoking a hearty laugh. When he 
 stepped forward he stood in a clear space on the crowded porch, facing the 
 doorway of a reception room, in front of which the Governor stood in erect 
 military attitude. 
 
 To fhe left were a number of ladies and other guests of the house, while 
 Mrs. Roosevelt stood among them, the three children of the Governor look 
 ing on with wide-eyed interest. 
 
 GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 When Senator Wolcott concluded, Governor Roosevelt stepped a pace 
 forward and replied. His voice was clear and firm, and as he proceeded 
 there were several interruptions of applause. He said: 
 
 "Mr. Chairman: I accept the honor conferred upon me with the keenest 
 and deepest appreciation of what it means, and, above all, of the responsi 
 bility that goes with it. Everything that is in my power to do will be done 
 to secure the re-election of President McKinley, to whom it has been given 
 in this crisis of the national history to stand for and embody the principles 
 which lie closest to the heart of every American worthy of the name. 
 
 "This is very much more than a mere party contest. We stand at the 
 parting of the ways, and the people have now to decide whether they shall 
 go forward along the path of prosperity and high honor abroad, or whether 
 they will turn their backs upon what has been done during the past three 
 years; whether they will plunge this country into an abyss of misery and 
 disaster, or, what is worse than even misery and disaster shame. I feel that 
 we have a right to appeal not merely to Republicans, but to all good citizens, 
 no matter what may have been their party affiliations in the past, and to ask 
 them, on the strength of the record that President McKinley has made dur 
 ing the past three years and on the strength of the threat implied in what 
 was done in Kansas City a few days ago, to stand shoulder to shoulder with 
 us, perpetuating the conditions under which we have reached a degree of 
 prosperity never before attained in the nation s history and under which 
 abroad we have put the American flag on a level where it never before in the 
 history of the country has been placed. For these reasons I feel we have 
 a right to look forward with confident expectation to what the verdict of 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 155 
 
 the people will be next November, and to ask all men to whom the well- 
 being of the country and the honor of the national name are dear to stand 
 with us as we fight for prosperity at home and the honor of the flag abroad/ 
 
 AN INFORMAL POSTCRIPT. 
 
 A round of applause broke out as the Governor concluded; but he checked 
 it instantly by saying: 
 
 "Gentlemen, one moment, please. Here, Ned," he cried to Senator Wol- 
 cott. "this is not for the National Committee, but I want to say this to my 
 friends. Friends of my own State who are here, just let me say I appreciate 
 seeing so many of you here to-day. I want to say I am more than honored 
 and pleased at having been made a candidate for Vice-President on the na 
 tional ticket; but you cannot imagine how badly I feel at leaving the men 
 with whom I have endeavored and worked for civic decency and righteous 
 ness and honesty in New York." 
 
 This little postscript to his formal speech was heartily applauded, and the 
 Governor remarked: 
 
 "I shall ask you, gentlemen, to step this way, as some misguided photo 
 graphers wish to take our photographs." 
 
 The crowd followed him to the east veranda, where the photographs were 
 taken. 
 
 Refreshments were then served on the porches and in the dining room, 
 and a half hour of general conversation followed. 
 
 At 1:15 P. M. the party left and started on the return drive to Oyster Bay, 
 where the special train awaited them. 
 
 On reaching the railway station the following telegram was sent to Presi 
 dent McKinley: 
 
 The committee appointed to notify Governor Roosevelt of his nomina 
 tion to the Vice-Presidency have fulfilled that pleasant duty and join in this 
 message of congratulation and good-will. 
 
 [Signed] "EDWARD O. WOLCOTT." 
 
THE LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY S LETTER. 
 
 SOUND MONEY THE IMMEDIATE ISSUE REVIEW OF FINAN 
 CIAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS THE MERCHANT 
 MARINE AND DEVELOPMENT OF CARRYING TRADE THE 
 ISTHMIAN CANAL SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING TRUSTS 
 THE CIVIL SERVICE OUR PLEDGES TO CUBA THE PARIS 
 TREATY OUR TITLE, AND OUR DUTY TO MAINTAIN OUR 
 SOVEREIGNTY AND FLAG THE PHILIPPINE SITUATION 
 OUTLINED AND OUR POSITION PLAINLY STATED. 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
 WASHINGTON, D. C, Sept. 8, 1900. 
 Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman Notification Committee: 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: The nomination of the Republican National Convention, 
 of June 19, 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as 
 the official representative of the Convention, you have conveyed to me, is 
 accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted, and give to it 
 my hearty approval. Upon the great issue of the last national election it 
 is clear. It upholds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the 
 present Congress by which that standard has been effectively strengthened. 
 The stability of our national currency is therefore secure so long as those 
 who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the government. In the 
 first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound cur 
 rency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. 
 Our antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second 
 battle upon the same lines on which the first was fought and won. While 
 regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the present 
 satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty 
 upon our great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite 
 the sound money forces to join in winning another and, we hope, a per 
 manent triumph for an honest financial system, which will continue in 
 violable the public faith. 
 
 As in 1896, the three silver parties, are united under the same leader who 
 immediately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists,. 
 said: 
 
 156 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 157 
 
 The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply 
 been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the 
 money-changers against the welfare of the human race, and they will con- 
 tfnue the warfare against it." 
 
 The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these 
 parties. The Silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare 
 against the so-called gold conspiracy when it expressly says, "we reiterate 
 the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an American financial 
 system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore 
 and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the im 
 mediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at 
 the present ratio of 16 to I, without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
 other nation." 
 
 So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the 
 immediate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to I. If another 
 issue is paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no delay and will 
 suffer no postponement. 
 
 / Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist national 
 platform, adopted at Sioux Falls, S. D., May 10, 1900, the following 
 declaration: 
 
 ^ "We pledge anew the People s Party never to cease the agitation until 
 this financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book, the Lincoln green 
 back restored, the bonds all paid and all corporation money forever retired. 
 We reaffirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United 
 States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present 
 legal ratio of 16 to I, the immediate increase in the volume of silver coins 
 and certificates thus created to be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank 
 notes issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by 
 law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws." 
 
 ^ The platform of the Silver party adopted at Kansas City July 6, 1900, 
 makes the following announcement: 
 
 "We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this 
 currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and time-honored prin 
 ciples of the American people before the Constitution was adopted, but is 
 violative of the principles of the Constitution itself; and we shall not cease 
 our efforts until there has been established in its place a monetary system 
 based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money 
 at the present legal ratio of 16 to I by the independent action of the United 
 States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by the govern 
 ment and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in pay 
 ment of all debts, public and private, without exception." 
 
 In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be 
 unceasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and 
 the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to I shall take its place. 
 
 The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. All of 
 
158 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 them are important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in con 
 science to carry into administration and legislation its several declarations 
 and doctrines. One declaration will be as obligatory as another, but all 
 are not immediate. It is not possible that these parties would treat the doc 
 trine of 16 to i, the immediate realization of which is demanded by their 
 several platforms, as void and inoperative in the event that they should be 
 clothed with power. Otherwise their profession of faith is insincere. It is, 
 therefore, the imperative business of those opposed to this financial heresy 
 to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only assured by ad 
 herence to the silver issue. Will the American people, through indifference 
 or fancied security, hazard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation 
 of the past year and revive the danger of the silver standard, with all of the 
 inevitable evils of shattered confidence and general disaster which justly 
 alarmed and aroused them in 1896? 
 
 The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas 
 City Convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled; so that all the 
 perils then threatened are presented anew with the added force of a delib 
 erate reaffirmation. Four years ago the people refused to place the seal of 
 their approval upon these dangerous and revolutionary policies, and this 
 year they will not fail to record again their earnest dissent, 
 v The Republican party remains faithful to its principles of a tariff which 
 supplies sufficient revenues for the government and adequate protection to 
 our enterprises and producers; and of reciprocity which opens foreign 
 markets to the fruits of American labor, and furnishes new channels through 
 which, to market the surplus of American farms. The time-honored prin 
 ciples of protection and reciprocity were the first pledges of Republican 
 victory to be written into public law. 
 
 The present Congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for 
 which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a rep 
 resentative government in Hawaii; has enacted bills for the most liberal 
 treatment of the pensioners and their widows; has revived the free home 
 stead policy. In its great financial law it provided for the establishment 
 of banks of issue with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and 
 rural communities, and bringing the opportunity for profitable business in 
 banking within the reach of moderate capital. Many are already availing 
 themselves of this privilege. 
 
 During the past year more than nineteen millions of United States bonds 
 have been paid from the surplus revenues of the Treasury and in addition 
 twenty-five millions of two per cents matured, called by the government, are 
 in process of payment. Pacific Railroad bonds issued by the government in 
 aid of the roads in the sum of nearly forty-four million dollars have been paid 
 since December 31, 1897. The Treasury balance is in satisfactory condition, 
 showing on September i, $135,419,000, in addition to the $150,000,000 gold 
 reserve held in the Treasury. The government s relations with the Pacific 
 railroads have been substantially closed, $124,421,000 being received from 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 159 
 
 these roads, the greater part in cash and the remainder with ample securities 
 for payments deferred. 
 
 Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the volume of 
 our currency is greater, per capita, than it has ever been. It was $21.10 in 
 1896. It had increased to $26.50 on July I, 1900, and $26.85 on September I, 
 1900. Our total money on July I, 1896, was $1,506,434,966; on July I, 1900, 
 it was $2,062,425,496, and $2,096,683,042 on September i, 1900. 
 
 Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than they 
 have been for many years; probably more so than they have ever been. 
 Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout the republic. I rejoice that the 
 Southern, as well as the Northern, States are enjoying a full share of these 
 improved national conditions, and that all are contributing so largely to our 
 remarkable industrial development. The money lender receives lower re 
 wards for his capital than if it were invested in active business. The rates of 
 interest are lower than they have ever been in this country, while those 
 things which are produced on the farm and in the workshop, and the labor 
 producing them, have advanced in value. 
 
 Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. The 
 amount of our exports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally 
 prosperous year of 1899 was about $500,000 for every day of the year, and 
 these sums have gone into the homes and enterprises of the people. There 
 has been an increase of over $50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural pro 
 ducts; $92,692,220 in manufactures, and in the products of the mines over 
 $10,000,000. Our trade balances cannot fail to give satisfaction to the people 
 of the country. In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products more 
 than we bought abroad; in 1899 $529,874,813, and in 1900 $544,471,701, 
 making during the three years a total balance in our favor of $1,689,779,190 
 nearly five times the balance of trade in our favor for the whole period of 
 108 years from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive. 
 
 Four hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been added to 
 the gold stock of the United States since July i, 1896. The law of March 
 14, 1900, authorized the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the 
 public debt represented by the 3 per cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in 
 1907, and the 5 per cents due in 1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than 
 one-third of the sum of these bonds was refunded in the first three months 
 after the passage of the act, and on September i the sum had been increased 
 more than $33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a net saving 
 of over $8,379,520. The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal 
 year 1900 were $79,527,060 in excess of its expenditures. 
 
 While our receipts, both from customs and internal revenue, have been 
 greatly increased, our expenditures have been decreasing. Civil and miscel 
 laneous expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, were nearly 
 $14,000,000 less than in 1899, while on the war account there is a decrease 
 of more than $95,000,000. There were required $8,000,000 less to support 
 the navy this year than last, and expenditures on account of Indians were 
 nearly two and three-quarter million dollars less than in 1899. The only 
 
160 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 two items of increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pen 
 sions and interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions 
 $139,394,929, and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account 
 amounted to $140,877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of 
 1900 over 1899, required by the war loan, was $263,408.25. While Congress 
 authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at the be 
 ginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds were issued, 
 bearing 3 per cent, interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by 
 our citizens. 
 
 Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce our revenues or increase 
 our expenditures, the Congress at its next session should reduce taxation 
 very materially. 
 
 Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 
 per cent, interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 
 2 per cent, interest. We are selling our surplus products and lending our 
 surplus money to Europe. One result of our selling to other nations so 
 much more than we have bought from them during the past three years is 
 a radical improvement of our financial relations. The great amounts of 
 capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material devel 
 opment have remained a constant drain upon our resources for interest and 
 dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by 
 calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever money strin 
 gency or panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying these debts 
 and bringing home many of our securities, and establishing countervailing 
 credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation 
 of financial independence. 
 
 In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer States of 
 South Africa, the United States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in 
 accordance with its well-known traditional policy. It did not hesitate 
 however, when requested by the governments of the South African repub 
 lics, to exercise its good offices for a cessation of hostilities. It is to be ob 
 served that while the South African republics made like request of other 
 powers, the United States is the only one which complied. The British 
 government declined to accept the intervention of any power. 
 
 Ninety-one per cent, of our exports and imports are now carried by 
 foreign ships. For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship 
 owners over $165,000,000. We ought to own the ships for our carrying trade 
 with the world, and we ought to build them in American shipyards and man 
 them with American sailors. Our own citizens should receive the transpor 
 tation charges now paid to foreigners. I have called the attention of Con 
 gress to this subject in my several annual messages. In that of December 
 6, 1897, I said: 
 
 "Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism 
 is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant 
 marine should be improved and enlarged; we should do our full share of 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 161 
 
 the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the 
 laggard no longer." 
 
 In my message of December 5, 1899, I said: 
 
 "Our national development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory so long 
 as the remarkable growth of our inland industries remains unaccompanied 
 by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional authority for 
 legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commensurate 
 with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of 
 the earth. 
 
 "The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and 
 the promises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Ad 
 vanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our 
 coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at the beginning of the govern 
 ment and since, shows results for the past fiscal year unequaled in our 
 records or those of any other power. We shall fail to realize our opportu 
 nities, however, if we complacently regard only matters at home and blind 
 ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in the valuable carrying 
 trade of the world." 
 
 I now reiterate these views. 
 
 A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a 
 great water-way of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The con 
 struction of a maritime canal is now more than ever indispensable to that 
 intimate and ready communication between our eastern and western sea- 
 /ports demanded by the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the expan- 
 V sion of our influence and trade in the Pacific. 
 
 Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion 
 and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of 
 Congress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under 
 the act approved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accom 
 plishment of this great work. 
 
 Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities neces 
 sary to the general use of the people, by suppressing natural and ordinary 
 competition, thus enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious 
 to the common law and the public welfare. They are dangerous conspira 
 cies against the public good and should be made the subject of prohibitory 
 or penal legislation. Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil. 
 Uniformity of legislation in the several States should be secured. Discrimi 
 nation between what is injurious and what is useful and necessary in busi 
 ness operations is essential to the wise and effective treatment of this sub 
 ject. Honest co-operation of capital is necessary to meet new business con 
 ditions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies 
 and combinations intended to restrict business, create monopolies, and con 
 trol prices, should be effectively restrained. 
 
 The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an oppor- 
 ii 
 
162 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 tunity for steady and remunerative employment, and give it every encour 
 agement for advancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true 
 American policy. The past three years have been more satisfactory to 
 American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change of the 
 present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous 
 to their highest interests. With prosperity at home and an increasing for 
 eign market for American products, employment should continue to wait 
 upon labor, and with the present gold standard the workingman is secured 
 against payments for his labor in a depreciated currency. For labor, a 
 short day is better than a short dollar; one will lighten the burdens, the 
 other lessen the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and in 
 dependence; the other penury and want. The wages of labor should be 
 adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the children, and, with 
 thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity and old age. 
 
 Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encourage 
 ment of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its 
 hands. 
 
 During the present administration, as occasions have arisen for modifi 
 cation or amendment in the existing civil service law and rules they have 
 been made. Important amendments were promulgated by Executive order, 
 under date of May 29, 1899, having for their principal purpose the exception 
 from competitive examination of certain places involving fiduciary responsi 
 bilities, or duties of a strictly confidential, scientific, or executive character, 
 which it was thought might better be filled either by non-competitive ex 
 amination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of the appointing 
 officer. It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindi 
 cated these changes in the marked improvement of the public service. 
 
 The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments 
 to office in our new territory. 
 
 ^he American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors, and 
 marines who have in every time of conflict fought their country s battles 
 and defended its honor. The survivors and the widows and orphans of 
 those who have fallen are justly entitled to receive the generous and con 
 siderate care of the nation. Few are now left of those who fought in the 
 Mexican war, and while many of the veterans of the civil war are still spared 
 to us, their numbers are rapidly diminishing, and age and infirmity are in 
 creasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers of the Spanish war, will 
 not be neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension laws have 
 been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference 
 should be given to the soldiers, sailors, and marines, their widows and 
 orphans, with respect to employment in the public service. 
 
 We have been in possession of Cuba since the ist of January, 1899. We 
 have restored order and established domestic tranquility. We have fed 
 the starving, clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have im 
 proved the sanitary condition of the island. We have stimulated industry, 
 introduced public education, and taken a full and comprehensive enumera- 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 16;> 
 
 lion of the inhabitants. The qualification of electors has been settled and 
 under it officers have been chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These 
 local governments are now in operation, administered by the people. Our 
 military establishment has been reduced from forty-three thousand soldiers 
 to less than six thousand. An election has been ordered to be held on the 
 I5th of September under a fair election law already tried in the municipal 
 elections, to choose members of a constitutional convention, and the con 
 vention by the same order is to assemble on the first Monday of November 
 to frame a constitution upon which an independent government for the 
 island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred 
 guarantees to the people of Cuba. 
 
 We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of 
 peace which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given 
 to this island a government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their 
 own legislature, enact their own local laws, provide their own system of 
 taxation, and in these respects have the same power and privileges enjoyed 
 by other Territories belonging to the United States, and a much larger 
 measure of self-government than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana 
 under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto Rico has 
 been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are 
 in operation. The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with 
 the most liberal thought of our own country and encourages the best as 
 pirations of the people of the island. While they do not have instant free 
 commercial intercourse with the United States, Congress complied with my 
 recommendation by removing, on the ist day of May last, 85 per cent, of 
 the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent, on 
 the ist of March, 1902, or earlier, if the legislature of Porto Rico shall pro 
 vide local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. During 
 this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United 
 States pay a tariff of 15 per cent, of the rates under the Dingley act, and 
 our goods going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and 
 collected both in Porto Rico and the United States are paid to the govern 
 ment of Porto Rico, and no part thereof is taken by the national govern 
 ment. All of the duties from November i, 1898, to June 30, 1900, aggregating 
 the sum of $2,250,523.21, paid at the custom-houses in the United States 
 upon Porto Rican products, under the laws existing prior to the above- 
 mentioned act of Congress; have gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to 
 relieve the destitute and for schools and other public purposes. In addition 
 to this, we have expended for relief, education, and improvement of roads 
 the sum of $1,513,084.95. The United States military force in the island has 
 been reduced from 11,000 to 1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the 
 most part the local constabulary. 
 
 Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there has 
 been a gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are 
 developing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased re 
 turns; her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established. 
 
164 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Notwithstanding the many embarrassments incident to a change of national 
 conditions, she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to 
 this nation. 
 
 For the sake of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine ques 
 tion, and to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims 
 of the administration, I present at some length the events of importance 
 leading up to the present situation. The purposes of the Executive are 
 best revealed and can best be judged by what he has done and is doing. It 
 will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the liberty, 
 the peace, and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has 
 been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realization 
 of these ends. 
 
 On the 25th day of April, 1898, Congress declared that a state of war 
 existed between Spain and the United States. On May i, 1898, Admiral 
 Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1808, Maj. 
 Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the military expedition 
 to Manila, and directed, among other things, to immediately "publish a 
 proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the people 
 of the Philippines nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect 
 them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and relig 
 ious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, 
 co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefi 
 cent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection." 
 
 On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago 
 harbor was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898, the Spanish 
 garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the Ameri 
 can forces. 
 
 Following these brilliant victories, on the I2th day of August, 1898, upon 
 the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed, 
 with a view to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In 
 pursuance thereof I appointed as commissioners the following distinguished 
 citizens to conduct the negotiations on the part of the United States: Hon. 
 William R. Day, of Ohio; Hon. William P. Frye, of Maine; Hon. Cushman 
 K. Davis, of Minnesota; Hon. George Gray, of Delaware, and Hon. White- 
 law Reid, of New York. 
 
 In addressing the Peace Commission before its departure for Paris, 
 I said: 
 
 "It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commis 
 sion the purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwel 
 come necessity of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms 
 only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment ot high 
 public and moral obligations. We bad no design of aggrandizement and 
 nn ambition pf rnnrpiPQt Through the long course of repeated representa 
 tions which preceded and aimed to avert the struggle, and in the final arbi 
 trament of force, this country was impelled solely by the purpose of reliev- 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 165 
 
 ing grievous wrongs and removing long existing conditions which disturbed 
 its tranquility, which shocked the moral sense of mankind, and which could 
 no longer be endured. 
 
 "It is my earnest wish that the United States, in making peace, should 
 follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It 
 should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as 
 it was just and humane in its original action. * * * 
 
 "Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to lasting results 
 and to the achievement of the common good under the demands of civili 
 zation, rather than to ambitious designs. * * * 
 
 "Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition, 
 the presence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations 
 which we cannot disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human 
 action. Avowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated all our 
 efforts and still solicitous to adhere to it, we cannot be unmindful that 
 without any desire or design on our part the war has brought us new duties 
 and responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as becomes a great 
 nation, on whose growth and career from the beginning, the Ruler of Na 
 tions has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization." 
 
 On October 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing its nego 
 tiations in Paris, the following additional instruction was sent: 
 
 "It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by 
 motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should be ojur 
 least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory 
 is of the greatest" It is undisputed that Spain s authority is perm a nently 
 destroyed in every part of the Philippines. /To leave any part in her feeble 
 control now would increase our difficulties and be opposed^ to""tfi e~ interests 
 prrTurnanity. * *~~~* Nor can we permit Spain to Jnmsfer_jmy""of the 
 islands_J:o another power! "K or "can we invite^ another power or powers to 
 join truTTlnited States m so^rej^rrty^ave^them^ We must either hold Them 
 "or^turn them bacfc to Spain. 
 
 "Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the 
 difficulties which are Before us, the President can see but one plain path^of 
 duty, Jjhe acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more 
 serious complications administrative and international would follow any 
 other course. The President has given to the views of the commissioners 
 the fullest consideration, and in reaching the conclusion above announced 
 in the light of information communicated to the commission and to the 
 President, since your departure, he has been influenced by the single con 
 sideration of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the 
 distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever consideration the 
 United States may show must come from its sense of generosity and benevo 
 lence, rather than from any real or technical obligation." 
 
 Again, on November 13, I instructed the commission: 
 
 "From the standpoint of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Rico 
 
166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 and the Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses; but, aside from 
 this, do we not owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which 
 will not permit us to return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we 
 justify ourselves in such a course, or could we permit their barter to some 
 other power? Willing or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we 
 cannot escape. * * * The President cannot believe anydivision of the 
 arcjiip_elagocan bring usanvthing but embarrassment irTThe future. The 
 trade and commerciarsicfe, as well as the indemnity for the cost of the war, 
 are questions we might yield. They might be waived or compromised, but 
 the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the President so strongly that 
 he can find no appropriate answer but the one he has here marked out." 
 
 The treaty of peace was concluded on December 10, 1898. By its terms 
 the archipelago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain to 
 the United States. It_was also provided Jhat "the civil rights and political 
 status _of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United 
 States shalT be determined by the Congress." Eleven days thereafter, on 
 December 21, the foTTowmg~"3Tf ection Was given to the commander of our 
 forces in the Philippines: 
 
 "* * * The military commander of the United States is enjoined to 
 make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding 
 to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations of the 
 inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the 
 United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property 
 of the people of the island and for the confirmation of all their private rights 
 and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupa 
 tion to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, 
 not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their 
 homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights." 
 
 In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific, and effective extension of 
 authority throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible 
 delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to 
 the inhabitants, I appointed in January, 1899, a commission consisting of 
 Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman, of New York; Admiral George Dewey, U. S. 
 N. ; Hon. Charles Denby, of Indiana; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michi 
 gan, and Maj. Gen. Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A. 
 
 Their instructions contained the following: 
 
 "In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet 
 at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and to announce, by public 
 proclamation, their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully 
 setting forth that, while the military government already proclaimed is to be 
 maintained and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will be 
 made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish industrial and com 
 mercial prosperity, and to provide for the safety of persons and of property 
 by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. 
 
 "The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167 
 
 authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascer 
 tain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improve 
 ment in public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will 
 study attentively the existing social and political state of the various popula 
 tions, particularly as regards the forms of local government, the adminis 
 tration of justice, the collection of customs and other taxes, the means of 
 transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will report 
 * * * the results of their observations and reflections, and will recom- 
 r mend such Executive action as may from time to time seem to them wise 
 and useful. 
 
 The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with 
 any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves 
 able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the purpose of their 
 commission, or whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be 
 necessary for this purpose. * * * 
 
 It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the 
 islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs, 
 and institutions of the tribes which compose the population, emphasizing 
 upon all occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the government of the 
 United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners 
 may be received in a manner due to the honored and authorized represen 
 tatives of the American republic, duly commissioned on account of their 
 knowledge, skill, and integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection, 
 and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." 
 
 On the 6th of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the Senate of the 
 United States, and the Congress immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to 
 carry out its provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United 
 States and Spain on the nth of April, 1899. 
 
 As early as April, 1899, the Philippine Commission, of which Dr. Schur- 
 man was president, endeavored to bring about peace in the islands by re 
 peated conferences with leading Tagalogs representing the so-called insur 
 gent government, to the end that some general plan of government might 
 be offered them which they would accept. So great was the satisfaction of 
 the insurgent commissioners with the form of government proposed by the 
 American commissioners that the latter submitted the proposed scheme to 
 me for approval and my action thereon is shown by the cable message fol 
 lowing: 
 
 "May 5, 1899. 
 "Schmrman, Manila: 
 
 "Yours 4th received. You are authorized to propose that under the mili 
 tary power of the President, pending action of Congress, government of 
 the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general appointed by the 
 President; cabinet appointed by tlie governor general; a general advisory 
 council elected by the people; the qualifications of electors to be carefully 
 considered and determined; and the governor general to have absolute veto. 
 Judiciary strong and independent; principal judges appointed by the Presi- 
 
168 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 dent. The cabinet and judges to be chosen Trom natives or Americans, or 
 both, having regard for fitness. The President earnestly desires the cessa 
 tion of bloodshed, and that the people of the Philippine Islands at an early 
 date shall have the largest measure of local self-government consistent with 
 peace and good order." 
 
 In the latter part of May another group of representatives came from the 
 insurgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed with them an d 
 promise of acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commis 
 sioners they would return after consulting their leader, but they never did. 
 
 As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative 
 favorable to the plan of the commission it appears that he was, by military 
 order of the insurgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from 
 the army, and sentenced to twelve years imprisonment. 
 
 The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words: 
 
 "Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was una 
 voidable by iis. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic 
 army. No alternative was left to us except ignominious retreat. 
 
 "It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned 
 the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. (Our obligations to other nations 
 and to the friendly Filipinos and, to ourselves, and our flag_demanded that 
 force should Ke met by Jorce) Whatever the future of the Philippines may 
 be7 there ls~no course open to us now except the prosecution of the^ war 
 until theJjG^urjyerits are reduced to submission! The commission is of the 
 opinion that thefeTias been no time since the destruction of the Spanish 
 squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces 
 from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the in 
 habitants." 
 
 After th e most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the com 
 mission reported, among other things: 
 
 "Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their 
 racial and linguistic diversities, disqualified them, in spite of their mental 
 gifts and domestic virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archi 
 pelago at the present time. The most that can be expected of them is to 
 co-operate with the Americans in the administration of general affairs, from 
 Manila as a center, ariH to undertake, subject to American control or guid 
 ance (as may be found necessary), the administration of provincial and 
 municipal affairs. * * * 
 
 (^Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes 
 that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, 
 which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other 
 powers and the eventual division of the islands among them/ Only through 
 American occupation, therefore^_isjji. idea of a free,; self-governing, and 
 united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. J * * 
 
 "Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 169 
 
 honor in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot, from 
 any point of view, escape the responsibilities of government which our 
 sovereignty entails, and the commission is strongly persuaded that the per 
 formance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the peoples 
 of the Philippine Islands." 
 
 Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their 
 mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the 
 Congress the result of their observations, I requested the commission to 
 return to the United States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive re 
 port was submitted to Congress. 
 
 In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended, and 
 earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in 
 the archipelago, I appointed the following civil commission: Hon. William 
 H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. Luke I. 
 Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Hon. Bernard 
 Moses, of California. My instructions to them contained the following: 
 
 "You (the Secretary of War) will instruct the commission * * * to 
 devote their attention, in the first instance, to the establishment of munici 
 pal governments in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and 
 in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their 
 own local affairs, to the fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject 
 to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their 
 capacities and observation of the workings of native control show to be 
 consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty. * * * When 
 ever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the 
 islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from 
 military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you (the Secre 
 tary of War), with their recommendations as to the form of central govern 
 ment to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. * * * 
 
 "Beginning with the ist day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise, 
 subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the 
 power of government in the Philippine Islands, which is of a legislative 
 nature, is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this 
 commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of 
 the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you (the Secre 
 tary of War) shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central gov 
 ernment for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph or 
 until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative author 
 ity will include the making of rules and orders having the effect of law for 
 the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and imposts; the appropria 
 tion and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the establishment of 
 an educational system throughout the islands; the establishment of a system 
 to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of 
 courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental 
 governments; and all other matters of a civil nature for whjch the military 
 governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative 
 
170 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 character. The commission will also have power during the same period to 
 appoint to office such officers under the judicial, educational and civil ser 
 vice systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall 
 be provided for. * * * " 
 
 Until Congress shall take action, I directed that: 
 
 "Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines 
 must be imposed these inviolable rules: 
 
 "That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due 
 process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use with 
 out just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 
 enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and 
 cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, 
 to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to 
 have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not 
 be. required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment 
 inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offense, 
 or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that 
 the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not 
 be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except 
 as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or ex-post facto law 
 shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech 
 or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and peti 
 tion the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made 
 respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
 thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and 
 worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed. * * * 
 
 "It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as 
 they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated 
 by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first 
 importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be 
 free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship 
 and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. * * * Es 
 pecial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all 
 the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language. * * * 
 
 "Upon all officers and employes of the United States, froth civil and 
 military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe, not merely the 
 material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and 
 to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity 
 which the people of the United States are accustomed to require from each 
 other. 
 
 "The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the I3th of August, 
 1898, concluded with these words: 
 
 " This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educa 
 tional establishments, and its private property of all descriptions are placed 
 under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171 
 
 "I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. A high and sacred 
 obligation rests upon the government of the United States to give protec 
 tion for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, and 
 unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity, to all the people of 
 the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full per 
 formance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of 
 their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants 
 of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day 
 when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under 
 the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United States." 
 
 That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and participate in 
 their government, I directed Gen. MacArthur, the military governor of the 
 Philippines, to issue a proclamation of amnesty, which contained, among 
 other statements, the following: 
 
 "Manila, P. I., June 21, 1900. 
 
 "By direction of the President of the United States, the undersigned an 
 nounces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute liberty 
 of action for the future to all persons who are now or at any time since 
 February 4, 1899, have been in insurrection against the United States in 
 either a military or a civil capacity, and who shall, within a period of ninety 
 days from the date hereof, formally renounce all connection with such insur 
 rection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and accepting the 
 sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine 
 Islands. The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned 
 without any reservation whatever, excepting that persons who have violated 
 the laws of war during the period of active hostilities are not embraced 
 within the scope of this amnesty. * * * 
 
 "In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from 
 the various disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so 
 rapidly and to provide in some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during 
 the transitory period which must inevitably succeed a general peace, the 
 military authorities of the United States will pay 30 pesos to each man who 
 presents a rifle in good condition." 
 
 Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative 
 Americans of different sections of the country and from different political 
 parties, whose character and ability guarantee the most faithful, intelligent, 
 and patriotic service, are now laboring to establish stable government under 
 civil control, in which the inhabitants shall participate, giving them oppor 
 tunity to demonstrate how far they are prepared for self-government. 
 
 This commission, under date of August 21, 1900, makes an interesting re 
 port, from which I quote the following extracts: 
 
 "Hostility against Americans originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of 
 unscrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in three hundred posts 
 has by contact largely dispelled hostility, and steadily improved the temper 
 of the people. This improvement is furthered by abuses of insurgents. 
 Large numbers of people long for peace, and willing to accept government 
 
172 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 under the United States. Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided 
 into small guerilla bands under general officers or become robbers. Nearly 
 all of the prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection, except 
 Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and taken the 
 oath of allegiance. * * * All Northern Luzon, except two provinces, 
 substantial!} free from insurgents. People busy planting and asking for 
 municipal organization. Railway and telegraph line from Manila to Dagu- 
 pan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. * * * Tagalogs alone active 
 in leading guerrilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Masbate, Sibuyan, 
 Tablas, Bohol, and other Philippine islands little disturbance exists, and 
 civil government eagerly awaited. * * * Four years of war and lawless 
 ness in parts of islands have created unsettled conditions. * * * Native 
 constabulary and militia, which should be organized at once, will end this 
 and the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives 
 desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered, 
 will be efficient forces for maintenance of order and will permit early ma 
 terial reduction of United States troops. * * * Turning islands over to 
 coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of enormous im 
 provement; drive out capital, make life and property secular, and religion 
 most insecure; banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of 
 conservative Filipinos, who have aided Americans in well-founded belief 
 that their people are not now fit for self-government, and reintroduce same 
 oppression and corruption which existed in all provinces under Malolos in 
 surgent government during the eight months of its control. The result will 
 be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will re 
 quire and justify active intervention of our government or some other. 
 
 * * * Business interrupted by war much improved as peace extends. 
 
 * * * In Negros more sugar in cultivation than ever before. New fores 
 try regulations give impetus to timber trade and reduce high price of lum 
 ber. The customs collections for last quarter 50 per cent, greater than ever 
 in Spanish history, and August collections show further increase. The total 
 revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under Spain, 
 though cedula tax, chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished. 
 Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund 
 of $6,000,000, which should be expended in much needed public works, 
 notably improvement of Manila harbor. * * * With proper tariff and 
 facilities, Manila will become great port of Orient." 
 
 The commission is confident that "by a judicious customs law, reasonable 
 land tax, and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate 
 than that in average American States will give less annoyance, and with 
 peace will produce revenues sufficient to pay expenses of efficient govern 
 ment, including militia and constabulary." They "are preparing a strin 
 gent civil service law, giving equal opportunity to Filipinos and Americans, 
 with preference for former where qualifications are equal, to enter at lowest 
 rank, and, by promotion, reach head of department." * * * Forty-five 
 miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173 
 
 province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate 
 climate. * * * Railroad construction will give employment to many, 
 and communication will furnish market to vast stretches of rich agricul 
 tural lands." 
 
 They report that there are "calls from all parts of the islands for public 
 schools, school supplies, and English teachers, greater than the commis 
 sion can provide until a comprehensive school system is organized. Night 
 schools for teaching English to adults are being established in response to 
 popular demand. Native children show aptitude in learning English. 
 Spanish is spoken by a small fraction of people, and in a few years the 
 medium of communication in the courts, public offices, and between different 
 tribes will be English; creation of central government within eighteen 
 months, under which substantially all rights described in the bill of rights 
 in the Federal Constitution are to be secured to the people of the Philip 
 pines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education, and political 
 enlightenment" 
 
 This shews to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring 
 the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation. 
 Every effort has been directed to their peace and prosperity, their advance 
 ment and well-being, not for our aggrandizement nor for pride of might, 
 not for trade or commerce, not for exploitation, but for humanity and civil 
 ization; and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who 
 welcome our sovereignty against the designing minority, whose first demand 
 after the surrender of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the city 
 that they might loot it and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish 
 and treacherous designs. 
 
 Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there 
 was any alliance between our soldiers and the insurgents, or that any 
 promise of independence was made to them. Long before their leader had 
 reached Manila they had resolved if the commander of the American navy 
 would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish army, they would 
 later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow of 
 cause or justification. There may be those without the means of full infor 
 mation who believe that we were in alliance with the insurgents and that 
 we assured them that they should have independence. To such, let me 
 repeat the facts. On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed 
 by me to make no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that 
 would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he replied 
 under date of June 6, 1898, "Have acted according to spirit of department s 
 instructions from the beginning, and I have entered into no alliance with the 
 insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can reduce the defenses of 
 Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the arrival of suf 
 ficient United States forces to retain possession." In the report of the first 
 Philippine commission, submitted on November 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey, 
 one of its members, said: "No alliance of any kind was entered into with 
 Aguinaldo, nor was any promise of independence made to him at any time." 
 
174 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 Gen. Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 23, 1898, and a dispatch 
 from Admiral Dewey to the government at Washington, said: "Merritt 
 arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may 
 surrender at any moment. Merritt s most difficult problem \vill be how to 
 deal with the insurgents under Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive 
 and even threatening toward our army." Here is revealed the spirit of the 
 insurgents as early as July, 1898, before the protocol was signed, while we 
 were still engaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were 
 threatening our army. 
 
 On August 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events 
 the Philippine Commission says: "When the city of Manila was taken, 
 August 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came following in 
 with a view to looting the city, and were only prevented from doing so by 
 our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had 
 the right to occupy the city; he demanded of Gen. Merritt the palace of 
 Malacanan for himself and the cession of all churches of Manila, also that 
 a part of the money taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be 
 given up, and above all that he should be given the arms of the Spanish 
 prisoners. All these demands were refused. 
 
 Gens. Merritt, Greene, and Anderson, who were in command at the 
 beginning of our occupation and until the surrender of Manila, state that 
 there was no alliance with the insurgents and no promise to them of inde 
 pendence. On August 17, 1898, Gen. Merritt was instructed that there must 
 be no joint occupation of Manila with the insurgents. Gen. Anderson, under 
 date of February 10, 1900, says that he was present at the interview between 
 Admiral Dewey and the insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral 
 Dewey made no promise whatever. He adds: "He (Aguinaldo) asked me 
 if my government was going to recognize his government. I answered 
 that I was there simply in a military capacity; that I could not acknowledge 
 his government because I had no authority to do so." 
 
 Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey s fleet to Manila to capture 
 and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or, dispatching it there, would 
 they have withdrawn it after the destruction of the Spanish fleet; and if the 
 latter, whither would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have 
 gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries 
 condemn the expedition under the command of Gen. Merritt to strengthen 
 Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with 
 which nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain 
 at every vulnerable point, that the war might be successfully concluded at 
 the earliest practicable moment? 
 
 And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who 
 came within our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come 
 away at any time between May i, 1898, and the conclusion of peace, without 
 a stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without dishonor 
 at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the Senate of the 
 United States? 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 175 
 
 There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy s fleet when 
 we could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of 
 peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender our sovereignty 
 or alienate a foot of the territory thus acquired. The Congress has not 
 seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority to 
 do either, if he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the 
 sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive, whoever he may 
 be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assail 
 ants. Would our political adversaries do less? 
 
 It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philip 
 pines if Congress had declared its purpose to give independence to the 
 Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did not wait for the action of Congress. 
 They assumed the offensive, they opened fire on our army. Those who 
 assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten 
 that before the treaty was ratified in the Senate and while it was being de 
 bated in that body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion, 
 on February 4, 1899, the insurgents attacked the American army, after 
 being previously advised that the American forces were under orders not 
 to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the recently 
 captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been 
 carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Their unprovoked assault 
 upon our soldiers at a time when the Senate was deliberating upon the 
 treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment 
 would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind 
 of where the responsibility rests for the shedding of American blood. 
 
 With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral contest, we are 
 in danger of being diverted from the real contention. 
 
 We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, 
 and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace. 
 Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of 
 these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations 
 imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with 
 them, and here the issue is made. It is our purpose to establish in the 
 Philippines a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the in 
 habitants and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self- 
 government when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for 
 it. That I am aiming to do under my constitutional authority, and will 
 continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the 
 inhabitants of the archipelago. 
 
 Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that 
 it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their assistance. The 
 Senate which ratified the treaty and the Congress which added its sanction 
 by a large appropriation comprised Senators and Representatives of the 
 people of all parties. 
 
 Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sover 
 eignty, or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be 
 
176 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our 
 opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls 
 in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of American 
 sovereignty over the archipelago; the complete independence of the Tagalog 
 people recognized, and the powers of government over all the peoples 
 of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. 
 
 The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done 
 has already prolonged the rebellion, and increases the necessity for the 
 continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archi 
 pelago and the establishment of civil governments, and has influenced many 
 of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by 
 Gen. MacArthur under my direction. But for these false hopes, a consider 
 able reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the 
 Philippines and the realization of a stable government would be already 
 at hand. 
 
 The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty 
 of the United States in the Philippines to a small fraction of the population, 
 a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabiting the archipelago, a faction 
 which wantonly attacked the American troops in Manila while in rightful 
 possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of the 
 treaty of peace ty the Senate, and which has since been in active, open re 
 bellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty 
 to a small minority in the islands without consulting the majority and to 
 abandon the largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us, 
 to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More than this, we are 
 asked to protect this minority in establishing a government, and to this end 
 repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a sta 
 ble government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty 
 and fired upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice 
 against its enemies within and against those having ambitious designs from 
 without. 
 
 This would require an army and navy far larger than is now maintained 
 in the Philippines, and still more in excess of what will be necessary with 
 the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of authority 
 not our own as thus proposed is the very essence of militarism, which our 
 opponents in their platform oppose, but which, by their policy, would of 
 necessity be established in its most offensive form. 
 
 The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the 
 agents of the republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the 
 Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new common 
 wealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of our sacred obligations to the 
 peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers 
 the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make pos 
 sible and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned, 
 to be executed on the 22d of February, 1899, in the city of Manila, when 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 177 
 
 only the vigilance of our army prevented the attempt to assassinate our sol 
 diers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its surroundings. 
 
 In short, the proposition of those opposed to us is to continue all the 
 obligations in the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only 
 changing the relation from principal, which now exists, to that of surety. 
 Our responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be diminished. Our 
 obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be surrendered to another 
 power, which is without experience or training or the ability to maintain a 
 stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its interna 
 tional obligations with the rest of the world. To this we are opposed. We 
 should not yield our title while our obligations last. In the language of 
 our platform, "Our authority should not be less than our responsibility," and 
 our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of the 
 islands. 
 
 No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order, 
 establish law, justice, and stable conditions as ours. Neither Congress nor 
 the Executive can establish a stable government in these islands except 
 under our right of sovereignty, our authority, and our flag. And this we are 
 doing. 
 
 We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so success 
 fully as we are doing it now. As the sovereign power we can initiate action 
 and shape means to ends, and guide the Filipinos to self-development and 
 self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but 
 would be compelled to follow and uphold a people with no capacity yet to 
 go alone. In the one case we can protect both ourselves and the Filipinos 
 from being involved in dangerous complications; in the other we could 
 not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Besides, 
 if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent of 
 the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable 
 government for them or make ours a protectorate without the like consent, 
 and neither the majority of the people nor a minority of the people have 
 invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate even with 
 the consent of the governed without giving provocation for conflicts and 
 possibly costly wars. Our rights in the Philippines are now free from out 
 side interference, and will continue so in our present relation. They would 
 not be thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own to 
 guarantee another sovereignty. 
 
 Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving 
 a good title when they concluded the treaty. The Executive believed it was 
 a good title when he submitted it to the Senate of the United States for its 
 ratification. The Senate believed it was a good title when they gave it their 
 constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have doubted its com 
 pleteness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the treaty. If any 
 who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title, they were not 
 sincere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold 
 
 12 
 
178 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 our territory acquired since the beginning of the government, and under 
 which we have exercised full sovereignty and established government for 
 the inhabitants. 
 
 It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the 
 fullness and integrity of the cession. What, then, is the real issue on this 
 subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or not, it is whether we 
 shall be responsible for the government of the Philippines with the sover 
 eignty and authority which enable us to guide them to regulated liberty, 
 law, safety, and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible 
 and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and authority 
 on our part, and with only the embarrassment of a protectorate which draws 
 us into their troubles without the power of preventing them. 
 
 There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with 
 Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequence, as there are 
 those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty of peace, but 
 now protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must be pre 
 pared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they make treaties must 
 keep them. 
 
 Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purposes of the 
 administration in its treatment of the Philippines are not justified. Imper 
 ialism has no place in its creed or conduct. Freedom is the rock upon 
 which the Republican party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the 
 great Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for which 
 a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it the 
 lawful legacy of all without the consent of master or slave. There is a 
 strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional 
 guaranties to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly 
 advocated at home. Our opponents may distrust themselves, but they have 
 no right to discredit the good faith and patriotism of the majority of the 
 people who are opposed to them; they may fear the worst form of imperial 
 ism with the helpless Filipinos in their hands; but if they do, it is because 
 they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers, and have lost the 
 virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. 
 
 The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to the Decla 
 ration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remained 
 unexecuted until the people, under the lead of the Republican party, in 
 the awful clash of battle turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into 
 the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to Ameri 
 can citizenship, and it has never broken them or counseled others in break 
 ing them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at 
 home and another set in the new territory belonging to the United States. 
 
 If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of 
 Abraham Lincoln, there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions 
 at home or their influence in any territory over which our flag floats. 
 
 Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by Ameri- 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 179 
 
 can freedom. The flag of the republic now floats over these islands as an 
 emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic stay and dispense to 
 their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education, and free institutions, or 
 steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? 
 
 The American question is between duty and desertion the American ver 
 dict will be for duty and against desertion, for the republic against both 
 j anarchy and imperialism. 
 
 The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States 
 in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to, as already defined. 
 
 The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many 
 of our own blood, who for two months have been subjected to privation and 
 peril by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting 
 supreme courage in the face of despair, have been enabled by God s favor 
 to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own flag. 
 
 The people, not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and 
 prayed through the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless suf 
 ferers in Pekin, and while at times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope 
 vain, the rescuers never faltered in the heroic fulfillment of their noble task. 
 
 We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and to all 
 the brave men who, though assembled under many standards representing 
 peoples and races, strangers in country and speech, were yet united in the 
 sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged, with a success that is 
 now the cause of a world s rejoicing. 
 
 Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for our material blessings, but 
 we should rejoice in the complete unification of the people of all sections 
 of our country, that has so happily developed in the last few years, and 
 made for us a more perfect Union. The obliteration of old differences, the 
 common devotion to the flag, and the common sacrifices for its honor, so 
 conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish 
 war, have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that 
 nothing can ever again divide us. The nation faces the new century grate 
 fully and hopefully, with increasing love of country, with firm faith in its 
 free institutions, and with high resolve that they shall not perish from the 
 earth." Very respectfully yours, 
 
 WILLIAM McKINLEY. 
 
GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE 
 
 PRESIDENT McKINLEY S ADMINISTRATION PROSPERITY 
 UNPARALLELED THE DANGER OF FREE COINAGE OF 
 SILVER THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE TRUSTS REMEDIES BY 
 STATE AND NATIONAL LEGISLATION THE PHILIPPINES 
 AND LOUISIANA McKINLEY AND JEFFERSON COMPARED 
 IMPERIALISM AND EXPANSION. 
 
 OYSTER BAY, N. Y., Sept. 15, 1900. 
 
 "To Hon. Edward O. Wolcott, Chairman Committee on Notification of 
 Vice-President: 
 
 "SiR: I accept the nomination as Vice-President of the United States, 
 tendered me by the Republican National Convention, with a very deep 
 sense of the honor conferred upon me and with an infinitely deeper sense 
 of the vital importance to the whole country of securing the re-election of 
 President McKinley. The nation s welfare is at stake. We must continue 
 the work which has been so well begun during the present Administration. 
 We must show in fashion incapable of being misunderstood that the Ameri 
 can people, at the beginning of the twentieth century, face their duties in a 
 calm and serious spirit; that they have no intention of permitting folly or 
 lawlessness to mar the extraordinary material well-being which they have 
 attained at home, nor yet of permitting their flag to be dishonored abroad. 
 
 "I feel that this contest is by no means one merely between Republicans 
 and Democrats. We have a right to appeal to all good citizens who are 
 far-sighted enough to see what the honor and the interest of the nation 
 demand. To put into practice the principles embodied in the Kansas City 
 platform would mean disaster to the nation; for that platform stands for 
 reaction and disorder; for an upsetting of our financial system which would 
 mean not only great suffering, but the abandonment of the nation s good 
 faith, and for a policy abroad which would imply the dishonor of the flag 
 and an unworthy surrender of our national rights. Its success would mean 
 unspeakable humiliation to men proud of their country, jealous of their 
 country s good name and desirous of securing the welfare of their fellow- 
 citizens. Therefore we have a right to appeal to all good men, North and 
 South, East and West, whatever their politics may have been in the past, 
 to stand with us, because we stand for the prosperity of the country and for 
 the renown of the American flag. 
 
 "The most important of all problems is, of course, that of securing good 
 
 180 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 181 
 
 government and moral and material well-being within our own borders. 
 Great though the need is that the nation should do its work well abroad, 
 even this comes second to the thorough performance of duty at home. 
 
 "Under the Administration of President McKinley this country has been 
 blessed with a degree of prosperity absolutely unparalleled, even in its 
 previous prosperous history. While it is, of course, true that no legislation 
 and no administration can bring success to those who are not stout of heart, 
 cool of head and ready of hand, yet it is no less true that the individual 
 capacity of each man to get good results for himself can be absolutely de 
 stroyed by bad legislation or bad administration, while under the reverse 
 conditions the power of the individual to do good work is assured and 
 stimulated. 
 
 "This is what has been done under the Administration of President Mc 
 Kinley. Thanks to his actions and to the wise legislation of Congress on 
 the tariff and finance, the conditions of our industrial life have been ren 
 dered more favorable than ever before, and they have been taken advantage 
 of to the full by American thrift, industry and enterprise. Order has been 
 observed, the courts upheld and the fullest liberty secured to all citizens. 
 The merchant and manufacturer, but, above all, the farmer and the wage- 
 worker, have profited by this state of things. 
 
 "Fundamentally and primarily the present contest is a contest for the 
 continuance of the conditions which have told in favor of our material wel 
 fare and of our civil and political integrity. If this nation is to retain either 
 its well-being or its self-respect it cannot afford to plunge into financial and 
 economic chaos; it cannot afford to indorse governmental theories which 
 would unsettle the standard of national honesty and destroy the integrity of 
 our system of justice. 
 
 "The policy of the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I is a policy 
 fraught with destruction to every home in the land. It means untold misery 
 to the head of every household, and, above all, to the women and children 
 of every home. When our opponents champion free silver at 16 to I they 
 are either insincere or sincere in their attitude. If insincere in their cham 
 pionship they, of course, forfeit all right to belief or support on any ground. 
 If sincere, then they are a menace to the welfare of the country. Whether 
 they shout their sinister purpose or merely whisper it makes but little differ 
 ence, save as it reflects their own honesty. 
 
 "No issue can be paramount to the issue they thus make, for the para- 
 mountcy of such an issue is to be determined not by the dictum of any man 
 or body of men, but by the fact that it vitally affects the well-being of every 
 home in the land. The financial question is always of such far-reaching 
 and tremendous importance to the national welfare that it can never be 
 raised in good faith unless this tremendous importance is not merely con 
 ceded but insisted upon. Men who are not willing to make such an issue 
 paramount have no possible justification for raising it at all, for under such 
 circumstances their act cannot under any conceivable circumstances do 
 aught but grave harm. 
 
182 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 "The success of the party representing the principles embodied in the 
 Kansas City platform would bring about the destruction of all the condi 
 tions necessary to the continuance of our prosperity. It would also unsettle 
 our whole governmental system, and would therefore disarrange all the 
 vast and delicate machinery of our complex industrial life. Above all, the 
 effect would be ruinous to our finances. If we are to prosper, the currency 
 of this country must be based upon the gold dollar worth one hundred 
 cents. 
 
 "The stability of our currency has been greatly increased by the excellent 
 financial act passed by the last Congress. But no law can secure our 
 finances against the effect of unwise and disastrous management in the 
 hands of unfriendly administrators. No party can safely be intrusted with 
 the management of our national affairs unless it accepts as axiomatic the 
 truths recognized in all progressive countries as essential to a sound and 
 proper system of finance. In their essence these must be the same for all 
 great civilized peoples. In different stages of development different coun 
 tries face varying economic conditions, but at every stage and under all cir 
 cumstances the most important element in securing their economic well- 
 being is sound finance, honest money. So intimate is the connection be 
 tween industrial prosperity and a sound currency that the former is jeopar 
 dized not merely by unsound finance, but by the very threat of unsound 
 "finance. 
 
 "The business man and the farmer are vitally interested in this question, 
 "but no man s interest is so great as that of the wage-worker. A depreciated 
 currency means loss and disaster to the business man, but it means grim 
 suffering to the wage-worker. The capitalist will lose much of his capital 
 and will suffer wearing anxiety and the loss of many comforts, but the wage- 
 worker who loses his wages must suffer and see his wife and children suffer 
 for the actual necessities of life. The one absolutely vital need of our whole 
 industrial system is sound money. 
 
 "One of the serious problems with which we are confronted under the 
 conditions of our modern industrial civilization is that presented by the 
 great business combinations, which are generally known under the name of 
 trusts. The problem is an exceedingly difficult one. The difficulty is im 
 mensely aggravated both by honest but wrong-headed attacks on our whole 
 industrial system in the effort to remove some of the evils connected with 
 it and by the mischievous advice of men who either think crookedly or who 
 advance remedies knowing them to be ineffective, but deeming that they 
 may, by darkening counsel, achieve for themselves a spurious reputation for 
 wisdom. No good whatever is subserved by indiscriminate denunciation of 
 corporations generally, and of all forms of industrial combination in par 
 ticular; and when this public denunciation is accompanied by private mem 
 bership in the great corporations denounced, the effect is, of course, to give 
 an air of insincerity to the whole movement. Nevertheless, there are real 
 abuses, and there is ample reason for striving to remedy these abuses. A 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 183 
 
 crude or ill-considered effort to remedy them would either be absolutely 
 without effect or else would simply do damage. 
 
 "The first thing to do is to find out the facts; and for this purpose pub 
 licity as to capitalization, profits and all else of importance to the public is 
 the most useful measure. The mere fact of this publicity would in itself 
 remedy certain evils, and, as to others, it would in some cases point out the 
 remedies, and would at least enable us to tell whether or not certain pro 
 posed remedies would be useful. The State acting in its collective capacity 
 would thus first find out the facts and then be able to take such measures 
 as wisdom dictated. 
 
 "Much can be done by taxation. Even more can be done by regulation, 
 by close supervision, and the unsparing excision of all unhealthy, destructive 
 and anti-social elements. The separate State governments can do a great 
 deal; and where they decline to co-operate the National Government must 
 step in. 
 
 "While paying heed to the necessity of keeping our house in order at 
 home, the American people can not, if they wish to retain their self-respect, 
 refrain from doing their duty as a great nation in the world. The history of 
 the nation is in large part the history of the nation s expansion. When the 
 first Continental Congress met in Liberty Hall and the thirteen original 
 States declared themselves a nation, the westward limit of the country was 
 marked by the Alleghany Mountains. Even during the Revolutionary War 
 the work of expansion went on. Kentucky, Tennessee and the great North 
 west, then known as the Illinois country, were conquered from our white 
 and Indian foes during the Revolutionary struggle and were confirmed to 
 us by the treaty of peace in 1783. Yet the land thus confirmed was not then 
 given to us. It was held by an alien foe until the army, uncfef General 
 Anthony Wayne, freed Ohio from the red man, while the treaties of Jay and 
 Pinckney secured from the Spanish and British Natchez and Detroit. 
 
 "In 1803, under President Jefferson, the greatest single stride in expansion 
 that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana territory. 
 This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the States of Ar 
 kansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, North 
 and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana, and a large part of Colorado and Utah, 
 was acquired by treaty and purchase under President Jefferson exactly and 
 precisely as the Philippines have been acquired by treaty and purchase under 
 President McKinley. 
 
 "The doctrine of the consent of the governed, the doctrine previously 
 enunciated by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, was not held 
 by him or by any other sane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Louis 
 iana territory which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of 
 the white inhabitants, not to speak of the negroes and Indians, as to whether 
 they were willing that their territory should be annexed. The great majority 
 of the inhabitants, white and colored alike, were bitterly opposed to the 
 transfer. An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent 
 
184 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 into the territory to prevent insurrection, President Jefferson sending these 
 troops to Louisiana for exactly the same reasons and with exactly the same 
 purpose that President McKinley has sent troops to the Philippines. Jeffer 
 son distinctly stated that the Louisianians were not fit or ready for self- 
 government, and years elapsed before they were given self-government, 
 Jefferson appointing the Governor and other officials without any consulta 
 tion with the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. The doctrine that 
 the Constitution follows the flag was not then even considered either by 
 Jefferson or by any other serious party leader, for it never entered their 
 heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the way in 
 which the territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed under 
 Washington and the elder Adams; the theory known by this utterly false and 
 misleading phrase was only struck out in political controversy at a much 
 later date, for the sole purpose of justif) 7 ing the extension of slavery into 
 the territories. 
 
 "The parallel betw r een what Jefferson did with Louisiana and what is now 
 being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the Declara 
 tion of Independence, and of the consent of the governed doctrine, saw no 
 incongruity between this and the establishment of a government on com 
 mon-sense grounds in the new territory; and he railed at the sticklers for 
 an impossible application of his principle, saying, in language which at the 
 present day applies to the situation in the Philippines without the change 
 of a word, though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens are as 
 yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some can not bring 
 themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment. He intended that 
 ultimately self-government should be introduced throughout the territory, 
 but only as the different parts became fit for it, and no sooner. 
 
 "This is just the policy that has been pursued. In no part of the Louis 
 iana purchase was complete self-government introduced for a number of 
 years; in one part of it, the Indian Territory, it has not yet been introduced, 
 although nearly a century has elapsed. Over enormous tracts of it. includ 
 ing the various Indian reservations, with a territory in the aggregate as 
 large as that of the Philippines, the Constitution has never yet followed 
 the flag; the army officers and the civilian agent still exercise authority, 
 without asking the consent of the governed. We must proceed in the 
 Philippines with the same wise caution, taking each successive step as it be 
 comes desirable, and accommodating the details of our policy to the peculiar 
 needs of the situation. But as soon as the present revolt is put down and 
 order established, it will undoubtedly be possible to give to the islands a 
 larger measure of self-government than Jefferson originally gave Louisiana. 
 "The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This 
 was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase, Andrew Jackson 
 being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under 
 President Monroe, the after-time President John Quincy Adams being active 
 in securing the purchase. 
 
 "As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was acquired by purchase 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185 
 
 from Spain, and in Florida the Seminoles, who had not been consulted in 
 the sale, rebelled and waged war exactly as some of the Tagals have rebelled 
 and waged war in the Philippines. The Seminole War lasted for many 
 years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson declined for a moment 
 to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the Seminoles, or to 
 treat their non-consent to the government of the United States as a valid 
 reason for turning over the territory to them. 
 
 "Our next question of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty after 
 it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. Then 
 came the acquisition of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada and parts 
 of Colorado and Utah as the result of the Mexican War, supplemented five 
 years later by the Gadsden purchase. 
 
 "The next acquisition was that of Alaska, secured from Russia by treaty 
 and purchase. Ataska was full of natives, some of whom had advanced well 
 beyond the stage of savagery and were Christians. They were not consulted 
 about the purchase nor was their acquiescence required. The purchase 
 was made by the men who had just put through a triumphant war to restore 
 the Union and free the slave; but none of them deemed it necessary to push 
 the doctrine of the consent of the governed to a conclusion so fantastic as 
 to necessitate the turning over of Alaska to its original owners, the Indian 
 and the Aleut. For 30 years the United States authorities, military and civil, 
 exercised the supreme authority in a tract of land many times larger than 
 the Philippines, in which it did not seem likely that there would ever be 
 any considerable body of white inhabitants. 
 
 "Nearly 30 years passed before the next instance of expansion occurred, 
 which was over the Island of Hawaii. An effort was made at the end of 
 President Harrison s administration to secure the annexation of Hawaii. 
 The effort was unsuccessful. In a debate in Congress on February 2, 1894, 
 one of the lead ers in opposing the annexation of the islands stated: 
 
 " These islands are more than 2,000 miles distant from our extreme west 
 ern boundary. We have a serious race problem now in our country and I 
 am not in favor of adding to our domestic fabric a mongrel population (of 
 this character). Our Constitution makes no provisions for a colonial es 
 tablishment. Any territorial government we might establish would neces 
 sarily, because of the population, be an oligarchy, which would have to be 
 supported by armed soldiers. 
 
 "Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and here delegates have sat in the 
 national conventions of the two great parties. The fears then expressed in 
 relation to an oligarchy and armed soldiers are not now seriously enter 
 tained by any human being; yet they are precisely the objections urged 
 against the acquisition of the Philippines at this very moment. 
 
 "We are making no new departures. We are not taking a single step 
 which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional policies. From 
 -the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self-government to 
 the different territories, according to their needs. 
 
186 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 "The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling im 
 perialism or militarism involved in the present development of that policy 
 of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the day 
 when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as applied 
 to our present policy in the Philippines; for this policy is only imperialistic 
 in the sense that Jefferson s policy in Louisiana was imperialistic; only 
 military in the sense that Jackson s policy toward the Seminoles or Ouster s 
 policy toward the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more danger 
 of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its interfering 
 with freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the Indian wars 
 on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was in the days of 
 Wayne; we have not one regular for every 1,000 inhabitants. There is no 
 more danger of a draft than there is of the reintroduction of slavery. 
 
 "When we expanded over New Mexico and California we secured free 
 government to these territories and prevented their falling under the mili 
 tarism of a dictatorship like that of Santa Anna, or the imperialism of a 
 real empire in the days of Maximilian. We put a stop to imperialism in 
 Mexico as soon as the Civil War closed. 
 
 "We made a great anti-imperialistic stride when we drove the Spaniards 
 from Porto Rico and the Philippines and thereby made ready ground in 
 these islands for that gradually increasing measure of self-government for 
 which their populations are severally fitted. Cuba is being helped along the 
 path to independence as rapidly as her own citizens are content that she 
 should go. Of course the presence of troops in the Philippines during the 
 Tagal insurrection has no more to do with militarism or imperialism than 
 had their presence in the Dakotas, Minnesota and Wyoming during the 
 many years which elapsed before the final outbreaks of the Sioux were 
 definitely put down. There is no more militarism or imperialism in gar 
 risoning Luzon until order is restored than there was imperialism in send 
 ing soldiers to South Dakota in 1890, during the Ogallalla outbreak. The 
 reasoning which justifies our having made war against Sitting Bull also 
 justifies our having checked the outbreaks of Aguinaldo and his followers, 
 directed, as they were, against Filipino and American alike. 
 
 "The only certain way of rendering it necessary for our Republic to enter 
 on a career of militarism would be to abandon the Philippines to their own 
 tribes, and at the same time either to guarantee a stable government among 
 these tribes or to guarantee them against outside interference. A far larger 
 army would be required to carry out any such policy than will be required 
 to secure order under the American flag; while the presence of this flag on 
 the islands is really the only possible security against outside aggression. 
 
 "The whole argument against President McKinley s policy in the Philip 
 pines becomes absurd when it is conceded that we should, to quote the lan 
 guage of the Kansas City platform, give to the Philippines first a stable 
 form of government. If they are now entitled to independence, they are 
 also entitled to decide for themselves whether their government shall be 
 stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or whether they shall have any gov- 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187 
 
 ernment at all; while it is, of course, equally evident that under such condi 
 tions we have no right whatever to guarantee them against outside inter 
 ference any more than we have to make such a guarantee in the case of 
 the Boxers (who are merely the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo s follow 
 ers). If we have a right to establish a stable government in the islands it 
 necessarily follows that it is not only our right but duty to support that 
 government until the natives gradually grow fit to sustain it themselves. 
 How else will it be stable? The minute we leave it it ceases to be stable. 
 
 Properly speaking, the question is now not whether we shall expand 
 for we have already expanded but whether we shall contract. The Philip 
 pines are now part of American territory. (To surrender them would be to 
 surrender American territory. ) 
 
 "They must, of course, be governed primarily in the interests of their own 
 citizens. Our first care must be for the people of the islands which have 
 come unde^r our guardianship as a result of the most righteous foreign war 
 that has been waged within the memory of the present generation. They 
 must be administered in the_ interests of their inhabitants, and that neces 
 sarily means that any question of personal or partisan politics in their ad 
 ministration must be entirely eliminated. We must continue to put at the 
 heads of affairs in the different islands such men as General Wood, Gover 
 nor Allen and Judge Taft; and it is a most fortunate thing that we are able 
 to illustrate what ought to be done in the way of sending officers thither by 
 pointing out what actually has been done. 
 
 "The minor places in their administration, where it is impossible to fill 
 them by natives, must be filled by the strictest application of the merit 
 system, t It is very important that in our own home administration the 
 merely ministerial and administrative offices, where the duties are entirely 
 non-political, shall be filled absolutely without reference to partisan affilia 
 tions; but this is many times more important in the newly acquired islands. 
 The merit system is in its essence as democratic as our common school 
 system, for it simply means equal chances and fair play for all. 
 
 "It must be remembered always that governing these islands in the inter 
 est of the inhabitants may not necessarily be to govern them as the inhabi 
 tants at the moment prefer. To grant self-government to Luzon under 
 Aguinaldo would be like granting self-government to an Apache reserva 
 tion under some local chief; and this is no more altered by the fact that the 
 Filipinos fought the Spaniards than it would be by the fact that Apaches 
 have long been trained and employed in the United States Army and have 
 rendered signal service therein; just as the Pawnees did under the admin 
 istration of Gen. Grant; just as the Stockbridge Indians did in the days of 
 General Washington, and the friendly tribes of the Six Nations in the days 
 of President Madison. 
 
 "There are now in the United States communities of Indians which have 
 advanced so far that it has just been possible to embody them as a whole 
 in our political system, all the members of the tribe becoming United States 
 citizens. There are other communities where the bulk of the tribes are 
 
188 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 still too wild for it to be possible to take such a step. There are individuals 
 among the Apaches, Pawnees, Iroquois, Sioux and other tribes who are 
 now United States citizens, and who are entitled to stand, and do stand, on 
 an absolute equality with all our citizens of pure white blood. Men of 
 Indian blood are now serving in the army and navy and in Congress and 
 occupy high positions both in the business and the political world. 
 
 "There is every reason why as rapidly as an Indian, or any body of In 
 dians, becomes fit for self-government, he or it should be granted the fullest 
 equality with the whites; but there would be no justification whatever in 
 treating this fact as a reason for abandoning the wild tribes to work out their 
 own destruction. Exactly the same reasoning applies in the case of the 
 Philippines. To turn over the islands to Aguinaldo and his followers would 
 not be to give self-government to the islanders; under no circumstances 
 would the majority thus gain self-government. They would simply be put 
 at the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half-breeds, under whom corruption 
 would flourish far more freely than ever it flourished under Tweed, while 
 tyrannical oppression would obtain to a degree only possible under such an 
 oligarchy. Yours truly. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT." 
 
SOUTH 
 
 MAIN E.NTRANCC 
 
 NOHTH 
 
 CONVENTION HALL. (Showing Plan of Stage and Seate.) 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE PRESS 
 
 The following newspapers were represented and made telegraphic special 
 daily reports of the proceedings of the Convention and had seats assigned to 
 them in the press department. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 Mobile The Register. 
 
 Birmingham The Age Herald. 
 
 Little Rock 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 The Gazette. 
 
 ARIZONA. 
 
 Phoenix The Arizona Republican 
 
 Daily News. 
 
 Phoenix ..The Herald. 
 
 Phoenix The Arizona Gazette. 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 San Francisco... 
 San Francisco... 
 San Francisco... 
 San Francisco... 
 San Francisco... 
 Los Angeles. .. . 
 Los Angeles 
 Sacramento 
 
 .The Evening Post. 
 .The Examiner. 
 .The Chronicle. 
 .The Call. 
 .The Bulletin. 
 .The Herald. 
 .The Times. 
 .The Daily Bee. 
 
 Denver 
 Denver 
 
 COLORADO. 
 
 The Rocky Mtn. News. 
 
 , The Republican. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Hartford The Courant. 
 
 Hartford The Globe. 
 
 Hartford The Telegram. 
 
 Hartford The Post. 
 
 Hartford The Times. 
 
 New Haven The Paladian. 
 
 New Haven The Register. 
 
 Waterbury The American. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 \Yilmington The Sun. 
 
 Wilmington The Evening Journal. 
 
 Wilmington The Morning News. 
 
 Wilmington The Every Evening. 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 
 
 Washington The Evening Star. 
 
 Washington The Post. 
 
 Washington The Times. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Atlanta The Journal. 
 
 Atlanta The Constitution. 
 
 Augusta The Chronicle. 
 
 Savannah The News. 
 
 Macon The Telegraph. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Chicago The Journal. 
 
 Chicago The Daily News. 
 
 Chicago The Evening Post. 
 
 Chicago The Chronicle. 
 
 Chicago The Record. 
 
 Chicago The Times-Herald. 
 
 Chicago The Inter-Ocean. 
 
 Chicago The Tribune. 
 
 Chicago The Statts-Zeitung. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 Indianapolis The Journal. 
 
 Indianapolis The News. 
 
 Indianapolis The Sentinel. 
 
 Indianapolis The Press. 
 
 Evansville The Journal. 
 
 Terre Haute The Evening Gazette. 
 
 Burlington .... 
 Davenport 
 
 Dubuque 
 
 Des Moines . . 
 Des Moines . . 
 Des Moines .. 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 ...The Hawk Eye. 
 . . .The Times. 
 ...The Herald. 
 ...The Register. 
 .. .The Leader. 
 ...The News. 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 Atchison The Globe. 
 
 Leavenworth The Times. 
 
 Topeka .The Capital. 
 
 Topeka The Journal. 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 Covington The Kentucky Post. 
 
 Frankfort The Zeitung. 
 
 Louisville The Courier Journal. 
 
 Louisville The Dispatch. 
 
 Louisville The Evening Post. 
 
 Louisville The Commercial. 
 
 Louisville The Times. 
 
 189 
 
190 
 
 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 .The Picayune. 
 .The Democrat. 
 .The Item. 
 .The Press. 
 .The States. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 Baltimore The Morning Herald. 
 
 Baltimore The Sun. 
 
 Baltimore The American. 
 
 Baltimore Der Deutsche Corresp t. 
 
 Baltimore The News. 
 
 Baltimore The World. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Boston The Record. 
 
 Boston The Journal. 
 
 Boston The Post. 
 
 Boston The Herald. 
 
 Boston The Daily Advertiser. 
 
 Boston The Transcript. 
 
 Boston The Globe. 
 
 Boston The Traveller. 
 
 Concord The Monitor. 
 
 Springfield The Union. 
 
 Springfield The Republican. 
 
 Worcester The Spy. 
 
 Vicksburg 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 The Herald. 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 
 Detroit The Morning Tribune. 
 
 Detroit The Evening News. 
 
 Detroit The Journal. 
 
 Detroit The Free Press. 
 
 Detroit The Abend Post. 
 
 Grand Rapids.... The Herald. 
 Kalamazoo The Telegraph. 
 
 MINNESOTA. 
 
 Minneapolis The Times. 
 
 Minneapolis The Tribune. 
 
 Minneapolis The Journal. 
 
 St. Paul The Dispatch. 
 
 St. Paul The Pioneer Press. 
 
 St. Paul The Globe. 
 
 Duluth The Duluth News Trib e. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 St. Louis The Globe Democrat. 
 
 ft. Louis The Republic, 
 t. Louis The Post Dispatch. 
 
 St. Louis The Westliche Post. 
 
 St. Louis The Chronicle. 
 
 St. Louis The Star. 
 
 Kansas City The World. 
 
 Kansas City The Journal. 
 
 Kansas City ....The Star. 
 Kansas City The Times Co. 
 
 MONTANA. 
 ...The Herald. 
 
 Helena 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 
 Lincoln The Journal. 
 
 Omaha The Bee. 
 
 Omaha The World-Herald. 
 
 NEVADA. 
 Reno .. The Gazette Pub. Co. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Concord The Monitor. 
 
 Manchester The Union. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Elizabeth The Journal. 
 
 Newark The Daily Advertiser. 
 
 Newark The Evening News. 
 
 Jersey City The News. 
 
 Jersey City The Journal. 
 
 Camden The Post-Telegram. 
 
 Camden The Daily Courier. 
 
 Trenton The Daily State Gazette. 
 
 Trenton The True American. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 New York The Sun. 
 
 New York The Commercial Adv. 
 
 New York The Mail and Express. 
 
 New York The World. 
 
 New York The Morning Journal. 
 
 New York The Evening Journal. 
 
 New York The Herald. 
 
 New York The Tribune. 
 
 New York The Statts-Zeitung. 
 
 New York The Times. 
 
 New York The Evening Post. 
 
 New York The Morning Telegraph. 
 
 New York The Evening Telegram. 
 
 New York The Publishers Press. 
 
 New York The Press. 
 
 New York The News. 
 
 Albany The Argus. 
 
 Albany The Journal. 
 
 Albany Press Knickerb k s Exp. 
 
 Albany The Times Union. 
 
 Brooklyn The Daily News. 
 
 Brooklyn The Times. 
 
 Brooklyn The Times. 
 
 Brooklyn The Citizen. 
 
 Brooklyn The Standard Union. 
 
 Buffalo The Buffalo Express. 
 
 Buffalo The Times. 
 
 Buffalo The Commercial. 
 
 Buffalo The Courier. 
 
 Buffalo The Enquirer. 
 
 Buffalo The Evening News. 
 
 Utica The Press. 
 
 Utica The Observer. 
 
 Rochester The Evening Times. 
 
 Rochester The Post Express. 
 
 Rochester The Herald. 
 
 Syracuse The Herald. 
 
 Syracuse The Journal Ptg. & Pub. 
 
 Co. 
 
 Syracuse The Post-Standard Co. 
 
 Troy The Times. 
 
 Troy The Press. 
 
 Troy The Record. 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Akron The Beacon Journal. 
 
 Canton The Repository Ptg. Co. 
 
 Cincinnati The Enquirer. 
 
 Cincinnati The Times Star. 
 
 Cincinnati The Post. 
 
 Cincinnati The Commerc l Tribune. 
 
 Cincinnati The Cincin ti Yolksblatt. 
 
 Cleveland The Leader. 
 
 Cleveland The Press. 
 
 Cleveland The Plain Dealer. 
 
 Columbus The Dispatch. 
 
 Columbus The Press Post. 
 
 Columbus The State Journal. 
 
 Dayton The Journal. 
 
TWELFTH REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 191 
 
 OHIO Continued. 
 
 Sandusky The Register. 
 
 Toledo The T9ledo Blade. 
 
 Toledo The Times. 
 
 Toledo The Bee. 
 
 Toledo The Commercial. 
 
 Warren The Tribune. 
 
 Warren The Chronicle. 
 
 Portland 
 
 OREGON. 
 ...The Morning Oregonian. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Star. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Daily News. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Item. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Associated Press. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Inquirer. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The North American. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Telegraph. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Times. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Press. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Record. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Evening Herald. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Bulletin. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Ledger. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Democrat. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Gazette. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Tageblatt. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Abend Post. 
 Philadelphia .. ..The Call. 
 
 Altoona The Times. 
 
 Easton The Argus. 
 
 Harrisburg The Telegraph. 
 
 Harrisburg The Patriot. 
 
 Harrisburg The Independent. 
 
 Lancaster The New Era. 
 
 Lancaster The Examiner. 
 
 Lancaster The Inquirer. 
 
 Lancaster The News. 
 
 Oil City The Derrick. 
 
 Oil City The Blizzard. 
 
 Pittsburg The Times. 
 
 Pittsburg The Daily News. 
 
 Pittsburg The Dispatch. 
 
 Pittsburg The Post. 
 
 Pittsburg The Leader. 
 
 Pittsbnrg The Chronicle Teleg h. 
 
 Pittsburg The Press. 
 
 Pittsburg The Commercial. 
 
 Pottsville The Daily Republican. 
 
 Pottsville The Chronicle. 
 
 Reading The Times. 
 
 Reading The Journal. 
 
 Reading The Republican. 
 
 Reading The Herald. 
 
 Reading The Eagle. 
 
 Scranton The Tribune. 
 
 Scranton The Republican. 
 
 Scranton The Truth. 
 
 Scranton The Times. 
 
 \Vest Chester The Republican. 
 
 Williamsport ....The Sun. 
 Wilkes-Barre .... The Times. 
 Wilkes-Barre ....The Record. 
 York The Dispatch. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Providence The Journal. 
 
 Providence The Telegram. 
 
 Providence The News. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Charleston The News Courier. 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 Galveston The Tribune. 
 
 Galveston The News. 
 
 Houston The Daily Press. 
 
 Houston TBe Post. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 Memphis The Commercial Appeal. 
 
 Chattanooga The Times. 
 
 Nashville The American. 
 
 UTAH. 
 
 Salt Lake City... The Tribune. 
 Salt Lake City... The Herald. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Richmond The Times. 
 
 Richmond The Dispatch. 
 
 WEST VIRGINIA. 
 
 Wheeling The Intelligencer. 
 
 Wheeling The Register. 
 
 Wheeling The News. 
 
 Wheeling The Zeitung. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 Seattle The Post Intelligencer. 
 
 Seattle The Times. 
 
 Tacoma The Tacoma Ev g News. 
 
 Tacoma The Ledger. 
 
 WISCONSIN- 
 
 Oshkosh The Daily Northwestern. 
 
 Milwaukee The Journal. 
 
 Milwaukee The Sentinel. 
 
 Milwaukee The Evening News. 
 
 Milwaukee The Ev n g Wisconsin. 
 
 Milwaukee The Herald. 
 
 Milwaukee The Germania. 
 
 Madison The Democrat. 
 
 Harper s Weekly. 
 Frank Leslie s. 
 Outlook. 
 Once A Week. 
 Collier s Weekly. Post. 
 Saturday Evening 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A 
 
 Acceptance, William McKinley s letter of 156-179 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt s Letter of 180-188 
 
 Adj ournment, sine die 142 
 
 Alward, Dennis E., chosen Reading Clerk 82 
 
 Appendix, The Press 189- 191 
 
 Appleton, D. F., Survivor First Republican Convention 57 
 
 Ashton, J. M., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt for Vice President 133-134 
 
 B 
 
 Bauchman, W. B., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Beam, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Bell, George H., survivor First Republican Convention 57 
 
 Bigler, Warren, chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Bingham, Henry H., Chairman Committee on Rules and Order of 
 
 Business 51 
 
 remarks by lor 
 
 report of Committee on Rules and Order of Business, reported 
 
 by 92 
 
 Blumenberg, Milton W., Official Stenographer 82 
 
 Bolton, Rev. James Gray, D. D., Prayer by 29-30 
 
 Boswell, Rev. Charles M., D. D. Prayer by 56 
 
 Brinkerhoff, Genl. B. D., survivor First Republican Convention.. 57 
 
 Burke, James Francis, chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Butlin, George R, chosen Tally Clerk 82 
 
 c 
 
 Cannon, Joseph G., motion to adjourn by 54-55 
 
 Chairman, Temporary, Edward O. Wolcott, chosen 33 
 
 Permanent, Henry Cabot Lodge chosen 82 
 
 Child, Charles H., presentation of gavel by, from Rhode Island 91 
 
ii INDEX. 
 
 Committee, Advisory ............................................ 15 
 
 National ..................................................... 14 
 
 Congressional .............................................. 16 
 
 Organization of Executive .................................. 15 
 
 Republican National for 1900 ................................ 109 
 
 vacancies on, resolution by Thomas H. Carter, relative to va 
 
 cancies on .......................... , ..................... 139 
 
 to escort Permanent Chairman .............................. 82 
 
 Committees, resolution of Wm. J. Sewell, relative to ............... 49 
 
 Standing, announcement of ............................. 50-51, 52-53 
 
 meeting of .................................................. 54 
 
 Chairmen of State Central ................................... 17 
 
 The local, and their work .................................... 19-26 
 
 to notify the candidates for President and Vice President.... 139-142 
 
 Convention, Call of the .......................................... 31 
 
 First Republican, survivors of ................................ 57 
 
 Conwell, Leon M., "The Local Committees and Their Work" ---- 19 
 
 Credentials, Committee on ....................................... 52 
 
 Report of Committee on ........... r ......................... 58-59 
 
 13 
 
 De Knight, C. W., Messenger to Secretary .......... . ........... 82 
 
 Delegates, roll of, as presented by Committee on Credentials.... 59-80 
 
 Depew, Chauncey M., address of, seconding nomination of Theo 
 
 dore Roosevelt for Vice President ......................... 134-138 
 
 Dick, Charles, Secretary National Committee, official call of the 
 
 convention read by ........................................ 30 
 
 resolution of, relative to committees to notify the candidates... 139 
 
 F 1 
 
 Fairbanks, Charles W., Chairman Committee on Resolutions ...... 53 
 
 report of Committee on Resolutions made by ................. 103 
 
 motion by ................................................... 33 
 
 Foraker, Joseph B., motion to adjourn made by ................. HI 
 
 address of, nominating William McKinley for re-election as 
 
 President ................................................ 114-117 
 
 Fussell, Jacob, survivor of First Republican Convention ........... 57 
 
 Gavels, etc., presentation of .......... : ........................... 91-93 
 
 Gaylord, F. S., chosen Assistant Secretary ........................ 82 
 
 Grey, Lucien, chosen Assistant Secretary ......................... 82 
 
INDEX. iii 
 
 Grosvenor, Charles H., Chairman Committee on Permanent Or 
 
 ganization ................................................ 50 
 
 report of Committee on Permanent Organization made by... 81-82 
 motion to adopt report of Committee on Permanent Organ 
 
 ization adopted .................. ; ......................... 82 
 
 resolution of, relative to publication of Official Proceedings.. 139 
 
 H 
 
 Halstead, Griffin, Messenger to Secretary ......................... 82 
 
 Hanna, M. A., Chairman National Committee, Convention called 
 
 to order by ............................................... 29 
 
 opening address of ......................................... 32-33 
 
 Ilawley, Gen. Joseph R., survivor of First Republican Convention 57 
 
 Headquarters, Campaign, New York ............................. 15 
 
 Chicago .................................................... 15 
 
 Hinds, Asher C, Clerk at President s desk ...................... 82 
 
 Holstein, G. D., M. D., survivor First National Convention ...... 57 
 
 Huxford, W. P., Assistant Chief of Staff ......................... 82 
 
 J 
 
 Jacobs, John, survivor First Republican Convention ............. 57 
 
 Johnson, Charles W., chosen General Secretary of the Convention 82 
 
 Johnson, W. W., Chief of Staff ................................... 82 
 
 K 
 
 Kercheval, Samuel, Master of Doors ............................. 82 
 
 Knight, George A., address of, seconding nomination of President 
 
 McKinley ................................................ 123-127 
 
 Kolp, D. C., chosen Assistant Secretary .......................... 82 
 
 Laing, Walter, survivor First Republican Convention .......... ---- 57 
 
 Lampson, E. L., chosen Reading Clerk ........................... 82 
 
 Langley, John W., presentation of gavel from the mountans of 
 
 Kentucky by .............................................. 92 
 
 Levy, Rev. Edgar M., D. D., prayer by ........................... 54 
 
 survivor First Republican Convention ........................ 57 
 
 Lodge, Henry Cabot, chosen Permanent Chairman ............... 82 
 
 address of, as Permanent Chairman of the Convention ........ 82-91 
 
 decision of, on Lynch substitute for Quay amendment ........ 100 
 
 appointed Chairman of Committee to notify President Mc 
 
 Kinley ................................................... 139 
 
 address of, notifying President McKinley of his nomination for 
 
 President ................................................ 144-146 
 
i v INDEX. 
 
 Lynch, John R., remarks of, on Quay amendment, substitute of, 
 
 for Quay amendment 100 
 
 M 
 
 Malloy, John R., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 McCall, John E., remarks of, on Quay amendment 99 
 
 McClure, John, remarks of, on Quay amendment 96 
 
 McGee Flavel, Point of order raised by, on Lynch substitute... 100 
 
 McKinley, William, biographical sketch of 5~9 
 
 named for Presidency by Joseph B. Foraker, seconded by 
 Theodore Roosevelt, John M. Thurston, John W. Yerkes, 
 
 George A. Knight and James A. Mount 114-129 
 
 vote of Convention on nomination of 1.30 
 
 nominated 130 
 
 notified of his nomination 143-151 
 
 address of, in response to address of notification 146-151 
 
 Letter of Acceptance of 156-179 
 
 Mount, James A., address of, seconding nomination of President 
 
 McKinley 127-129 
 
 Mudd, Sydney E., motion to postpone Quay amendment until to 
 morrow 103 
 
 Murray, M. J., address of, seconding nomination of Theodore 
 
 Roosevelt for Vice President 133 
 
 N 
 
 National Fremont Association, banner of 57 
 
 resolutions of 58 
 
 Newspapers, List of 189-191 
 
 Notifications 143-155 
 
 Committee on, to notify nominee for President 141 
 
 to notify nominee for Vice President 141 
 
 Proceedings 143-155 
 
 o 
 
 Officers of the Convention 3 
 
 Temporary 48 
 
 Permanent 82 
 
 resolution of thanks to 14 
 
 Olson, Sever E., presentation of table from school pupils of Minne 
 apolis 93 
 
 Organization, Committee on Permanent 5 
 
 Owen, David C, Chief Organizer 82 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Payne, Sereno E., Chairman Committee on Credentials 52 
 
 report of the Committee on Credentials made by 58 
 
 motion by, to adopt report of the Committee on Credentials.. 80 
 
 Point of order by, on motion to refer 102 
 
 resolution by, relative to rules 49 
 
 motion by, to adjourn sine die 142 
 
 Permanent Organization, report of Committee on 81-82 
 
 Philadelphia, resolution of thanks to 140 
 
 Platform, reported by Charles W. Fairbanks 103-108 
 
 Potts, J. Herbert, chosen Tally Clerk 82 
 
 President, vote of Convention for 130 
 
 nomination of 130 
 
 Press, The 189-191 
 
 Proceedings, Official, resolution relative to 2 
 
 resolution of Charles H. Grosvenor relative to publication of. . 139 
 
 Proceedings, First Day s 29 
 
 Second Day s 56 
 
 Third Day s 112 
 
 Q 
 
 Quay, Matthew S., amendment of, to report of Committee on Rules 95-97 
 
 amendment of, postponement of 103 
 
 Statement of, showing number of delegates according to pres 
 ent basis of representation 97 
 
 Statement of number of delegates according to his amendment 98 
 
 R 
 
 Reception, to National Fremont Association and survivors First 
 
 Republican National Convention 57 
 
 Remmel, H. L., chosen Reading Clerk 82 
 
 Reports, List of newspapers furnishing daily 189-191 
 
 Resolutions, Committee on 53 
 
 report of Committee of 103-108 
 
 report of Committee on, adopted 108 
 
 Roll, Delegates and Alternates 59-8o 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore, biographical sketch of 10-13 
 
 appointed on Committee to escort Permanent Chairman 82 
 
 address of, seconding the nomination of President McKinley. . 117-119 
 named for Vice President by Lafayette Young, M. J. Murray, 
 
 J. M. Ashton, Chauncey M. Depew 131-138 
 
 vote of convention on nomination for Vice President 138 
 
 nominated for Vice President 138 
 
 address of, in response to address of notification 154-155 
 
 Letter of Acceptance of 180-188 
 
yi ISDEX. 
 
 Royce, John Q.. chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Rules, temporary 49 
 
 Rules and Order of Business, Committee on 51 
 
 Report of the Committee on 93 
 
 debate on 9^- 103 
 
 amendment of Mr. Quay to report of Committee on 95-97, 103 
 
 Quay amendment to, withdrawn 114 
 
 adoption of report on 114 
 
 Ryan, Rev. P. J., Archbishop of Philadelphia, prayer by 112-113 
 
 8 
 
 Schneider, George, survivor of First Republican Convention 57 
 
 Secretary of the Convention, organization of office of 82 
 
 Sergeant-at-arms, organization of office of 82 
 
 Sewell, William J., resolution by, relative to Committees 49 
 
 remarks by, on Platform 108 
 
 Shaw, Leslie M., appointed on Committee to escort Permanent 
 
 Chairman 82 
 
 Sloane, Judge Rush R., survivor First Republican Convention 57 
 
 Soper, P. L., amendment of, to Quay amendment 101 
 
 Stickney, Gardner P., chosen Assistant Secretary 82 
 
 Stone, James H., chosen Reading Clerk 82 
 
 Survivors First Republican National Convention of 1856, reception 
 
 to 57 
 
 Sweetwood, Earle D., Assistant Master of Doors 82 
 
 T 
 
 Taylor, W. S., motion by, relative to temporary officers 49 
 
 Thanks, resolution of, to officers of Convention 140 
 
 resolution of, to Philadelphia 140 
 
 Thurston, John M., address of, seconding President McKinley s 
 
 nomination 119-121 
 
 V 
 
 Vice Presidents, honorary, appointment of iio-in 
 
 Vice President, vote for 138 
 
 W 
 
 Wiswell, George N., Sergeant-at-arms of the Convention 82 
 
 Wolcott, Edward O., chosen Temporary Chairman 33 
 
 address of - 33-48 
 
 appointed Chairman of Committee to notify Gov. Roosevelt.. 139 
 
 address of, notifying Governor Roosevelt of his nomination for 
 
 Vice President . 152-154 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Woodard, S., survivor First Republican Convention.. 
 Wyand, Jacob, survivor First Republican Convention 
 
 VII 
 
 57 
 57 
 
 Yerkes, John W., address of, seconding nomination of President 
 
 McKinley 121-123 
 
 Young, Joseph W., Messenger to Chairman 82 
 
 Young, Lafayette, address of, nominating Theodore Roosevelt for 
 
 Vice President 131-132 
 
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