^■l^H^H^^^MHi ■■^■§■^^■■■■•■^■■^■^^■1 ™ ■■■■^■Bl POLITICAL AND GENERAL HISTORY OF THE DISTRICT OF TINNEVELLY, IN THE PRESIDENCY OF MADRAS, FROM TIIE EARLIEST PERIOD TO ITS CESSION TO THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT IN A.D. 1801. BY The Right Rev. R. CALDWELL, D.D., LL.D., Bishop, HONORARY MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, FELLOW OF THE MADRAS UNIVERSITY. i ,• j ' , , • • • 1 • ' » « MADRAS: PRINTED BY E. KEYS, AT THE GOVERNMENT PRESS. 1881. HEAIRY MORSE STEPHEN© ■ ' > • • • • * • • • • * « • *'•*''•/•'•" • ' ___ TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. ******* «* WITHOUT EESPEOTING THE EASIEST PERIOD * tr- , ,„ l Aleanin"- of the word "history, 1. IntbdduCTION.- Paucity of sources of H tat o »/, ■ J- ' 'j t » h 2 Historical information lN Reasons-hv the Hindus eared little JrtojtagJ™. made a good beginning 2 from without, 2. Learned Natives m Noit ^mrn ^.^ E hesfc Information from inscnptionj .and "gJ^J^ ^J ^ Qrigi lly dtstwctfirom Tamil works have disappeared 3. i*« A '*» ^. f Madura 3. Meaning of Ten- tfXtf ilfa^ra, 3. Tinnevelly ongmu lj a poinon beg ' Qot repre8e ntative S of 'Audi, 3. ArlM ^J^'^Sir* \h'e lowest castes probably aboriginal 4. the earliest inhabitants of r ^^ a t 4 Stone implements, 4. Sepulchral wgo. The Paraiyas and Pallas, 4. Ihe \ eiiaias, *. £ , g D escrip ti n ot the lam- The lESv*+ *«"> *. Atte "S ^VSSffiR The mountain Potigai, 6. .___■ a rt.-^u, ofi/i* Tamraparni.— -«0^ a %—**?« „„ w^tv^'s hill and in th- ne to S^oibm 8 The Cbittar, 8. Meaning of the name of ^ ^.^ men m S 8 W. 0/ the ™™«? a Z£hr^ ofte mnu > Tdmraparnl, 9. . < The tree Tinnevellv. Where? 9. ^f 1 ?^ Later namel of Ceylon, 9. Identity of the •IV v^T leaves' 9. Taprobane, 9. i^ater names j which application of Tlmraparn\ orTninevelly P witb the oldest ^me^^lO Wbic^ PP^ rf the mme was earlier, 10. Greek name M *MJ°™ mouth of the Tamraparnl 11. Greeks, 10. The Chittar 11 The hank near the ^ fijto The Bettigo of the Greeks, 11. IM ^[Tpdndvas 12. Derivation of ' P&ndya, 12. origin of the three Tamil dynasties, 12. The Pandyas l~ ^ ^^ u ^ t Anna's intermarriage withthe *1^J£JZ£ % the early Singhalese urth the Pandya Titles, 13. The Mftran '/ 3 - s ./!f aleS e princes with Pandya names ', 14- The Pdndyas,n. Vijaya'smarmge^ J^es^pnn crvili8at ion 14 Th- ereat reservoirs of Ceylon, 14. Date of Jf co ^T Notiee8 f the Pdndyas, 16. Infonna- SS»Wl!- ^r^neLtoHerSie^lS. Pearls,- 16. The Pdndyas' tion collected by Megasthenes. ^-^t^e I>, formation about Korkat furjnshed Embassy to Augustus 16. W?Ij£2£ 17. Situation of Kolkhoi 17 Korkal, iv tfe Greeks, 17. The Kolkhoi of the t-neeks u ^ 0WM to ^ e Gmto, 19. 18 Imuortance of this identification, 18 tape vo m Kumar i in Indian liter- TV JEn of Cape Comorin in the Penplus, 19 ^^V Paumben as known, to Sure P 20 KumaVi not a river, hut an ace on the sea coa^O ^ * flta*4 21. Kory iden ibed w^h Koti, 2 ^ ^ ^ 22 of Kolis and Kory 22 " T/ ^f''™ J Gree k intercourse with Southern India, 22- Various cities «^_*^ "/L^S Phenician Trade, 23. Courageous act of a Greek trade with the Tinnevelly boast, z_. t Greek mariner, 23. Cosmas Indicopleustes, 23. CHAPTER II. niuuu u .. . , _„, 04 The northern boundary Boundaries of the Pandya ^"^^^S^e™ boundaries, 25. ^™^££T of the Pandya country 24 Ih« ^"^ ^ cnkotta boundary, 25. *£***»£ £ the Cheras and the Pand>as, -'o. AU „ o« Indian references to the 1 an 03 ; as, -o. Nanies of the early Paridya kings unWn, ^ ma ^ ^ , ? ^ ^ liTs of Pandva kings antrustyorthy, 26 Lists 01 _ t 27 B endra chol,, s n ;; m0S r,,,ord,d. 27. «J <»* gji; •-; ^X^, 28. . Temple to R«^» Sff ST SSSSSWS. 5: tP Karikala ChCla, 29. Pamanuja .date, 30. 511688 IV TABLE OP CONTENTS. Varddhana's conversion, 30. Kulasekhara Deva, 30. Singhalese accounts, 30. The ChGla-Pdndyas, 31. Dr. Burnell's researches, 31. Vlra Chola, 31. Sundara Pandya ChOla, 31. Dr. Burnell's succession of Cholas, 32. Sundara Pandya, 32. Sources of information about Sundara Pandya, 32. Sundara Pandya'szeal against the Jainas, 32. Sundara Pandya the last in the list, 32. Muhammadan influences in Sundara's reign, 33. Reasons for Sundara Pandya s patronage of Muhammadans, 33. Sundara's war with his brother, 33. Sundara's Muhammadan ministers, 34. Another Muhammadan account, 34. Malik Kafur's invasion, 34. Marco Polo's Sonder Bandi, 35. Sundara's brothers, 35. Sundara's date still a desideratum, 35. Ma'har, 36. Origin of the term Ma'bar, 36. Settlement of Muhammadan Arabs on both coasts, 36. Kayal, 36. Kayal visited by Marco Polo, 37. Portuguese notice of Kayal, 37. Meaning of Kayal, 37. Korkai and Kayal, 37. Marco Polo's notice of Kayal, 38. Trade of Kayal, 38. Horse trade at Kayal, 38. Use of the horse by Indian soldiers, 39. "Wassaf's account, 39. Marco Polo's arrival in India, 40. Pearl fishery described, 40. Divers, 40. Profits to the king, 41. Relics of Kayal, 41. Remains of Chinese and Arabian earthenware, 41. Kayalpattanam a different place, 41. The Muhammadan Interregnum, 42. The Muhammadans gain the upper hand for a time, 42. Ibn Batuta, 42. The Kingdoms of Dwdra-xamudra and ]'ijaya-nagara, 42. Paramount powers, 42. Dwara-samudra, 43. Kings of Dvara-samudra, 43. Ramanuja's flight to Dvara-samudra, 43. Defeat of the Ballala king, 44. End of the Ballala dynasty, 44. Canarese traces in Tinnevelly, 44. List of Dvara-samudra Kings, 45. Vijaya-nagara, 45. Origin of Vijaya-nagara, 45. Names of Vijaya-nagara, 45. List of Vijaya-nagara kings, 46. Dr. Burnell's list of Vijaya-nagara kings, 46. The Nayakas, 47. Differences between the two lists unimportant, 47. Spread of Telugu in the south, 47. Krishna Rayar, 48. Conquests over the Cholas and Pandyas, 48. Arrival of the Portuguese in this reign, 48. Kingdom of Narsinga, 49. Overthrow of Vijaya-nagara, 49. Origin of Ettaiya- puram Zemindar, 49. Last days of the Vijaya-nagara dynasty, 50. Grant of Madras to the English by the Raja of Chandragiri, 50. Succession of Paramount Powers in Southern India, 50. Pandyas, Cholas, 50. Pandyas again, Nayakas, the Nawab, 51. CHAPTER III. From A.D. 1365 to 1731. THE PERIOD OF THE SECOND DYNASTY OF PANDYAS AND OF THE NAYAKAS. Second scries of Pandya Kings, 52. Tarakrama Pandya, 52. Kampana Udaiyar, 52. Dated inscriptions of the later Pandyas, 53. Tcnkasi inscription, 53. Srivaikuntham inscription, 53. Ati-Vira-Rama Pandya, 53. The last of the Pandyas, 54. Value of inscriptions as compared with oral information, 54. Vijaya-nagara supremacy, 54. The Nayakat of Madura, 55. Sources of the history of the Nayakas, 55. Letters of the Jesuits, 55. Commencement of the Nayaka rule, 55. The " Badages " of Xavicr, 55. Origin of the intervention of Vijaya-nagara. 55. Visvan&thaN&yaka, 66. Number of the Poligars, 56. Origin of the Pn/igarx of cite South, 56. Visvanatha's policy, 56, Parties to be conciliated, 56. Visvanatha's plan of conciliation, 57. Investiture of the Poligars, 57. Doubtfulness of these traditions, 67. Etymology of "Poligar," 68. Results of the appointment, 58. Defence of the Poligar system, 58. Krishnapuram, 59. Rebellion of Ettaiyapuram, 59. Royal representatives in Tinnevelly, 60. Tigers on the sea coast, 60. List of the Nayakas, 60. Listof the Nayakas of Madura, 60. Tirumalai Nayaka, 61. Buildings erected by him, 61. Mangamma}, 61. NdyaLa Titles, 61. The Nayakas did n t style themselves kini^s, 61. The Kaittakkaj, 62. Characteristics of the Kdyafca Rule, 62. Reputation of the 1'a.ndyas as rulers, 62. Reputation of the Nayakas, 62. Misrule bidden by shows, 62. Works of public utility almost unknown, 63. Adminis- tration of laws, 03. Aniouts on tAe Tdmraparni, 63. Legend of 'the Kannadian Anai, 64. Date of this anient, 64. Another form of the legend, 64. Ariyanayakapuram anient, (ii;. Stittamalli anicut, 66. Marudur anicut, 66. Puthugudi anicut, 66. The Portuguese on tin- coast of Tinnevelly, 67. Vasco da Gama's information, 67. The Portuguese at Cochin, 67. Barbosa's information, 67. The king of Travancoro at Kayal, 67. Tin < first expedition of t he Portuguese, 68. Embassy of the Paravas to Cochin, 68. The Portuguese in power along the coast, 68. Inroads of the " Badages" 69, Ravages of the Badages, 69, Who wire theyP 69. Collectors of Vijaya-nagara taxes, 69. Kavier's appeal to the king of Travancoro, 69. Power of the Travancore king, 70. Designs of the Nayakas on Travancoro, 70. Motives of the "Badages," 70. Explanation "t" the hostility of the Badages, 71. The policy of the Portuguese, 71. Qovernmenl of tbe coast, 71. Profits of the pearl fishery, 71. Portuguese claim aban- doned, 71. I'vmnaikayal, 72. Annals of the Portuguese on the coast, 72. Printing Table op contents. v mg of the name Tutioorin 75 T t; ■ , , e 1 or t«g»ese in Tuticorin 75 Tr' Bea shells found inl, nd 76 Fi,f Tn hilTho ™> ™- Coral, 75. S/i ^fc corin, 76. TutieoHnt'aken l^afiS*?! ***■"* 76. ^vemVoi £2 Boats 8 ent to the islands, 77. ^SLrtSffiL'J 7 * ^T^ 8 cfforts f « r it" reHef 77 Iut.eonntak,nhvtheI)utch 7? SI-* ?5uPV.Z.' Later notiwa of Tuticorin 78 "« AM, 78. I)„ t ,h factories 79 ^S^JSfS^T time ' 78 " ^S^Tj/er j9 Appearance of Tuticorin, 79^ The hNhen 9 ^ 7" ^P^tion of Tuticorin MarHn succour of the Pear) FisherviTirS,' SO v^ 1 m °?°P°ly in the fishery, 8? lJutch alliance with Poliaaw aiwiiw tfcl v v X. Fa,I «re8 in the pearl fishevv x" Tuticorin during the Pol Cw?rT? th T ° ^^ 82. Dates relating toTuti co ri? 8"f » 1801, 84. Tuticorin at^eS,^. rQ ^ucbon of cotton screwing, BtTSSffifi CHAPTEK IV. THE PERIOD OF THE NAWAB OF ARCOT to m™ YUSCIF KHAN'S A^^SlmiT^^^ ^ffittiC^^ftn 8 ^ Ch r daS ^ a ^richinop oJv85 Cha . -9*. 86. Arrival of Sata^mTs^V^r - 86 " EKS^ Sfifc the founder 90 f^Y d f- lgnS ' 89 " Mea ™g and ori4 of ^ stron & est f ort south ine rounder 90. Construction of the fort 90 n * 0I1 8 m , °} tfl e name, 89. Ag-e of garrison 91. First Selp rendered buthek^t Ii2 n and inner forts - W. English ""* .«" £»««»Sfc B „rf J^ English E°d? t ? on ^^mpany to the NawaV* Govern- Poligar Kat aboma Nayaia 93 pTtS iT 1 ^ 8 ' 93 Id <^ «Sd off 93 t^ 94. Massacre of the defines J the fort w" ^7™°^ ^ Ca P^re o? Nel icotafa fete 96 "^ Hero /* f ™tles S delay%f ' The M dI^S ^ tt0 » Me «3Kg Defeit nf m u? 7, t 9 7 - Trav ancore troops retire 97 t» t* ^"government, 97. ^eieat of Wahfuz Khan's troons 9S ilVi, j J' Mahfuz Khan's policv 98 Eastern Polio-ars 99 v 7i p l\ , Another defeat. 98 w M *»™ t>v j » ys - Plundering habit* of the E ?07 g rL °"i? "",""•••««' its adva, taZ' „?' ;=:ioTPOrtiM , 108 . H d fci^ ^^srS^ffi-j^ ;« CHAPTER V. MUHAMMAD YUSUF khavs i™.rv. Tr M^; v r D N ^s T0 T,,E CAr ™ E °* VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. Poligar of Sivagiri, 114. Mahfuz Khan takes the field, 115. Mahfuz Khan's attempted treachery, 115. Mahfuz Khan's exactions, 115. Siege of Palamcotta, 116. Surrender of Madura, 116. Submission of the Ettaiyapuram Poligar, 116. Yusuf Khan's successes, 116. Proposals ahout Mahfuz Khan, 117. Confederacy against Yusuf, 117. Successes of the confederates, 117. Yusuf s reprisals, 118. Yusuf called to help the English, 118. Palamcotta besieged, 118. Yusuf Khan's Return, 118. Mahfuz Khan's expectations, 118. Confederacy of the eastern Poligars, 119. Yusuf' s expedition against the Poligars, 119. Capture of Kollarpatti fort, 119. The Poligar of Uttuinalai, 120. Travancore troops, 120. Alliance of the king of Travancore and Yusuf, 120. Vada- garai's flight at Puli Devar's fears, 121. Travancore' s proposals, 121. Attack on a subsidiary fort, 121. Yusuf receives supplies, 122. Description of Vasudgvanallur fort, 122. Attack on the fort, 122. Successful defence, 123. Yusuf's return, 123. His enforced inactivity, 123. Depredations of the Poligars, 123. Hostilities of the 31 y- soreans, 124. butch Invasion, 124. A Dutch force arrives from Colombo, 124. Yusuf's preparation, 124. Retreat of the Dutch, 124. Yusuf Khan's operations renewed, 12o. Yusuf and the Puli Devar, 125. Revenue Administration in TinneveUy by the Xawab, 125. Lushington's letter, 125. Succession of administrators, 125. Yusuf's administration, 126. Fluctuations in revenue, 126. Muhammad Yusuf Khan's Rebellion, 127. Yu.-uf's offer to rent the province, 127. Yusuf's position, 127. Dissatisfaction of Government, 127. Government suspicions of his designs, 128. Yusuf's reasons for rebelling, 128. Yusuf's forces, 128. General Lawrence's force, 129. Yusuf's negotiations with the French, 129. Treachery of the French Commander, 129. Yusuf Khan's death, 129. Results of Yusuf's death, 130. Yusuf's successors, 130. State of Madura after Yusuf Khan's death, 131. CHAPTER VI. TlNNEVELLY ANNALS FROM 1764- TO 1799. PART I. FROM THE DEATH OF YUSUF KHAN TO THE ASSIGNMENT OF REVENUE IN 1781. Events following the death of Yusuf Khan, 132. Protection of Palamcotta, 132. Retirement of the Travancore troops, 132. Armed followers of the Poligars near Palamcotta, 133. Complaints of Government against the Nawab, 133. Major Flint attempts to reduce Poligar fort, 133. Flint's unsuccessful campaign, 134. Pdnjdlatnkuriehi, 134. Mean- ing of the name ranjalamkurichi, 134. Succeeding Events of the Year, 135. Assault on Panjalamkurichi a failure, 135. Determination of Government, 135. Colonel Campbell's campaign, 135. Abandonment of Sett u r, 136. Abandonment of Sivagiri, 136. Attack on Yasudevanallur, 136. Colonel Campbell's care for the people, 137. Cantonment at Nankaranaiyanarkovil, 137. Cessation* of hostilities, 138. Arrangements made by the Nawab's manager, 138. Hyder Ali's communication with the Poligars, 138. Assem- blage of Col laries, 138. Behaviour of the Poligars towards Hyder Ali, 139. Burning of TinneveUy Cutclierry, 139. Postal Communication between Madras and Bombay in the hitter half of the Eighteenth Century, 139. Letters to Bombay how sent, 139. Overland Communications, 139. Earliest date in Palamcotta church-yard, 140. Expedition against Sivagiri, 140. Insults offered to Hindus. 140. Spices in Palamcotta, 141. Dutch estimate of Hyder Ali, 141. Dutch alliance with Poligars, 142. Meditated Cession of TiiDuitlli/ to the Dutch, 142. PART IT. FROM THE ASSIGNMENT OF REVENUE IN 1781 TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE BANNERMAN-POElOAK WAR. The Assignment, 143. Committee of Assigned Revenue, 143. Superintendents of Assigned Revenue, lit. Intentions of Government, 144. First Collector of TinneveUy, 144. Capture of Tutioorin, 144. Complaints of die Paravas, 146. Dispute between the. renter and the Collector, 146. Dissatisfaction with Mr. Proctor, 115. Conduct of European functionaries, 146. Commission to Mr. Irwin, 146. Instructions to Mr. Irwin, 116. Tutioorin Complaints, 147. Mr. Irwin enters on bis duties, 147. Mr. Proctor ordered to leave, 117. Mr. Irwin invites Colonel Fullarton, 148. Colonel Fullarton'a expedition as related by himtelf, 148. Strength of the Poligars, 1 18. Difficulties of the situation, 149. Invitation to reduce the Poligars, 149. March into TinneveUy, 149. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll Attack on Panjalamkurichi, 149. Abandonment of the fort. 150. Attack on Sivagiri, 151. Abandonment of the fort, 151. Terms offered to the Poligars, 151. Terms declined, 152. Attack on the stronghold, 152. Capture of the stronghold, 152. Suc- cess of the expedition, 153. The Colonel's threat, 153. Conditions of peace imposed, 154. Satisfaction of Government, 154. Kattaboma's treaty with the Dutch, 154. Pearl fishery, 154. Mr. Irwin's policy, 154. Instance of filial duty, 155. Swartz's visit, 155. Tuticorin given up, 155. Surrender of tke Assignment, 155. The surrender of the Assignment reluctantly agreed to by Government, 155. Irwiu's forebodings, 156. The Nawab's relations with the Poligars, 156. His losses, 156. The Nawab's Administration, 157. Effects of the Nawab's rule, 157. Improvements introduced by Government, 157. Board of Revenue, 158. Fears of Tippu Sultan, 158. Cultivation of spices, 158. The Period of the Assumption, 159. Difference between the Assign- ment and the Assumption, 159. Mr. Torin Collector under the Assumption, 159. Puli Devar again, 160. Torin's opinion of the results of Fullarton's lenity, 160. The Treaty of 1792. Conditions of the new treaty, 160. New appointments, 161. Colonel Maxwell's expedition, 161. Colonel Maxwell's settlement, 161. Mr. Landon, Collector, 162. Marudur anicut, 162. Troubles at Settur, 162. The Government obliged to temporise, 163. Disorders increasing, 163. Proposed disarming of the Poligars, 163. Mr. Powney, Collector, 164. Orders of Court of Directors, 164. A Poligar shot by another Poligar, 164. Rebellious conduct of the Sivagiri Poligar's son, 165. Uttu- malai Poligar, 165. Mr. Jackson, Collector, 165. Major Bannernian, 166. Mr. Lushington, Collector, 166. CHAPTER VII. THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. Sketch of the Political Position between 1781 and 1801, 167. The Assignment of 1781, 167. Treaty of 1787, 168. Assumption 1790, 168. Treaty of 1792, 168. The Nawab's debts, 169. Lord Hobart's proposal, 169. Final determination of the Government, 169. View of the Political Position of Tinnevelly and the Poligar Country generally taken by the Court of Directors prior to the commencement of the last Poligar wars, 170. Evils of divided authority, 170. Small amount of the Nawab's collections, 170. Transfer of tribute, 170. The Company's obligations, 170. Poligar misgovernment, 171. Antici- pated loss to the Company, 171. A better system to be introduced, 171. The Nawab's refusal anticipated, 172. Conclusion arrived at, 172. Kattaboma. Ndyaka, 172. Suc- cession of the Poligars of Panjalamkurichi, 172. The Poligar's brothers, 173. Ettai- yapuram, 173. Events preceding Major Bannerman' s Expedition, 173. Conduct of Kattaboma, 173. Orders of Government, 173. Commencement of final struggle, 173. Kattaboma breaks away, 174. Mr. Jackson's proceedings disapproved, 174. Katta- boma defended, 174. Kattaboma condemned, 175. Subsequent letter of the Board of Revenue to the Madras Government, 175. Extracts, 175. Hopes of Government, 175. Collector superseded, 175. An inquiry to be instituted, 176. Fresh orders from Gov- ernment, 176. Recapitulation, 176. Disapproval of Jackson's severity, 176. Acquittal of the murder of Lieutenant Clarke, 177. A new arrangement to be made, 177. Con- clusion arrived at, 177. Mr. Jackson's character, 177. Mr. Lushington's dealings with Kattaboma, 178. He refers to Government, 178. An expedition recommended, 178. Different sides taken by different Poligars, 178. Troops set free by the taking of Seringapatam, 179. Major Bannerman'' s Expedition, 179. Letter of Government to the Board of Revenue, 180. Reasons of Government, 180. Proclamation by the Collector, 180. To all Poligars, Landholders, and Inhabitants of every description within the coun- tries commonly called the Tinnevelly Pollams, 180. Attempt to take Panjalamkurichi, 181. To the Secretary to Government, 182. Call to the Poligar to surrender, 182. The Poligar's escape anticipated, 182. Failure of the attack, 182. Dissatisfaction with Native troops, 183. The fort abandoned, 183. The Poligar's end, 183. Major Ban- nerman to the Secretary to Government, 183. Particulars of Major Bannerman's expedi- tion, 183. Events which followed the Poligar's escape, 184. Assistance of Ettaiyapuram, 184. Capture of important prisoners, 184. Subrahmanya Pillai's guilt and sentence, 185. Two principal offenders executed, 185. Kattaboma taken, 187. Assembly to witness the execution of Kattaboma, 187. Sentence on Kattaboma, 187. Address to the assembled Poligars, 188. Execution of Kattaboma, 188. Disloyal Poligars dispos- sessed, 189. Disarmament ordered, 189. Penalties for disobedience, 189. Explanation of reasons, 190. Forts to be demolished, 190. Poligars ask for help to demolish their forts, 191. Approval of Government, 191. Results, 191. Proclamations inscribed on brass, 192. Leniency to certain Poligars, 192. Banishment of dangerous persons, 192. Mapillai Vanniyan, 193. Reappearance of the demolished forts, 193. Major Banner- man's success, 193. Till TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER Till. THE LAST POLIGAR WAR, 194. Events preceding the outbreak, 194. General Welsh's account, 194. Mr. Hughes's account, 194. The two Panjalamkurichi brothers, 19.5. Escape of the prisoners from the Falamcotta Jail and subsequent events, 195. Position of things prior to the outbreak, 195. Escape of the prisoners, 195. Unavailing pursuit, 196. Measures adopted by the authorities, 196. Attack on the camp by the Poligars, 196. Arrival of troops at Panjalanikurichi, 197. Condition of the fort, 197. Retreat from Panjalamkurichi, 197. Preparations for resistance, 197. Hughes's opinion, 198. Failure of attack in Kadalgudi, 198. Defence of Srivaikuntham, 199. The Native Christians, 199. Welsh's error, 199. Return to Panjalamkurichi, 200. March to Panjalamkurichi, 200. Skirmish on the way, 200. Description of fort, 201. The assault on the fort, 201. The defence, 201. Bravery of the enemy, 202. Aid of E^taiyapuram, 202. More extensive preparations, 202. Help obtained from Ceylon, 202. Sortie from the fort in a storm, 203. The final assault, 203. A breach made by the battery, 204. Successful assault, 204. The enemy abandon the fort, 204. Killed and wounded, 204. The interior of the fort, 205. Description of the enemy's defences, 205. Destruction of the fort, 205. Reminiscences of the Dumb bro- ther, 206. Veneration in which the dumb brother was held, 206. He is discovered amongst the wounded, 206. His concealment, 207. Tombs — At Ottapiddramont mile from Panjalamkurichi, 207. In the Cemetery at Panjalamkurichi, 207. The Panjalamkurichi Epic, 207. Victory Canto, 208. CHAPTER IX. CONCLUSION OF THE POLIGAR WAR, CESSION OF THE CARNATIC TO THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT. Transfer of the war to Sivagangai, 209. Armed retainers of the Poligars still at large, 209. Welsh's estimate of the Poligars, 209. Fort of Kamudi, 209. Ramnad, 209. Colonel Martinz, 210. Junction with Colonel Innes's force, 210. The " Murdoos" and " Sherewele," 210. The two Marava States, 210. Orme's Nellicotah, 210. Description of Sivagangai, 211. The people of Sivagangai, 211. Usurpation in Sivagangai, 211. Conditions offered to the rulers of Sivagangai, 211. Death of the chief, 212. Colonel Stewart's expedition, 212. The Murdoos, 212. Origin of the title Marudu, 212. The two brothers, 213. Vellai Marudu, 213. Chinna Marudu, 213. End of the Marudus, 214. The village of the Marudus, 214. Reasons for Kattaboma's taking refuge in Sivagangai, 214. Mr. Lushington's policy, 215. Explanation of the hostility of the Marudus, 215. Smaller forts attacked, 215. Small naval war, 215. Success of Master Attendant of Paumben, 216. The Capture of Kdlaiydrkovil, 216. Nature of the enemy's resistance, 216. Burning of Siruvayal, 216. A road to be cut through the jungle, 217. Attack on a post, 217. Another post taken, 217. A post taken, 218. A redoubt erected, 218. The .attempt to cut through the jungle abandoned, 218. Attempts to convey letters, 219. The force moves off, 219. The true heir proclaimed, 219. Success of the measure, 220. Capture of a fortified pagoda, 220. Meaning of Kalaij arkovil, 220. Attack on the place in three divisions, 220. Success of the advance through the forest, 220. Meeting of the attacking forces, 221. Description of Kalaiyarkovil, 221. Events that followed the capture of Kdlaiydrkovil, 221. Advance to Mangalam, 221. The rebels disbanded, 222. Execution of the principal rebels, 222. Results of the victory, 222. Minor rebels sent to Tuticorin, 222. Fate of Panjalamkurichi, 222. Capture of Sivattaiya, 223. The Maravas of Nanguneri, 223. Lushington's dealings with the Kaval^ars, 223. Remuneration of Kavalgars, 224. Exception of the Nangu- neri Maravars, 224. Loyal Poligars rewarded, 225. Cession of the country to the English Government, 225. Results of the cession, 225. Proclamation, 226. Consequences of the rebellion, 226. Future condition of Poligars, 226. Kattaboma's offence, 226. Sup- } > i • s.sion of the rebellion, 226. Proofs of British Government's strength, 226. Punish- ment of rebellion necessary, 226. Loyalty rewarded, 226. Estates of rebels not appro- priated by Government, 227. Hopes for the futuro, 227. All weapons prohibited, 227. Arms no longer necessary, 227. Evil custom to be relinquished, 227. Amnesty to all but a few, 227. A permanent assessment promised to the Poligars, 228. Concluding Remarks, 228. Professor Wilson's anticipations, 228. War the normal condition of the country, 229. Condition of things getting steadily worse, 229. The Poligar has become a Zamindar, 229. Improvements introduced, 229. Good government, 230. Proportionate numbers of English and Natives, 230. Prospects for the future, 230. Note on the Separation of Rdmndd from Tinnevtlly, 231. TABLE OF ( ONTEJCTS. fX CHAPTER X. Missions in Tinnevelly prior to the Cession of the Country to the English, 1801. PART I. ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS, 232. Portuguese expedition, 232. Baptism of the Paravas on the Tinnevelly coast, 232. Xavier, 232. Francis Xavier's arrival and work, 232. Estimate of Xavier, 233. Visits from village to village, 233. Xavier's administration, 234. Xavier's successor's death, 234. The period after Xavier, 235. Missions on the coast in 1600, 235. Tuticorin, 235. Kdmaiydndyakanpatti, 230. Inscription, 236. Date of inscription, 236. Zemindar's name, 236. Origin of the troubles, 237. Conduct of the Dutch, 237. Intolerance of the Dutch, 237. Beschi, 238. Beschi as a Tamil scholar, 238. Memoirs of Beschi, 239. Errors in regard to date, 239. Beschi's stations, 240. His life in danger, 240. Beschi acquired his Tamil in Tinnevelly, 241. Dewan to Chanda Saheb, 241. Flight of Beschi on the approach of Mahrattas, 242. Beschi's last days at Manapar, 242. His death, 243. Beschi's grave, 243. Period after Beschi, 243. PART II. MISSIONS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. Swartz, 244. Congregation and Church in Palamcotta, 244. Jaenicke, 244. Satyanathan, 245. Fever caught in the hills, 245. Commencement of the Ghristianization oftheShan- ars, 246. First Shanar convert, 246. Establishment of Mudalur, 246. Hough, 247. APPENDICES, APPENDIX I. RELATIONS BETWEEN TRAVANCORE AND TINNEVELLY. Alternations of Government in the Southern Districts, 251. Inscriptions in Tinnevelly, 251. Shermadevi, 252. Gains and losses, 252. Travancore annals when historical, 252. Appeal for help to the Ndyakas of Madura, whose head-quarters were at that time in, Trichinopoly, 253. Appeal to Trichinopoly for help, 253. Trichinopoly contingent, 253. Maravar troops, 253. A rival embassy to Tvirhinopoly, 254. Help obtained from Tinnevelly Maravas, 255. Aid from Tinnevelly Poligars, 255. Annexations in Tinne- velly, 2b f). Irruption of Chmida Sahib and- Bada Sahib, 256. Invasion of Chunda Sahib, 256. The enemy bought off, 256. Collision with the Naivab, 256. Possessions in Tinne- velly lost, 256. Negotiations, 256. Travancorians retreat from Kalakadu, 257. Kala- kadu regained, 257. Treaty with the Nawab, 257. Subsidy to the Nawab, 258. Maphuz Khan a nil Yusuf Khan, 258. Battles with the Muhammadans, 258. Yusuf Khan's army, 258. Yusuf Khan's rebellion, 259. The Nawab seizes possession, 259. The claim to Kalakadu, 259. The claim to Kalakadu renounced, 260. Travancore contingent sent to assist the British Forces, 260. Travancore aid against Hyder Ali, 200. Dangers from Poli- gars, 261. Examination of public works, 261. Major Banner man, the first Representa- tive of the British Government in Travancore in 1788 and 1789, 261. Tippu's proposals, 261. The first British Resident in Travancore, 261. New treaty signed in 1805, 262. Insurrection in Travancore ; attack on the Resident ; taking of the Travancore Lines in 1809, 262. Causes of the outbreak, 262. The Dewan seeks allies, 263. Plot to assassinate the B sident, 263. Failure of attack on the Resident, 263. Massacre of English officers and sepoys, 264. The Resident's report to Government, 264. Quilon troops attacked, Reinforcement, 205. The inhabitants of Tinnevelly warned by the Madras Govern- X TABLE OF CONTENTS. ment not to take part in the rebellion, 266. Proclamation of the Madras Government to the inhabitants of Travancore, 266. A force to be sent to restore order, 266. Taking of the Travaneore Lines, 267. General Welsh, 267. Description of the lines, 267. Successful assault, 267. March towards Trevandrum, 268. Events at Trevandrum, 268. Flight of the Dewan, 269. Death of the Dewan, 269. Fate of the rest of the rebels, 269. Political Results, 270. Aitchison's Treaties, 270. Shenkottai, 270. APPENDIX II. ACCOUNT OF THE FLOODS AND PESTILENTIAL FEVER IN TINNEVELLY IN 1810-12. Letters from Mr. Hepburn, the Collector, to the Board of Revenue in 1811, 272. APPENDIX III. TINNEVELLY NATIVE AUTHORS. Madura College, 276. Agastya, 277. Namtndhdr, 277. Alvar-tirunagari, 277. Trans- lation of the Mahdbhdrata, 278. Sri-villiputtUr, 278. Parimelafagar, 278. N'lti-neri,- vUakkam, 279. Sri-vaikuntham, 279. APPENDIX IY. SEPULCHRAL URNS IN TINNEVELLY. Shape of urns, 279. Mode of interment, 280. Characteristics of the human remains, 280. Description of contents, 280. Native theories, 281. Interpretation of names, 281. People interred not pygmies, 281. Not Hindus by religion, 282. APPENDIX V. EXPLORATIONS AT KORKAI AND KAYAL. ivnrk;ii identified, 282. Kayal, 283. Retirement of the sea from both places, 2S3. Exca- vations at Korkai, 284. Geology of Korkai, 284. Recent appearance of shells, 284. No traces of the Greeks, 284. Image of Budha, 285. Sepulchral urns, 285. Petrified human bones, 285. Explorations at Kayal, 285. China and Arabian pottery, 286. Superstitious fears, 286. Wonderful occurrence to an explorer, 286. Discovery of Arabic HISTOEY OF TIMEVELLY, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO ITS CESSION TO THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT IN A.D. 1801. CHAPTER I. INFORMATION FROM WITHOUT RESPECTING THE EARLIEST PERIOD. Introduction. — Paucity of Sources of History. Very little is known with certainty of the early history of most Chapter I, districts in India. It is a singular fact that the Hindus, though M ~. . fond of philosophy and poetry, of law, mathematics, and archi- the word teeture, of music and the drama, and especially of religious or " hl9tory - theosophic speculations and disquisitions, seem never to have cared anything for history. The original meaning of the word " history " is investigation, and the Hindus never appear to have cared to investigate. There is hardly anything in the Indian Epic poems or Puranas that can be dignified by this name. The only histories, properly so called, India has produced were written in, and pertained to, regions that can only be included in the general name of India with some qualification. These are the Raja-tarangini 1 of Cashmere and the Maha-wanso 2 of Ceylon. These compositions, it is true, are not free from poetical exagge- rations and evince much carelessness about accuracy in details, but on the whole they may be accepted as historical. Can it be that it was through the prevalence in India of a succession of dreamy philosophies that history became virtually an unknown department of literature ? This may have had something to do with it, but perhaps the chief cause was the fondness of the mass 1 Raja-tarangini, stream of kings written in A.D. 1148. 2 Maha-wanso (= San.sk. vamsa) The Great Dynasty, written between A.D. 459 and 477. 2 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY. Chapter I. Reasons w'xy the Hindus cared little for historical truth. Historical information from without. Learned Natives in Northern India have made a good beginning. Information from inscriptions and coins. Facilities enjoyed by Natives. of the people in all ages for poetical embellishment. Ifc seemed to them a dull thing to record any event in the history of a king or a country exactly as it happened. It could be made to appear so much more interesting if the poetical narrator's fertile imagina- tion were allowed free play. Whatever the cause may have been, the fact cannot be disputed that historical certainty with regard to the early history of any part of India, if attainable at all, is attainable not by means of any kind of historical composition in verse or prose proceeding from Indian literati, belonging to the district, but solely by means of coins and inscriptions and the statements contained in books written by persons belonging to foreign nations. Light is thrown, for instance, on the early history of the Pandyas and Cholas by the Singhalese Maha-wanso, and we are indebted for some interesting items of information respecting the history of Southern India to the Greeks, to the Muhammadans of the North, and to European Christian travellers. I may here appropriately quote a portion of my Address delivered at the Convocation of the University of Madras in 1879. " The study of the history, ancient literature, and archaeology of the country will never reach anything like completeness of develop- ment or realize results of national importance till it is sj-stematically undertaken by educated Natives. Learned Natives of Calcutta and Bombay, trained in European modes of thought and vieing -with Europeans in zeal for historical accuracy, have already made a promising beginning in this department of research. I trust that the Native scholars of the South will resolve that they will not be left behind in the race. The most important aid educated Natives can render to the study of the history of their country is by means of a search after inscriptions, many of which, hitherto unnoticed and unknown, they will find inviting their attention on the walls of the temples in almost every village in the interior. The only ancient Indian history worthy of the name is that Avhich has been spelled out from inscriptions and coins. Popular legends and poetical myths, by whatever' name they are dignified, may be discarded, not only without loss, but with positive advantage. No guide but our own intelligence is better than a faithless guide. Something has already been done in the direction of the search for, and decipherment of, inscriptions by Europeans, though less systematically in Madras than in Calcutta and Bombay, but much remains to be done, and will always remain, till educated Natives enter upon this branch of study with the zeal with which so many people in Europe have devoted themselves to it. Natives possess various facilities for this study which are denied to Europeans living in India. They have no reason to fear the sun. They can genorally stop in their journeys without inconvenience and examine any antiquity they see ; and whilst Europeans must be content with examining only the inscriptions on the outer walls of temples, inscriptions in the interior ako can be examined by Natives. They will also be allowed to examine inscriptions on copper plates in the EARLIEST PERIOD. o possession of respectable Native families which would not readily be Chapteb I . allowed to pass into the hands of Europeans. A Immbler, but still very important, branch of archaeological work Earliest lies open to every educated Hindu in the Tamil districts in this ramil work* Presidency. Let him set himself, before it is too late, to search out p Garo d. and discover the vernacular works that are commonly supposed to be lost The names only of many Tamil works of the earlier period survive, and many works must have been composed at a still earlier period of which even the names have been forgotten. Tamil literature seems to have known no youth. Like Minerva, the goddess of learn- ing amongst the Greeks, it seems to have sprung, full-grown and fully armed, from the head of Jupiter. The explanation of this is that every work pertaining to, or illustrative of, the youth of the language appears to have perished. Probably, however, a careful search made by educated Natives in houses and mathas would be rewarded by some valuable discoveries." The District of Tinnevelly not originally distinct from that of madura. Another difficulty under which the early history of Tinnevelly Tinnevelly labours is that in early times this district had no separate on &i nall 5'» existence, but formed merely the southern portion of the Pandya Madura, country, and this was the position it occupied under the Cholas, the early Muhammadans, and the Nayakas, as well as under the Pandyas themselves. It was not till the incorporation of the kingdom of Madura, including its various districts and depend- encies into the territories under the rule of the Nawab of A root, about A.D. 1744, that the district of Tinnevelly came to be regarded, at first for revenue purposes alone, as independent of, or at least as distinct from, the District of Madura. The only name in classical Tamil which looks like a name for Tinnevelly, Meaning of as distinct from Madura, is Ten-Pandi, the Southern Pandya r' 311-13411 '*'- country ; but this is represented as the name of one of the twelve districts in the Tamil country in which bad Tamil (Kodun-Tamil) is spoken ; and it is evident that it could not have been intended that the whole of Tinnevelly should be denoted by this name. The interpretation of some persons is that by Ten-Pandi is meant that portion of Tinnevelly which lies to the south of the Tamra- parni river. Others are of opinion that the term denotes only Nanji-nadu, the Tamil portion of South Travancore, lying to the south-west of Tinnevelly and the north- west of Cape Comorin. Tamil has always been the language of the whole of Tinnevelly, and Cape Comorin is represented in the Tamil classics as the southern boundary of the region in which Tamil is spoken. The boundary could not well be carried fuiiher south without being carried out to sea, but Tamil has always been spoken, as I know from inscriptions, in Nanji-nadu. HISTORY OF TINNEVET.LV. Earliest Inhabitants of Tinnevelly. Chapter I. Nothing is known as yet of the earliest inhabitants of Tinne- Th" hiiuribes vei ly> except that whoever they were they could not have been not represent- Aryans. The hill tribes called in Malaynlam Malayarasas (hill earliest ^ kings), and in Tamil Kanikkaras (hereditary proprietors of land), inhabitants of are not, I think, to be regarded, like the Tudas of the Nllagiris, as surviving representatives of the earliest inhabitants of the plains ; but, like the hill tribes of the Pulneys, appear to be the descendants of some Hinduised low-country people of a later period, who were driven to the hills by oppression or who volun- tarily migrated thither. Probably the earliest inhabitants came to be mixed up so completely with succeeding immigrants that it will be impossible now to distinguish them. Perhaps the best repre- The lowest sentatives at present of the earliest race of inhabitants are those bly^aoonginal long-oppressed tribes that are now considered the lowest, in the social scale, the Paraiyas and Pallas. We meet occasionally with traditions of a more or less reliable character respecting the arrival of most other tribes from other parts of the country. There can be no doubt, for instance, of the fact that the Brahmans came from the north. There can be no doubt also about the arrival from the north of the Nayakas and other Telugu castes. It is commonly supposed that the Vellalas eame from the Chola country, the Maravas from the Paninad country, and the Shanars from Ceylon. Such traditions, it is true, are too uncertain to be of much ethnological value, but it is a noticeable circumstance The Paraiy.iB that there is no tradition whatever of the arrival in the country and Pallas. a ^. an y ^^q f the Pallas and Paraiyas. From the silence of tradition it may therefore, perhaps, be inferred that those tribes were already in the district when other bunds of immigrants, represented by the other tribes or castes we now find, arrived. The names by which they are now called are not necessarily of the same antiquity as the tribes themselves. "Paraiya" means a drummer ; " Palla " appears to mean a man who works in low- lying lands, and both these names connect them with a somewhat developed state of society. If they were really the oldest tribes that settled in the district, they must have subsisted mainly by the chase, like the rude tribe commonly called Vedas, and partly by the cultivation of dry grains. The cultivation of rice by means of irrigation would seem from etymological reasons to have been a The Vellalas. specialty of the Vellalas. Vel, the root of Vellala, seems to be identical with Vel, the root of Vellam, water used for irrigation. Stono The only traces of the earliest inhabitants of Tinnevelly that implements. surv i ve? so f ar as T ara aware at present, are certain stone imple- ments that have been found near Shermadevi (Cheran-ma-devI) and Puthugudi. They were taken to Berlin by Dr. Jagor. These EARLIEST PERIOD. D implements betokened some little progress in civilization, as the Chapter I. sides were rounded and the curves symmetrical. This would identify them with what has been called the ' neolithic age.' I am unable to regard the sepulchral urns or jars found almost everywhere iu Tinnevelly as relics of the earliest period, notwithstanding the interest that attaches to them and the mystery which hangs over them. The excellence of the pottery and the circumstance that copper ornaments have sometimes been found in the urns show that the people who buried their dead in those urns, whoever they were, and at however early a period they may have lived, were a comparatively civilised race. 1 "Whatever relics of the oldest period still survive will be found, Sepulchral I think, like the stone implements referred to above, not in the urns ' valley of the Tamraparni itself, which must have been too frequently covered with water and too marshy to allow of human habitations being erected upon it at the outset, but on the gravelly slopes on either side of the valley, constituting the primeval banks of the stream. One place of this description called Aditta-nallur, near Puthugudi, has been found particularly rich in sepulchral urns, &c. I should not expect to find relics of the oldest period anywhere near the sea, as I consider it certain that the land has been slowly but steadily rising above the ancient sea level for ages, probably even before man made his appearance in the district. The rise of the land all through the historical period is capable, I think, of proof. Near Kulasekharapattanam, a town and port of some antiquity, pieces of broken pottery are occasionally found imbedded in the grit stone, a marine formation abounding in sea shells of existing species, found all along the coast. I have a specimen in my possession found about a mile from the sea-shore, but I regard this as proving, not the immense antiquity of the pottery, which does not appear to differ in the least from the pottery now in use, but rather the comparatively recent origin of some portions of the grit stone. The Tamraparni River. If the history of the dawn of a higher civilisation in Tinnevelly Attraction of could be brought to light, I have no doubt that the Tamraparni, tne T&mra- the great river of Tinnevelly, would be found to occupy the most prominent place in the picture. It must have been the facilities afforded by this stream for the cultivation of rice which attracted to its banks family after family of settlers from the north of a higher class than the rude, black aborigines. This river like the Kaveri, but unlike most Indian streams, is fed by both monsoons — 1 See Appendix. HISTORY OK I1NNEVF.I.LY. Chapter I. Description of the Tamra- parni. the south-western and the north-eastern — and is seen in full flood twice a year. It flows through a narrow but very rich alluvial valley, originally formed by itself, when natural forces appear to have been stronger than they are now, by the process of denuda- tion, and then filled up by itself in later periods by the process of sedimentary deposition. It flows smoothly to the sea without torrents and along a bed which, instead of being hollowed deeper and deeper every year, and thus becoming less and less capable of being utilised for irrigation, gets silted up a little from year to year, so that at length in the lower half of its course, between Palamcotta and the sea, it has become necessary to confine it within artificial banks. Such a river would necessarily prove an attraction to settlers, if not from the very first, yet at least from the first appearance in the district of a people systematically practising agriculture and acquainted with the cultivation of rice by irrigation. The moun. tain Potigai. • Agaftier.' Supposed to be inaccessi- ble. Rainfall on A^astj'H's hill and in the plains. Origin of the Tamraparni. — Agastya's Hill. The Tamraparni rises on a noble conical mountain called Potigai, more commonly called Potiyam, or Potiya-ma-malai, the meaning of which is probably " a place of concealment," as will be explained below. Locally it is called Periya Potigai, the great Potigai, to distinguish it from a smaller mountain adjoining it called Aindu-talai Potigai, the Potigai with the five heads. This mountain is the highest in the Tinnevelly range of ghauts, being 6,800 feet in height, and is regarded by Native poets as the distin- guishing mountain of the Pandyas, one of the titles of the Pandya king being ' lord of Potiyam.' This mountain stands back nearly ten miles from the rest of the mountains of the range, so that the Tamraparni which takes its rise upon it drains a considerable extent of mountain country before it emerges into the plains. Potiyam is visible from Palamcotta, the capital of Tinnevelly, and is still more distinctly visible from Trevandrum, the capital of Travancore, on the western side of the range. It is usually called Agastyar's Hill, or by the Euglish simply ' Agastier,' from the tradition that the great rishi Agastya, when he retired from the world after civilising the south, took up his abode in its in- accessible recesses. It was long supposed by all Natives to be in- accessible, on account of the force of the charms with which Agastya had fenced in his retreat, but Europeans have frequently found their way to the top, and some years ago, a meteorological observatory was erected near the top by Dr. Broun, the Astronomer of the Maharaja of Travancore. The rainfall on the top of the mountain was found to amount to 300 inches in the year. The rainfall at Palamcotta, half way between the mountains and EARLIEST PERIOD. / the sea, is less than 27 inches, whilst 25 inches is the general Chapter I. average in the Tinnevelly plains ; and here we see the reason why it is that, though the plains of Tinnevelly are so parched and dry, through the excessive heat and excessive evaporation, and though the rainfall is so insignificant, the Tamraparni rolls to the sea its full flood of fertilising waters twice every year, and twice every year enriches the beautiful valley through which it flows with abundant crops. In consequence of this Tinnevelly stands next to Tan j ore — yet with a long interval — in regard to the amount of revenue its land assessment yields. References to the Tamraparni in Indian Literature. Lassen in his Indische Atterthumskunde (Vol. I) describes the Lassen's refer- Tamraparnl as "an inconsiderable stream, with a renowned name." Tamraparni. Looking at the length of its course (only 70 miles from its rise to - the sea, including windings), it may certainly be considered an inconsiderable stream, but it holds a high position amongst the Indian rivers in regard to the benefits it confers ; and its name seems to have become famous in India from a very early period. It may worthily be called an " ancient river," by which I understand a river renowned in ancient song. It is mentioned amongst the rivers of India in the geographical sections of several of the Puranas, and seems to have been regarded in those times as a particularly sacred stream. It is represented as rising in the The Tamra- mountain Malaya, and this enables us to identify Malaya with the Mahabharata Southern Ghauts. The Sanskrit Malaya of course represents the Dra vidian mala, a hill. The earliest and most noticeable reference to it in Sanskrit literature is in the Mahabharata ; — " Also I will remind thee, son of Kunti (Yudhishtira, the eldest of the Pandava brothers), of the fame of the Tamraparni, in the hermi- tage connected with which the gods, desirous of heaven, performed austerities." — Aranya Parva. There is an interesting, though probably much later, verse in in the Raghu- the Eaghu-vamsa, in which the Tamraparni is mentioned. It vamsa - 6ays, " They (the Pandyas) having prostrated themselves before Raghu presented to him as their glory, the collected excellence of the pearls of the ocean into which the Tamraparni flows," iv, 50. From this it appears that it was even then known that the Tam- raparni was in the country of the Pandyas, and that pearls were found near the place where the Tamraparni fell into the ocean. The author of this poem, the celebrated Kalidasa, is generally supposed to have lived in the century before the Christian era. Some make him several centuries later. Sacred Bathing Places on the Tamraparni. Hindus have still a great idea of the religious merit of bathing in this stream. Every portion of the stream is sacred ; but 8 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY, Falls of the Tamraparni Chapter I. bathing at the waterfalls in the upper part of its course is sup- posed in these times to be specially meritorious. There are two of these waterfalls on the main stream, one called Vanatlrtham (from the name of an Asura called Vana) on the slope of Potiyaru, and another still more frequented, about 90 feet in height, at Papa-nasakani (destruction of sin). The latter is commonly called Kalyanitlrtkam, the sacred bathing place of Kalyani (Parvati), but by some Kalyana-tlrtham, the wedding bathing place, that is, the place where Parvati's marriage to Siva was exhibited to Agastya. This fall is at the place where the Tamraparni leaves the mountains and enters the plains. There is another celebrated waterfall, not far from Vana-tirtham, called Pamban-aruvi, the snake waterfall, so called on account of its long snake-like appearance when seen from a distance. It consists of two falls, the upper 500 feet in height, the lower 200 feet. This remarkable fall is not on the main stream, but on a tributary, which rises on the " five-headed Potigai." Meaning of the name of Kuttralam. Falls of Courtallum. The Chittar. The northern tributary to the Tamraparni, which does not join it till near the sea, is called the Chitra-nadi, the beautiful river, vulgarly Chittar, the little river. The falls on this stream, at Courtallum, are much celebrated, and Europeans and Hindus are equally fond of bathing in them, though for different reasons. It may be asserted without risk of exaggeration that Courtallum is the finest fresh- water bathing place in the world. Two forms of the name Courtallum are given in the Courtallum Sthala-purana, one with tt, the other with RR=ttr. If the form of the word adopted be Kuttalam, the meaning will be " the wild Atti tree " (BaiiJiinia parviflora), and the name will then signify the temple or village near the Kuttalam tree. This form of the word, Kuttalam, is said to be Sanskrit, but I can find no trace of it in any Sanskrit dictionary. If the form adopted be Kuttralam, which is the one in common use, it will mean the alam, destruction, literally poison, of Kuttru, sin, a meaning equivalent to that of the other great sacred bathing place along this range, viz., Pavanasam (properly Papanasakam, annihilation of sin). Alam is from the Sanskrit hala-hala or hiihala, " a deadly poison." This is the meaning generally attributed to the name of the place in the Sthala-purana. This shape of the word Kuttru is not found in any dictionary, but one of the most common Tamil words for sin is Kuttram, which is substantially the same. The lowest of the three falls of Courtallum is commonly called by the Natives Vada-aruvi, the northern fall. It consists of two falls, the united height of which is about 180 feet. The upper pool of this fall they call Ponguruakadal, the boiling sea, the depth of which is 38 Courtallum falls. EARLIEST PERIOD. y feet. The second fall is called Sembagatavi tlrtham, the sacred Chapter I. bathing place of the Sembaga forest. Sembaga is the Tamil form of the Sanskrit Champaka (the Miehclia Champaka). The third is called Tenaruvi, the honey fall. A poetical name of Courtallum is Tnkudam, which may best be rendered, the three plateaus or platforms. The spices cultivated at Courtallum were introduced by Mr. Casamajor in 1800. Mouth of the Tamraparni. The early Hindus must have been acquainted with the mouth of the Tamraparni long before they knew anything of its inland course or of the falls in the mountains, so that I conclude that it was near its mouth, and probably at the place where its junction with the sea took place, that people bathed and performed austerities, as the gods are represented to have done, in the time The first set- of the Mahabharata. It would seem probable that there also, at tkroent of r ... . civilised men Korkai, was formed the first settlement of civilised men in inTinnevelly. Tinnevellj r , and that it was there that the name of Tamraparni, by where? which the river became known, was first given to it. Meaning and Origin of the name Tamraparni. The meaning of the name Tamraparni, considered in itself, is 'The tree with sufficiently clear, but its application in this connexion is far from re being self-evident. Tamra means red, parni, from parna, a leaf, that which has leaves, that is, a tree. Tamraparni might therefore be expected to mean a tree with red leaves, but this is a strange derivation for the name of a river, and the idea naturally sug- gests itself that some event or legend capable of explaining the name lies beyond. It is especially worthy of notice that tins very name was the oldest name for Ceylon. It was called Tambapanni by the early Buddhists, three centimes before Christ, in king Asoka's inscription at Girnar, and when the Greeks first visited India in the time of Alexander the Great and began to inquire, with their usual zeal for knowledge, about India, the countries and peoples it contained, and the neighbouring countries, they ascertained the existence of a great adjacent island which they were told was called Taprobane — a mispronunciation of Taniba- Taprohane. pannT. Lanka, the beautiful island, is the name by which Ceylon Later names is called in the Ramayana, and ordinarily in the Maha-wanso. ot Cevlon - Sinihalam, however, is the name by which it was called by the later Buddhistic writers, from which came in regular succession the forms Sihalam, Silam, Selen-dib, Serendib, Zeelan, Ceylan, and Ceylon. [Dib is the Arabic survival of the Sanskrit dvipa, island.] From the form Silam comes the Tamil Ilam. Simha means a lion, Simhala the lion country, that is, either the country of the lion-slayers or more probably the country of the lion-like men. Tambapanni, or Tamraparni, as the name is more correctly 2 10 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter i. written in Sanskrit, is said in the Maha-wanso to have been the name of the first settlement formed by Vijaya and his followers in Lanka, from which the name came to be applied to the whole Identity of island — see Tumour's Maha-wanso, p. 57. This settlement seems the Tamra- ^ h ave Dee n near Putlam on the western coast of Ceylon, parni of I in- . . . * ' nevelTy with nearly opposite the mouth of the chief river in Tinnevelly ; and it name ' of ma J De regarded as certain that the two names had a common Ceylon. origin, one being derived from the other, like Boston in the United States and Boston in England. The name of the river may have been derived from the name of the settlement ; or vice versd, the name of the settlement may have been derived from the name of the river. The only question is, which use of the word was the Which earlier ? It may be supposed that a colony from the mouth of the the namiTvas TamraparnI in Tinnevelly carried the name over with it to a the earlier, settlement founded by it on the opposite coast of Cej'lon. Or, on the other hand, after the Aryan adventurers under Vijaya settled in Ceylon, they may have formed a settlement on the Tinnevelly coast and given the chief river on the coast the name of the town from which they came. The general and natural course of migration would doubtless be from the mainland to the island ; but there may occasionally have been reflex waves of migration even in the earliest times, as there certainly were later on, traces of which survive in the existence in Tinnevelly and the western coast of castes whose traditions, and even in some instances, whose names, connect them with Ceylon. The marriage relations into which Vijaya and his followers are said to have entered with the Pandyas would also make them acquainted witli Korkai at the mouth of the TamraparnI, the oldest capital of the Pandyas, which must have been their capital at that time, and the river may thus have been indebted for its name to those Singhalese visitors. At all events it seems more natural that TamraparnI, " the tree with the red loaves," should have been first the name of a tree, then of a town, then of a district, then of a river (it being not uncommon in India for villages to receive their names from remarkable trees), than that it should have been the name of a liver at the outset. Lassen interprets TamraparnI to mean " a tank with red lotuses," but this derivation seems to be quite unsupported. In Tamil poetical literature the first member of the compound is omitted and the river is called the Porunei, that is, the Parni, alone. The English sometimes erroneously write and pronounce the name as Tamrapoorney, but the error is derived from the old practice of writing the second part of the name Purni, instead of Parni. Greek Name for the TamraparnI. Tho Solon of The Greeks in the time of Ptolemy called the river by the name the Greeks. f the Solen. This is a remarkable circumstance, because they had EARLIEST PERIOD. 11 called Ceylon for several centuries by the name of Taprobane, and Chapter I. the name of the river being identical with this name of Ceylon, one would have expected that they would have called it also by the name of Taprobane. It might almost be supposed that TamraparnI was not the name of the river in actual use when the Greek merchants arrived in Southern India, but this supposition is inconsistent with the use of the name in the Mahabharata, for the bulk of the Mahabharata is probably much more ancient than the commencement of Greek commercial relations with the South, which dates only from the Christian era, and there is no reason to suppose that the portion of the Mahabharata in which the refer- rence to the river is contained could have been inserted at a later period for sectarian purposes. The connection in which the name stands in the geographical lists in the Puranas is also unsectarian. It seems therefore necessary to suppose that the river, though called the Solen by the Greeks, was even then called the Tamra- parnI by the natives, or at least by the Brahmans. How is this to be explained ? Lassen supposes that the old name of the prin- cipal stream was Sylaur, which also he supposes to be the present name of the tributary stream. No such name, however, as Sylaur is, or appears ever to have been, in use. This is evidently a mistake for Sytaur, the name by which I find that the river was called by English officials as late as 1810. The mistake is only of t for /. In our times the name is generally written Chittaur, The Chittar. and this stands for Sittar or Chittar, which means the little river. It is evident also that the tributary river could never have been the principal stream, because it drains a much smaller extent of hill country. " Solen " has a meaning in Greek, and may there- fore have been intended to be a Greek word. One of its meanings is a shell fish, and for want of a better explanation it may perhaps be held that the river was called by this name by the Greeks on The chanks account of the chanks, then as now, found in great numbers near ncar * he its mouth. The chank is the Turbinella ra/pa. Up to the present Tamraparni. time the greater number of the chanks used in commerce are found in the sea adjacent to the mouth of this river, and every field in the neighbouring country bears witness, by the chanks found imbedded in the alluvium, to the fact that they abounded here at that early period also, when the delta was being formed. Chanks seem always to have been used throughout India as instru- ments of music (or rather as instruments of noise ?) and in Northern India they are much used as a material for making ornaments. The Greeks spoke of the Solen as taking its rise on a mountain called The Botti^o Bettigo, and it seems conceivable that by this name the}' meant to tlle Greeka - represent " Potigai," the name of the mountain on which we have seen that the TamraparnI rises. This enables us to identify the Bettigo of the Greeks, like the Malaya of the Puranas, the mountain on which the Tamraparni rises, with the Southern Ghauts. 12 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. The Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas. Chapter I. The Tamil people, or as they are called in Sanskrit, the Dravidas, Legendary were divided in ancient times into three great divisions, the Cheras, origin of the Cholas, and Pandyas. The arrangement of the names is climactic, and denotes that the Pandyas were supposed in those times to have dynasties. Derivation of 1 P&ndya.' the preeminence, a supposition which appears to be in accordance with the facts of the case. According to Tamil legends Cheran, Cholan, and Pandyan were three brothers who at first lived and ruled in common at Korkai, near the mouth of the Tamraparni. The lands held by all three in common were at Mukkani (the three properties) near Korkai. Eventually a separation took place. Pandiyan remained at home. Cheran and Cholan went forth to seek their fortunes and founded kingdoms of their own to the north and west. We have a similar representation, perhaps merely an echo of the Tamil tradition, in the Hari-vamsa and several Puranas in which Pandya, Kerala, Kola, and Chola are represented as the four sons of Akrida, or of Dashyanta, the adopted son of Turvasu, a prince of the Lunar line of Kshatriyas. Who the Kola referred to here was is not clear. Was he supposed to be the ancestor of the Kolas or Kolarians of Central India ? This is very improbable. Kola is said to be identified by the Kerala Mahatmya with Kolam, or Kolattunadu, North Malabar. This derivation involves difficulties, but it is the only reasonable one I have met with. The Pandyas. The Sanskrit name Pandya is written in Tamil Pandiya, but the more completely Tamilised form Pandi is still more commonly used all over Southern India. I derive Pandya, not from the Tamil and Malayalam Pandu, ancient, though that is a very tempt- ing derivation, but from the Sanskrit Pandu, the name of the father of the five Pandava brothers. This very form Pandya, in the sense of a descendant of Pandu, is mentioned, as I am informed by Professor Max Midler, by Katyayana, the immediate successor of Panini. It is evident that the kings of this race by their adoption of this name meant to claim kindred with tho celebrated Pandava brothers, and the marriage of Arjuna with the daughter of the Pandya king seems to have been recorded, or invented, as an evidence of this relationship. The earliest indubitable reference to the Pandya kingdom in the records of Northern India is in one of Asoka's inscriptions about B.C. 250. \ :! OF Aijmia to Madura. ArJI'Na's INTERMARRIAGE WITH THE PANDYAS. This marriage is supposed to be referred to in the Adi-parva of the Maha-bharata. In the Sanskrit original, however, the king is not called a Pandya, but is merely mentioned by his name EARLIEST TERIOD. 13 ■as Chitravahana, and his city is called, not Madura, but Manipura. Chapteb I. This city is placed in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary in the Kalinga country, not in or near the country of the Pandyas. The king's daughter's name is Chitrilngada. Arjuna marries the damsel and remains in Manipura, according to his pledge, till a son is born, who is called Babhruvahana. The Tamil prose translation of the Mahabharata boldly identifies Manipura with Madura, calls Chitravahana a Pandya king, and also identifies him with Malayadhvaja, the second king in the Madura lists of Pandyas. This identification might be concluded to be a wholly unwarranted invention of the Tamil translator were it not for an incident related in the South Indian edition of the Sanskrit text of the Maha-bharata. It is therein stated (in the Sabha-parva) that Saha-deva, one of the Pandava brothers, in the course of his dig-vijaya tour, visited Manipura and greeted his sister-in-law Ohitrangada, Arjuna's wife. In this narrative Manipura is described as the residence of the Tandy a king, and Saha-deva receives from the Pandya king himself valuable presents. This statement vindicates the honesty of the Tamil translator, but unfortunately the doubt is only removed a step further back, for Professor Wilson states that this incident is not contained in the northern copies of the Maha-bharata. It was not in his own copy, and he had five copies in Benares examined, in none of which was the incident mentioned. This seems fatal to the identification. He mentions also that in the Bhagavata Purana Arjuna's bride is represented as the daughter, not of the Pandya king, but of the serpent king of Manipura. Oldest Pandya Titles. The Pandya dynasty may have existed before this relationship The Maran. with the Pandava brothers was thought of, for Maran, not Pandi- yan, appears to have been the most ancient name of the head of the dynasty. In the titles given to the Pandya king in old inscriptions I have always found " the Maran" stand at the head of the list, and I found a portion of Korkai itself called, not Pandya-Mangalam, but Mara-Mangalam, " the good fortune of the Maran." The names seem to have gone in pairs, Mara and Korkai, Pandya and Madura. Korkai-ali, ruler of Korkai, is a title given to Kulasekhara, the supposed founder of the Pandya dynasty, by the author of the Vettri-verkai, himself a Pandya king. Intkucourse of the early Singhalese with the Pandyas. Korkai, at the mouth of the Tamraparni, must have been the residence of the Pandyas at that early period, six centimes before 14 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Vijaya's mar riage. Chapter I. Christ, when the king of Tamraparnl (Ceylon) is said to have sent over ambassadors to negotiate an alliance by marriage with the Pandyas. " The Southern Madhura " is the place where the Pandyas are said to have lived and reigned at that time, but this may have been an anachronism, the very existence of Korkai having most probably at the date of the composition of the Maha- wanso been forgotten. The particular Pandya king who then . reigned is not mentioned, and the name as written in the Pali of the Maha-wanso differs slightly from the form current in India. He is called sometimes Pandawo, which is evidently meant for Pandava, and Pandu, which stands either for Pandu, the father of the Pandavas, or for Pandi, the common Tamil form of Pandya. According to the story Vijaya married first a Yaksha, or demon- princess (a princess of the aboriginal Vedas ?), but afterwards sent over to the continent for a human bride, in order that he might get himself duly inaugurated as a sovereign. The Pandya king gave him his daughter, as requested, and she was accompa- nied to Ceylon by a great retinue of maidens, who were given in marriage to Vijaya's companions. Vijaya, according to the story, had no son of his own, but he appointed a son of his brother to be his successor. This prince is called in Pali Pandu-vasa-deva, by which we are probably to understand Pandu- vamsa-deva, and though he is said to have come from Sinihapura, the city in Northern India from which Vijaya himself came, we can scarcely err in concluding that he was really a prince of Pandya extraction. The fourth prince in the line was called Pandukabhaya, a name which evidently also betokens some connexion with the Pandyas. It is worthy of notice that it was by those two princes with Pandya names (princes from Tinnevelly ?) that the three great reservoirs for which Ceylon is famous are said to have been made. May it hence be concluded that the idea of making reservoirs for irrigation was borrowed by the early Singhalese from the peoplo of the Tinnevelly or Madura coast ? Vijaya is said to have bestowed on his Pandya father-in-law annually two lakhs worth of chanks and pearls. Does this mean that at that time Ceylon was tributary to the Pandyas ? This at least seems certain from these statements that it was the belief of the earliest Singhalese that the Pandya kingdom was in existence before the arrival in Ceylon of Vijaya and his colony of adventurers, that is, before the introduction into Ceylon of Aryan civilisation, which can hardly have been later than 550 B.C. This seems to carry up the era of the first introduction of Aryan civilisation into the Pandya country, probably at Korkai, to a very early period ; shall we say about 700 B.C. ? Ceylon was often invaded in early times by Tamilians (Damilos) from the mainland, but the invaders seem generally to have been, not Pandyas, but Cholas. Singhalese princes with Pandya names. The great reservoirs of Ceylon. Date of introduction of Aryan civilisation. EARLIEST PERIOD. 15 TlNNEVELLTf IN THE HaMAYANA. The only place in Tinnevolly supposed to be mentioned in the Chapter I. Ramayana is Mahendra. This is generally identified by Hindus Mahendra. with Mahendragiri, the loftiest mountain in the extreme southern portion of the range of ghauts, south of Agastya's hill ; but as the legend connected with it represents it as the place from which llanuman, flie monkey-god, jumped over into Ceylon, the attempt to identify it with geographical accuracy with any parti- cular place in our maps is not likely to be successful. Greek Notices of the Pandyas. Megasthenes, who was sent as an ambassador from Seleucus information Nicator, one of Alexander the Great's successors, to the court of ?? llecte , d by /-ti i • t» •• /t» Megasthenes. Saudracottus (Chandragupta), king of the Prasu (Prachyas or easterns) at Palibothra (Pataliputra) , near the modern Patna, about B.C. 302, speaks of a country in India called Pandaia, after the name of the only daughter of ' the Indian Heracles,' that is, of Krishna. I have no doubt that the country his informants meant was that of the Pandyas. A writer who had heard of the Calingae and Andarae (the Kalingas and Andhras) could not but have heard also of the Pandyas. He partly, it is true, misappre- hended the legends related to him, but he was right in deriving the name of the Pandya country from that of its rulers and in connecting their name in some fashion, however erroneously, with the cycle of Krishna myths. Every thing related respecting the country by Megasthenes, especially the statement that it was there that pearls were procured, serves to identify it with the Pandya country, and especially with the southern portion of the Pandya country, Tinnevelly, along the coast of which at that time were the chief stations of the pearl fishery. It may be interesting to give here in Megasthenes' own words, as quoted by Pliny, the strange mixture of truth and error he accepted and handed down. "He" (the Indian Heracles) " had a very numerous progeny The Indian of male children born to him in India (for like his Theban eiac ea namesake he married many wives), but had only one daughter. The name of this child was Pandaia, and the land in which she was born and with the sovereignty of which Heracles intrusted her was called after her name Pandaia, and she received from the hands of her father 500 elephants, a force of cavalry 4,000 strong, and another of infantry consisting of about 130,000 men. Some Indian writers say further of Heracles that when he was going over the world and ridding land and sea of whatever evil monsters infested them, he found iu the sea an ornament for women, which even to this day the Indian traders who bring their wares to our 16 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter I. markets eagerly buy up as such and carry away, while it is even more greedily bought up by the wealthy Romans of to-day, as it Pearls. was wont to be by the wealthy Greeks long ago. This article is the sea pearl, called in the Indian tongue (?) margarita. But Heracles, it is said, appreciating its beauty as a wearing ornament, caused it to be brought from all the seas into India that he might adorn with it the person of his daughter." Translation from Schwanbeck's Megasthenes by J. W. McCrindle t Esq., Indian Antiquary for September 1877. 1 The exact situation of the country of Pandaia and some parti- culars in its administration are given in another extract from Megasthenes handed down by another Greek writer : " Heracles begat a daughter in India whom he called Pandaia. To her he assigned that portion of India which lies to the southward and extends to the sea, while he distributed the people subject to her rule into 365 villages, giving orders that one village should each day bring to the treasury the royal tribute, so that the queen might always have the assistance of those men whose turn it was to pay the tribute in coercing those who for the time being were defaulters in their payments." — Indian Antiquary for December 1877. Pliny, following apparently another passage of Megasthenes, in his enumeration of Indian nations, mentions a nation called Pandae. We cannot doubt that the Pandyas, wherever he may have supposed them to be located, were the people referred to. His statement that the Pandae alone among Indian nations were ruled by women, though not correct, so far as is known, if supposed to relate to the Pandyas of Madura, may be regarded as sufficiently applicable to the peculiar social usages of the Malabar coast, where almost every inheritance still runs in the female line, and where, in Pliny's own time, at least, if not also in that of Megasthenes, the Pandyas of Madura had colonies. Pliny expressly mentions that a portion of the western coast was in his time (A.D. 77) under the rule of king Pandion, " far away from his mediterranean emporium of Modoura ;" yet he remarks that this name, with others in the same neighbourhood, was new to him. He evidently had no idea that the people of king Pandion were identical with the Pandae he had already described. Porna or l'uiuliuu ? The Pandyas Embassy to Augustus. No information respecting the Pandya country in general or Tinnevelly in particular is supplied to us by the Greeks between Siuee then published separately. EARLIEST PERIOD. 17 the time of the successors of Alexander and the commencement of Chapter I. Greek commercial intercourse with India, in the early years of the Christian era, when we begin to be supplied with information of an interesting nature. I regard it as nearly certain that the Indian king who sent an embassy to the Emperor Augustus, was not Poms, but Pandion, the king of the Pandyas, called in Tamil " the Pandiyan." The earliest account of the embassy is given by Strabo (A.D. 20). The statement generally made by the Greek and Roman historians who refer to this embassy is that it was sent by the Indi, without further explanation as to who those Indians were. Strabo says " the embassy was from king Pandion ; or according to others " (whose opinion apparently he did not endorse) " from king Porus." One of those " others " was Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Strabo, who says he saw the ambassadors himself. The name of Porus had been known in Europe for several centuries, through the historians of Alexander's Indian campaign, and it was natural that Greeks should fall into the mistake of supposing every Indian king a successor of Porus, whereas the name Pandion was one which up to that time had never been known and could not have been invented. This Indian embassy has a place in the Chronicon of Eusebius (320 A.D.), but neither in the ordinary (defective) Greek text of the Chronicon, nor in the Armenian version, is the name of the king from whom it proceeded mentioned. Fortunately, however, the name, as written by Eusebius, appears in the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus (A.D. 800), whose work has been used to restore or complete the Greek test of the Chronicon, and who says, under the head of the 185th olympiad, " Pandion, king of the Indians, sends an embassy to Augustus, desiring to become his friend and ally." This incident is an interesting proof of the advanced social and political position occupied by the Pandyas, probably in consequence of the foreign trade they carried on, viz., at Korkai, in connexion with the pearl fishery, and also on the Malabar coast. After the termination of the political relations that subsisted between the successors of Alexander and the princes of Northern India we thus find that the Pandyas were the only Indian princes who perceived the advantages of a European alliance. Information about Korkai furnished by the Greeks. More is known about Korkai from the Greeks than from Native The Kolkhoi writings or traditions. It is mentioned by the author of the q th ? Periplus Maris Erythraei, the circumnavigation of the Erythraean or Red Sea (by which we are to understand the whole Arabian Ocean from the mouth of the Red Sea to the Bay of Bengal), an intelligent Greek merchant who visited India probably about KoShcri* ° 3 " '■■ ■ ''fiff t P^ firriTiirtrt ti i- W-' HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Korkai. Chapter I. A.D. 80. It is mentioned also by Ptolemy the Geographer A.D. 130. By these it is called " Kolkhoi emporium." It is one of the very few places in India found in the ancient series of maps called from the name of their discoverer the Peutinger Tables. The date of these tables is unknown, but on examining the Asian segments, I came to the conclusion that the author could not have had any acquaintance with Ptolemy, and that therefore probably he lived at an earlier period. Some of the European segments seemed to me to belong to (or to have been brought down to) a later date. Both the author of the Periplus and Ptolemy agree in representing Kolkhoi as the headquarters of the pearl fishery at that time and as included in the dominions of king Pandion. Ptolemy places it immediately to the north of the River Solen. It was the first port visited by the Greeks after rounding Cape Comorin and the fir.st place on the Tinnevelly coast whose name was recorded by them. The Gulf of Manaar was called by them from the name of this place the Colkhic Gulf, from which it may be included that Kolkhoi was considered by them a place of much importance. It is called in the Peutinger Tables Colcis Indorum, the Colcis of the Indians, to distinguish it from the better known Colchis on the Black Sea. The Tamil name of the place is almost identical with the Greek. It is Kolkai, and though this is now euphonically pronounced Korkai, through the necessary change of / into r before k, yet it is still pronounced Kolkai on the western coast, and I have found it written Kolkai in an old Tamil inscription in the temple at Tiruchendur. This place is now three or four miles inland, but there are abundant traces of its having stood at one time in the sea coast and of having at a previous period been under the sea. I have found the tradition that it was once the centre of the pearl trade and the principal seat of civil government in the south still surviving amongst people in the neighbourhood. Afer the sea had retired from Kolkhoi, in consequence of the gradual elevation of the line of coast, a new emporium arose between it and the sea, which acquired groat celebrity during the middle ages. This was Kayal, a place to which I shall presently refer. This identification of Kolchoi with Kolkai is one of much importance, because, being perfectly certain, it helps forward other identifications. Kol in Tamil means to slay, kai, hand or arm. Kolkai therefore would seem to moan the hand or arm of slaughter, which is said to be an old poetical name for an army, a camp, the first instrument of government in a rude age. Kai is capable also of meaning place, e.g., Poti-kai, place of concealment, the name of the mountain from which the river of Korkai takes its rise. Compare the name Coleroon, properly Kollidam, the place of slaughter. It is worthy of notice that in so far as the two Importnnco of this i'1'iitiGcation EARLIES1 PERIOD. 10 words included in the name of Kolkai are concerned, the Tamil Chapter I. language does not seem to have altered from that day to this. The junction of the words has been euphonised by Sandhi, but the words themselves remain the same. The line of coast including South Tinnevelly and South Travancore was called Paralia, by the author of the Periplus. It commenced at what they called " the red cliffs " south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin, but also Korkai. Paralia is the Greek word for coast ; it does not appear to me to be the Greek mode of writing a native name, for Ptolemy mentions several Paralias. The coast mentioned by this name included Ptolemy's country of the Aii, South Travancore, and that of the Kare'i, South Tinnevelly. The Kare'i of the one writer inhabited the Paralia of the other. Karai in Tamil means a coast, from the verbal root karai, to be melted down, to be washed away, and is obviously identical in meaning with the Greek Paralia. It is worthy of notice that up to the present time several portions of the Tinnevelly coast are called Karaichuttru, the coast circuit, whilst a caste of fishermen farther north are called Karaiyar, coast people. This Tamil word for coast occurs in the names of several places mentioned by Ptolemy, though the places themselves have not been identified, e.g., Peringkarai. If this name had been written Perung instead of Pering, it would have been identical, letter for letter, with the Tamil of the present time. The meaning would have been " great-shore." Cape Comorin as known to the Greeks. Cape Comorin is not now in Tinnevelly, but in Travancore, but Description of as it originally belonged to Tinnevelly, being the southern extre- Sf?J e C JJri" n mity of the Pandya country, and as it is so near the Tinnevelly plus, boundary and is so celebrated a place, it seems desirable that I shoidd mention here what is said about it by the Greeks. It is called Komaria Akron, Cape Komaria, by Ptolemy, and Komarei or simply Komar by the author of the Periplus. The latter says, " After Bakare occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called Paralia (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to kingPandion), and a city of the name of Kolkhoi. In this tract the first place met with is called Balita, which has a good harbour and a village on its shore. Next to this is another place called Komar, where is the cape of the same name and a haven. Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done by women ; since it is related that the goddess once on a time resided at the place and bathed. From Komarei towards the rs-J-j+aret. fr, ,ifi : y ft'M'iWl 20 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY. Kumari or Kumari in Indian lite- rature. Chapter I. south the country extends as far as Kolkhoi, where the fishing for pearls is earned on. Condemned criminals are employed in this service. King Pandion is the owner of the fisher}'. To Kolkhoi succeeds another coast lying along a gulf having a district in the interior bearing the name of Argalon. In this single place are obtained the pearls collected near the island of Epiodoros." When the writer says "it is related " that the goddess used to bathe there it seems to be implied that he had heard of the existence of some written statement to this effect. Probably however he only meant that a tradition to that effect was in existence and was believed. This monthly bathing in honour of the goddess Durga, called also Kumari, is still continued at Cape Comorin, but is not practised to the same extent as in former times. The place has derived its name from the Sanskrit Kumari, a virgin, one of the names of the goddess Durga, the presiding divinity of the place, but the shape which this word has taken is, especially in Komar, distinctively Tamilian. In ordinary Tamil Kumari becomes Kumari ; and in the vulgar dialect of the people residing in the neighbourhood of the Cape a virgin is neither Kumari nor Kumari, but Kumar, pronounced Komar. It is remarkable that this vulgar corruption of the Sanskrit is identical with the name given to the place by the author of the Periplus . . . Through the continued encroachments of the sea, the harbour the Greek mariners found at Cape Comorin has completely disappeared ; but a fresh water well remains in the centre of a rock, a little way out at sea. Kumari in Tamil, Kumari in Sanskrit, is regarded by Puranic writers as the name of a river, one of the seven great sacred rivers of India. The southern portion of the peninsula is called by the same name. It is said to be so called after the name of Kumari, a daughter of Bharata, the first Emperor of India, who was made by her father queen of the south. The Pandya king is called Kumari (s)-serppan, lord of the Kumari shore, because to him the lands lying along the banks of the Kumari belonged. It might be supposed that by the Kumari river the TamraparnI was meant, but this cannot have been the case, for the name Kumari is not ncluded in the classical list of the names of this river. The Native tradition is to the effect that there was originally a river at Cape Knman not a Comorin, a real river — a sacred river where people went to bathe, — river but n, place' on tho but that this river has been swallowed up by the sea. This might perhaps have been believed, had it not been for the explicit state- ment contained in the Periplus. No Native tradition goes back so far or possesses anything liko such weight as this statement of an intelligent Greek. It is evident, therefore, that in ancient times, as now, it was in the sea, not in a river, that people bathed. sea coast. EARLIEST PERIOD. 21 Besides this, the title given to the Pandya king witnesses against Chapter I. this idea, for serppu denotes a coast of the sea, not the banks of a river. Knniari(s)-serppan means therefore lord of the Kumari sea- coast. It is certain also, that the Kumari in whose honor people bathed at Cape Comorin was not king Bharata's daughter, but the goddess Durga, also called Kumari, whose special name at Cape Comorin is BhagavatI, This little episode about Cape Comorin shows how little reliance is to be placed on Native traditions, when not corroborated by information derived from independent sources. Paumben as known to the Greeks. It may not be out of place that I should mention what the Kory identi- fied V " Koti. Greeks said of Paumben, the island on which the celebrated temple fi of Ramesvarani stands, though that place like Cape Comorin lies beyond the boundary of Tinnevelly. Cape Comorin is in Travancore ; Paumben in the zemindari of Ramnad and district of Madura. Ptolemy describes a place called Kory as an island in the Argalic Gulf or Palk Strait. Elsewhere he describes it as a cape, and correctly, for it was both, if it is to be identified, as I have no doubt it is, with Paumben, a long narrow island terminating in a long spit of sand. The entire bay between Point Calymere and the island of Paumben is called poetically Rama's bow, and each end is called Dhanush koti, the tip of the bow or simply koti (in Tamil kodi) the tip, end, or corner. The most celebrated of these kotis was that at Ramesvaram, at the extremity of Paumben, and this word koti would naturally take the shape, especially when pronounced by foreigners, of Kori. The ease with which this change might take place is shown by the circumstance that this very word koti, as the name of a high number, is written and pronounced crore. It is remarkable that the Portuguese, without knowing anything of the Kory of the Greeks, called the same spit of land Cape Ramanacoru. The island of Paumben, " snake-like," takes its name from the The Paumben channel through the " Adam's Bridge " reef, formerly tortuous, channel - though now straight, by which ships pass from the Gulf of Manaar to Palk Strait or the Bay of Tondi. Ramesvaram, the name of the celebrated temple at the eastern extremity of the island, means Rama's Isvara, Rama's Lord, that is Siva recognised and worshipped by Rama, according to the Saivas, as his lord. Isvara at the end of a compound generally denotes Siva. A name identical with this in meaning is Rama-natha, Rama's Lord, the first part of Rama-natha- puram, the name of the capital of the Ramnad (Rama-natha) Zemindari, in which the island of Paumben is included. This recognition of Siva by Rama is supposed to have been made on Rama's return from Ceylon. &.FT)&&Xti!i£&J&ll&ii>^j*4 22 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY. Identity of Kolis and Kory. Chapter I. In the various Greek and Roman geographical works prior to the time of Ptolemy, the name Kolis occupies an important place. In Ptolemy Kolis disappears and Kory, a name pre- viously unknown, comes up instead. I have little doubt that Kolis and Kory were identical, and that the place meant by both was the island cape of Paumben or Ramesvaram. This appears from the circumstance that it is stated by Pliny to be the promontory of India which was nearest Ceylon, between which and it there was only a shallow sea. As it was regarded also as the southernmost point of India, it might be supposed that Cape Comorin was meant, but in the times preceding Ptolemy Cape Comorin was not known to be a cape. Pomponious Mela described Kolis as an "angle," a meaning which corresponds to that of koti in the Indian languages. He supposed it to be the termination towards the east of the southern coast, which extended according to him thus far nearly due east from the Indus. Various cities called Madura. " The Pandion" and Madura as known to the Greeks. I have already mentioned that the Pandyan king was called Pandion by the Greeks. They called the people also Pandiones. In this they were correct, for the people have always been called by the same name as the prince. He was the Pandi, and they the Pandis. Ptolemy's name for Madura is Modoura, described by him as ' Basileion Pandionis,' the royal city of Pandion. Pliny spells the name Modura. The Sanskrit mode of spelling this name is Mathura. It is called the Southern Mathura in Sanskrit, to distinguish it from the original Mathura, Krishna's birth-place in the north-west, called Methora by the earlier Greeks, "the Modoura of the gods" by Ptolemy, and Muttra by the modern English. There is another place, of the same name, Matura in the south of Ceylon, and there is a small island called Madura, in the Eastern Archipelago, which received its name from Brahman immigrants from India. Greek trade with the Tinnevclly Coast. Date of Greek intercourse with Southern India. The arrival in India of the Greek merchants from whom Ptolemy and others obtained their information appears to have been contemporaneous with the conquest of Egypt by the Romans. The earliest Roman coins found in India are those of the Emperor Augustus. A large number of Roman Imperial aurci (gold coins) were found some years ago on the Malabar coast; upwards of thirty types of which, commencing with the earlier coins of Augustus and including some of Nero, were desoribed by me in a paper printed at Trevandrum in 1851 by the Slaharajft of Travancore, to whom the coins belonged. The EARLIEST PERIOD; - :> > Greek word for rice, ' oryza ' dates from the time, whenever that Ohaptbb I was, when rice was first introduced into Europe, and it cannot be pfcenician doubted that here we have the Tamil word ' an'si,' rice deprived Trade, of the husk, this being the condition in which then, as now, rice was exported. Of all the places frequented by the Greeks the place from which rice was most likely to be exported to Europe was Kolkhoi, at the mouth of the Tamraparni. Prior to the time of the Greeks the trade with India was mainly in the hands of the Phenicians and Persians. The oldest Tamil word found in any written record in the world appears to be the word for peacock in the Hebrew text of the books of Kings and Chronicles, in the list of articles of merchandize brought fromOphir (about 1000 B.C.) in Solomon's ships, which formed a portion of the great mercantile fleet of the Phenicians. The old Tamil tbkai becomes in Hebrew tilki. The oldest Tamil word in Greek is the name for cinnamon learned by Ctesias (about 400 B.C.) from the Persians. This is karpion, the root portion of which, karpi, is no doubt identical with the Tamil-Malayalam karuppu, karppu, or karuva, the common name of cinnamon. I cannot quit the history of the mercantile intercourse of the Courageous Greeks with Southern India without mentioning a story illustra- Greek tive of their courage and enterprise. From the time of the mariner. Phenicians onwards the voyage to Ophir had taken three years, in consequence of the vessels being always obliged in those days, when the mariner's compass was unknown, to hug the coast. The voyage from the mouth of the Red Sea to the western coast of India, though not so long as this, was still very long and tedious. At length a Grecian mariner called Hippalus, noticing how steadily the south-west monsoon blew for many months together in the same direction, committed himself to the wind, with a courage almost equal to that of Columbus, and arrived safely on the western coast, near the place he wished to reach. The rest of the seafaring Greeks gladly followed his example, and in comme- moration of his exploit called the south-west monsoon the Hippalus. The latest Greek who interested himself in Southern India was Cosmas Cosmas Indicopleustes, who in A.D. 535, in his book entitled J e n g dicopleus * Christian Topography, mentions many interesting particulars regarding Ceylon and a few respecting the Malabar coast, or " Male, from which the pepper comes," but unfortunately says nothing respecting Tinnevelly or the eastern coast. -yaoett 24 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHAPTER II. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE RULE OF THE PANDYAS TO THE PEEIOD OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE VIJAYANAGAEA KINGS. Boundaries of the Pandya Country. Ch apter II. There are certain geographical stanzas current in Tamil which Geographical give the boundaries and extent of the three Tamil kingdoms — the stanzas. Chera, Chola, and Pandya. These stanzas are regarded by the Tamil people as classical and authoritative. According to the stanza relating to the Pandya kingdom its boundaries were the river Vellaru to the north, Kumari (Cape Comorin) to the south, the sea (that is the Gulf of Manaar and Palk Strait or the Bay of boundary of Tondi) to the east, and " the great highway " to the west. Of these the Pandya boundaries the eastern, viz., the sea, calls for no remark. The river Vellaru, which is represented in the Pandya stanza as the northern boundary of the Pandya country, is also represented in the Chola stanza as the southern boundary of the Chola country. The boundary line between two such restless, bellicose nations as the Pandyas and Cholas must have been continually shifting. We know indeed that at one time the whole of the Pandya country was incorporated into the Chola country. On some auspicious occasion, however, when both parties, having become thoroughly exhausted by continuous wars, were perhaps cementing peace by a marriage, their representatives seem to have been able to agree in fixing on the Vellaru as their common boundary, which settlement having been arrived at, the poets of both sides seem to have been commissioned to perpetuate the remembrance of the boundary in verse. The Vellaru, adopted as their common bound- ary, is not the Vellaru which falls into the sea near Porto Novo, for this would exclude the Cholas from Tan j ore, the most valuable portion of their dominions. The Vellaru, referred to rises in the hills near Marungapuri in the Trichinopoly District, takes a south- easterly course through the Native state of Puducotta, and falls into the sea in Palk Strait, south of Point Calymere. This identification of the Vellaru is confirmed by the circumstance that it was an old custom prevalent amongst the Nattukkottai Chetties that their women should never be allowed to cross the Vellaru, it beiug considered an act of bad omen for women to cross boundaries. EARLY HINDI PERIOD. 25 According to this identification, Trichinopoly belonged to the Chapter ji. Cholas, not to the Pandyas, which was doubtless the case in early times, Uraiyur, near Trichinopoly (the Orthoura of Ptolemy), having been the ancient Chola capital. It was during the Nayaka period that Trichinopoly became a portion of the domi- nions of the kings of Madura. Trichinopoly, indeed, not Madura, was regarded by the later Nayaks as their capital. The southern The southern boundary of the Pandyas was Cape Comorin. The western boundaries. boundary of the Pandyas, that is, the most westerly point their dominions reached at the time the stanza was written, is called Peruvali, the great highway. In another stanza the same way is called Valuti-kal, 1 that is, " the Pandya king's way." This was the pass leading into Travancore through the hills near Courtallum. The particular pass referred to was the Achchan-kovil pass. In later times this pass came to be less frequented, and the principal pass through those hills now is that at Ariyankavu. According to this, the whole of Nanji-nadu, the district in South Travancore lying to the north-west of Cape Comorin, would fall within the Pandya boundary. The entrance to the Achchan-kovil pass is further to the west even than the town called Travancore, the little town from which the kingdom of Travancore takes its name. The accuracy of this representation is confirmed by all the Nanji-nadu inscriptions. The Cholas and Pandyas agreed as we have seen in adopt- Boundary ing a common boundary. The Cheras and Pandyas do not cheras and 6 seem to have been equally inclined to agree, for whilst the Pandyas tne Pandyas. represented the Achchan-kovil pass as their western boundary, the Chera stanza represents the eastern boundary of the Cheras to be, not the Achchan-kovil pass, but Tenkasi. This would make over to Travancore a considerable slice of the Tinnevelly Taluk of Tenkasi, including Courtallum itself. It is quite possible that Tenkasi may at some time or another have come into the possession of Travancore, but inscriptions prove that in the loth and 16th centuries at least it belonged to the Pandyas. The adoption of Tenkasi, instead of the Achchan-kovil pass, as the most westerly point of the Pandya dominions, would save to Travancore the ancestral town of the dynasty, Travancore itself, but Nanji-nadu would remain a portion of the Pandya country as before. Another The Shen- kotta 1 Vakiti is a poetical name for the Pandya king ; kal means a way. Achchan- kovil is the temple of Achchan, that is, of Appan, father. The father referred to is Siva. It is worthy of notice that the use of Achchan for Appan is given by the classical Tamil grammars as an illustration of the Tamil of the Kuda-nadu, the western country, that is, Travancore. Ariyan-kavu means Aryan's guard. Aryan, or Arva. that is, Hari-hara-putra, the common Tamil equivalent of whose name is Aiyanar, is supposed to be guardian of boundaries. Kavu is the Malayalam equivalent of the Tamil kaval, guard. 4 boundary. 26 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter II. Chera stanza makes Shenkotta the western boundary of the Cheras. This is almost exactly in accordance with the present arrangement. The boundary between Tinnevelly and Travancore passes at present, I believe, through the town of Shenkotta. Formerly it lay a little to the eastward, so that the whole of the town belonged to Travancore. What is called the Taluk of Shenkotta, that is, the district between Shenkotta and the hills, appears to have belonged originally to the Pandyas, but has been a portion of Travancore for centuries. It was held for some time of the Nawab of Arcot by the Raja of Travancore (see Appendix), but was finally incorporated with Travancore in 1809. Shenkotta lies about due south of the Achchan-kovil pass, so that it would be equally suitable to be regarded as the most westerly point of the Pandya country. The extent, that is, the area, of each of the three countries is represented in the various stanzas as follows : the Chera country 800 miles ; Chola 240 ; Pandya 560. Pandya Kings. Names of the The existence of a Pandya kingdom and dynasty can be traced Sn~sun- aya back, as we have seen, several centuries before the Christian era by known. means of the Asoka inscriptions and the notices contained in the Maha-wanso, the Maha-bharata, and the writings of Megasthenes. The existence of the dynasty, however, is all that can be concluded with certainty from these notices ; no name of any king has survived. We learn from the Greek geographers who wrote after the Christian era that the Pandya dynasty not only survived till their time, but rose to special importance amongst the Indian Indian refer- states, but still no name of any Pandya king appears. The next Pandyas* ie authentic reference to the Pandyas after the visit of the Greeks and before the composition of the Maha-wanso, is that which is contained in the Brihat-samhita, one of the astronomical, or rather astrological, works of Varaha-mihira, an Indian astronomer who lived in A.D. 404. (See Dr. Kern's Translation in Journal of Royal Asiatic Society.) He mentions incidentally " the Pandya king," the river Tamraparni, and the chank and pearl fisheries. When the Dravidas are mentioned as distinct from the Cholas, as they Lists of sometimes are in the Maha-bharata and the Puranas, the Pandyas SSSj."" 8 * must be meant. I should be delighted to be able to supplement the worthy. deficiencies of the Greeks and the early Indian authorities by supplying a list of the Pandya kings from Pandyan sources, but I regret to say that I can place no oonfidenoe whatever in the lists of Pandya kings furnished by local poets and panegyrists. I should be happy to avail myself of any information respecting the Pa n ura. the original of incredible marvels. This translation is said to have been made at the request of the poet-king Ati-vira-rama Pandya, and if so, this must have been some time towards the end of the 16th century A.D. I do not mean to assert that the names of all the kings in the Madura lists are to be regarded as purely inventions of later times. I mean only that until they have been verified by inscriptions, which has not yet been the case, they are of no conceivable historical value. For the present they must take rank, I fear, with the long roll of pre-Christian Caledonian kings, whose pictures ornament the walls in Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh. It seems better, therefore, that I should leave those lists for the present unnoticed. One name only in those lists has hitherto, so far as I am aware, been authenticated by a coin ; that is Samara Kolahala (din of war, a title, rather than a name), which I found on a coin belonging to Sir Walter Elliot. The date, however, is unknown ; this is a department of research in which very little has yet been done. The names of the two last Pandya kings belonging to the Two last / original line of Pandyas appear in an inscription, as I learn from nam ^ d Dr. Burnell, at Chillambaram (Chidambaram). These are Vikrama Pandya and his son Vlra Pandya. This Vlra Pandya was conquered by Rajendra Chola (called also Vlra Chola and Kopparakesari Varma). As we know that this event happened in 1064, we now know also that the two reigns of Vikrama Pandya and Vlra Pandya preceded that date, and therefore that they preceded the Chola occupation of the Pandya country. Many Pandya kings seem to have borne this name of Vlra, but probably one of them was more famed than the rest, for we find the name given to various villages in the records, e.g., Vira-Pandya-patta- nam and Vlra-Pandya-puram. It will be seen also that there was a ' measuring rod of Vlra Pandya ' used in subsequent reigns. The Ch5la Occupation. The occupation of the entire Pandya country by the Cholas is Rajendra not even alluded to in the Madura Purana, nor is the name of any Chola. 28 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chaptek II. of the Chola kings contained in the Madura lists. This could not have been owing to the Purana having been composed and the lists completed before the Chola occupation commenced, for the last king in the lists, Kubja or Sundara, reigned long after, proba- bly 200 years after, the reign of the first Chola who ruled over the Pandya kingdom, Rajendra Chola, who commenced to reign in A.D. 1064. It is uncertain whether Rajendra Chola gained the sovereignty of the Pandya country by conquest or by volun- tary cession, but I think it could not have been by conquest, for in Rajendra two inscriptions belonging to his reign which I found in an old vict' r S v temple near Cape Comorin, one dated in the fourth year of his reign, Ahava-Malla. and the other in the fifth, a victory said to have been achieved by him over Ahava-Malla (a Jaina king of the Chalukya race) on the banks of the Tunga-bhadra, is recorded. I conclude, therefore, that if he had acquired his sovereignty over the Pandyas in a similar way by war and conquest, the fact would certainly have been mentioned. If some person living in the Chola country had asserted that Rajendra Chola had annexed the Pandya country to his own territories, the assertion would have been of no value, for it is customary for every petty sovereign in India to be repre- sented by his poets and panegyrists as having conquered all his neighbours. The value of the assertion, however, becomes widely different when we find it in inscriptions on temples in the conquered or annexed country itself, recorded by persons who must formerly have been subjects of the old dynasty, but who now set themselves to glorify the new. It is a remarkable circumstance that the remembrance of the Chola occupation of the Pandya country has entirely disap- peared from the minds of the people. I have never } r et met with any Native who had even heard of it. Yet it is a fact respecting which there cannot be the smallest shade of doubt. The country is full of inscriptions testifying to it. Rajendra Chola has also been shown by inscriptions to have reigned over the Kalinga country, or Northern Circars, in succession to the eastern branch of the Chalukyas. I have found inscriptions in Rajendra's reign in every part of Tinnevelly, and also as far as Kottar in South Travancore, which was at that time considered a portion of the Pandya country. Generally he is called simply Rajendra Chola, but in one inscription the names of both dynasties are combined, in a manner very common in subsequent reigns, viz., Rajendra Chola-Pandyan. Ee is supposed to have reigned 49 years. One of my Tinnevelly inscriptions is in the 80th year of his reign. Date of the Some traditions represent Kambar, the Tamil poet, as publish- Tamil j n g \ x [ s celebrated poelical version of the Ramayana in this reign, others as publishing il in the reign of Rajendra's successor EARLY HINDU PERIOD, 29 Kulotunga Chola. Possibly the work may have been commenced Chapter II. in the former reign and finished in the latter. Supposing it were possible to depend with certainty on either of the above-mentioned traditions, it would show that the memorial verse prefixed to Kambar's Rimayana, and which represents it as having been published in A.D. 886, could not have been authentic, this date being too early by more than 250 years. Kambar is quoted by the Buddhist Grammarian Buddhamitra, who also appears to have lived in Rajendra Chola's time — if indeed Vlra Chola, to whom the grammar was dedicated, and Rajendra Chola were one and the same person, as Dr. Burnell believed. Rajendra Chola's name is identified with that of Siva in an inscription at Kottar in South Travancore. The temple is said to have been " erected by Kulotunga Chola, in Kottar, the good town of the triple-crowned Chola, to the great divinity Rajendra Cholesvara," that is, either to Rajendra Chola considered as identified with Siva, or rather probably to Siva as worshipped by Rajendra Chola. 1 I found several records of gifts in this and other temples in the Temple to south dedicated to Rajendra Chola, one of which was by Sundara ^jendra Pandya, a clear proof that, Sundara Pandya lived, not before Rajendra Chola, but after, and therefore that as Sundara Pandya's name is in the Madura list of kings, the names of Rajendra Chola and his Chola successors ought to have been there also. Kulotunga Chola appears from Chalukya inscriptions to have Kulotunga succeeded Rajendra in A.D. 1112. Dr. Burnell places the com- oa ' mencement of his reign in 1128. He also must have had a long reign, as I have an inscription of his dated in the 44th year of his reign. The Chola or Chola- Pandya kings that followed appear to have been Karikala Chola, Vlra Chola, Yikrama Chola. Each of these is in some inscriptions styled Chola- Pandya. I have found nothing which throws any light on their date, except that they were all posterior to Rajendra Chola and that they all lived before Sundara Pandya, the last king of the old Pandya line. Karikala Chola's name occupies an important place in Chola Karikala traditions in connection with the life of Ramanuja, the great Vaishnava teacher, but it is uncertain whether the Karikala Chola mentioned in Tinnevelly inscriptions is the same person or another person of the same name. Dr. Burnell places the Karikala Chola of Tanjore somewhere about 950 A.D. This would be too early for any successor of Kulotunga Chola, as the Karikala of Tinnevelly seems to have been. It is also too early for the date of the Kari- 1 Compare the Roimn title, Divus Augustus, that is, Augustus regarded as deified after his death. A parallel case is that of RamgSwara or R&man&tha, Siva as worshipped by Rama. T am acquainted with a temple in which Siva is called lyesvara, that i>. Siva as worshipped by th>' Pandyas. 30 BISTORT 01 I IVNKVEI.I.Y. Chapter II. Ramanuja's date. Vishnu Varddhana's conversion. Kulasekhara Deva. Singhalese accounts. kala Chola by whom Ramanuja was persecuted. Ranianuja is said to have fled from Karikala's persecutions to the Court of Bitti Deva, the Ballala kiug of Dwara-samudra, whom he converted from the Jaina to the Vaishnava faith. The king on his conversion took the new name of Vishnu Varddhana, and this event has always been placed in the beginning of the 12th century. Rice in his Mysore inscriptions places it in A.D. 1117. This is one of the most important eras in South Indian history, as it gives us a date on which we can depend, and from which we can calculate backwards and forwards. For instance, as Kambar, the author of the Tamil poetical version of the Ramayana, refers to Ramanuja by name in his Sadagopar Antadi, we learn that Kambar's date must have been subsequent to A.D. 1100, not A.D. 886, as a certain verse prefixed to the Tamil Ramayana states. There seems no room for a Karikala Chola in the Chola country in the beginning of the 12th century. The ground seems preoccupied by Vlra or Rajendra Chola, Vikrama Chola, and Kulotunga Chola, but there may have been a local prince of the name, an ardent Saiva, between Rajen- dra's death and Kulotunga's accession. Anyhow it is not a matter of much importance, for it is only tradition which gives the name of Ramanuja's persecutor as Karikala Chola, whereas the date of Vishnu Varddhana's conversion rests on the evidence of inscriptions. There seems reason for placing at this period in this list of Chola-Pandya kings a king called Kulasekhara Deva, who may possibly be the Kales Dewar, who, according to the Muhammadan historians, immediately preceded Sundara Pandya, and was indeed, according to them, his father. I have seen many of Kulasekhara' 8 inscriptions in Tinnevelly ; there is one on the walls of the Tinne- velly Temple. There are also two in Sir Walter Elliot's collection, which were found at Tiruppuvanam in the Madura District, but in none is he styled either Chola or Pandya, but always simply Kulasekhara Deva. It is uncertain whether there were two princes of the name or only one. One person of the name is represented by the Singhalese as having been conquered by thorn about A.D. 1173, another as having conquered them and earned away the sacred tooth-relic about A.D. 1310. The impression however is left on my mind that a confusion of dates has taken place in the Singhalese records, and that there was only one prince of this name, who must have been a great prince ruling over a wide extent of territory, seeing that Sir Walter Elliot found an inscription of his in the Chalukya country. If Kulasekhara Deva is to be placed in tie' list of Chola- l'iindyas, it will be neoessary to give a still earlier place to a Vlra Pandya, one of the many prinoes who seem to have been called by that name. In an inscription of Kulasekhara r s mention is made of the use in the measurement of land of ' Vlra- Pandya's measuring rod.' i liis makes Vlra anterior to Kulase- EARLY HINDI' PERIOD. 31 khara, probably for a generation or two ; but whether he was a Chapter II. Chola- Pandya or the last member of the old line of Pandyas preceding Rajendra Chola, is at present uncertain. The ChSla-Panoyas. Dr. Burnell has kindly supplied me with the information he has Dr. Burnell's collected in Tan j ore respecting the Chola-Pandya dynasty. In researches - most particulars it agrees with the information I have derived from Tinnevelly and Madura sources, and the discrepancies that exist may be accounted for by the supposition, which there is every reason for believing to be well founded, that the Pandyas of the old line, the Cholas, and the Chola-Pandyas were rival dynasties, each of which, as occasion offered, was represented by its adherents to be supreme. The name of most importance at this period is that of Rajendra Chola, and I am happy to find that Dr. Burnell's date coincides with mine. The name itself, it is true, appears in various shapes in his inscriptions as Vira Chola, Kulotunga Chola (the first), Raja-rajendra Chola, Rajaraja Chola, Narendra Chola, and Raja- rajanarendra Chola. He is also said to be called Koppakesari Varma. [For this read Ko(p)parakesari Varma. I regard Parakesari as a title, ' lion of foreigners, ' rather than a name. I find it given to many kings. Ko means king.] Dr. Bm'nell con- siders it proved by the inscriptions at Tan j ore and at the Varaka Svami temple at Seven Pagodas that one person only was meant by all these titles, viz., the Rajendra Chola of tradition and of the Tinnevelly inscriptions, and that his reign extended, as I have represented it, for 49 years from 1064 to 1113. He adds the following particulars respecting this prince, Vira or Rajendra Chola : — "His Abhisheka took place in 1079. He must have restored Tan j ore, Vira Chola. which, according to Al-BirunT, was in ruins at the beginning- of the 11th century. This fact confirms the earlier Chalukya boasts of conquest and was certainly owing to them. He seems to have been a great patron of Brahmans and of Saivism, but he must have been liberal to Buddhists, for Buddhamitra, the author of a Tamil Grammar, called his work Viracholiyam after him." The next name in the list is that of Sundara Pandya-Chola. He Sundara is stated to have been Rajendra Chola's brother, and to have been chol'Z*" established by him on the throne of Madura. If so he must have been more properly regent than king. Still, I find an undated inscription in Tinnevelly in the reign of Sundara Pandya-Chola, who may have been this person, though I rather think he belonged to a later period. This Sundara Pandya-Chola's real name was Gangaikkonda Chola or Gangaikkoridan, the latter form of which name survives as tho name of a village — a station on the Tinnevelky 82 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter II. line of rail. He took the name of Sundara Pandya-Chola, according to an inscription in Karuvur. Dr. Burneii's D r . Burnell makes Vikrama Chola Rajendra Chola's successor Choias. f° r fifteen years, and places next to him Kulotunga Chola II, the Kulotunga Chola whose name appears so often in Tinnevelly inscriptions. He makes him succeed Vikrama Chola in 1128, which gives an interval of fifteen years between Rajendra's death and Kulotunga's succession. According to the Chalukya inscrip- tions, as we have seen, Eajendra was immediately succeeded by Kulotunga. Sundara Pandya. Sources of We have more information supplied to us respecting Sundara information Pandya Deva than any other of the sovereigns of Madura. We Pandya. have not only the legendary accounts contained in two Puranas, the Sthala Purana of Madura and tlie Tiruttondar Puranam (or Puranam of Siva's sacred disciples), but also accounts which profess to be historical contained in the Singhalese annals and in the Indian histories of the Muhammadan historians Wassaf, Rashiduddin, and Amir Khusru. We have also notices contained in the memoirs of Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller. Notwith- standing this apparent wealth of information, the accounts we have received are inextricably confused. It might indeed be supposed (as it has been) that there were several Pandya kings of the name, but this theory does not seem to me to be in accordance with the facts. It seems to me that there could only have been one Sundara Pandya of sufficient eminence to have the place in history he has received and to be mentioned as a reigning sove- reign in so many inscriptions, and that what we have got to do is to endeavour to extract from the various statements we have before us some particulars respecting him which may safely be accepted. Sundara 1. It would appear that he was originally a Saiva, that lie then p * n . d y il ' s zcal became a Jaina, and that he was finally reconverted to Saivism Juiuas. by the miracles performed by Grnana-sambandha, a great Saiva teacher belonging to the Chola country, who was invited to Madura by Sundara's wife, who was a Chola princess. On this occasion he is said to have impaled eight thousand Jainas. Before his reconversion to Saivism he was said to have been a hunch-back, and hence called Kubja or Kim, but on his reconversion he was straightened, and hence his name is said to have been changed to Sundara, the beautiful. I find, however, from inscriptions that he was called Sundara from the commencement of his reign. Probably Kubja or Kun was merely a niok-name. Sundara 2. He seems to have been the last sovereign of the old line of Pandya the Pandya or Chola-Pandya kings. Sis name Btands last in every list : and even if all the other names, or most of them, had been EARLY H1M)\ PERIOD. 33 inventions, it is probable that the last name would be historical. Ch apter II. This probability is converted into a certainty by the statements of the Muhammadan historians, who show that on Sundara's death the Madura kingdom fell into the hands of Muhammadans. In this particular all native traditions are in conformity with the Muhammadan statements. Even during Sundara's life it is evident that the Muhammadans had been rising to power. Pashiduddin writes, " Within the last few years (written towards 1300) Sender Bandi was Dewar, who, with his three brothers, obtained power in different directions and Malic-al-Taki-uddin, brother of Shaikh Jumaluddin, was his minister and adviser, to whom he assigned the government of Fatan, Male Fatan, and Kail." Here, it will be seen we have Marco Polo's Sender Bandi Dewar and his brothers. " In the year 692 A.H. (A.D. 1293) the Dewar died and his wealth and possessions fell into the hands of his adversaries and opponents, and Shaikh Jumaluddin, who succeeded him, obtained, it is said, an accession of 700 bullock-loads of jewels," &c. The Persian historian Wassaf gives precisely the same account. There is a difference only as to Sundara's successor. According to Wassaf he was succeeded by his brother. This discrepancy is not serious, for both statements may in a measure be true, and the brother's accession may have been merely nominal, the minister being really ruler as before. We learn from an inscription in Nelson's " Madura Manual " that in A.D. 1573 Virappa Nayaka confirmed a grant originally made by Kun Pandi, that is, Sundara Pandya, to a mosque in Madura, from which it appears that Muhammadan influences must have been at work at Sundara's Muhammadan court. In those days the power of the Muhammadans was "^uences m . ,-, , . . Sundara s extending so rapidly on every hand that where it received an inch reign. it would not be slow in taking an ell. Reasons for Scndara Pandya's Patronage or Muhammadans. It would be interesting to know, however, what led to Sundara Sundara's Pandya' s falling so completely into Muhammadan hands that he brother. 13 made over to them the principal places in his kingdom even in his lifetime. A reason is mentioned by Wassaf, which would certainly be an adequate reason, if it could be accepted as histori- cally true. The difficulty in accepting it arises from a discrepancy in point of dates, but this difficulty would be removed if we supposed Wassaf to have misapprehended his dates, whilst he was correct in regard to his main facts. His statements are very circumstantial and have about them an air of truth. According to him Kales Dewar (probably Kulasekhara Deva) had two sons, the elder of whom, Sundar Pandi, was legitimate, the younger, Vira Pandi, was illegitimate. As Vira Pandi was remarkable for his 5 34 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chaptek II. shrewdness and courage his father nominated him as his successor., which so enraged Sundar that he killed his father and placed the crown upon his head. Upon this Vlra collected an army and gave battle to Sundar. At first Vlra was beaten and fell into the hands of the enemy ; but at length he received assistance from Perumal, the son of the daughter of Kulasekhara, whereupon Sundar fled to Delhi, where he placed himself under the protec- tion of Alauddin. Vlra Pandi thereupon, the historian says, became firmly established in the kingdom. The Singhalese annals give also some account of these affairs, and both accounts agree in leaving Vlra on the throne. Seeing, however, that Sundara Pandya's name is the last on the list of the genuine Pandya kings, and that he was immediately succeeded by the Muhammadans, I conclude that Sundara must have returned from Sundara's Delhi with a force of Muhammadan allies sufficient to re-establish •ministers. himself on the throne —and sufficient also to reduce his authority to a mere cipher. It* would appear notwithstanding this that Vlra -also continued to live and to reign, and even that he outlived Sundara, seeing that it is stated by Wassaf that on Sundara's death immense treasures " fell to the share of the brother who ■succeeded him," and also that " Malik-i-'azam Taki-uddln continued 'prime minister as before, and in fact ruler of that kingdom." He was succeeded in that position by his son Surajuddin and his grandson Nizani-uddin. Another According to Amir Khusru, another Muhammadan historian, account. Vlra Pandya and Sundara Pandya were both kings of Ma'bar (the Coromandel Coast) when the invasion by Ala-ud-din's army took place. His account of the invasion is as follows : " Ala-ud- 'din's army under his General Malik Naib or Malik Kafur left Delhi in November 1310, and reduced Dwara-Samudra, the capital of the Ballala kings. While on his march to Dwara- samudra, it is said that he arrived at a place called Bandrl where he stayed to make inquiries respecting the countries further on. Here he was informed that the two Pais of Ma'bar, the elder named Blr Pandya and the younger Sundar Pandya, who had up to that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against each other with hostile intentions, and that Belial Deo, the Rai of Dwara-samudra, on hearing of this fact, had marched for the Malik Tvafm's purpose of attacking their two empty cities and plundering the invasion. merchants, but that, on hearing of the advance of the Muham- madan army, ho had returned to his own country. After the capture of Dwara-samudra, it is stated that Malik Naib marched to Birdhul, the capital of the elder of the two Rais — ' the yellow- faced Blr.' He took the city and destroyed all the temples there. From Birdhul lu- advanced to Kham, and thence to Mai lira (Madura), the dwelling place of the younger brother, Sundar EARLY HINDU PERIOD. 35 Pandya. He found tlie city empty, as the Rai had fled with his Chapter H. Panis, leaving two or three elephants behind him. These were captured and the temple in which they had been left burnt. Immediately after this Malik Kafur returned to Delhi." — Elliot's Muhammadan Historians. When Malik Kafur'sarmy appeared, the king of Ma'bar, accord- ing to "Wassaf, hid himself in the jungles. According to Ferishta Malik Kafur conquered the whole county as far as Ptamesvaram, where he built a mosque. No tradition, however, of his having done so survives amongst the Muhammadans of Ramesvaram, or Paumben. According to the Muhammadan historians we appear to have Marco Polo's two rulers in Ma'bar within twenty years bearing the name of i ' ondcrBan( w- Sundara Pandya, and for this reason principally Colonel Yule was unable to accept my identification of the Sonder Bandi of Marco Polo with the Sundara Pandya of the inscriptions. In the second edition of my Dravidian Grammar I have gone fully into the- whole subject again (see Introduction and Appendix), and think I have answered some of the objections that were put forward. It is clear from both the Muhammadan historians that at the close of the loth century there reigned in Madura a Sundara Pandya who was Dewar — that is, as they interpreted the title, lord para- mount of Ma'bar, the Pandya-Chola country. He was, it is true, one of four (or five) brothers who had acquired power in different directions, yet still he alone was called Dewar, and is said to have been possessed of immense wealth. Marco Polo also, though he Sundara's speaks of his brothers as " kings," yet speaks of Sonder alone as Drotners - "a crowned king," and gives him distinctly the title of Bandi ; so that it is evident that in some respects he was regarded as supreme. There is no trace in Sundara's inscriptions of his brothers, or of his power being in any degree shared by them, or of the position he and they heldbeing one that they had "acquired," instead' of being one that they had inherited ; but these are particulars which would not be likely to make their appearance in inscriptions ; and there is nothing in the inscriptions or traditions inconsistent with the supposition that he had brothers who had acquired power together with himself. All that is necessary to stipulate in order to bring the accounts into agreement is that in some sense he alone shoidd be Pandi Devar, or lord paramount, so that his name only should appear in the inscriptions, and in this, as it seems to me, no parti- cular difficulty can be involved. I finally arrive at the conclusion Sundara's that, pending the discovery of a dated inscription in which Sundara ^^.a^,, Pandya is mentioned, I see no valid reason why we should hesitate to identify the Sundar of the Muhammadan historians both with Marco Polo's Sonder and with the Sundara or Kiin. Pandya ■■■HH^H 36 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter II. of the Saiva revival. Mr. Moore gives a summary of this discussion in his Trichinopoly Manual, and adds — " I have obtained copies of a considerable number of inscriptions in the Trichinopoly District in which Sundara Pandya is mentioned. They show clearly that he ruled over this part of the country as well as Madura, but they throw no light on the vexed question as to the time at which he lived, as they are not dated." Ma' BAR. Origin of the Ma'bar means literally the passage. It was the name given by the early Arabian merchants to that portion of the Coromandel Coast which was nearest Ceylon, and from which it was easiest to pass over to the island from the continent. It was afterwards taken to mean the whole coast from Quilon to Nellore, including both the Pandya and the Chola kingdoms. Ma'bar is mentioned (Maparh) in the Chinese annals as one of the foreign kingdoms which sent tribute to the Emperor Kublai Khan in 1286, and Pauthier has given some very curious and interesting extracts from Chinese sources regarding the diplomatic intercourse with Ma'bar in 1280 and the following years. Among other points these men- tion the five brothers who were Sultans and an envoy Chamalating ( Jumal-ud-din) who had been sent from Ma'bar to the Mongol Court.— Colonel Yule's Marco Polo, II, 273. Settlement of Muhammadan Arabs seem to have settled first on the Malabar ^rabTon both Coast in the 9th century, and thence to have spread to the eastern coasts. coast and Ceylon. Their principal settlement on the eastern coast is Kayalpattanam in Tinnevelly. Heathen Arabs, that is, the Sabaeans of Southern Arabia, frequented the coasts of India long before, following the lead of the Greeks. The mixed race con- sisting of the descendants of those Arab merchants are called Mapillas on the western coast, Lebbies on the eastern. By the Tamil people they are generally styled Tulukkar (Turks) or Jonagar (Yavanas !) . Their ordinary title is Maraikan or Marakfin, a word which means steersman, implying that they were first known as sailors, which doubtless is correct. They have no acquaintance with Hindustani, but speak Tamil or Malayalam, the vernacular of the country in which they live. The Hindustani- speaking Muhammadans — Patans and others — came from North- ern India and form a totally different class. Kayal. One of the most interesting events in the history of Tinnevelly during the middle ages was Marco Polo's visit to Kayal, which took place in A.D. 1292. What and where was Kayal ? 1 quote Colonol Yule's Marco Tolo, Vol. II. 307 :— EARL'S HINDU PERIOD. 37 ' Kail, now forg-otten, was long a famous port on the coast of what Chapter II. is now the Tinnevelly District of the Madras Presidency. It is men- Tr " ; ., , i onr'n i ,i ■, , -n i'i -, ■>• Kayal visited turned as a port oi Ma bar by our author s contemporary lvashid-ud-dm, } )V Marco though the name has been perverted by careless transcription into Polo. IPawal andKabal (see Elliot, I, pp. 69-72). It is also mistranscribed as Kfibil in Quatremore's publication of Abdurrazzak, who mentions Portuguese it as ' a place situated opposito the island of Serendib, otherwise ?- otl r c< j ° called Cejdon,' and as being the extremity of what he was led to regard as Malabar (p. 19). It is mentioned as Cahila, the site of the pearl-fishery, by Nicolo Conti (p. 7). The Eoteiro of Vasco da Gama, in the report of what was learned on his first voyage, notes it as Caell, a state having a Mussulman king and a Christian (for which read Kafir) people. Here were many pearls. Giovanni Empoli notices it (Gael) also for the pearl-fishery, as do Varthema and Barbosa. From the latter we learn that it was still a considerable sea port, having rich Muhammadau merchants, and was visited by many ships from Malabar, Coromandel, and Bengal. In the time of the last writers it belonged to the king of Kaulam (Quilon) who generally resided at Kail. 1 The real site of this once celebrated port has, I believe, till now never been identified in any published work. I had, like others before me, supposed the still existing Kayal -pattanam to have been in all probability the place, and I am again indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Dr. Caldwell for conclusive and most interesting information on this subject. He writes : — ' " The Cail of Marco Polo, commonly called in the neighbourhood Meaning of old Kayal, and erroneously named Koil in the Ordnance Map of India, Kayal. is situated near the Tamraparni river, about a mile and a half from its mouth. The Tamil word kayal means ' a backwater, a lagoon opening into the sea,' and the map shows the existence of a large number of these kayals or backwaters near the mouth of the river. Many of these kayals have now dried up more or less completely, and in several of them salt pans have been established. The name of Kayal was naturally given to a town erected on the margin of a kayal ; and this circumstance occasioned also the adoption of the name of Punnaikkayal, as the name of a neighbouring place, and served to give currency to the name of Kayal-pattanam, assumed by Sonagar- pattanam, both those places being in the vicinity of kayals." ' It was during a visit I paid to Korkai in 1861 that I identified Korkai and it with the Kolkhoi of the Greeks, and the interest of this identi- Ka y al - fication was heightened by the conclusion at which I arrived at the same time that an insignificant place called Old Kayal, about half way between Korkai and the sea, was to be identified with the Cael of Marco Polo, the most important city and sea port on the eastern coast of India during the middle ages. It was not however till nearly ten years afterwards, when Colonel Yule was preparing his edition of Marco Polo, that these identifications were made known to him and through him were made public. ^^^^mmmmm 38 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Marco Polo's notice of Kayal. Chapter II. Both places are situated on the delta of the Taniraparni, Korkai within five, Kayal within two, miles of the sea ; hut each was originally on the sea coast. It seemed remarkahle that the sites of two such famous places should thus have been discovered in the same neighbourhood, but a glance at the geology of the neigh- bourhood disclosed the reason why each had been abandoned in turn. As the silt accumulated in the sea near the mouth of the river, or as the line of coast rose r or from both causes, Korkai was found at length to be too far inland for the convenience of a sea- borne trade, and Kayal, meaning " a lagoon" rose in its stead on the sea shore and attained probably to still greater dimensions.. Kayal has now shrunk into a petty village, inhabited partly by Muhammadans, partly by Roman Catholic fishermen, with a still' smaller hamlet adjoining inhabited by Brahmans and Vellalas. The following is Marco Polo's notice of Kayal — Colonel Yule' II, 305, " Concerning the City of Cail :"— ' Cail is a great and noble city, and belongs to Ashar (Ishwara ?),. the eldest of the five brother-kings. It is at this city that all the ships touch that come from the west, as from Hormus (Hormuz), and' from Kis (an island in the Persian Gulf), and from Aden, and all Arabia, laden with horses and with other things for sale. And this- brings a great concourse of people from the country round about, and so there is great business done in this city of Cail. The king possesses. vast treasures, and wears upon his person great store of rich jewels. He maintains great state and administers his kingdom with great equity, and extends great favor to merchants and foreigners, so> that they are very glad to visit his city. The king has some 300. wives, for in those parts the man who has most wives is most thought f> * * # Kayal having been the principal port in Ma'bar, much of what Marco Polo says about Ma'bar, its trade, &c, really applies to Kayal. The king of Kayal was not an independent prince, but the deputy (and brother) of the real king of the whole of Ma'bar at that time, Sundara Pandya Deva, who is called by Marco Polo ' Sonder Bandi. Davar,' and who ruled over both the Pandya and the Chola countries. I have found inscriptions of Sundara Pandya at a place called Mara- Mangalam, just outside Kayal. Polo continues : — ' Here are no horses bred ; and thus a great part of the wealth of the country is wasted in purchasing horses. You must know that the merchants of Kis and Hormes, Dofar (Dhafar on the Yemen Coast), and Soer (Suhar in Oman) and Aden collect a great number of horses, and these they bring to the territories of this king and of his four brothers. For a horse will fetch among them 500 saggi of gold, worth Horse tradcat more than 100 marks of silver (that is about 2,200 rupees !), and vast Trade of Kayal. Kayal numbers are sold there every year. Indeed this king wants to buy more than 2,000 horses every year, and so do his four brothers ■who The reason why they want so many horses every are kings likewise. EAUI.Y HINDI' PERIOD. 39 year is that by the end of the year there shall not bo one hundred of Chapter II. them remaining, for they all die off. And this arises from mis- management, for those people do not know in the least how to treat a horse ; and besides they have no farriers. The horse-merchants not only never bring any farriers with them, but also prevent any farrier from going thither, lest that should in any degree baulk the sale of horses, which brings them in every year such vast gains. They bring these horses by sea aboard ship.' — Colonel Yule's Marco Polo, Vol. II, 285. ' Rashiduddin and Wassaf have identical statements about the Use of the horse-trade, and so similar to Polo's in this chapter that one almost horse by suspects that he must have been their authority. Wassaf says : ' it soldiers, was a matter of agreement that Malik-ul-Islam Jamaluddin and the merchants should embark every year from the island of Kais and land at Ma'bar 1,400 horses of his own breed ' .... It was also agreed that he should embark as many as he could procure from all the isles of Persia, such as Katif, Lahsa, Bahrein, Hurmuz, and Kalhatu. The price of each horse was fixed from of old at 220 dinars of red gold, on this condition, that if any horses should happen to die, the value of them should be paid from the royal treasury. It is related by authentic writers that in the reign of Atabek Abu Bakr (of Fars) 10,000 horses were annually exported from these places to Ma'bar, Kambayat, and other ports in their neighbourhood, and the sum total of their value amounted to 2,200,000 dinars .... They bind them for 40 days in a stable with ropes and pegs, in order that they may get fat ; and afterwards without taking measures for training, and without stirrups and other appurtenances of riding, the Indian soldiers ride upon them like demons .... In a short time the most strong, swift, fresh, and active horses become weak, slow, useless, and stupid. In short, they all become wretched and good for nothing .... There is, therefore, a constant necessity of getting new horses annually.'— (Elliot, III, 34). ' The price mentioned by Polo appears to be intended for 500 dinars, which in the then existing relations of the precious metals in Asia would be worth just about 100 marks of silver. Wassaf's price, 220 dinars of red gold, seems very inconsistent with this, but is not so materially, for it woidd appear that the dinar of red gold (so called) was worth two dinars.'' Wassaf, the Persian historian, a contemporary of Marco Polo, Wassaf's thus describes Ma'bar, that is, as I believe, Kayal, the port of account « Ma'bar : — ' The curiosities of Chin and Mftchln {i.e., Northern and Southern China), and the beautiful products of Hind and Sind, laden on large ships which they call junks, sailing like mountains with the wings of the wind on the surface of the water, are always arriving there. The wealth of the isles of the Persian Gulf in particular, and in part the beauty and adornment of other countries, from Irak and Khurasan as far as Pulm and Europe, are derived from Ma'bar, which is so situated as to be the key of Hind.'— Marco Polo, II, 269. 40 HISTORY OF TIXNEYELLY. Chapter II. Marco Polo's arrival in India. Pearl fishery described. Divers. The following is Marco Polo's description of the pearl fishery. The term Ma'bar, as used at that time both by Polo and by the Arabs, included, as we have seen, the greater part of the Coro- mandel Coast ; but when the pearl fishery of Ma'bar is referred to we are to understand, I think, mainly the southern portion of Ma'bar, from Eamesvaram to Cape Comorin, constituting the eastern coast of the Gulf of Manaar, the fishery carried on on the Eamnad coast being of less importance. The port mentioned, but not named, by Polo must have been near, if not identical with, Kilakarai ; or it may have been a place called Periya Pattanam, the great city, a place now some miles inland, the greatness of which has entirely passed away. [Was this the place which Ibn Batuta called Fattan, that is, the Pattanam ?]. Marco writes : — ' When you leave the island of Seilan and sail westward about 60 miles, you come to the great province of Maabar which is styled India the Greater ; it is the best of all the Indies and is on the mainland. You must know that in this province there are five kmars, who are own brothers. I will tell you about each in turn. The province is the finest and noblest in the world. At this end of the province reigns one of those five royal brothers, who is a crowned king, and his name is Sonder Bandi Davar. In his kingdom they find very fine and great pearls ; and I will tell you how they are got. You must know that the sea here forms a gulf between the island of Seilan and the mainland. And all round this gulf the water has a depth of no more than 10 or 12 fathoms, and in some places no more than two fathoms. The pearl-fishers take their vessels, great and small, and proceed into this gulf where they stop from the beginning of April till the middle of May. They go first to a place called Bettelar, and (then) go 60 miles into the gulf. Here they cast anchor and shift from their large vessels into small boats. You must know that the many merchants who go divide into various companies, and each of these must engage a number of men on wages, hiring them for April and half of May. Of all the produce they have first to p ay the king, as his royalty, the tenth part. And they must also pay those men who charm the great fishes to prevent them from injuring the divers whilst engaged in seeking pearls under water, one-twentieth part of all that they take. These fish-charmers are termed Abraiaman (Brahmans ?) ; and their charm holds good for that day only, for at night they dissolve the charm so that the fishes can work mischief at their will. These Abraiamans know also how to charm beasts and birds and every living thing. When tho men have got into the small boats they jump into the water and dive to the bottom, which may be at a depth of from 1 to 12 fathoms, and there they remain as long as they are able. And there they find tho shells that contain tho pearls and these they put into a net bag tied round the waist, and mount up to the surface with them, and then dive anew. Wlion they can't hold theii breath any longer they come up again, and after a little down they go once more, and so they go on all day. The shells are i : \lil\ i! I \ in PERTOir. ,11 fashion like oysters or sea-hoods. And in theso shells are found Chapter 1L pearls, great and small, of every kind, sticking in the flesh of the shell-fish. In this manner pearls are fished in great quantities, for kin thence in fact come the pearls which are spread all over the world. And I can tell you the king of that state hath a very groat receipt and treasure from his dues upon those pearls. As soon as the middle of May is past no more of those pearl-shells are found there. It is true,. however, that a long way from that spot, some 300 miles distant, they are also found ; but that is in September and the first half of October.' We must now return to Marco Polo's Kayal. Unlikely as the Relics of place may now seem to be identical with the " great and noble aya ' city " described by Polo, its identity is established by the relics of its ancient greatness which are still discoverable. For two or three miles north of the present village of Kayal and a mile and a half inland, as far indeed as Mara-mangalarn, the whole plain is covered with broken tiles and remnants of pottery — evidences of the perfect truth of Marco Polo's statement regarding Kayal and its trade and of the identity of Kayal with the sea port of Ma'bar mentioned by the Muhammadan historians. According to those Remains of statements Kayal was frequented by multitudes of vessels from. Chinese and the Arabian Coast and the Persian Grulf, and also by vessels from earthenware. China — junks — in one of which Marco Polo himself arrived ; and accordingly I picked up everywhere on the open plain broken pieces of Arabian pottery and of China porcelain of all shapes, colours, and qualities. I could easily, if I had chosen, have collected a cart load in a single day ; but the pieces into which. they had been broken by the plough and the feet of bullocks were so small that they could not be put together so as to assume the shape of a vessel. I set a band of excavators at work one day in. digging up a portion of the plain at hazard. At a depth of three feet beneath the present surface they came on the chunamed floor of a house, but found nothing of importance. The extent of the site of Kayal was so great that it would take a month, instead of a single day merely, to explore it properly. The people of Kayal, Korkai, and the neighbourhood have forgotten the existence of any trade between Kayal and China, though the broken pieces of China pottery which lie all about might have helped them to keep the fact in their remembrance. I found, however, that they retained a distinct tradition of the trade of Kayal with Arabia and the Persian Gulf, probably because that trade survived to comparatively recent times. They had also a tradition of European merchants, doubtless Portuguese, having lived in the place before its final abandonment as a sea port. I have already mentioned that care must be taken not to identify K&yaT- Marco Polo's Kayal with Kayal nattanam, another town on the P.'l^ 11 •; ■/ r .. . > dittere coast, a modern place, but now very large, containing about 7 ; 000 place. !i;mi a rent 0' *&&£*&-. 42 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter II. Muhammadans. There is another small port in the same neigh- bourhood a little to the north of Kayalpattanani called " Pinnacael in the maps, properly Punnai-k-k;Vval, but this also is a place of comparatively recent origin, and many of the inhabitants, as of Kayalpattanam, state that their ancestors came originally from Kayal, subsequently to the arrival of the Portuguese. The Muham. madans gain the upper hand" for a time. Itm Batuta. The Muhammadan Interregnum. Ibn Batuta, a Muhammadan servant of the Emperors of Delhi, visited Ma'bar in 1348-49 on his way to Quilon for the purpose of embarking there, on his master's business, in one of the Chinese junks which then visited that port annually. He found the whole of Ma'bar, including both the Pandya and the Chola countries, under the government of Muhammadan kings. This subjection of the country to the Muhammadans had lasted since Kafur's invasion in 1311. The couutry had been governed for the Emperors of Delhi by governors deputed by them for twenty or thirty years. At length one of those governors, Jelal-ud-din Hasan, a Sherif or Seiad, revolted against Muhammad Toghlak and made himself independent. This circumstance is mentioned by Ferishta. The power of the Muhammadans, however, does not seem to have been very firmly established, for Ibn Batuta found that there had already been several internal revolts, and on land- ing in Ma'bar he found the reigning sultan at war with " the heathen," that is probably with some surviving representatives of, or sympathisers with, the expelled Pandya princes. Possibly, however, the sultan's foes may have been the Maravas of Ramnad, for as Ibn Batuta was wrecked, on his voyage across the Grulf of Manaar from Ceylon, in the shallow part of the sea, the place where he landed and near which he found the sultan must have been in the Ramnad country, the country of the Maravas, a war- like race not likely to remain long in quiet subjection to petty Muhammadan princes. This Muhammadan interregnum is mentioned in Taylor's Historical Manuscripts. It is therein said to have lasted from 1323 to 1370, viz., for 47 years. Probably this was meant to represent the period of the independent Muham- madan government. It is also said therein that the name of the Pandya king conquered and sent to Delhi by the Muhammadans was Parakrama Pandya. Ibn Batuta says that the sultan of Ma'liar reigned at Maturah (Madura). The king's palace was there. He says it was a large city and not unlike Delhi. Paramount powers. The Kingdoms of Dwara-samudra and Vijaya-nagaua. From the commencement of the decay of the power of the Pandyas and Cholas in the 12th century, the kingdoms of Dwara- EARLY HINDU PERIOD. 43 samudra and Vijaya-nagara occupied the position of paramount Chapter II. powers in Southern India. It seems desirable, therefore, that I should mention such particulars respecting those kingdoms as seem necessary for a right apprehension of the mediaeval history of Madura and Tinnevelly. DwARA-SAMUDRA. I have not met with the name of Dwara-samudra in any Tamil inscription or composition, but it is well known that the strong Telugu dynasty of Vijaya-nagara was preceded by a strong Canarese dynasty. This is sometimes popularly called a Mysore dynasty, but the name of Mysore belongs to a much later period. It is properly, and still more commonly, called a Kannada, that is, a Canarese dynasty, the English word " Canarese" being intended to represent that which pertains to Kannada or Canara, an abbre- viation of Karnata or Karnataka. 1 The later name is identical with our term Carnatic, but it denoted originally, not the country below the ghauts, as it does now, but the great tableland above the ghauts, including Mysore. The capital of this Canarese dynasty was Dwara-samudra, a place about the centre of the Mysore country, and about 105 miles north-west of Seringapatam. D vara- samudra is written in all the inscriptions of the Mysore country Dora-samudra. Dora for dvara, however, is merely a local dialectic change. The modern name of the place is Halebldu, or Haleyabldu, the old abode. 2 The kings of the Dvara-samudra Kings of dynasty were called the Hoysalas, or more commonly the Ballalas, Dvara-samu- from bala, prowess, and are known to have exercised for a time some sort of paramount power over the Pandya, Chola, and other ancient kingdoms of the south. The first king of this dynasty who acquired sovereignty over Ramanuja'a an extensive range of districts was Bitti Deva, converted by ^S ht to Ramanujacharya from Jainismto the Vaishnava faith, and known samudra. after his conversion as Vishnu Varddhana. His conversion dated probably from 1117. Ramanuja had fled from the persecution of Karikala Chola, an ardent Saiva. Vishnu Varddhana became ere long the most powerful monarch of his time in Southern India, and he is expressly stated to have subdued the Cholas, Pandyas, and Keralas. This statement would not perhaps go for much were it not for the traces of the supremacy of this Kannada power which made themselves manifest from about this time in the south, 1 Kamataka probably meant originally the black country, that is, the black cotton-soil country. 2 The sculpture of the old temple at Halebidu receives from Ferguson the highest praise. 44 HISTORY OF TINM.WU.Y. 'Chapter II. as is evident especially from the statements of the Muhammadan historians. in? l* °k the ^ ie ^ unamma dans appeared in the Dekhan in 1295, when Ala-ud-din took Devagiri. The Ballala dominions were invaded by a Muhammadan army under Hazardinari, commonly called Malik Kafur, the general of Ala-ud-din, the second king of the house of Khilji or second Pathan dynasty. A great battle was fought in 1311 in which the Ballala king was defeated and taken piisoner. Dvara-samudra was sacked and the enemy returned to Delhi literally laden with gold. Kafur was sent to conquer the whole of the south of India, and the capture of Dvara-samudra, at that time considered the capital of the south, was the principal object of his ambition. After the taking of Dvara-samudra Kafur descended upon Ma'bar, which he regarded, and which was regarded by Ferishta, the Muhammadan historian, as a feudatory dependency of the Dvara-saniudra kingdom. General Wilks End of the could not make out what place was meant by Ma'bar, but it is now dynasty we ^ known to have meant the Chola and Pandya kingdoms, or, speaking generally, the Coromandel Coast. Another expedition sent by Muhammad III of the house of Toghlak in 1326 com- pletely demolished the city of Dvara-samudra. The Ballala kings, however, were not totally annihilated. They removed their seat of government to a place called Tonnur, about nine miles north of Seringapatam. Even after the rise of the Vijayanagara dynasty (in 1336), the Ballalas were permitted to exercise some sort of authority up to the year 1387. Thus ended the rule of this powerful line, consisting of nine chief princes, and thence called the Nava Ballala ; which from a very small beginning had, by the valour of its several mem- bers, subdued the whole of Karnataka \ip to the Krishna, with Tuluva on the west, Dravida (the Tamil country, including especially the Cholas and Pandyas) on the east, and part of Telingana on the north-east. — Rice's Mysore Inscriptions. Canarese Wherever we find in Tinnevelly traces of any important position traces in having been occupied, or any important work having been done, by a Kannadi or Canarese man, — instances of which we have in the " Canadian anicut," that is the Kannada man's anient, and the person called Palaiyan, a Canarese man, who is said to have built the oldest portion of the fort at Palamcottah — we have reason to conclude that they belonged to the period before the commence- ment of the rule of the Nayakas in Madura, when paramount authority over the south was claimed by the Kannada kings of Dvara-samudra. The following is a list oi these kings, given in Rioe's Mysore Inscriptions : — K\R1.Y HINDI PKKIOD. 45 l'lsviiptaoBS, ( lhanna Basavana Kala jnana. Kongu Uesa Rajakal 1039-1047 1065 1117-1138 1142-1191 1191-1207 1223 1252 1262-1287 1310 Sala, Eoysala Vinay&dita Yereyanga, Pereyanga, Vlra Ganga . , Bitti Deva, Vishnu Varddhana, Tri bhuvana Malla Vijaya Narasimha, Vlra Narasimha Viia'1'..illala Vila Narasimha Soma, Vlra Somesvara Vna Narasimha Ballala Deva 984-1043 1043-1073 1073-1114 1114-1145 1145-1188 1188-1233 1233-1249 1249-1268 1268-1308 -1068 1099-1147 1147-1174 1174 -1237 1237-1283 1283-1313 Chapter II, List of Dv&ra- samudra Kings. VlJAYA-NAGARA. Vijaya-nagara arose when Dvara-samudra fell. This city and Origin of state, the most famous and powerful of the states of Southern ^gara" India, was founded in 1336 by two refugees from Warangal (Oru- kallu, a single stone), a place included in the Nizam's country, after its capture by the Muhammadans in 1323. Their names were said to have been Hakka, who assumed the name of Harihara, and Bukka, and they are said to have received valuable assistance from the sage Madhava. 1 The capital was called both Vidya- nagara and Vijaya-nagara. Rice considers Vidya-nagara, the city of learning, the original form, and supposes this name to have been given to it in compliment to the sage Vidyaranya, who was chiefly instrumental in its foundation. By a natural transition Vidya-nagara passed into Vijaya-nagara, the city of victory, the Names of Bijanagar of the Muhammadan historians and the Bisnagar of the early Europeans. It is also commonly known as Anegundi, a Canarese name — elephant pit — which is properly a village on the other side of the river. Vijaya-nagara was erected on the banks of the Pampa or Tunga-bhadra, in what is now the district of Bellary. The beauty of the ruins of this city, near Hampi, show what the grandeur of the capital of the Rayas must have been in the days of its prosperity. The succession and dates of the Vijaya-nagara kings as tradi- tionally handed down are much confused. The following list, Mr. Rice says, is approximately correct, based on many inscrip- tions he has examined : — naga- ra. 1 Madhava is generally said to have been a brother of the still more celebrated Sayana, and is sometimes regarded as one of th< authors of the great commentary on the Vedas. By others he is identified with S&yana and as such is said to have been surnamcd Vidyaranva. the forest of learning ■HHMBnflEanOTOBHB 46 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY. Chapter II. A.D. j. ~. Harihara, Hakka, Hariyappa . . . . 1336-1350 Vijaya-naga> Bukka, Vlra Bukkanna .. .. .. 1350-1379 ra kings. Harihara 1379-1401 Deva Raya, Vijaya Raya, Vijaya Bukka. 1401-1451 Mallikarjuna, Vlra Mallanna, Praudha 1451-1465 Deva. Virupaksha .. .. .. .. .. 1465-1479 Narasa, Narasimha .. .. .. 1479-1487 Vlra Narasimha, Immadi Narasinga . . 1487-1508 Krishna Raya .. .. .. .. 1508-1530 Achyuta Raya .. .. .. .. 1530-1542 Sadaslva Raya (Rama Raja, regent, usurps the throne till 1565) .. .. 1542-1573 Sri Ranga Raya (Tirumala Raja, brother of Rama Raja, 1566) 1574-1587 Vlra Venkatapati, &c. .. .. .. 1587 The following is Dr. BurnelTs list of the kings of the Vijaya- nagara dynasty. See Dravidian Palaeography, p. 55. Dr. Burnell's << i v _ The Rayas of Vijayanagara ; from about 1320 to 1565. naeara ljaya " " The following is the list as I have been able to correct it from kings. several sources (see my ' Vamcabrahmana,' p. xvi) ; the dates, however, are only approximate. Sangama of the Yadava family and Lunar race ! ! Hariyappa (1336-1350). Bukka I (1350-1379) m. Gaurambika. Harihara (1379-1401). I Bukka II (1401-1418) m. Tippamba. Devaraja, Viradeva or Vlrabhupati (1418-1434) Krishuaraja married Padamamba and MallSmba Vijaya (? 1434-1454) and others ? Praudha Deva (? 1456-1477) Mallikarjuna (1481-1487) Ramacandra (1487) Virflpaxa (1488-1490) Narasimha (1490-1508) j I Vlranarasimha (Krishnaraja (1508-1530.) Acyuta (1534-42.) " (Sad£L* a - Tinnevelly District put himself at the head of a confederation of Poligars and took up arms against the king. The Setupati, the Poligar of Eamnad, being the chief of all the Poligars, was entrusted with the duty of quelling the rebellion and performed it most satisfactorily. The leader of the rebels was put to death, and the others severely punished, and in a few months tranquillity was completely restored. For this service he was rewarded by the gift of a large slice of land in the neighbourhood of Maiiar koil and entrusted with the duty of protecting the pearl fishery, which yielded considerable sums of money to the royal treasury." Nelson's Madura. The latter clause means, I think, that the pearl fishery to the north of the island of Paumben was now admitted to be the mm 60 HISTORY OF TINKEVJ4LLY. Chapter III. property of the Ranmad Setupati, whilst the rest of the fishery, by far the largest portion of it, extending from Pamnben to the neighbourhood of Cape Comorin, remained as before in the king's own hands. Koyal re. "Another and much higher official (thau the Collector of Customs) presentatives was the Administrator or Governor of the Tinnevelly country. "When y " the king lived in Madura it was highly necessary to place a man of ability in charge of the southern districts and vest him with large powers ; and it became still more necessary to do this when Trichinopoly was made the capital." There is an inscription near Sheranmadevi in which one Vlra- raghava Mudaliar is described as the Karya-kartta, or agent, of Virappa Nayaka in the beginning of the seventeenth century. Tirumalai's younger brother, Kumaramuttu, claimed the right of succeeding to the throne. In virtue, however, of some negotia- tions he consented to waive his claim and accepted in lieu of the crown the district of Sivakasi and other territories in the Tinne- velly province. Tigers on the A French Missionary's letter written in 1700 states that "for some time past a large jungle on the Tinnevelly coast had been infested by tigers to such a degree that after sunset no inhabitant of any village situated in its neighbourhood dared to move outside his door. Watch was kept in every village at night, and large fires were lighted for the purpose of scaring the monsters away. Even in the day time travelling was not quite safe ; and numbers of people had disappeared who had without doubt been seized and devoured in lonely places." This fact is noticeable, inasmuch as tigers have been for many years unknown in the Madura and Tinnevelly Districts (except in the vicinity cf the mountains) ; and their existence in large numbers on the sea coast in 1700 would seem to show that the country was then much more sparsely populated and contained many more uncultivated tracts than at the present day. List of the Nayakas. List of the The following is a list of the Nayaka rulers of Madura with Nayakas of ^ j^es of their accession, according to the authorities followed Madura. ' ° . by Mr. Taylor and Mr. Nelson. The reader is requested, however. to remember that I have shown that the commencement of the rule of the Nayakas is probably to be placed at least thirty years earlier :- — Visvanatha Nayaka .. .. .. .. 1559 Kumara Krishiiappa Nayaka .. .. 1563 Periy a Virappa Nayaka .. .. .. 1573 Visvanatha II Nayaka 1573 Lingaiya Nayaka "i Visvappa Nayaka j 1595 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 61 Mutfcu Rrishnappa Nfiyaka 1602 Chapter ELI. Muttu Virappa Nayaka .. .. .. 1009 Tirumalai Nayaka .. .. .. .. 1623 Muttu Alakadri Nayaka . . . . . . 1659 Choka Natka Nayaka .. .. .. 1602 Eanga Kriskna Muttu Virappa Nayaka .. 1682 Manganirual (Queen Eegent) .. .. 1689 Vijaya Eanga Ckoka Natka Nayaka .. 1704 Mmakski Annual (Queen Eegent) .. .. 1731 Ckanda Sakeb's usurpation . . . . . . 1736 By far the most distinguished prince of the Nayaka dynasty was Tirumala Tiriunalai Nayaka (from 1623 to 1659), a prince whose magnificent ^ a y" kl1 - tastes are attested by the remains of the buildings he erected at Madura, especially the remains of his palace, a Saracenic structure, which is the grandest building of its kind in Southern India. What is now called the palace was originally little more than the hall of audience. He erected another palace of much smaller Buildings dimensions, but in the same style of architecture, at Srlvilliputtur hhn." in Tinnevelly, where it is said he liked to reside occasionally. The remains of the Madura palace are now utilised for courts and other public offices. The greater part of Tirumalai Nayaka's reign was disfigured by exhausting and impolitic wars. The next most noticeable personage in the Nayaka line was the Queen Regent Mangammal (from 1689 to 1704), who ruled as regent during Mangammal. the minority of her grandson. She eschewed wars and cultivated the arts of peace, and all through Tinnevelly, as well as in Madura and the adjacent districts, she achieved a reputation which survives to the present day as the greatest maker of roads, planter of avenues, digger of wells, and builder of choultries the royal houses of Madura ever produced. It has become customary to attribute to her every avenue found any where in the country. I have found, for instance, that all the avenues in the neighbourhood of Courtallum are attributed to Mangammal. Having done so much she is supposed to have done all. Nayaka Titles. It is worthy of notice that the Nayakas never called themselves The Nayaka3 kings of Madura. They professed to be lieutenants of the great themselves ° Rayalu of Vijaya-nagara and nothing more ; and even when they kings, refused the tribute due to their lord paramount or waged war against him, they do not seem to have cared to clutch at a higher title. They assumed all the state and wielded all the power of kings, but seem to have been deterred by some feeling of here- ditary loyalty from assuming the name. "We have seen also that there were Pandya kings surviving and nominally reigning in the 62 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III. Madura country at least down to 1605, notwithstanding the con- temporaneous existence of the Nayakas. Nayaka in Sanskrit means a leader, a chief, but as used in Southern India it is the hereditary title of certain Telugu castes. In Telugu the mascu- line singular is written Nayudu, in Tamil Nayakkan. There are several divisions among the Nayakas, and it is said that the Madura royal dynasty belonged to the division of the caste called Vaduga-Nayakas, commonly called simply Vadugas, the Badages of Xavier. The ordinary name by which the Nayaka rulers of Madura are styled in the Tamil country, at least in the south, is The Karttak- the " Karttakkal." People speak of such and such an event as happening in the days of the Karttakkal. This is the Tamil plural of the Sanskrit Karta, a doer, an agent, a representative. This title seems to have been chosen as being one that involved less assumption than the title of king, and yet had more of a royal sound than Nayaka, which after all was only a caste title. Perhaps the best rendering of the title of Kartta in this connection would be " High Commissioner." Characteristics of the Nayaka Eule. Reputation of It is unfortunate for the reputation of the Nayakas as rulers asridJi's^ l th^ so mucn more is known about them and their proceedings than about their Pandya and Chola predecessors. The Pandyas and Cholas left behind them few or no records of their rule. It is often, therefore, taken for granted that their rule must have been characterised by an unfailing respect for justice. The age iu which they lived has become the patrimony of the poets, who describe it as a golden age of light taxes, of freedom from oppres- Reputation of s i on> f rain three times a month, and of universal happiness. On the other hand the Nayakas lived and ruled at so recent a period, and so much was written about them at the time by European Missionaries residing in their territory, that the entire public and private character of most of them stands exposed to " that fierce light which beats upon a throne." Judged therefore not merely by modern European standards of right and wrong, but even by the standards furnished by Hindu and Muhammadan books of authority, the Nayakas must be decided to have fallen far short of Misruli hid- their duty as rulers. Their reigns record little more than a disgraceful catalogue of debaucheries, treacheries, plunderings, oppressions, murders, and civil commotions, relieved only by the factitious splendour of gifts to temples, idols, and priests, by means of which they apparently succeeded in getting the Brahmans and poets to speak well of them, and thus in keeping the mass of the people patient under their misrule. LATER HINDU PERIOD. 63 As we have no reason to suppose the Nayakas worse than the Chapter III. dynasties that preceded them, we cannot safely form a higher Works of estimate of the characteristics of the administration of the P.indya public utility and Ohola kings. Neither during the period of the Pandyas and U j^_, wn , Cholas nor during the Nayaka period were any roads in existence. What were called roads were merely cross-country tracks, some- times lined with trees. Bridges appear to have been unknown. There were no magistrates or judges, except at the capital, where the king himself sat in judgment, assisted by Brahman advisers. There were no schools, except for Brahmans. Trade was unpro- tected, and merchants did not dare to appear to grow rich. Hos- pitals were unknown. "When any question came up for decision, every thing was determined in accordance either with the caprice of the monarch or the iron code of custom and caste ; and it does not seem to have entered into the mind of any person that it was Administra- possible for him to become freer, better, or happier than his ancestors. It was not until the British Government appeared on the scene that any serious attempt was made to lift the mass of the people to a higher level. The only public works then carried on were works of irrigation, and it must freely be admitted that they were generally carried on with exemplary vigour and marked success, not however, so far as appears, by the rulers, but by the people themselves. Anicuts, or weirs, were thrown across the principal rivers, especially the Tamraparni, and the open country was covered with a net -work of tanks. Anicuts on thf Tamraparni. There are eight anicuts x on the Tamraparni, seven of which were Anicuts constructed before the arrival of the English in Tinnevelly. on the 1. The highest of these is rather a dam than an anicut. It is called, however, by the Natives talaiyanai, the head or first anicut. The river after descending the Papanasam falls passes through a narrow gorge, which is partially blocked up by huge boulders and a reef of rock. In the rock holes have been cut in which posts, for the most part of palmyra trees, have been inserted, and against these cross bars with brushwood have been placed. Water is thus supplied for the channels leading off from either bank. 2. Probably the most ancient of the anicuts, properly so called, is that styled the Nadiyunni anicut, about a mile and a half above Ambasamudram. It is made of large uncemented stones. Nadi- yunni means " that which drinks up the river." An inscription on a stone belonging to this anicut now in the bed of the stream represents it as having been made at a comparatively recent time. '•This Nadiyunni anai was made," says the inscription, "as a 1 Anaikkattu is the cqui valent Tamil, from anai a dam, and kattu a construc- tion. 64 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Legend of the Kunnadian Anai- Chapter hi. charitable work by Khan Saheb, in the years of the Salivahana and Quilon eras answering to A.D. 1759." Khan Saheb means the celebrated Muhammad Yusuf Khan, who was in power at that time and about whom we shall hear much in the sequel. The natives in the neighbourhood say with much probability that the anicut was originally made by the ancient Pand} T a kings, but repaired and strengthened by Khan Saheb. 3. The most famous of the anicuts is that which is called by the English the Canadian anicut. "Canadian" stands for Kannadi- yan, and the meaning is the anicut made by the Kannadi or Kannadiyan, that is, by the Canarese man. This is opposite Anibasamudram. Of the many legends current respecting this Kannadiyan one is to the effect that he was placed, in possession of immense wealth by a local divinity, who ordered him to devote this wealth to the construction of an anicut. One form of the legend is that all the anicuts were made by the same person. A cow, it seems, was sent f orth as a guide, and wherever the cow lay down an anicut was to be constructed. The cow lay down six times between Ambasamudram and the sea, and accordingly six anicuts were made by the Kannadi out of the same supernatural supply of funds. Another and milder form of the legend is that only this one anicut which bears his name was made by the Kannadi, and that the cow was commissioned only to mark out the channel leading from this one anicut. Wherever the cow went a channel was to be dug, and wherever she lay down they were to make a tank. The only particular in these legends which seems likely to be true is that the maker of the anicut was some public- spirited Kannadi or Canarese man, probably a representative of the Madura government for the time being. The date of the construction of this anicut is unknown, but it may be placed any time between the commencement of the fourteenth century and the close of the sixteenth. There are inscriptions in a temple near the channel, one of which is dated in the beginning of the seventeenth century. There is a little temple near the anicut itself, where a sacrifice is offered yearly to the local divinity, on the 5th of June, on which occasion the sluice is ceremonially opened and the water allowed to enter the channel. There is a choultry at Shermadevy (Cheran-mfi-devI) said to have been built by the same Kannadi. Another form of the legend is given in Shungoonny Mcnon's History of Travancore. " It would soom that a Telugu(?) Brahman, commonly known by the name of Kunnadia, received a donation of a largo number of gold coins from the Maha Rajah Prathapa Budra of Voloor ; that this Brahman, by the advice of the sage Agastyar, who resided ou a hill in Thiruadi DCsam (Travancore), built an anicut (still in existence) Date of this anicut. A nother form of the li gt ad. LATER HINDU PERIOD. 05 across tlio Thambraverni river, and opened an irrigation canal from Chapter III. that spot to the extent of about twenty-one miles ; that with the surplus money he built a sathram at ChSra Maha, Devi for feeding a certain number of Brahtnans daily ; and that he appointed the holder of the copper plate as the perpetual manager of that institution." The writer quotes the substance of the language of the plate itself :— " A copy of the copper sasanum in question was procured by us. It purports to have been executed by Narayanappaya of the Kunnadian. family of Bharadwaja Gothram (line) of Brahmans, professing the Rig Veda, and who received a donation called Kalapurusha Danum from Maha Rajah Gajapathi Prathapa Rudra Rayer, who reigned at Veloor ; that he, the recipient, resolving to perform some charity with the money proceeded to Thrippathi, and on invoking Vencatachala Swamy obtained that deity's blessing, and in accordance with the commands of the swami he repaired to the southern kingdom called Thiruadi Desam (Travancore country) where on the Malayachala mountain, he met the sage Agastyar by whose order he excavated an irrigation canal for the benefit of the Brahmans : with the surplus money he resolved to institute a sathram for the daily feeding of Brahmans and accordingly constructed a building on the southern banks of the Thambraverni and on the western side of Chera-Maha Devi Alakiyappen Swamy Kovil ; Narayana Pillay, the son of Gopala Pillay, Brahman of Sreevatsa Gothram (line), professing the Yajur Veda, and residing in the old village or Brahman hamlet, built by Cheren Perumal Rajah, was entrusted with the management of this sathram, a perpetual grant being made to Narayana Pillay by this copper plate document, executed on Thursday, Shrawana asterism, Punchami Aushada month, Sowmmya Nama year of Kali 3342 (242 A.D.) for the maintenance of the sathram of certain lands purchased for 2587 Kali Yuga Ramen ' Madura vella fanams, together with nine slaves of the soil at the rate of one hundred and thirty-five fanams, accompanied by a scale of the daily expenditure to be made and men- tioning a fixed suni as remuneration to the Superintendent Narayana Pillay. " To this sathram, pepper was to be supplied from Travancore, as that spice was a produce of that country and could not be obtained without the king's permission. It was given gratis, and in the year 970 M.E. (1795 A.D.), three years previous to his death, the old Rama Rajah ordered a commutation price of one hundred and eighty Kali fanams to be paid to the sathram, which sum is paid to the present time." This account of the origin of the anicut is evidently as legendary and as little trustworthy as the others. It throws light, however, on the personality of the Kannadiyan. It may be regarded as certain from the plate that he was a Brahman. The date assigned to the transaction in the plate, viz., A.D. 242, is of course a 1 " One Kali Yuga Ramen fanam ia still the currency of Travancore. 9 66 HKIORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III Ariyanftyaka- puram anient Suttamalli anicut. Palavur anicut. Marudur anicut. Puthugudi anicut. pure invention. I have never found the use of the year of the Kali yuga era or of the year of the cycle of Jupiter in any inscrip- tion in Tinnevelly older than the fifteenth century A.D. But the date is contradicted by a statement contained in the plate itself. The king from whom the Kannadi or Canarese Brahman received this donation was not one of the ancient Pandya, Chola or Chera kings, but a monarch of comparatively modern times, a member of the Velur branch of the Rayars. When the Vijaya-nagara empire was overthrown by the Muhammadans in 1564 various princes belonging to the defeated but still powerful Rayar family established themselves in various places, one of which was Velur. Tirumalai Nayaka, the greatest of the Nayakas of Madura (from 1623 to 1659) acknowledged the Rayar of Velur as his feudal superior. Prataba Rudra was a common name amongst the Telugu dynasties. The date of the construction of the anicut is thus brought down within the range of probability. 4. The next anicut is that of Ariyanayakapuram. It will be remembered that Ariya-nayaka was a person of great importance in the earliest period of Nayaka history. It does not follow however that this Ariya-nayaka had anything to do with the erection of this anicut, which receives its name from the name of the village nearest to it. 5. The fifth anicut is that of Suttamalli. This important anicut supplies water of irrigation to the town of Tinnevelly and the neighbourhood. 6. The sixth is at Palavur and supplies Palamcottah and the neighbourhood. The channel leading from the latter is called Palaiyan's channel, and is attributed, with the original fort of Palamcottah, to one Palaiyan, who was also a Kannadi. The latter Kannadi is said to have been a descendant of the former. Palavur is on the left bank of the river, though the channel which leads from it runs along the right bank. 7. Of all the anicuts on the TamraparnI the one which supplies the largest extent of paddy cultivation is that at Marudur, some miles to the east of Palamcottah. This anicut was almost wholly rebuilt in 1792, during the Collectorship of Mr. Torin (as an inscription testifies), and great improvements were again made in it in 1807 by Colonel Caldwell. 8. The last of the eight anicuts, the one that is nearest to the sea, between Puthugudi and Srlvaikuntham, was constructed only a few years ago by Lieutenant Shepherd. The river is here 800 yards broad. The anicut cost eleven lakhs. This is the only anicut on the TamraparnI wholly constructed by the British Government. All the anicuts, however, have been strengthened and improved since the country came under British rule. later hindu period. 67 The Portuguese on the Coast of Tinnevelly. Chapter hi. The Portuguese arrived at Calicut on the 20th of May 1498. Vasco da They came iu three small vessels under the command of Vasco da p* ma 8 J ... lntormation. Gama, the first European mariner who found his way to India by doubling the Cape of (rood Hope. He returned to Europe the following year, when he presented to his sovereign a summary of the events of his voyage and of his discoveries. Ho therein mentioned a place on the Tinnevelly coast, Cael (Kayal), where he was told that pearls were found, and which he was informed was under a Mussulman king. Not long after we find a king of Quilon living at Kayal, but it may have been true that in Vasco da Gama's time the ruler of the place was a Muhammadan, for it was from the Muhammadans that the Paravas shortly after asked to be protected ; we know from other sources that the Muhamma- dans were numerous and powerful along the coast at that time, and I have found in Kayal itself a tradition that the last king of the place was a Muhammadan. The first settlement of the Portuguese in India was at Cochin, The where they established a factory in 1502. In the following year Portuguese they erected a fort there. From that time they became virtually masters of the whole sea coast of India, and ere long drove all Moorish, that is, all Muhammadan, vessels from the sea, except those that consented to receive Portuguese passes. Barbosa, a Barbosa's Portuguese Captain, who visited many places in the east shortly information. after, relates that in 1514 he found Cael (Kayal) belonging to the king of Quilon, who generally resided there. By the king of Quilon we are to understand the sovereign who at a later period was styled, as now, the king of Travancore. Marco Polo in 1293 distinguished between the kingdom of Quilon and the kingdom of Travancore, the latter of which he called the kingdom of " Coniari." At the time, however, of the arrival of the Portuguese Travancore was found to have absorbed Quilon. If we are to suppose that the king of Quilon found by Barbosa at Kayal was the reigning king of Travancore himself, he must, according to Travancore authorities, have been Sri Vira Ravivarma. It does not seem certain however that it was the reigning Raja himself, for each of the Raja's brothers is commonly called Raja, and a little later on, in Xavier's time, we find that it was a relative of the king who was residing at The king of Kayal. However this may be, it is clear that Kayal was regarded Travancore at by the earliest Portuguese as belonging to Travancore, and that the king of Travancore was regarded as the legitimate sovereign of the whole of the south of Tinnevelly. This is quite in accordance with Tinnevelly traditions and inscriptions, and in particular with the records contained in the temple at Trichendur. At that time the Pandya Rajas had sunk into insignificance, and Hie Nayakas of 68 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III. Madura had not yet consolidated their power. It was natural therefore that the king of the adjacent territory of Travancore should take the opportunity of bringing at least the southern portion of Tinnevelly under his rule. In 1517 the Portuguese established a settlement, with a fort, at Colombo in Ceylon ; and in 1522 they sent a commission from Cochin to Mailapur, or Saint Thome, near Madras, to search for the body of Saint Thomas, which was supposed to have been preserved in the church at a place called the Little Mount. "We cannot doubt that long ere that date they had explored the whole of the Tinnevelly coast, and made themselves acquainted with the lucrative pearl fishery to which their attention had been called by Vasco da Grama, and which had been carried on along that coast from the beginning of the historical period to that time, Embassy of the Paravas to Cochin. The Portuguese in power along the coast. The First Expedition of the Portuguese. The first recorded appearance, however, of any Portuguese exj>edition on the Tinnevelly coast was in 1532, when a deputation of Paravas, people of the fisher caste, came to Cochin for the purpose of obtaining the aid of the Portuguese against the Moors or Muhammadans. The chief place along the coast then as now inhabited by Muhammadans was Kayalpattanam, a town not to be confounded, as it has often been, with Kayal, now called Old Kayal. The deputation to Cochin is said to have comprised seventy persons. They were successful in their application, and an expedition was fitted out. Father Michael Vaz, the Vicar- General at Cochin, accompanied the fleet with some priests, and is described by Xavier some years afterwards as " the true father of the Comorin Christians." The application of the Paravas to the Portuguese at Cochin and the plan they adopted of securing their help by promising to embrace their religion were owing, it is said, to the advice given them by a native, himself a recent convert, called Joam de Cruz. The members of the deputation were baptised at Cochin by Father Vaz, and on his arrival on the coast, after the overthrow of the Muhammadans, 20,000 Paravas, inhabit- ing thirty villages, are said to have been baptised. Looking at these circumstances I think we cannot err in setting down 1532 as the date of the commencement of the Portuguese power on the Tinnevelly coast. Xavier writes that the chiefs of the Saracens (Muhammadans) were slain and that thoir power was utterly broken. By 1542, when he first visited the coast, the pearl fishery had fallen entirely into Portuguese hands. The places where the Portuguese had established themselves in Xavier's lime were Manapadu, Punnaikayal, Tutioorin, and Vembar, but it will appear afterwards, from notes from early Portuguese writers LATER TflNDTT PERIOD. 69 communicated to me by Dr. Buruell, that till about 1582 Chapter III, Punnaikayal was their principal settlement and Tuticorin a place of less importance. Inroads of the " Badages." Between 1532, the date of the expedition against the " Moors ", Ravages of and 1542, the first year of Xavier's residence on the coast, a new theBada S es - enemy came upon the scene, an enemy much more formidable than the Moors, and one with which even the Portuguese found it more difficult to deal. These were the " Badages " whose ravages are so frequently described and so pathetically deplored in Xavier's letters. Xavier represents them as lawless marauders ; by another writer, as we shall see, they are described as tax-gatherers; and doubtless both representations were correct, for this extraordinary combination of the characters of tax-gatherer and marauder continued to be common in the south till the cession of the Carnatic to the East India Company. In one village near Cape Comorin Xavier himself was a witness of the horrors the Badages had inflicted, and it will presently be seen that even the Portuguese settlements themselves were not safe. Who were these Badages ? I have already mentioned that Who were " Badages " stands for Vadugas, that is, Nayakas. The Canarese the y ? form of the name is Badaga, the literal meaning is northern, and the Nayakas are so called in the Tamil country because being Telugus they came from the north. The division of the Nayakas called Vadugas is that of Tirumalai Nayaka' s caste. Their title as a caste is Nayaka or Nayudu, but the name by which they are ordinarily called and by which they are distinguished from other Nayakas is Vadugas. A Jesuit writer of that time describes the Badages as " the collectors of the royal taxes, a race of overbearing and insolent men, and commonly called Nairs." Here the writer, Collectors of who resided on the western coast, inaccurately uses tha Malayalam the Vijaya- term Nair (Nayar) instead of the corresponding Tamil Naik, or Nayaka. In other respects his definition is correct. One expres- sion he uses is noticeable — " the royal taxes." This meant the taxes claimed by the Ray as of Vijaya-nagara (or the kings of Narsinga, as they were generally called by the Portuguese), which were exacted through their lieutenants at Madura and elsewhere, who had not yet succeeded in making themselves independent of their masters. Xavier used a variety of means for protecting the Christian villages, that is, the villages of the Paravas along the Xavier's coast, from the violence of the Badages, one of which was his appeal to the intercession in their behalf with the king of Travancore. He Travancore. calls this king by the strange name of " Iniquitribirimus." The onty portion of this name which seems capable of explanation is 70 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III. the last, birimus, which probably stands for Varnia, the Kshatriya title affixed to the personal name of each Travancore king. According to the Travancore lists the king at that time was colled Udaya Martanda Varma who reigned from 1537 to 1560. No name in the list and no Hindu name I know seems to bear any resemblance to Iniquitri. The copier of Xavier's letter probably mistook his writing. Can the name have been intended for that of a king of Travancore who reigned some time previously, Vira Ravi ? Power of the Xavier describes this king as " the great king of Travancore " Travancore an( j S p ea k s f hj m as having authority over all South India. Again he speaks of the oppressed Paravas as the king's subjects. He mentions that a near relative of the king resided at Tael 1 (that ia Cael = Kayal). It is evident, however, that the power of the king of Travancore along the Tinnevelly coast had become at that time little better than nominal. He gave his sympathy, but apparently was unable to render any real assistance ; and the follow- ing year we find that Travancore itself was invaded by the " Badages" in greater force and better armed than when they went against the poor fishermen of the coast. According to some accounts the Raja was more indebted to Xavier than to his force Nayfkas°on * of Nairs for deliverance from this danger, a panic having, it is said, Travancore. "been produced in the ranks of the Badages by Xavier's sudden appearance in the front of their host. The Badages failed in their attempt to conquer Travancore, but from that time forward we hear no more of the power of the king of Travancore in Tinnevelly, and from time to time we find the Nayaka rulers of Madura claiming the right of levying tribute on Travancore itself. It is admitted, however, that the king of Travancore paid them tribute only when compelled. At the time these conflicts were occurring between the Badages and the Paravas the Pandya kings of the second series still professed to reign over the whole country. The Pandya of that time, according to an inscription of mine, was Vikrama Pandya. But nobody seems to have cared about him or taken any notice of him. Motives of the What can have been the motive of the special hostility of the " Badages." « Tj a dages, " that is. of the Nayaka emissaries and representatives of the Vijaya-nagara Payas and their Madura deputies against the unwarlike Parava fishermen along the coast of Tinnevelly ? They were said to have expressed " their determination to expel the 1 The name nf this place is written Tael, Tale or Tala. As it is said to have been two leagues from Manapftdu, Talai, a fishing village on the coast, would app< u to have been meant. It is difficult, however, to suppose that a relation of the king of Travancore would he living at a poor fishing village, when it was so much more natural tor him to live at Kayal where Barbosa net long hefore found the king himsi If. Cael would easily have bet D written by mistake Tael. LATEE HINDI PEEIOD. 71 Christians, both natives and foreigners, from the coast." Whence Chapter in. this determination ? The Nayaka rulers of Madura tolerated Explanation Robert de Nobili and his Christian converts at Madura itself of the some time later. Why were they not equally willing to tolerate t ^| Badages. the Christian Paravas ? The reason is that the Paravas had changed their nationality as well as their religion. Xavier in one of his letters to a colleague speaks of the Paravas as " subjects of His Portuguese Majesty," and nothing can be more evident from all the letters written by him and others during his two years' stay than that the entire civil and criminal jurisdiction of the fishery coast had been seized upon by the Portuguese, and that all dues and taxes, including the valuable revenue arising from the pearl fishery, The policy of had been assumed by the governors appointed by the Portuguese guese . Viceroy. The Portuguese had not asked any native potentate's consent to the formation of their settlements. They seized possession of the whole fishery coast, established settlements wherever they pleased, and conferred on the Paravas the some- what dangerous privilege of being Portuguese subjects. Hence the repeated violent efforts of the Badages, or representatives of the Madura Nayakas, to compel the Paravas to pay tax and tribute, not to the Portuguese, but to themselves. It will be noticed that amongst the expedients adopted by Xavier for the purpose of protecting his flock from the violence of the Badages, that of advising them to pay the taxes demanded of them and submitting to the authority of Madura had not a place. The coast was generally called by Xavier the Comorin Coast, Government the villages along the coast amongst which he itinerated the of the cc>ast • Comorin villages, and the Christian converts the Comorin Chris- tians. Later on, however, the coast was commonly called the Pescaria, the fishery, by which the pearl fishery was denoted, and the principal functionary amongst the Portuguese on the coast was styled the Captain of the Fishery. The Portuguese, at least in that early period, were more fortunate in relation to the profits of the pearl fishery than the Dutch were afterwards, for Profits of the whilst the Dutch had always to pay a share of the profits of the peai S ery " fishery to the Nayakas of Madura or the Setupati of Eamnad, the Portuguese found themselves for a time strong enough and the Native rulers weak enough (or distant enough) to allow of their appropriating the whole of the profits to themselves. When the Portuguese grew weaker and the Nayakas stronger, a different arrangement had to be submitted to. In Guerrero's "Relation " of the Missions on the coast (1G04) Portuguese the Nayaka is spoken of as " Lord of those lands," and as holding doned* ** his court in Madura, from which it is evident that the sovereignty over the coast had ceased to be claimed by the Portuguese. I 72 HISTORY OF TIXNEVEI.LY, Chapter III, Punnaikaval. Annals of the Portu- guese on the coast. Printing introduced. Printing at Cochin. find also from another authority that in 1609 the Paravas paid their dues, not to the Portuguese, but to the representatives of the Madura Government. Bishop Barretto in 1615 complains that the people were much oppressed by the Nayaka of Madura. The principal settlement of the Portuguese for about fifty years after their arrival seems to have been Punnaikayal. Punnai means the Indian laurel, Kayal a lagoon opening into the sea. Old Kayal is situated to the north of the TamraparnI river, Punnai- kayal to the south, very near the mouth and right on the seashore. It is now only a fishing village, but some traces remain of its former greatness. The foundations of some European bungalows and warehouses are still seen, with a portion of an encircling wall ; and a distinct tradition survives of the existence of a fort during the Portuguese period, of a siege, a battle, and a defeat. This it will be seen is quite in accordance with the historical notice which will be found beneath under the head of 1552. There is also a tradition of the death by the hands of the enemy of Father Antonio (Antonio Criminalis), Xavier's successor. For the following items of information about Punnaikayal subsequently to Xavier's time, I am indebted to Dr. Burnell, who has taken them from early Portuguese writers, especially DeSousa : — 1551. Two hospitals and a seminary founded at Punicale. 1552. At Punicale, the chief place on the coast, there was a mud fort. This fort was taken by the Badages, Countinho, Captain of the Fishery, being defeated. 1553. Punicale retaken by the fleet from Calicut. 1560. There was a garrison at Punicale of fifty men. 1563. Shortly after 1563, when Cresar Frederic visited the coast, the fishers for pearls still continued to pay for permission to the representative of the King of Portugal. The Madura Nayakas had, therefore, not yet succeeded in gaining supreme power. 1570. Great famine on the fishery coast. Father Henriquez established famine relief houses, in some of which fifty persons were daily fed. Don Sebastian limits to the Christian fishermen the tithes on pearls. 1578. DeSousa states that in 1578 Father Joao de Faria cut Tamil types and printed certain religious books the same year on the Pescaria coast, that is, on the coast of Tinncvelly. The books were the Doctrina Christiana, the Flos Sanctorum (an epitome of the lives of the Saints), and some others. Paulinus a Sancto Bartolomreo seems to make the same state- ment with reference to Cochin. He says that at Cochin in 1577 a lay brother, Joannes Gonsalves, cut Malabar-Tamil types and printed a Doctrina Christiana, and that the next year a Flos Sanctorum followed. It certainly looks very much as if the same LATER HINDU PERIOD. 73 incident were referred to by both writers. If one of these narra- Chapter III. tives is to be accepted and the other rejected, the one which has the best claim to be accepted is the one which relates to Tinnevelly, as DeSousa compiled his book from MSS. in Groa in the seventeenth century, a century before Paulinus. This is an interesting incident, as being the first introduction of printing on the Coromandel Coast. It does not seem to have been carried on any further. The next Tamil printing we hear of is at Ambalakadu in the Cochin country in 1679. The Pearl Fishery. I subjoin here Caesar Frederic's description of the pearl fishery as earned on in his time. It seems probable that his observations were made at Kayal (or Punnaikayal) , that being the only place on the coast he mentions. Csesar Frederic was a Venetian merchant, a fellow-countryman of Marco Polo. He spent eighteen years in India between 1563 and 1581, and his visit to Tinnevelly and the scene of the pearl fishery must have been in or soon after 1563 : — " Of the Pearl Fishery in toe Gulf of Mannar. '■ The sea along the coast which extends from Cape Comorin to the low land of Kayal and the island of Zeilan (Ceylon) is called the pearl fishery. This fishery is made every year, beginning in March or April, and lasts fifty days. The fishery is by no means made every year at one place, but one year at one place, and another year at another place ; all however in the same sea. When the fishing season approaches, some good divers are sent to discover where the greatest quantity of oysters are to be found under water ; and then directly facing that place which is chosen for the fishery a village with a number of houses, and a bazaar, all of stone, is built, which stands as long as the fishery lasts, and is amply supplied with all necessaries. Sometimes it happens near places already inhabited, and at other times at a distance from any habitations. The fishers or divers are all Christians of the countiy, and all are permitted to engage in this fishery, on payment of certain duties to the king of Portugal and to the churches of the Friars of Saint Paul on that coast. Happening to be there one year in my peregrinations, I saw the order used in fishing which is as follows : — " During the continuance of the fishery, there are always three or four armed foists or galliots stationed to defend the fishermen from pirates. Usually the fishing boats unite in companies of three or four together. These boats resemble our pilot boats at Venice, but are somewhat smaller, having seven or eight men in each. I have seen of a morning a great number of these boats go out to fish, anchoring in 15 or 18 fathoms water, which is the ordinary depth along this coast. When at anchor, they cast a rope into the sea, having a great 10 74 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY. Chatter III. stone at one end. Then a man having his ears well stopped, and his body anointed with oil, and a basket hanging to his neck or under his left arm, goes down to the bottom of the sea along the rope, and fills his basket with oysters as fast as he can. "When that is full, he shakes the rope, and his companions draw him up with the basket. The divers follow each other in succession in this manner till the boat is loaded with oysters, and they return at evening to the fishing village. Then each boat or company makes their heaps of oysters at some distance from each other, so that a long row of great heaps of oysters are seen piled along the shore. These are not touched till the fishing is over, when each compan}' sits down beside its own heap, and falls to opening the oyster, which is now easy, as the fish within are all dead and dry. If every oyster had pearls in them it would be a profitable occupation, but there are many which have none. There are certain persons called Chitini (Chettis) who are learned in pearls ; and are enipkryed to sort and value them according to their weight, beauty, and goodness, dividing them into four sorts. The first sort which are round are named aia of Portugal, as they are bought by the Portuguese. The second, which are not round, are named aia of Bengal. The third, which are inferior to the second, are called aia of Canara, which is the name of the kingdom of Bijanagur or Narsinga, into which they are sold. And the fourth, or lowest kind, is called aia of Cambaia, 1 being sold into the country. Thus sorted, and prices affixed to each, there are merchants from all countries ready with their money, so that in a few days all the pearls are bought up accord- ing to their goodness and weight." The author of the Eeport on the Tinnevelly Census, in which the above is included, observes of this description of the pearl fishery that it is " as applicable to the method of procedure at the present day, as when it was written nearly 300 years ago, except that from some causes but little understood the banks of recent years have unfortunately ceased to furnish a supply of the valuable oysters yielding the pearl of commerce." TuTICORIX UXDER THE PORTUGUESE. The first appearance of the Portuguese in force in Tuticorin was in 1532, when the fleet despatched from Cochin broke the power of the Muhammadans along the coast and the Paravas were baptised by Father Michael Vaz and his assistant priests. The number said to have been baptised Avas, as has been said, 20,000 inhabiting thirty villages from Cape Comorin northwards. Of tins. 1 It is not oli ai what word was meant by "ia. Haya, horse, was the title of the first of eight varieties of pearls sent hy king Devenipiatissa in B.C. 306 to King Asoka. .See Emerson Tcnnent's Ceylon. Each of C;esar Frederic's varieties. however, was called the aia of such and such a kingdom. Can the ordinary word Bya (in Tamil ayam), which means "tax" have been int. mlcd? This is the impression of the Tuticorin traders-, as they say the tax to the Portuguese, &c, was paid in n.urls. LATER HINDU PERIOD. 75 villages Tuticorin was one, but it is uncertain when a regular settle- Chapter III. ment was formed there by the Portuguese. In 1543, when the celebrated Xavier arrived, Tuticorin had a Portuguese Governor. The establishment of the settlement there must, therefore, be Date of the placed somewhere in the ten years between 1532 and lc42, but establishment from 1532 for some fifty years the inhabitants of Tuticorin were Portuguese regarded, like the rest of the baptised Paravas, as Portuguese inl utlcorm - subjects. Tuticorin is the European equivalent of the Tamil name of the place Tuttukkudi. The cerebral d of Tuttukkudi became r in the mouth of Europeans by that rule of mispronunciation by which Manappadu, another place in the neighbourhood, became Manapar. The final n in Tuticorin was added for some such euphonic reasons as turned Kochchi into Cochin and Kumari into Comorin. The Meaning of meaning of the name Tuttukkudi is said to be the town where ^wriii the wells get filled up ; from tuttu (properly turttu), to fill up a well, and kudi, a place of habitation, a town. This derivation, whether the true one or not, has at least the merit of being appropriate, for in Tuticorin the silting up of old wells and the opening out of new ones are events of almost daily occurrence. Tuticorin was not only a village, but appears to have been a place of some little trade, before the arrival of the Portuguese ; but the Portuguese were especially attracted to it by the advantages offered by its harbour, which is the only place that can be called a harbour along the entire Coromandel Coast. The harbour is well sheltered from every wind by islands and spits of sand. Unfortunately it is so shallow that only vessels of sixty tons' burthen can load in it. Had it not been for this disadvantage Tuticorin might have eclipsed Madras. The Portuguese, as we have seen, made Punnaikayal their chief station for a time, but as Tuticori there is only an open road-stead there, without any thing that harbour, could be called a harbour, they made Tuticorin their chief settle- ment from about 1580. Probably the vessels used by the early Portuguese, though built in Europe, were not much larger than good-sized country craft, so that they would be able to load and unload inside the harbour. Probably also the harbour was a few feet deeper then than it is now. This indeed may be regarded not as a probability, but as a certainty, for there is abundant evidence to prove that the whole coast has been steadily rising little by little out of the sea for ages. The principal island, that on which the light-house stands, is called Pandiyan-tlvu, the island of the Pandyan. Coral, called in Tamil nurai-kal, foam-stone, is formed abundantly in the shallow Coral, water outside the islands. Whenever people dig in the town of Tuticorin they find about two feet beneath the surface a thin layer, generally only a few inches in thickness, of a fine-grained grit- rm 76 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III. stone, called by the natives uppukal, salt-stone, formed by the induration of the uj)per surface of the sea bed when the sea covered the place. Underneath this stratum we find sea sand, the larger grains above, the smaller below, as is usual in sedimentary deposi- tions. Sea sand and shells, including deep sea shells, are found lying on the surface of the ground or a few inches beneath the surface, as far inland as Korampallam, at the fifth milestone on the road to Palamcottah. The grit-stone formation lies beneath, as elsewhere, all along the coast, and is found half a mile further inland. It also is full of recent shells ; but with this difference that the shells in the grit-stone are fossilised and very much comminuted. The shells lying on the surface are not fossilised, many of them are nearly perfect, and some retain traces of their original colour. I found the open country near the Korampallam Grit-stone, tank covered with deep sea shells, such as chanks, pectens, oysters, and a few pearl-oysters. I found in places also large quantities of sea shore shells. The place in the vicinity of the Korampallam sluice, where I found these chanks, &c, is 11 feet above the present level of the sea at Tuticorin. Chanks are usually found in 7-fathom water, but we may take a minimum depth of 5 fathoms, and reckon 30 feet for the depth of their habitat. This added to 11 gives us about 40 feet, as the depth of the sea which swept over Deep sea shells Tuticorin at that early period when these shell fish were living in found inland. ^ sea DO ttoin at Korampallam. The natives of Tuticorin confirm this conclusion by a so-called tradition. They say that it was at Korampallam, when the sea came up to that place, that Tuticorin first began to be built, and that as the sea retired they built their houses further and further to the eastward, till they reached the place where Tuticorin now stands, and where it has stood ever since the arrival of the white men. This seems to me a tradition invented to account for the fact which people could not help observing, that sea shells were found lying on the surface of the ground at Korampallam. I do not think it probable that the date of the commencement of the elevation of the land was so recent as this tradition would make us believe, though probably it was after Tinnevelly began to be inhabited. Sec Appendix IV. First Reliable Notices of Tuticorin. Governor of The first reliable notices of the Portuguese settlement at Tuticorin. Tuticorin I find in Xavier's letters, which were written on the spot, or in the neighbourhood, in 1542-44. Tuticorin had then a Portuguese Governor, who was probably also the Governor of the other settlements on the coast, for in his letters to his assistant, Francis Mancias, Xavier always speaks of the Governor in the singular. It is probably that it was the same functionary who LATER HINDI: PERIOD. 77 was afterwards called Captain of the Fishery. The principal Chapter III. letter relating to Tuticorin is one which records a disaster. It was dated at Alendale (a small Parava village three miles south of Trichendur, properly Alandulai), 5th September 1541. An attack had been made by the dreaded B adages (Nayakas from Madura) on the Governor of Tuticorin. Xavier's letter on the subject was Tuticorin addressed to Mancias at Punnaikayal. He says: "I have just g a( w e ^ received the most terrible news respecting the Governor (of Tuticorin), that his ship has been burnt, and his house on shore also destroyed by fire ; that he has himself been robbed of every thing, and has retired to the islands in broken spirits and utter destitution. Fly to his relief, I conjure you in the name of charity ; carry with you as many as you can get together of your Xavier's people at Punieale, and all the boats which are there, filled with r el °*f 8 provisions, and especially with a supply of fresh water. Use the utmost despatch, for the extremity of the man's distress admits of no delay. I am writing to the Patangats 1 (headmen) of Combutur and Bembare 2 in the most urgent terms, to render you every possible assistance in discharge of their bounden duty to their Governor. Let them load as many boats as are fit for the service Boats sent to with provisions and fresh water, for it is well known that they are deficient in that necessary. I wish many boats to be sent, that these may be the means of carrying over to the mainland the crowd of all ages, who were driven to take refuge in these inhospitable rocks by the same incursion as drove the Governor thither." He adds : " The same calamity has overwhelmed very many Christians also." This calamity came to an end ere long, but by what means does not appear. Two months later Xavier writes to Mancias again : " Tell N. Barbosa (the Governor or Captain of the Fishery) from me not to employ any person in the pearl fisheries at Tuticorin, who have taken possession of the houses of the Christian exiles ; as the King and the Viceroy have given me authority in this matter, I positively forbid it." To understand the style of language employed by Xavier it is necessary to remember that he had been made a Royal Xavier's Commissioner with extraordinary powers. About the same time he authont y- obtained an order from the King of Portugal that the pearl fishery should be entirely in the hands of the Christians. For the following particulars respecting Tuticorin I am indebted as before to Dr. Burnell. 1 Patangat means Pattangkatti (title- wearer), the title of a headman amongst the Paravas. 2 Bembare is easily identified with Vembar, but it was a long time before I discovered that by " Combutur" (confounded by some with far-off Coimbatore) we are to understand Kombukireiyur, a small fishing village near Kayalpa^anam. 78 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Later notices of Tuticorin. Tuticorin taken by the Dutch. Chapter III. Correa, writing about 1560, says that in 15-14 (when as we have seen Xavier himself was on the coast) the places in which there were most Christians were Tuticorin and Manapadu. A church was built at Tuticorin in 1582 (DeSousa). It was dedicated to " Nossa Senhora da Piedade," and 600 persons com- municated at the first mass said in it. This name is supposed to be an error — See in the chapter on Roman Catholic Missions a quotation from Guerrero in 1600 relating to the name of this church. In Lunchoten's map (1596) Cael appears, but not Tuticorin. He only mentions a Captain of the Fishery. I find the following names of places on or near the coast men- tioned in Xavier's letters : — Tuticorin, Manapadu, Punnaikayal, Kombukiraiyur, Alandulai, Kayal, Talai, Virapandiyanpattanam, Vembaru, Pudicurim (Pudukudi), Trinchandour (Tiruchendur), Pattanani. Baldseus mentions that the Dutch took Tuticorin from the Portuguese in 1658. He mentions the existence of churches along the coast, but says nothing of Portuguese settlements. It may be assumed that by that time Tuticorin was the only place on the coast where the Portuguese continued to bear rule. Baldseus says that Tuticorin was not fortified, and this appears from his view. It will be seen that a fort was erected in Tuticorin by the Dutch shortly before 1700. Prior to that, however, the portion of the town which is now inhabited by the higher Hindu castes was called Vadi, the enclosure. Both during the Portuguese period and during that of the Dutch the chief trade of Tuticorin was with Ceylon. In addition to the Groanese Church at Tuticorin the only other relic of the Portuguese period I have seen is a tomb-stone of a Native Roman Catholic female with a Portuguese name, dated 1618. The oldest thing in Tuticorin appears to be a great Baobab tree, near the church, probably planted there by some early Arab merchants and said by tradition to have been standing there before the church was erected. The Baobab is the Adansonia Diffitata, an African tree, called the monkey-broad by the Negroes. The natives of Tuticorin call it "the tree without a name." Relics of the 1'oituguese time. Tuticorin under the Dutch. The first mercantile expedition despatched by the Dutch to the east was in 1595. In 1602 the first Dutch ship was seen in Ceylon, from which period till 1658, when the Portuguese were expelled from Ceylon and the Coromandel Coast, the Dutch and the Portuguese were incessantly at war. Colombo was taken by the Dutch in 1655, three years before the capture of Tuticorin. LATER HINDU PERIOD. 79 The Dutch had factories also at Vembar, Vaipar, Punnaikiiyal, Chapter III. Old Kayal, Manapadu, and Cape Comorin. They had several D u t c h"~ t rading out-stations also in places in the interior as at Alvar factories. Tirunagari. At Tuticorin they had latterly a Resident, a more important functionary than Governor. The Dutch did not, like the Portuguese, claim civil authority over the Paravas, the caste of fishermen along the coast, but they professed themselves to be their patrons and protectors, and it was to the interest of the Paravas to keep on terms of amity with their Dutch neighbours, as they thereby gained protection from the exactions and oppressions of the Hindu and Muhammadan rulers of the interior. Before the Head of the arrival of the Dutch the residence of the " Jati-talaivan," the head caste - of the (Parava) caste, is said to have been at Virapandiyanpat- tanam, but as the Dutch wanted to avail themselves of his local influence, they induced him to take up his abode in Tuticorin. A letter written by a French Missionary, Father Martin, in 1700, quoted in Lockman's Travels of the Jesuits, describes Tuticorin as a flourishing town of more than 50,000 inhabit- ants. I am very doubtful about the accuracy of this estimate of the population. It is now one of the most flourishing towns on the coast, is a railway terminus, and is governed by a municipality, yet its population, when the census of 1871 was taken, was under Population of 11,000. The same writer describes the natural harbour of Tuticorin as the only one on the coast in which a European vessel could attempt to pass the stormy season, from which it would appear that, in consequence either of the harbour being deeper then than it is now, or of the smaller size of the European vessels, or from both causes, it was possible for European vessels at that time (in 1700) to ride inside the harbour. The writer says :" Tuticorin Appearance appears a handsome town to those who arrive at it by sea. We observe several buildings which are lofty enough in the two islands that shelter it ; likewise a small fortress built a few years since by the Dutch, to secure themselves from the insults of the idolaters who came from the inland countries ; and several spacious ware- houses built by the water side, all which look pretty enough. But the instant the spectator is landed, all this beauty vanishes ; and he perceives nothing but a large town built mostly of hurdles. 1 he Dutch draw considerable revenues from Tuticorin, though The fish, i \ they are not absolute masters of it. The whole fishery coast belongs partly to the king of Madura, and the rest to the prince of Marava, who not long since shook off the yoke of the Madura monarch, whose tributary he was. The Dutch attempted some years since to purchase of the prince of Marava his right to the fishing coast and all the country dependent on it ; and for this purpose sent him a splendid embassy with magnificent presents. so HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Dutch mono poly in the fishery. Chapter III. The prince thought fit to receive the presents, and promised fine things, but has not yet been so good as his word. The Dutch had already obtained from the king of Madura the monopoly of the fishery of the Tinnevelly coast, and drew a considerable revenue from licenses to fish, which they granted to all applicants at the rate of sixty ecus 1 and occasionally more for each vessel employed, the number of licensed vessels amounting often to as many as six or seven hundred. The conch-shell fishery was also theirs within the same limits as the pearl fishery, and yielded a considerable profit. Their ordinary trade was in cloths manufactured at Madura, for which they gave in exchange Japan leather and Molucca spices. The Jesuit Missionary, from whose letters these particulars have been obtained, furnishes an account of the manner in which the pearl fishery was carried on by the Dutch in 1700. Though I have already quoted the descriptions of Marco Polo and Caasar Frederic, I cannot forbear quoting this description also, which is particularly full and clear : — Martin's Account of the Pearl Fishery in 1700. " In the early part of the year the Dutch sent out ten or twelve vessels in different directions to test the localities in which it appeared desirable that the fishery of the j^ear should be carried on ; and from each vessel a few divers were let down, who brought up each a few thousand oysters, which were heaped upon the shore in separate heaps of a thousand each, and opened and examined. If the pearls found in each heap were found by the appraisers to be worth an ecu or more, the beds from which the oysters were taken were held to be capable of yielding a rich harvest ; if they were worth no more than thirty sous, the beds were considered unlikely to yield a profit over and above the expense of working them. As soon as the testing was completed, it was publicly announced either that there would or that there would not be a fishery that year. In the former case enormous crowds of people assembled on the coast on the day appointed for the commencement of the fishery ; traders came there with wares of all kinds ; the roadstead was crowded with shipping ; drums were beaten and muskets fired ; and everywhere the greatest excitement prevailed, until the Dutch Commissioners arrived from Colombo with great pomp and ordered the proceedings to be opened with a salute of cannon. Immediately afterwards the fishing vessels all weighed anchor and stood out to sea, preceded by two large Dutch sloops, which in due time drew off to the right and left, and marked the limits of the fishery ; and when each vessel reached its place, half of its comple- ment of divers plunged into the sea, each with a heavy stone tied to his feet to make him sink rapidly and furnished with a sack in which to put his oysters, and having a rope tied round his body, the end of which 1 The writer heing a Frenchman mentions a French coin then current. The ecu contained five francs. The name is now obsolete. LATER HINDU PERIOD. 81 was passed round a pulley and held by some of the boatmen. Thus Chapter IIL equipped the diver plunged in, and on reaching the bottom filled his sack with oysters until his breath failed ; when he pulled a string with which he was provided, and the signal being perceived by the boat- men above, he was forthwith hauled up by the rope, together with his sack of oysters. No artificial appliances of any kind were used to enable the men to stay under water for long periods : they were accustomed to the work from infancy almost, and consequently did it easily and well. Some were much more skilful and lasting than others, and it was usual to pay them no proportion to their powers — a practice which led to much emulation and occasionally to fatal results. Anxious to outdo all his fellows, a diver would sometimes persist in collecting until he was too weak to pull the string ; and would be drawn up at last half or quite drowned. And very often a greedy man would attack and rob a successful neighbour under water : and instances were known in which divers who had been thus treated took down knives and murdered their plunderers at the bottom of the sea. As soon as all the first set of divers had come up, and their takings had been examined and thrown into the hold, the second set went down. After an interval the first set dived again, and after them the second ; and so on turn by turn. The work was very exhausting, and the strongest man could not dive oftener than seven or eight times in a day ; so that the day's diving was finished always before noon. " The diving over, the vessels returned to the coast and discharged their cargoes : and the oysters were all thrown into a kind of park and left for two or three days, at the end of which time they opened and disclosed their treasures. The pearls having been extracted from the shells and carefully washed, were placed in a metal receptacle containing some five or six colanders of graduated sizes, which were fitted one into another so as to leave a space between the bottoms of every two, and were pierced with holes of varying sizes ; that which had the largest holes being the topmost colander, and that which had the smallest being the undermost. When dropped into colander No. 1 all but the very finest pearls fell through into No. 2, and most of them passed into Nos. 3, 4, and 5 ; whilst the smallest of all, the seeds. were strained off into the receptacle at the bottom. When all had staid in their proper colanders, they were classified and valued accord- ingly. The largest or those of the first class were the most valuable : and it is expressly stated in the letter from which this information is extracted that the value of any given pearl was appraised almost exclusively with reference to its size, and was held to be affected but little by its shape and lustre. The valuation over, the Dutch generally 1 nought the finest pearls. They considered that they had a right of pre- emption : at the same time they did not compel individuals to sell if unwilling. All the pearls taken on the first day belonged by express reservation to the king or to the Setupati, according as the place of their taking lay off the coasts of the one or the other. The Dutch did not, as was often asserted, claim the pearls taken on the second da}-. 11 82 HISTORY OF TINXEYELLY. Chapter III. They had other and more certain modes of making profit, of which the very best was to bring plenty of ca^h into a market where cash was not plentiful and so enable themselves to purchase at very easy prices. The amounts of oysters found in different years varied infinitely. Some years the divers had only to pick up as fast as they were able, and as long as they could keep under water ; in others they could only find a few here and there. In 1700 the testing was most encouraging, and an unusually large number of boat-owners took out licenses to fish ; but the season proved most disastrous. Only a few thousands were taken on the first day by all the divers together, and a day or two afterwards not a single oyster could be found. It was supposed by many that strong under-currents had suddenly set in owing to some unknown cause and covered the oysters with layers of sand. What- ever the cause, the results of the failure were most ruinous. Several merchants had advanced large svims of money to the boat-owners on speculation, which were of course lost. The boat-owners had in like manner advanced money to the divers and others, and they also lost their money. And the Dutch did not make anything like their usual profit." Failures in In the earlier period described by Marco Polo and Csesar fishery!' Frederic the pearl fishery seems never to have proved a failure. It was successfully carried on on some bank or another off the coast year after year ; but in later times failures frequently occurred. The first of these failures I find mentioned took place about thirty years after Caesar Frederic's visit and lasted for an entire genera- tion. I have learnt from Dr. Burnell that Barretto, Bishop of Cochin, in an account of the Missions published in 1615, says that the pearl fishery along the coast, of which he gives a description, had failed for thirty-four years. It commenced again, he says, four years ago. This appears to have been the commencement of those frequent failures which have formed the principal characteristic of the fishery in modern times. In 1700 we see Father Martin's account of the failure that year. The first time the fishery was conducted under the East India Company's Government was in 1784, Mr. Irwin being then " Superintendent of Assigned Revenue," or Collector, and this proved a failure. The cause of these failures is, I understand, still involved in mystery. The earliest date I have found on a Dutch tomb-stone in Tuticorin is 1706. nutrii The only reference to the Dutch in Tuticorin contained in alliance with Q rmo ^ y {\\ be found further on in connexion with the events of roliflrars insi the 1700. It would appear that the Poligars were frequently receiving English encouragement and assistance from the Dutch. Later on we learn from Colonel Fullarton that the Dutch entered into a regular alliance with the refractory Poligars of Tinnevelly against the English; nor was this an empty suspicion on the part of the English of that time, founded on national jealousy, for on LATER HINDU PERIOD. 83 the capture of Panjalainkuriohi by Colonel Fullarton in 1783 the Chapter III. original of a treaty between the Dutch Government of Colombo and Kattaboma Nayaka was found in his fort. I append the principal epochs in the history of the occupation DatesrelatiDg of Tuticorin, though some of these come down to a later date than to lutlconn - that at which it was intended that this narrative should terminate. 1. The Dutch took Tuticorin from the Portuguese in 1658. 2. It was taken from the Dutch by the English in 1782. 3. It was restored by the English to the Dutch in 1785, in consequence of the treaty of 2nd September 1783. 4. It was taken again by the English in 1795. 5. And was again given back to the Dutch on the 9th February 1818. 6. It was finally ceded peacefully by the Dutch to the English on the 1st June 1825. During the last Poligar war Tuticorin was taken from the Tuticorin English and held for a short time by the Poligar of Panialam- j™. mg tne ..__,.. . roligar war. kurichi. This was in the beginning of 1801. A young subaltern was in command of the fort of Tuticorin with a company of sepoys. Unfortunately, while he was defending the fort on one side the native officer under him capitulated and admitted the enemy on the other. The rebels disarmed the sepoys and then set them at liberty, and permitted the English officer to embark in a fishing boat for an English settlement. They found an Englishman, Mr. Baggott, who was Master Attendant of Tuticorin, and carried him off a prisoner. His wife followed him into the fort where the Poligar had taken up his headquarters and petitioned for her husband's life, whereupon the Poligar set him at liberty and restored to him his property. There were many Dutch residents in Tuticorin, but these were unmolested by the Poligar. He considered them neutrals, or indeed friends, for the sympathies of the Dutch all through the troubles in Tinnevelly were rather on the side of the enemy than on ours. A son of this Mr. Baggott was well known in Tuticorin in connection with the cotton trade many years afterwards. I have the pleasure of adding here (though they belong to a later introduction period) some particulars respecting the introduction of the screwing of of cot t° n cotton into Tuticorin, kindly furnished me by the gentleman by whom 8Ciei it was introduced, C. Groves, Esq., of Liverpool, now of New Brighton, Cheshire. This was in 1831, nearly fifty years ago. Mr. Groves, who, with his brother, had then a house in Colombo, came across to Tuticorin for the purpose of seeing whether cotton could not be screwed there and shipped directly to England. Up to that time Tinnevelly cotton was either sent unscrewed to Madras, or it was partially screwed in Palamcottah and then sent from Tuticorin to Madras to be properly screwed. Mr. Groves landed at Tuticorin on 84 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter III. the 1st March. 1831 and went immediately to Palameottah to see Mr. Hughes (about whom we hear much in connection with the Poligar wars), who at that time had all the cotton business in his hands. He bought 200 bales of him, and after he left his agent in Colombo sent a vessel to Tuticorin to take these bales to London. This was the first shipment of cotton ever made directly from Tuticorin to Europe, and it answered well financially. The following year, in 1832, Mr. Groves had the first cotton screw erected in Tuticorin in connection with his Colombo business. Afterwards other screws were erected by Madras merchants and others. At first Mr. Baggott, who succeeded his father as Master Attendant in Tuticorin, acted as Groves and Co.'s agent, but after they withdrew he carried on the cotton screwing business on his own account. Some relics of Mr. Hughes's screw may still be seen lying about near the Court House in Palameottah. Tuticorin in At the end of 1801, on the termination of the Poligar war, 180 L General (then Captain) "Welsh was sent to command Tuticorin and superintend the transportation to Penang of seventy of the princi- pal rebels. He describes it as having a large fortified factory, washed by the sea and as a neat little town, the front street of which, on the sea-shore, had some good houses in it. The native inhabitants were about five thousand in number. From this place, he says, the passage by sea to Colombo is performed in one or two days, the gulf always having strong winds blowing, either up or down, which are equally available going or returning. He describes the Factory-house, inhabited by the Dutch Governor, as a very roomy, well-furnished, and very cool habitation, besides which he had a garden house about three miles inland. The Tuticorin fort was destroyed by the English in 1810. Tuticorin at I may add that the Tuticorin of the present is not only the chief present. seaport in Tinnevelly, but the principal emporium of the cotton trade in Southern India. It was always a thriving place, but it has recently received a great impetus from being made the southern terminus of the railway connecting Tinnevelly with Trichinopoly and Madras. It is one of the few towns in Tinnevelly which are under municipal government, and had a population in 1871 of nearly 11,000. NAWAB OF AllCOT's PERIOD. 85 CHAPTER IV. THE PERIOD OF THE NAWAB"t)F ARGOT, TO MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN'S ADMINISTRATION. End of the Rule of the Nayakas of Madura. "We must now return to the closing period of the Nayaka admini- Chapter IV. stration. I must content myself, however, with a brief record of facts, as Trichinopoly had now become the capital of the Nayaka dominions, instead of Madura, and, this place being still more remote than Madura from Tinnevelly, hardly any reference to Tinnevelly affairs appears in the records of the time. It was not until the contest for the Nawabship of Arcot arose between Chanda Saheb, the protege of the French, and Muhammad Ali, the protege of the English, that Tinnevelly seems to have been regarded as a district of any importance. In 1731, the last of the Nayaka kings, Yijayaranga-chokka-natha, died without issue, and was succeeded by his queen Mmakshi, who adopted, as heir to the throne, the son of a member of the royal family, in whose name she ruled as regent. A party, however, arose who endeavoured to depose Mmakshi and set up instead VangaruTirumalai, the father of the boy she had adopted. Mmakshi remained in possession of the fort of Trichinopoly, its palace and treasures, whilst most of the country outside Trichinopoly fell away to ber rival. Chanda Saheb at Trichinopoly. Hearing of these disputes the Nawab of Arcot sent an army, in 1734, under the command of his son Safdar Ali and his relation and Dewan Chanda Saheb, nominally for the purpose of collecting tribute, but really to seize any opportunity that might offer for getting possession of Trichinopoly. Chanda Saheb after having Chanda taken an oath, it is said, on the Koran that he would do nothing f 1 " b ) ' ( ']' 1 ,' , !> to the queen's detriment, was admitted with a body of troops into the city, whereupon he soon succeeded in usurping the entire government, first of the portion of country which remained in the queen's possession, then of Madura and the districts which adhered to Vangaru Tirumalai. Chanda Saheb now threw off the mask and showed himself in his true colours. His schemes had all succeeded ; the Madura 86 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter iv. kingdom, or at all events the greater and more important portion of it, was held by his troops ; Vangaru Tirumalai was a refugee ; and Minakshi was a helpless woman, living in a building which he Chanda Saheb could at any moment seize and turn into a prison. Accordingly, kingdom. * n ^^6, he openly proclaimed himself to be the ruler of the Madura kingdom, and, locking up the queen in her palace, assumed to himself all the power and dignity of a sovereign prince. And thinking after awhile that the queen might find means to do him harm, and that she was an expense to him, and finding perhaps that the presence of the poor woman in the palace was productive of unpleasant action on the part of what he supposed to be his con- science, he began to take into consideration the advisability of murdering her. But he was saved the trouble of committing this fresh crime. Her misfortunes were more than Minakshi could endure, and, weary of her life, she took poison and placed herself beyond the reach of her betrayer. — Nelson, III. 260. Mahrattas at Trichinopoly. The next turn of fortune brought the Mahrattas, for the first time, into the ancient Pandya kingdom. According to Nelson's account, which seems to be more reliable here than Orme's, Vangaru Tirumalai found that his only chance was to call to his aid a power stronger than that of Chanda Saheb. He therefore begged the Arrival of the Mahrattas of Sattarato come and help him. Accordingly, in 1739, *[4 h y atta Raghuji Bhonslai and Futta Singh, the Mahratta generals, marched southward at the head of a large body of cavalry, and after defeating the Nawab of Arcot, Daust Ali, laid siege to Trichino- poly. They were assisted by the King of Tan j ore and the other Hindu princes in the neighbourhood, who were anxious to see the Muhammadans expelled. The fortress was on the point of being- taken when Chanda Saheb surrendered it, with himself, to the Mahrattas, by whom he was sent a prisoner to Sattara. This took place in March 1741, and the capture of Chanda Saheb had been already preceded by the death of his brother Bada Saheb, who had been appointed Governor of Madura. After taking Trichinopoly the Mahratta leaders appointed Morari Rau to be Governor tempo- rarily, and the latter appointed Appaji Rau to be the Governor of the less important fortress of Madura. The Governor of Madura Mahrattas in was doubtless nominally Governor also of Tinnevelly, but there is possession of n0 tLj nO ; to show that he was actually in possession of Tinnevelly or sovereign o i-i- m. j powi t any part of it, though he may have made incursions into it, and it may be assumed without hesitation that the Poligars paid very little attention to his commands. Sir Madhava Rau, in his History of Travancore (which I have only seen in the vernacular), mentions some additional particulars NAWAB OF ARCOt's PERIOD. 87 (which are repeated in Shungoonny Menon's History of Travan- Chapteh ( \ core), respecting the doings of Chanda Saheb and Bada Saheb in the southern districts prior to the siege of Trichinopoly by the Mahrattas. He states that Danst Ali, in order to obtain a kingdom Muhammadan for his eldest son Safdar Ali, sent Chanda Saheb and his brother " lvasion of . . . . Travancore. Bada Saheb to seize upon the Hindu kingdoms in the south. In carrying out this design he states that they attacked Travancore, a circumstance which is not mentioned by any other writer, but in a matter of this kind we may safely trust a local historian in pos- session of local records. He says that the army of the two Sahebs entered Travancore by the Aramboly Pass in February or March 1740. They returned on hearing of troubles in their own country, and also because the King of Travancore sent them presents. The troubles they heard o£ were doubtless those that were owing to the approach of the Mahrattas to Trichinopoly. Commencement of the Rule of the Nawab of Arcot. In 1743 the Nizam himself entered the Carnatic with a great Approach of army, whereupon Trichinopoly and Madura were at once sur- rendered to him, the Mahrattas not being able to cope with so formidable an antagonist. About this time Vangaru Tirumalai died, and his son retired to Vellaikurichi, in the Sivagangai country, where, it is said, his descendants still live in peaceful obscurity. From the time of the expulsion of the Mahrattas by the Nizam in Anwar u-din 1744 until 1747 or 1748 the Madura country appears to have been held by officers commissioned by Anwar-u-din who had been appointed Nawab of Arcot by the Nizam in 1744, and his son Muhammad Ali, who succeeded him in 1749. "We may therefore take 1744 as the commencement of the rule of Nawab of Arcot in the districts heretofore held by the Nayakas, that is, in Trichino- poly, Madura, and Tinnevelly, though it will be seen that till the appearance of the English upon the stage as the Nawab' s allies and helpers his rule was little better than nominal. In 1748 Chanda The rival Saheb regained his liberty, and was acknowledged as the Nawab of Nawats Arcot by the French, whilst the cause of Muhammad Ali was espoused by the English, and in every district in the south the rival claims of these two princes led to conflict and confusion. We now come, for the first time, in the course of these events to a por- tion of the history of Tinnevelly in which we shall be able to avail ourselves of Orme's valuable help. Before commencing this portion of the history, however, it will be desirable to mention some parti- culars respecting the town of Tinnevelly and the fort of Palam- cotta, to each of which reference will have to be made from time to time. 88 HISTORY OF TIXXEVELLY. Chapter IV, Town of Tinnevelly always a place of im- portance. Meaning of " Tiru-nel- veli." Town of Tinnevelly. The town of Tinnevelly was the more ancient capital of the dis- trict, as Palamcotta is the more modern. It is uncertain whether Tinnevelly was anything more than one of the principal towns in the district during the time of the Pandya kings, but it seems to be certain that during the greater portion of the period of the rule of the Nayakas at Madura it was regarded as the capital of the south- ern portion of their dominions. Its only rival in importance was Strivillyputtoor (Srlvillipputtur), where some of the Nayaka rulers liked occasionally to reside. It is strange that, though the capital of a district, and the rich centre of a rich neighbourhood, it seems never to have been fortified. Probably there was always a strong- hold at Palamcotta, only about three miles off, and this may always have been regarded as a sufficient protection, as we know it was at a later period, to the town of Tinnevelly and the towns and villages in the neighbourhood. Tinnevelly should be written Tiru-nel-veli, and the meaning of this name is " the sacred rice hedge," from tiru (the Tamilised form of the Sanskrit srl), sacred; nel, paddy, rice in the husk ; and veli, hedge. The Sthalapurana of the Tinnevelly temple represents nel as meaning " bambu," as well as rice or paddy. Hence it gives also the meaning, the sacred bambu hedge. This meaning would be a very appropriate one, but I can find no trace of nel having the meaning of paddy in any dictionary. The absence of this meaning in the dictionary does not quite settle the matter? but it renders this derivation somewhat doubtful. The ordinary legendary derivation of the name is founded, not on any reference to a bambu, but on the ordinary meaning of nel, paddy, rice in the husk. The story goes, that a man belonging to this place (which then must have had a different name, bambu hedge ?) went to the river to bathe, having previously spread out a quantity of paddy near his house to dry. Whilst he was bathing a heavy shower of rain came on. He left the river and ran home expecting to find his paddy wet and spoiled, when, behold ! he found that the rain had fallen all round the paddy, but not a drop on the paddy itself. Hence he praised Siva as he who had made a hedge round his paddy, and built a temple to his honour, whereupon the name of the place was altered to Tiru-nel-veli, the sacred rice hedge. The Sthala- purana gives both meanings and gives the legend quoted above in confirmation of the second. It identifies Tiru-nel-veli with Daruka- vana, where the rishis, who were Siva's opponents, performed sacri- fice, and the linga here with the linga that grew there out of a bambu. Hence at a certain festival a young bambu plant is mad'' to appear to be growing beside the linga. Siva's consort, as wor- shipped in the Tinnevelly temple, is called Kantimati (fern, of Kantimat), the lovely one. The towna of Tinnevelly is now a municipality, with a population of 20,000. NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 89 PALAMCOTTA. Chapter IV. Palanicotta, the present capital of the district of Tinnevelly, is a municipality, with a population of about 18,000. It is situated about a mile to the south of the TamraparnI, whilst Tinnevelly lies two miles to the north. Intercourse and traffic between the two towns have been facilitated since 1844 by a beautiful bridge over the Tamraparni, erected by Colonel Horsley at the sole expense of a wealthy native, Sulochana Mudaliyar. Few traces now remain of the fortifications of Palamcotta, most of which have been removed as no longer necessary, but when the English first arrived in Tinne- Palamcotta velly they found it the strongest fort south of Madura. It was a ^l^tfol fortified town, as well as a fort, and was defended by a double Madura, system of fortifications, the outer line lower than the inner, with a complete set of bastions and strongly fortified gates. The whole of the fortifications were cased with cut stone. It was the only stone- built fort in the Tinnevelly District. Madura was frequently taken and retaken, but Palamcotta lay so far to the south that it was never exposed to any attack from Europeans, and never sustained any serious assault from natives. If Tippu Sultan had succeeded in taking the northern Travancore lines in 1789 and bringing his forces Tippu's round by Tinnevelly and Madura for the purpose of taking the de81 S ns - English in the rear, as he hoped to do, the strength of the fort of Palamcotta might have been put to the test. Palamcotta is in Tamil Falaiyangkottai, which means camp-fort, from palaiyam, originally a camp, secondarily an estate held on military tenure, and kottai, a fort. The Telugu form which corre- sponds to palaiyam is palem (u), from which it might be concluded that the early English got their pronunciation and spelling of the word from their Telugu followers. The derivation I have here given is that which accords best with the spelling of the name in actual use, but the derivation of the name almost universally accepted by natives requires it to be written, not Palaiyangkottai, Meaning and but Palaiyankottai. They represent Palaiyan as a man's name, origia of the admitting however that it may have originally been a title. As a title it would mean the holder of a camp. This would virtually be identical with the more common title Poligar, and it is noticeable that tradition represents this Palaiyan as aCanarese man, and that the ordinary title of a Poligar in Canarese is Paleya, i.e., Palaiyan. This derivation is confirmed by the circumstance that the water channel which brings water of irrigation from the Palavur anicut to Palamcotta and the neighbourhood is always called Palaiyan-kal, that is, Pa lai van's "channel. The native idea is that the fort of Palamcotta, that is, the old fort, or the oldest portion of the more recent fort, was built by this Palaiyan about 200 years ago. This of course is a very vague estimate. It would place the erection of 12 name. 90 HISTORY OF TINXEVEI.I.Y Age of the founder. Chapter IV. the fort in the time of the Nayakas of Madura, whereas if the founder of the fort and the excavator of the channel were really as tradition invariably states, a Kannadi, which there is no reason to doubt, it would appear probable that he lived in the still earlier period when the Kannadi kings of Dwara-samudra held supreme power. Two reasons may be adduced, on the other hand, for adher- ing to the derivation which accords with the ordinary spelling and consequently regarding the first part of the name of Palamcotta as denoting a camp. One is that Palamcotta is called, it is said, in some old documents Vilangkulam Palaiyam, the camp of Vilang- kulam ; another is that there is a large village to the westward called Melapalaiyam, the western camp. Palaiyam, however, in the latter case may mean merely a suburb. A poetical name for Palamcotta is Mangai-nagaram, the city of the maiden, but who this maiden was is at present unknown. A tradition survives of the existence of a town in ancient times on the site on which the fort of Palamcotta was subsequently built- A petty king lived there, it is said, called Pranda Baja, who has given his name to various places in and about the fort, including a tank. It had always been noticed that many of the stones in the walls of the Palamcotta fort had previously been portions of some Hindu temple, and this is clearly proved by the carvings and Construction inscriptions that remain. These temple stones were found not only in the outer fort, which was undoubtedly built in the Nawab's time, but also in the walls of the inner fort, which is said to have been erected by a Hindu. One explanation of this, given by natives, is that Palaiyan, though a Hindu, did not scruple to avail himself of the stones of abandoned temples, and in particular that he made use of the stones of a great wall which formerly surrounded the temple at Muttukrishnapuram, a place about five miles east of Palamcotta, a temple which had been erected about a hundred years before the fort by one Mayilerum Perumal Mudali, a convert from the Saiva to the Vaishnava religion. Another and more probable explanation is that, not only was the outer fort wholly built by the Muhammadan commandant during the period of the Nawab's rule, but that the wall of the inner fort also was completed and strengthened by him, when he not only made use of the stones of dilapidated temples, but also, it is said, pulled down some temples for the purpose. One of the temples said to have been appropriated in this manner was that at Murttiyapurani, a placn on the banks of the river near Palamcotta. The outer and lower fort used to be called the Pillaikkottai, or child fort. This name was probably given to it on account of it being the smaller of the two, but some natives assert that it meant the fort of the Pillai, that is, of Muhammad Yusuf Khan, commonly called Outer and inner forts. NAWAB OF A.RCOT's PERIOD. 91 simply Khan Saheb, who was often called " the Pillai," in conse- Chapter iv. qnence of his having originally been, not a Muhammadan, but a Vellala Hindu, a caste to which the title Pillai pertains. During the time the East India Company carried on trade they had a Commercial Agent in Palamcotta. They had a warehouse for their goods, and also a cotton-screw near the Agent's house on the banks of the river. See in page 83 the account of the first introduction of cotton screwing into Tuticorin. The first reference to Palamcotta in Orme is in 1756, in which it was stated that the ramparts of the fort were in ruins, and only capable of resisting an enemy which had no battering cannon. Muhammad Yusuf Khan was appointed to command the troops and carry on the revenue administration in Madura and Tinnevelly in the same year, soon after which doubtless he commenced to make the fort of Palamcotta a place of greater strength. It appears to have been garrisoned by the English from 1765. The first reference to it English in the journals of Swartz, the eminent missionary, is in 1771, g arnson - when he speaks of it as a fort belonging to the Nawab, but having an English garrison. The earliest date in the English churchyard in Palamcotta is 1775. First PIelp rendered by the East India Company to the Nawab's Government in Tinnevelly, and First English Expedition into Tinnevelly. Orme, Vol. I. — " The countries lying between the Coleroon and the extremity of the peninsula did not openly throw off their allegiance to Muhammad Ali, but were lukewarm in his interests : he therefore (in 1751) sent 2,500 horse and 3,000 peons, under the command of his brother Abdul-rahim, together with a detachment of 30 Europeans, to settle the government of Tinnevelly, a city lying 160 miles to the south of Trichinopoly, and capital of a territory which extends to Cape Comorin. Abdul-rahim met with no resistance from the people of the country, but found it difficult to restrain his troops from revolt ; for most of the officers being renters, were indebted to their prince as much as he was indebted to their soldiers, and expected as the price of their defection that Chanda-saheb would not only remit what they owed to the Government, but likewise furnish money for the pay of their troops. However, great promises, and the vigilance of Lieutenant Innis.* who commanded the English detachment, prevented them The first En g- froru carrying their schemes into execution ; but the same spirit of lishman in revolt manifested itself more openly in another part of Muhammad mneve ?• Ali's dominions. " Alam Khan, a soldier of fortune, who had formerly been in the service of Chanda-saheb, and afterwards in that of the King of Tanjore, had lately left this prince and came to Madura, where his reputation ■ Probably the first Englishman who was ever seen in Tinnevelly. 92 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Madura. Chapter IV. as an excellent officer soon gained him influence and respect, which he employed to corrupt the garrison, and succeeded so well, that the troops created him governor, and consented to maintain the city under his authority for Chanda-saheb, whom he acknowledged as his sovereign. " The country of Madura lies between those of Trichinopoly and Tinnevelly, and is as extensive as either of them. The city was in ancient times the residence of a prince who was sovereign of all the Importance of three. Its form is nearly a square 4,000 yards in circumference, fortified with a double wall and a ditch. The loss of this place, by cutting off the communication between Trichinopoly and the countries of Tinnevelly, deprived Muhammad Ali of more than one-half of the dominions which at this time remained under his jurisdiction. On receiving the news, Captain Cope offered his services to retake it. He was unsuccessful and had to march back to Trichinopoly with a greatly diminished force. This occurred in 1751. In 1755, we reach events in the history of Tinnes r elly of greater interest and importance. " At the request of the Nawab a force of 500 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys was, in 1755, ordered to proceed into the countries of Madura and Tinnevelly to assist in reducing them to his obedience. Mahfuz Khan (the Nawab's elder brother) was appointed by the Nawab his representative in those countries, but from first to last was found to be either a lukewarm, useless friend, or an open enemy. The Nawab himself accompanied the expedition as far as Manapar (Mana-parai), a place in the hands of a rebellious Poligar, a little to the south of Trichinopoly, and then returned. The whole force was commanded by Colonel Heron, an English officer recently arrived in the country, whilst the sepoys were under the special command of a native." Mahfuz Khan's expedition Career of Muhammad Yusuf Khan. Colonel Heron's Expedition and Muhammad Yusuf Khan. The commander of the native force under Colonel Heron was a distinguished native soldier called Muhammad Yusuf Khan. I give here some particulars respecting this person not mentioned by Orme. For some time prior to 1754 Yusuf Khan had been employed as Commander of the Company's Native troops, in which capacity he showed so much ability and zeal and gave such entire satisfac- tion to his European superiors, that at the recommendation of General Lawrence, then Commander-in-Chief, the Government, on the 25th March 1754, conferred upon him a regular commission as the " Commander of all the Company's Sepoys," and at the same time presented to him a gold medal as a mark of their favour We have seen that Yusuf Khan led a force into Tinnevelly in 1756 for the purpose of restoring order. The Government issued their instructions to him through Captain Calliaud on the 14th March that year, from which it appeared that he was entrusted, NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD, 93 not only with the command of the forces, but with the collection Chapter IV. of the revenue and the settlement of all difficulties connected therewith. The only condition was that he was to report his proceedings from time to time to Captain Calliaud and to remit all moneys to him. His success as civil administrator from that time till 1 763 appears from Mr. Lushington's statements, which will be quoted hereafter. He is well remembered by the people by the name of Kansa, a local corruption of Khan Saheb. His time is commonly spoken of as " the days of Kansa." " Colonel Heron's force took Madura without opposition, and whilst The Raja of there they received an important deputation from the Poligar Marawar p^o^g 8 (that is, from the Setupati, the Poligar or Raja of Ramnad) whose country adjoins the north-eastern portion of Tinnevelly. The Poligar apologized for his conduct during the war in siding with Chanda-saheb and the Mysoreans, desired to be pardoned for that offence, and intreated to be received into alliance with the English, under whose protection he promised to remain faithful to the Nawab. As a proof of the sincerity of his intentions, he offered to give the Company two settlements on the sea-coast of his country, opposite to Ceylon, which, as he justly observed, woidd greatly facilitate their future commu- nications with Tinnevelly, for they had at present no other way of approaching that city but by a tedious and difficult march of several hundred miles ; whereas reinforcements might come by sea from Madras or Fort St. David in four or five days to the settlements he intended to give, from which the march to Tinnevelly was no more than fifty miles. These offers Colonel Heron deemed so advantageous, that without consulting the Presidency, he entered into an alliance with the Poligar, and, as a mark of the English friendship, gave his deputies three Eng- lish flags, with permission to hoist them in their country, wheresoever they should think proper. After the business was concluded Colonel Heron took Kovilgudi, a fortified temple where the fugitive Governor of Madura had taken refuge, and from which the English soldiers Idols carried unthinkingly carried off with other plunder those little copper idols, ° ' which brought upon them so much trouble in the Nattam Pass on their way back. " The army arrived at the town of Tinnevelly about the middle of March. The renters, both of the capital and of the open country, acknowledged the Nawab without hesitation, but many of the neigh- bouring Poligars made pretences to evade the payment of the tribute due from them. The most considerable of these was Catabomonaig, whose country lies about fifty miles north-east from Tinnevelly, and it being imagined that the inferior Poligai\s woidd not hold out long after he should have submitted, a detachment of 200 Europeans and 500 sepoys, with two field pieces, was sent to reduce him." This Catabomonaig (properly Kattaboma Nayaka) was the The Poligar Poligar of ' Panialam crutch ' (properly Panjalani kurichi) a fort ^; a ^ oma near the present taluk town of Ottapidarum. This was the first of many expeditions sent against this place, the last expedition, 94 HISTORY OF TIXXEVEEEY. Fate of his successors. Capture of Nullicotah. Chapter IV. and tlie only one perfectly successful being in 1801. Each of the later Poligars was also called Kattaboma Nayaka, this name being the family title. The chieftain of Colonel Heron's time was Jaga- vlra Kattaboma Nayaka. He died in 1760. His successor, who died in 1791, was still more decidedly hostile to the English, and this hostility culminated in the next two, one of whom was hanged by Major Bannerman in 1 799 and the other by Colonel Agnew, together with the Sivagangai Poligar, in 1801. The expedition sent by Colonel Heron against Panjalam kurichi came to nothing, as his whole force was almost immediately recalled to Trichino- poly. " Some days after the despatch of that expedition another detach- ment, consisting of 100 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with two field pieces, was sent to attack the fort of Nelli-kotah, situated forty miles to the south of Tinnevelly. These troops set out at midnight, and performed the march in eighteen hours : the Poligar, startled at the suddenness of their approach, sent out a deputy, who pretended he came to capitulate, and promised that his master would pay the money demanded of him in a few days ; but suspicions being entertained of his veracity, it was determined to detain him as a pledge for the execution of what he had promised, and he was delivered over to the charge of a guard. The troojis were so much fatigued by the exces- sive march they had just made, that even the advanced centinels coxdd not keep awake, and the deputy perceiving all the soldiers who were appointed to guard him fast asleep, made his escape out of the camp, and returned to the fort, from whence the Poligar had sent him only to gain time in order to make the necessary preparations for his defence. This being discovered early in the morning, it was deter- mined to storm the place, of which the defences were nothing more than a mud-wall with round towers. The troops had brought no scaling ladders, but the outside of the wall was sloping, and had many clefts worn in it by the rain, so that the assault, although hazardous, was nevertheless practicable. It was made both by the Europeans and sepoys with undaunted courage in several parties at the same time ; each of which gained the parapet without being once repulsed, when the garrison retired to the buildings of the fort, where the defenders they called out for quarter ; but the soldiers, as usual in desperate assaults, were so much exasperated by a sense of the danger to which they had exposed themselves, that they put all they met to the sword, not excepting the women and children, suffering only six persons out of four hundred to escape alive. Sorry we are to say, that the troops and officers who bore the greatest part in this shocking barbarity were the bravest of Englishmen, having most of them served under Colonel Lawrence on the plains of Trichinopoly : but those who contemplate human nature will find many reasons, supported by examples, to dissent from the common opinion, that cruelty is incom- patible with courage." For many years T was unable to find any trace of this Nelli- Massaore of NAWAB OF AKroi's PERIOD. 95 cotah, which from another statement seems to have been near Chapter IV. Kalakadu, nor any tradition of its sanguinary capture. I began to be inclined, therefore, to hope that this story was not altogether true. At length I discovered the place —a ruined fort in a lonely situa- tion, about 36 miles to the south-west of Palamcotta and 6 to the east of Aramboly. The correct name was Nattakottai, not Nelli- kottai, but with this unimportant exception the traditions of the place agree with Orme's account. The owner of the fort seems to have been a person of some importance, as he is traditionally styled a Raja, and the site of his residence in the fort is still called " The Palace Mound." The survivors are said to have taken refuge in a place called Panjalingapuram in Travancore. " The revenues which had been collected during this expedition did not amount to the expenses of the army : part of the tributes were embezzled by Mahfuz Khan, and part was likewise diminished by the presents which Colonel Heron, with too much avidity, consented to receive from those who had accounts to settle with the Government. In tbe meantime Mahfuz Khan, in concert with Colonel Heron's inter- preter, contrived every means to make the state of the province appear less advantageous than it really was ; and then made an offer to take the farm of the Madura and Tinnevelly countries together at the Colonel yearly rent of 15,00,000 rupees : this proposal was seconded, as usual, Heron's by the offer of a considerable present, which Colonel Heron accepted, cjSE UraUe and gave him the investiture of the countries. " The detachment which had been sent against Kattaboma Nayaka had been as far to the north-east as Shillinaikenpettah, the principal fort of the Poligar (by which I supposed ' Yellanayakkanpatti must be meant). The Poligar on their appearance entered into a negotiation, paid some money in part of the tribute due from him, and gave hostages as security for the rest : some money was likewise received from several inferior Poligars, but the whole collection did not exceed 70,000 rupees. As soon as the troops received the orders to return, they summoned Kattaboma Nayaka to redeem his hostages ; but he, knowing that they would not venture to stay any longer in his Colonel country, made some trilling excuses, and without any concern suffered Heron's T 1* 1 1 1 f" 1 P H ^ them to carry the hostages away with them. On the 2nd of May Colonel delay. Heron quitted Tinnevelly, but, instead of proceeding directly to Trichinopoly, suffered himself to be persuaded by Mahfuz Khan to march against Nellitangaville, a fort situated about thirty miles to the west of Tinnevelly, belonging to a Poligar who had with much contu- macy refused to acknowledge the Nawab's authority. On the march he was joined by the detachment from the north-east." Thus far Orrne. By Nellitangaville, a name which occurs very frequently in the accounts of these times, we are to understand Nerkattansevval (Nel-kattam-sevval) the head-quarters of the " Pulitaver," that is, the Puli-devar, the hereditary title of the Poligar of Avudeiyarpuram, in what is now the Sankaranainar Kovil Taluk, a chief whose territories were of small extent, but 96 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY. The Puli D§var's fort. Colonel Heron's fate Chapter IV. whose influence at that time throughout the whole of the western part of Tinnevelly, through the fame of his abilities, was immense. " It was the misfortune of Colonel Heron to place the utmost confidence in his interpreter, and to be constantly betrayed by him ; for before the army arrived in sight of the fort, this man had informed the Poligar that they had no battering cannon, and that they would not remain long before the place : the Poligar, therefore, secure in his fort, which was built of stone and very strong, answered the summons with insolence ; upon which the field pieces and two cohorns fired smartly upon the walls for several hours ; but this annoyance produc- ing no effect, another message was sent, offering that the army should retire, provided he would pa}' 20,000 rupees. The Poligar relying on the information which he had received from the interpreter, and encouraged by this relaxation in the terms which were at first proposed to him, answered with great contempt, that such a sum could not be raised in his whole countrv, and that he knew the value of money too well to pay a single rupee. By this time the army were much distressed for provisions of all kinds, and the sepoys ready to mutiny for want of pay ; both which Mahf uz Khan had promised, but had neglected to supply. It was therefore determined to march away to Madura, where they arrived, accompanied by Mahf uz Khan, on the 22nd of May." As Colonel Heron now disappears from the history of Tinnevelly I must take this opportunity of adding that he was soon after recalled to Madras, tried by a court-martial, and dismissed the service. Renewed Conflicts. " It soon appeared that whatsoever submissions had been made in the provinces of Madura and Tinnevelly during the expedition of Colonel Heron had proceeded entirely from the dread of the English troops, whose intrepidity as well as the efficacy of their arms far exceeded the modes of any warfare which had ever been seen in these countries ; and they were no sooner depai ted than the Colleries swarmed abroad again into all the subjected districts that lay exposed to their depredations, whilst their chiefs confederated to prevent by more effectual means the establishment of Mahfuz Khan's authority. From this time, these countries became a field of no little conflict, and con- tinued so for several years, which renders it necessary to explain the various interests which produced the present confusions, fertile after- wards of more. " When Alum Khan, in the beginning of the year 1752, marched from Madura to the assistance of Chanda-saheb, then besieging Trichino- poly, he left the countries of Madura and Tinnevelly under the Three Pa tun management of three Patan officers, named Muhammad Bavki, Muhammad Mainach, and Nabi Cawn Catteck (Nabi Khan Kattak) ; the first of these was generally known by the appellation of Mianah, the second of Moodemiah (Mohi-ud-din Mian?), but Nabi Khan Kattak by his own proper name. They appear afterwards to have leaders. NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 97 acknowledged the sovereignty of tlio Nawab, but it is certain that Chapter IV. notwithstanding that acknowledgment they continued to act only for themselves ; granting immunities, remitting tributes, and even selling forts and districts for presents of ready money. This venality, coin- ciding with the spirit of independence and encroachment common to all the Poligars, procured them not only wealth, but attachments. In this mode of licentious government, they continued agreeing amongst themselves in the division of the spoil, and ruling with much power, Their mis- until the expedition of Colonel Heron ; when Mianah, who commanded g° vernmen t- in the city of Madura, abandoned it, and took refuge with the neigh- bouring Poligars of Nattam ; Moodemiah and Nabi Khan Kattak retired from Tinnevelly to the Poligar of Nellitangaville, better known by the name of Piili Devar. All the three only waited for the depar- ture of the English troops to dispute the dominion with Mahfuz Khan when left to himself. Amongst other alienations, Moodemiah had sold to the King of Travancore a range of districts extending thirty miles from Kalakadu to Cape Comorin, and lying at the foot of the mountains which separate Travancore from Tinnevelly. The fort of Kalakadu with several others of less defence were sold with the districts. With the assistance of a Flemish officer, named De Lanoy, Travancore the King of Travancore had disciplined in the method of European army- infantry a body of 10,000 Nairs, the military tribe of Malabar Coast, and besides these Nairs maintained 20,000 other foot of various arms." The Travancore King to whom the Nawab's agent Moodemiah is said to have sold a portion of Tinnevelly near Kalakadu, in or about 1752, was Martanda Varma, who succeeded to the throne in 1729 and lived till 1758. " The districts which the king had purchased of Moodemiah were maintained by about 2,000 of his irregular foot, who, having no enemies to oppose, were sufficient for the common guards and military attendance, which in Hindustan always support the authority of the government in the collection of the revenues. But these troops on the Travancore arrival of the army with Colonel Heron at Tinnevelly were so terri- tr00 P 8 retire ' fied by the reports of their exploits, and especially by the sanguinary example in their neighbourhood, at the sacking of Nellicotah, that they abandoned, not only their districts, but the fort of Kalakadu like- wise, which were soon after taken possession of by a detachment of 300 horse and 500 foot sent by Mahfuz Khan from Tinnevelly. As soon as the English troops retired from before Nellitangaville, and it was known that they were recalled to Trichinopoly, Moodemiah went to Travancore in order to encourage the king to recover the districts which his troops had abandoned ; at the same time the Piili Devar, besides letting loose his Colleries to plunder, formed a camp ready to move and join the Travancores as soon as they should arrive. Mahfuz Khan received intelligence of these schemes and preparations on his return from Nattam and Madura, and immediately proceeded to Tinnevelly. "Besides the 1,000 sepoys belonging to the Company which were left with him by Colonel Heron, he received 600 more raised and sent 13 98 HTSTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter IV Mahfuz Khan's policy Defeat of Mahfuz Khan's troops Another defeat. Western Poligars. to him by the Nawab ; but these were in no respect equal to the Company's, who had been trained in the campaigns of Trichinopoly ; and Mahfuz Khan himself, having no military ideas, excepting that of levying troops, had augmented the force he brought with him from the Carnatic to 2,500 horse and 4,000 foot. Five hundred of the horse and a 1,000 of the foot were left to defend the city of Madura and its districts ; but the Company's sepoys proceeded with him to Tinnevelly. Before he arrived there, Moodemiah had returned with 2,000 Nairs, and the same number of other foot, which the King of Travancore had entrusted to his command. They were joined by the forces of the Puli Devar near Kalakadu ; where the troops stationed by Mahfuz Khan in these parts assembled, gave battle, and were routed. Three hundred of the Nawab's sepoys were in the action, who, to lighten their flight, threw away their muskets, which were collected by the Puli Devar's people, and regarded by them as a very valuable prize. Immediately after this success, the enemy invested the fugitives in the fort of Kalakadu ; but before they could reduce it, the troops of Travancore returned home, pretending they were recalled by the emergency of some disturbances in their own country ; however, it is more probable, that they retreated from the dread of encountering the army, and more especially the cavalry of Mahfuz Khan, which were approaching. Moodemiah went with them, and the Puli Devar retired to his fort and woods, against which Mahfuz Khan proceeded, and encamped near the fort, which he could not take ; but in this situation repressed the incursion of the Puli Devar's Colleries into the districts of Tinnevelly, and content with this advantage, gave out with osten- tation that he had settled the country. These vaunts were soon con- tradicted. In the month of September, Moodemiah returned from Travancore, with a large body of troops, and again defeated those of Kalakadu, who in this battle suffered more than in the former ; for 200 of their horse and 500 sepoys were made prisoners ; and, what aggravated the loss, it was the time of harvest, when the rents are collected, of which the Travancores took possession, and maintained their ground. Mahfuz Khan, nevertheless, continued before the Puli Devar's place ; whose troops in the month of November cut off a detachment of two companies of sepoys which had been sent to escort provisions. They were of those belonging to the Company, and the cunimanders of both were killed. " Mahfuz Khan, after loitering before the Pali Devar's place until the middle of November, returned to Tinnevelly, in order to borrow money for the payment of his troops, which could only be obtained by giving assignments of the land to the lenders. Meanwhile the Puli 1 >ovar with Moodomiah and Nabi Khan Kattak, encouraged by their late successes extended their views. The Puli Devar, more from the Bubtilty and activity of his character, than the extent of his territory and force, had acquired the ascendance in the councils of all the western Poligars of Tinnevelly. Of these, the most powerful was the Poligar of Vadagherri (Vadagarai). The Vadagarai Pollam was identi- oal with that of Chokkampatti, whose districts adjoin on the west to th.' 1'fdi Devar's, and exceeded them in extent and inhabitants. He NAWAB OF ARGOT'S PERIOD. 99 nevertheless conformed to whatsoever the Pali Devar suggested, and Chapter IV. sent his men on every call. The Poligars to the eastward of Tinne- velly were under the direction of Kattaboma Nayaka. The Piili DSvar proposed a union between the two divisions ; but Kattaboma Nayaka, as well as his dependent of Ettaiyapuram, having given hostages to Eastern Colonel Heron, who were in prison at Trichinopoly, feared for their Poligars. safety, and refused. The Poligars of Madura, whose districts lie along the foot of the mountains to the west, were solicited with more success, and promised their assistance. Mianah, the fugitive colleague of Moodemiah. and Nabi Khan Kattack, at the same time spirited up the Poligars of Nattam to join the league, of which the immediate object was nothing less than to get possession of the city of Madura. Such an extensive confederacy coidd scarcely be kept a secret. The Presidency of Madras received intelligence of it from Captain Calliaud, who commanded in Trichinopoly, and the Nawab from the Governor of Madura. They were, and with reason, greatly alarmed ; for Madura, Fears for by its situation, extent, and defences, is the bulwark both of its own Midura. and the territory of Tinnevelly, over neither of which Trichinopoly could maintain any authority, if Madura were wrested from its depen- dence. The Presidency, although from the first convinced of Mahfuz Khan's incapacity, had hitherto, from deference to the Nawab, treated him with indulgence and respect : but seeing now the whole brought into risk by the successes and designs of the Poligars, they determined to take the administration of these countries into their own hands. "A native of Tinnevelly, named Moodilee (Mudali) came about this A Mudali's time to Madras, and made proposals to take the whole country at proposals. farm ; but it required time to gain the knowledge necessary to adjust the terms." [Mudali is not a personal name, but a caste title. The person referred to was one of the Dalavay Mudalis, a family by which this office was held for a long series of years. His own name was probably Tittarappa (properly Tirttarappa) Mudali. Dalavay is a hereditary name in the family]. "Meanwhile it was immediately Madura to be necessary to provide for the defence of the country ; but as no part of defended, the European force could be spared from the services of the Carnatic, it was resolved to send a 1,000 sepoys, which were to be joined by those left with Mahfuz Khan, as well as those belonging to the Nawab, and to put the whole of this body under the command of Muhammad Yusuf Khan. Yusuf Khan proceeded to Trichinopoly soon after the English army returned from Vellore ; and Captain Calliaud was instructed to send him forward with the appointed force and equipments. " Meanwhile the Puli DSvar, Nabi Khan Kattak, and Moodemiah with their allies had proceeded to action, and in the middle of February entered the districts of Nadamundulum (Nadumandalam)* which occupy a considerable extent, about midway between the city of Madura and the Pfdi DPvar's place. The fort which commands these districts is called Chevelpetore (Srivilliputtur), and is situated at the Srivilliputtur. • Xadumandalam, the middle circuit, denoted what is now the Taluk of Srivilli- puttur. 100 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. The cavalry beaten. Chapter IV. foot of the western mountains, about 45 miles south-west of Madura. The troops stationed for the defence of the fort and districts were under the command of Abdul Pahim, a half-brother to the Nawab and to Mahfuz Khan, the same with whom Lieutenant Innis marched into those countries in the year 1751, and of Abdul-mally, another relation to the family. The foot, excepting 200 sepoys, were the usual rabble allotted to the guard of villages ; but there were 500 horse, esteemed the best in Mahfuz Khan's service, who, proud of their prowess, and their quality of Muhammadans, held the enemy, as Indians and of no military reputation, in utter contempt, and encouraged their own commanders to risk a battle ; in which tbey were surrounded, but with sufficient gallantry and considerable loss cut their way through, and retired to Srlvilliputtiir. Here Abdul Rahim and Abdul-mally intended to maintain themselves until succours should arrive, either from Madura or Tinnevelly ; but the men of the cavalry, dissatisfied for want of pay, and fearful of losing their horses through want of provisions during the siege, marched away, and many of them joined the enemy : the fort was immediately invested and soon after reduced, but the two commanders escaped again. " This success encouraged the Madura Poligars, who had hitherto only looked on to join according to their promise ; and the whole camp now consisted of 25,000 men, of which 1,000 were cavalry. Their chiefs, animated by this superiority of numbers, determined to give battle to Mahfuz Khan at Tinnevelly, before they attacked the city of Madura. By this time Mahfuz Khan had prevailed on Kattaboma Nayaka, by the cession of some districts and the promise of other advantages to join him with the forces of the eastern Poligars, and had likewise levied all the horse and foot of whatsoever kind which could be procured; but his principal strength was the 1,500 horse he had before, and the body of 1,000 sepoys belonging to the Companj'- under the command of Jemaul Saheb, whose losses had been recruited with effective men. The battle was fought on the 21st of March, within seven miles of Tinnevelly, and was maintained with more obstinacy than usual in the fights of this country, until Moode- Mahfuz Khan's vie tory near Tinnevelly miah fell ; he was cut down charging bravely with his cavalry. The rout then became general; 2,000 Colleries were slain, and 300 horse, with all the cannon and elephants, were taken. This victory saved Madura, for it entirely broke the army of the confederates, all of whom, and the Pfili Devar with as much terror as any, hurried from the field to the shelter of their respective homes." Muhammad Yusuf Khan's Administration. Yusuf Khan's " The news of the victory was brought to Trichinopoly on the 24th approach. Q £ ]yj arc j 1) D y w hieh time Muhammad Yusuf was ready to proceed. His detachment consisted of 1,200 sepoys, 100 Caffries, 150 Colleries, and 4 field pieces, with an 1 8 pounder managed by Europeans. For some time before the departure of the detachment, Kattaboma Nayaka and the Poligar of Ettaiyapuram had been treating with Captain Culliaud for the redemption of their hostages, and it was agreed that NAWAB OF A.RCOT's PERIOD. 101 the money should be paid on their being delivered to Tondiinan. Chapter IV. Muhammad Yusuf, therefore, took the hostages with him, and directed his march to Puducottah, the principal town belonging to Tondiman, to whose care they were surrendered. On the 6th May 1756 he arrived at Madura, from whence having employed some days in refit- ting his carriages and stores, he proceeded to the fort of SiivilliputtOr, which, notwithstanding their late defeat, remained in the hands of the enemy ; but they abandoned it on his appearance. Leaving a suffi- cient garrison to defend it in future, he proceeded across the Nada- munduluni (Nadumandalam) country to Cayetar (Kaittar) a town about 25 miles (18 miles) north of Tinnevelly, where Mahfuz Khan was waiting for him with his victorious but inactive army. During this progress Muhammad Yusuf had not been able to Yusuf's waut collect any money from the revenues for the maintenance of his troops, °* mune y- because the ravages of the Poligars had ruined most of the villages and cultivated lands of the country through which he passed ; and the real detriment of these devastations was increased by the pretences they fui'nished the landholders to falsify their accounts, and plead exemptions for more than they had lost. He found Mahfuz Khan in greater distress than himself, unable either to fulfil the stipulations at which he had rented the country from Colonel Heron, or to supply the pay of the Company's sepoys left with him under the command of Jemaul Saheb, or even to furnish enough, exclusive of long arrears, for the daily subsistence of his own troops. This distress naturally deprived him of the necessary authority over the Jamadars, or officers of his cavalry, who in Hindustan, as the ancient mercenary Captains of Italy, hire out their bands and gain not a little by the bargain. Every kind of disorder likewise prevailed in all the other departments Mahfuz of his administration, at the same time that the indolence and irreso- Khan's mis- lution of his own character confirmed all the evils which had been introduced into his government. From Kaittar, Mahfuz Khan and Muhammad Yusuf moved with the Kattaboma whole army to the woods of Ettaiyapuram, which lies about 30 miles Na y ak; * to the east of Kaittar. Kattaboma Nayaka and the Poligar of Ettaiya- nates. puram were in the camp. The former had by his agents redeemed his hostages at Puducottah, but the other still dela}ed ; and this motion was made to excite his fears, although no threats were used. He nevertheless still procrastinated, and his alliance was at this time deemed too valuable to compel him by the exercise of hostilities. From Ettaiyapuram they crossed the country to Coilorepettah (Kollar- patti, commonly called Kollapatti) a strong fort situated near the great road. It belonged to a Poligar named Condam-Naigue (Kandama Nayaka) who on the first summons promised without hesitation to pay the tribute demanded of him ; but continued day after day to send pretences and excuses instead of the money. At length Muhammad Yusuf, finding himself trifled with, battered and then stormed the fort. Capture of It was well defended. The serjeant of the Coffres, and eight of that Kollai 'P a Wi» company wore killed, and 65 were wounded : the Colleries suffered 102 HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY. Chapter IV. still more, and all who were not killed were made prisoners, amongst whom the Poligar himself. From Kollarpatti, the whole army pro- ceeded to Srivilliputtur, and encamped under this fort on the 10th of June, where most of the neighbouring Poligars, terrified by the example of Kollarpatti, made their submissions either in person or by their agents. Even the Ptili Devar with his usual duplicity sent one with proposals of reconciliation, and the Poligar of Elayirampannai, whose place lies between Kollarpatti and Srivilliputtur, redeemed his hostages. But the Poligar of Calancandan (Kollamkondan, now included in the Settur Zemindary), which lies 13 miles north-east of Srivilliputtur, paying no regard to the usual summons, Muhammad Yusuf marched and attacked his fort, which was abandoned after a slight resistance." The Poligars. It is desirable, before going further, to take this opportunity of explaining a little more particularly the position occupied by the Poligars and why they proved themselves on all occasions so trouble- some. See also the account of the first introduction of this class into Tinnevelly in Chapter III. A palaiyam or pollam, as the English wrote it, was not merely a jaghire or zemindary. It was a district conferred by the sover- eign on a chief, the holder of which, the Palaiyakaran or Poligar, was bound, not only to pay his lord annually peishcush or tribute, but also to help his lord in his wars. Palaiyam literally means Origin of the a camp, Palaiyakaran (as has been shown in p. 58) means the chief of a camp. It may, therefore, be concluded that originally the Poligar was the leader of a body of armed men, who placed his services at the disposal of his sovereign, and who held the district he received in return for his services by a military tenure. He was always to consider his territory, not as a nadu, a country, but as a palaiyam, an encampment. Hence, though the sovereign may have exercised civil and criminal rights in the portion of country that remained in his own direct possession, he does not seem to Relation of have attempted to exercise, or even to have claimed, the right of the Poligar to exercising- any civil or criminal jurisdiction whatever within the limits of his Poligars' domains. If his tribute were paid and his feudatory sent him assistance in his wars his demands were satisfied. A very considerable portion of Southern India, south of Trichi- nopoly, had passed into the hands of Poligars. In Madura and Dindigul hardly any thing remained in the sovereign's possession ; and in Tinnevelly the greater part of the country north of the Tamraparni river was in the possession of Poligars. When the English first made their acquaintance with Tinnevelly they found the whole country, whether in the hands of the Poligars or nominally in the hands of the central government, in a state of Poligars. NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 103 anarchy and misery, of which it is scarcely possible in these times Chapter iv. to form any conception. This lamentable condition of things was partly owing to the feebleness and corruption of the Nawab's Gov- ernment, and partly to the chronic lawlessness and incessant wars and rebellions of the Poligars. At the time referred to, when the Nawab at last determined to call in the help of the English, there were thirty-two of these hereditary chieftains in Tinnevelly, each of whom had entrenched himself in a fort and surrounded himself Anarchy of with a large body of armed retainers. The constant endeavour l } ie Poligar districts. of each was to encroach on the domains of his neighbours, and especially to swallow up any villages, revenues, or rights that still remained in the possession of the central government. The armed retainers of the Poligars are generally called " Colle- ries" by Orme and the writers of that period. This word had its origin in Trichinopoly and Tan j ore, the tribe or caste of free- booters living in that neighbourhood, with whom the English Who were the frequently came into contact, being called Kallars, which literally " Collenes • " means " thieves." The English rendering of this word was some- times " Colaries," more frequently " Colleries," sometimes " Collie- ries ;" and wherever a similar class of people were found they were visually called by the English by the same name, though in Tinnevelly the armed retainers of the Poligars, who manned their forts and went on their marauding expeditions, did not belong to the Kallar caste properly so called, but were generally either Maravas or Nayakas. Where the Poligar was a Nayaka, as the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi, his retainers were doubtless mostly Nayakas ; where he was a Marava, like Puli Deva (Deva is the caste title of the Maravas) his retainers were chiefly Maravas. The English do not seem to have recognized any distinction between these various castes or classes of " Colleries," but they were deeply impressed with the manliness and audacity of all they encountered. Orme describers the " Colleries " of the western districts of Tinnevelly near the mountains thus — " The Colleries of this side of the Tinnevelly country possess nothing of the ugliness or deformity which generally characterize the inhabitants of the hills and wilds of India. They are tall, well-made, and well-featured. Their arms are lances and pikes, bows and arrows, rockets and matchlocks, but whether with or without other weapons, every man constantly wears a sword and shield. In battle the Description different arms move in distinct bodies : but the lancemen are rated the ~ a . r,r ! ed . . Collen most eminent, and lead all attacks. This weapon is eighteen feet long. They tie under the point a tuft of scarlet horse-hair, and when they attack horse, add a small bell. Without previous exercise, they assemble in a deep column, pressing close together, and advance at a long, steady step, in some degree of time, their lances inclining forward, but aloft, of which the elasticity and vibration, with the nes. 104 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter IV PifffTPTlt kinds of kaval. Miscellaneous exactions. • jingle and dazzle scare tke cavalry ; and their approach, is scarcely less foi-midable to infantry not disciplined with fire-arms." The lance referred to is called in Tamil a " Vallaiyam." The name survives, but it is Scarcely possible to see a specimen of this formidable weapon now. Kaval. The claim of kaval was a favourite device employed by the Poligars for the purpose of extending their power. Every village from time immemorial had its Kaval-karas (written by the English Cauwalgars) or watchmen, who were remunerated for their services by a small fee. The right of exercising this function and of levying a still heavier fee was in time claimed by the Poligars and their dependents, and this claim had been so generally submitted to that Mr. Lushington found in 1799 that out of 2,113 villages in Tinnevelly the kaval of 1,635^ was in the hands of the Poligars. Another step in advance was taken when the Poligars, wherever they found they could not appoint their own dependents to the kaval of a village, rigorously levied an annual contribution on the Kaval-karas appointed by others. But a still more formidable engine of oppression was the d/sai-kdval, or district watch, erroneously called desa-kdval by the Europeans which the Poligars managed in time to add on to the village kaval. This may originally have only been a fee for the exercise of a wider guardianship, especially over roads and wastes, than the village watchmen were able to undertake. Probably also the amount claimed was originally insignificant and was paid willingly. Mr. Lushington said in 1799, it was originally only one-tenth of the amount which was claimed in his time, but it had been arbitrarily increased, especially between 1740 and 1760, when the province of Tinnevelly was convulsed by the struggle of contending interests. This contribu- tion was levied by the Poligars from the defenceless villagers as the price of their forbearing to plunder them, and was confirmed by the strength of the Poligars and the inability of the Nawab's Government to enforce a due authority over them. Mr. Lushington adds, that " when this contribution is not quietly submitted to, torture and the whip are applied, the whole peorde of the village put into confinement, every occupation interdicted, the cattle pounded, the inhabitants taken captive to, and not unfrequently murdered in, the pollams (the Poligar's own domains), and in short every outrage of violence and cruelty is committed until their purposes are obtained. " The influence of the Poligars is also used in calling upon the inhabitants for additional assessments on various pretences, such as hunting batta, marriage oxpenses, presents for vakeels, &c, undefined and unlimited ; and such is the- dread which they have inspired into NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. *l(Jo tho cultivators of the circar lands by remaining armed in the midst Chapter IV. of a country otherwise in profound peace, that these requisitions are never resisted." I add here from the " Tinnevelly Mantlal " Mr. Stuart's account of the Poligars aud their system of kaval : — " The Maravar or Yannian caste peculiar to Southern India has a history of its own of considerable interest. To this class belonged most of the Poligars or feudal chieftains who disputed with the Eng- lish the possession of Tinnevelly during the latter half of the last and the first years of the present century ; as feudal chiefs and at the same time heads of a numerous caste or class of the population, and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the role of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising, cunning, and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in times of bloodshed and rapine when no central authority capable of keeping the peace existed. "Hence arose the systems of desha (disai) and stalam kaval, or the Explanation guard of a tract of country comprising a number of villages against of kaval P a >'" open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. The feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort in consideration of protec- tion afforded against armed invasion. His servants of the same caste, spreading themselves among the villages, received fees and sometimes rent-free land for undertaking to protect the property of the villagers against theft, or to restore an equivalent in value for anything so lost. Claims to desha kaval fees as well as to village kaval fees are of com- mon occurrence to the present day." It wall be interesting now to quote and compare Mr. Stuart's account of the Zemindars of the present time : — " The condition of the tenants under the different zemindars, or the mittahs into which some ancient zemindaris have been divided by sale owing to improvidence and misfortune, is by no means so satisfactory as that of the ryots in Government taluks. The assessments are heavier everywhere, and, as a rule, the system of dividing the crop prevails for the wet lands, a system much less advantageous to the cultivators than that of fixed money-rents universal in Government taluks, as these are sufficiently moderate to leave the ryots ample encouragement to improve their lands. " In the main, however, the tenants of the zemindaris are fairly off, Relation of and, especially in the cotton lands, many of them are substantial Zemindars to farmers well out of reach of poverty. The exchange of puttas and muchilkas has been strictly enforced by the Courts of late years, and has introduced much stability and independence as well as a good deal of frivolous and vexatious litigation between landlord and tenant. Money-rents are universally assessed upon dry lands, but numerous vexatious cesses are still a fruitful source of dispute between the zemindars and their ryots. " Of the whole district 27 per cent, is zemindari. There are twenty Number of zemindaris proper and thirty-six mittahs, most of them portions of Zemindanes. 11 106 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 'huth; [V. zemindaris broken up by the improvidence and misfortunes of ancient zemindars, sold for debts and purchased by rich Vellalars, Natukottai Chetties, and other moneyed native gentlemen. " The twenty zemindaris vary in size from 863 acres, with a peish- cush of 25 rupees, to 337,581 acres, assessed at a peishcush of 88,376 rupees. "The thirty-six mittahs, in like manner, vary from 234 acres, as- sessed at 213 rupees, to 18,716 acres, paying Rupees 6,423 to Govern- ment. " The principal Zemindar of Ettiapuram is by caste a Tottian. His ancestors supported the British Government in the wars with the Poligars, and received in recompense, besides other gifts, a large share of the confiscated lands of the principal Poligar rebel chief of ranjalamkurichi. This zemindari is situated to the north-east of the district, and consists chiefly of black cotton plains sufficiently fertile and populous, yielding a revenue to the zemindar of about three lakhs of rupees. "The Zemindaris of Sevagiri and Seturcome next, and are situated at the foot of the Western Ghauts in the north-west portion of Tinne- velly. They contain a considerable area of well-irrigated land supplied by streams from the mountains, but the dry lands are of the red and sandy series, and, except under wells, are of little value. "These zemindars, as well those of Uttumalai, Singampatti, and Arkad (the two latter under the Court of Wards) are all of the old Poligar Maravar families. Their estates are carefully managed and their ryots in the main contented. Some of the finest of the ghaut forests of Tinnevelly are claimed as the property of the Zemindaris of Sevagiri, Setur, and Singampatti, but these mountain boundaries are mostly in dispute with the Government. " The ancient Zemindari of Chokampatti, having a peishcush of Pupees 25,550, came under the hammer in 1868, and fell in eighteen lots to various persons who are now known as Mittahdars." Mr. Stuart then gives a list in detail of the various zemindaris and mittahs in Tinnevelly, with their area, population, and peishcush. Colonel Fuli.arton's Description of Tinnevelly. I cannot do better than give here the description of the condi- tion of Tinnevelly written in 17b3, at the time when misrule was at its height, by Colonel Fullarton. This account derives addi- tional interest from the fact that it is the first description of Tinnevelly, as far as I am aware, which ever saw the light. By inserting this account here, I may seem somewhat to anticipate events, but I think it will be found that the narrative, especially in connexion with the affairs of the Poligars, will henceforth be more intelligible. " The last, but not the Least, considerable of your southern territories is Tinnevelly. It is a hundred and fifteen miles in length and seventy NAWAB OF ARGOT'S PERIOD. 10? miles in breadth. A ridge of inaccessible mountains divides it on the Cuaptbk IV north from the wild valleys of Watrap and Outumpollam, belonging to Tipoo Sultan. It stretches to the confines of Madura and Ramnad on the north-east and east, reaches to the sea upon the south, and borders on the west with the RajShship of Travancore, both terminat- ing near Cape Comorin. Nature has been bountiful- to this province. Produc- [ts surf ace is generally flat, from the sea-coast, till it approaches the Jay 61 " 288 ° * mountains on its northern boundary. The rivers by which it is inter- sected ensure luxuriant crops of rice, and the driest parts yield cotton in abundance. The productions of the neighbouring Island of Ceylon would flourish here, and thus render us the rivals of the Dutch in the cinnamon trade ; but the peculiar tenure under which the country has been held, the convulsions it has endured from the first intrusions of the Musselmen in the course of this century, and the depravity of its rulers, have counteracted the benefits of nature. Even when a native Bad govern- rajsh governed Tinnevelly, the flat and open country only was j? bn * Iiei ! ,n '" reduced. This was let for specific sums to great renters, who were ta.o-es. invested with despotic powers, and harassed tlie peaceful subjects ; while various leaders, who possessed considerable territory, maintained armed forces, and withheld their stipulated tribute on the first appear- ance of disturbance. These chiefs, as well as their subjects, are called Poligars ; they amount, at present, to thirty-two, capable of bringing thirty thousand brave, though undisciplined, troops into the field. They have also fortified towns and strongholds in the mountains, whither they retire in cases of emergency. Besides the territory that these Poligars possess under the range of hills that form the northern boundary of Tinnevelly, many of them hold ample tracts in the flat and cultivated country. Adverse to industry, they suffer their own Plundering possessions to remain waste, while they invade each other, and plunder p ?. ' their industrious neighbours. Such is the dread of these ravagers, that every district in the province has been forced to purchase their forbearance by enormous contributions. In this situation } r ou have rather cati.se to wonder that your Superintendent, Mr. Irwin, should have been enabled to procure so large an increase of revenue, than that its produce should, in no recorded period, have borne any proportion to its natural advantages." It would be unfair, however, even to the Poligar if I allowed his The rival in oppression, the " renter, " to pass unnoticed, and here I must " Rente . t s 1 x . » x ' oppression* avail myself again of Colonel Fullarton's graphic and vigorous description. The Poligar survives to our time, though only in his peaceful descendant, the Zemindar, but the " renter," who in Colonel Fullarton's time, as all through the period of the Nawab's government, was such a formidable reality, has left behind him no representative, and has passed entirely into oblivion. " It was not possible for the English Government entirely to repress the misconduct of inferior instruments* who are eager to perpetuate' * " The. black agents who manage the whole detail of collection in the different districts." — Colonel Fullarton's Note. 108 history of tinneyelly, Chapter IV. The farmer's proportion. Helplessness of the ryot. Extraordi- nary powers of the renter oppression and to enforce unusual measures by unprecedented means. The situation of the country rendered it necessary to continue the practice of renting extensive districts to the highest bidder ; although every precaution was adopted to prevent the abuse of power, still the collections could not be enforced unless an unrestrained authority were vested in the renter. His object, too, frequently is, to ransack and embezzle, that he may go off at last enriched with the spoils of his province. The fact is, that in every part of India where the renters are established, not only the ryot and the husbandman, but the manu- facturer, the artificer, and every other Indian inhabitant, is wholly at the mercy of those ministers of public exaction. " The established practice throughout this part of the peninsula has for ages been to allow the farmer one-half of the produce of his crop for the maintenance of his family, and the recurvation of the land ; while the other is appropriated to the Circar. In the richest soils, under the cowle of Hyder, producing three annual crops, it is hardly known that less than forty per cent, of the crop produced has been allotted to the husbandman. Yet renters on the coast have not scrupled to imprison reputable farmers, and to inflict on them extreme severities of punishment, for refusing to accept of sixteen in the hundred, as the proportion out of which they were to maintain a family, to furnish stock and implements of husbandry, cattle, seed, and all expenses incident to the cultivation of their lands. But should the unfortunate ryot be forced to submit to such conditions, he has still a long list of cruel impositions to endure. He must labour week after week at the repair of water-courses, tanks, and embankments of rivers. His cattle, sheep, and every other portion of his property is at the disposal of the renter, and his life might pay the forfeit of refusal. Should he presume to reap his harvest when ripe, without a mandate from the renter, whose peons, conicopolies, and retainers attend on the occasion, nothing short of bodily torture and a confiscation of the little that is left him could expiate the offence. Would he sell any part of his scanty portion, he cannot be permitted while the Circar has any to dispose of ; would he convey anything to a distant market, he is stopped at every village by the collectors of Sunkum or Gabella (transit duties), who exact a duty for eveiy article exported, imported, or disposed of. So unsupportable is this evil, that between Negapa- tam and Palghautchorry, not more than three hundred miles, there are about thirty places of collection, or, in other words, a tax is levied every ten miles upon the produce of the country ; thus manu- facture and commerce are exposed to disasters hardly less severe than those which have occasioned the decline of cultivation. " But these form only a small proportion of the powers with which the renter is invested. Ho may sink or raise the exchange of specie at his own discretion ; he may prevent the sale of grain, or sell it at the most exorbitant rates ; thus, at any time he may, and frequently does, occasion general famine. Besides maintaining a useless rabble, whom he employs under the appellation of peons, at the public expense, he may require any military force he finds necessary for the business of N AW A 11 OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 109 oppression, and few inferior oflieers woidd have weight enough to Chapter IV. justify their refusal of such aid. Should any one, however, dispute those powers, should the military officers refuse to prostitute military service to the distress of wretched individuals, or should the Civil Superintendent [the ' Superintendent of Assigned Revenues,' the Collector of that time] remonstrate against s\ich abuse, nothing could be more pleasing to the renter ; he derives, from thence, innumerable arguments for non-performance of engagements, and for a long list of defalcations. But there are still some other not less extraordinary constituents in the complex endowments of a renter. He unites, in his own person, all the branches of judicial or civil authority, and if he happens to be a Brahmin, he may also be termed the representative of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. I will not enlarge on the consequences of thus huddling into the person of one wretched mercenary of those powers that ought to constitute the dignity and lustre of supreme executive authority." 110 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHAPTER V. MUHAMMAD YTJSUF KHAN'S ADMINISTRATION, TO THE CAPTUKE OF MADUEA AND HIS DEATH. Further Operations of Muhammad Yusuf Khan. Chapteh y. "We must now return to Orme and to 1756. "Yusuf Khan with Mahfuz Khan, and their respective troops, remained at Srivilliputtur during the months of June and July till all the adjoining Poligars had either made their submissions or seemed willing to be quiet. He then requested Mahfuz Khan to march out of the country, and proceed with his troops to Areot, according to the injunctions of his brother the Nawab, who would be ready to settle accounts with him, and pay what arrears might be due to his soldiery. He then allotted six companies to garrison Srivilliputtur, and guard the adjacent country; and with the rest, about 2,000, in which were included those levied by the Nawab, and sent to Mahfuz Khan, he proceeded from Srivilliputtur on the 1st of August, and on the 10th arrived at the town of Tinnevelly. " By this time the Presidency of Madras had made arrangements for the management of these countries, and concluded an agreement with Mudali, the native of Tinnevelly, who came to Madras on this purpose Financial in the month of April. The district of Madura proper was then con- % .j !', sidered exceedingly unproductive. It had shrunk into very small dimensions through the encroachments of the territories of the Poligars, and what remained hardly repaid the cultivation. From these detri- ments and defects, the annual revenue of the whole territory seldom exceeds 1,20,000 rupees ; at the same time that the maintenance of the city, its garrison, and other military posts in the country raise the expenses to triple this sum. On the other hand, the country now rated under Tinnevelly is of much greater extent and fertility, com- monly yielding a revenue from 11 to 12,00,000 rupees a year; but should Madura and its districts be in the hands of an enemy, the country of Tinnevelly would bo constantly exposed to the most ruinous attacks, and could receive no support from Trichinopoly ; which renders it necessary to maintain the one at a certain loss, as the only means of securing the advantages which may be derived from the other. The family of Mudali, having for 100 years been employed in farming districts in both countries, had in this long course of time rented every part, and knew the properties of each. He accordingly refused MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. Ill to undertake the districts of Madura, but offered to rent the country of Chapter V. Tinnevelly for three years, at the annual rent of 11,00,000 rupees, clear of all expenses, to be paid at three periods in each year ; for which purpose he was to be invested with the usual authorities of Financial jurisdiction, civil and criminal. He obliged himself to maintain not Tinnevellv less than 1,000 of the Company's sepoys, under the command of such officers as the Presidency should appoint ; and engaged to produce, within three months from the contract, the security of substantial shroffs, or money-changers, for the regular payment of the stipulated sums. The agreement was concluded in the beginning of July ; immediately Agreement on which Mudali appointed agents, and sent orders to place flags with ^Y , , ie the Company's colours, in the cultivated lands ; and soon after pro- ceeded himself to administer his office in person. Muhammad Yusuf, on his arrival at Tinnevelly, found that the agents of Mudali had, in the beginning of their occupations, been over-ruled and insulted by Meir Jaffier, who had hitherto managed the country for Mahfuz Khan. The dispute indeed had ceased, but the grudge still remained : and to prevent any farther effects, Muhammad Yusuf ordered Meir Jaffier Meir Jaffier's to depart immediately to Madura, but permitted him to take three behaviour. field pieces which belonged to him, and whatsoever retinue he chose ; he at the same time detached five companies of sepoys to reinforce the garrison of Madura and ordered them to protect and watch Meir Jaffier and his people on the road. In the meantime a sort of revolu- tion took place in the fort of Madura in the interest of Mahfuz Khan, who thought himself injured by the appointment of another renter. On the 13th September the renter Mudali arrived in the camp with two companies of sepoys which had escorted him from Trichinopoly through the countries of the two Maravars, and the next day he continued his journey towards Tinnevelly. " The family of Mudali by their occupation of renting the countries Influential had formed connections with most of the Poligars dependent on p £ 91 Vf n j°r Tinnevelly, more especially with the Pali Devar and Kattaboma Nayaka ; and on his invitations the Pfili Devar and several others met him on the road. Kattaboma Nayaka and others sent their agents ; all came, as usual, with considerable retinues, and in the midst of this multitude Mudali entered the town of Tinnevelly on the 27th of September and proclaimed his commission. But the colleries of the Poligars, whom no consideration can restrain from thieving, committed night robberies in the town and adjacent villages. Several of them were taken and punished by the Company's sepoys, on which others stole the effects of the sepoys themselves, who, irritated as much by the insidt as the loss, transferred their resentment on Mudali, because he suffered the Poligars to remain in the town, and continued to treat them with civility. At the same time the troops of Travancore renewed their incursions into the districts about Kalakadu ; and Nabi Xabi Khan Khan Kattak, who had concealed himself ever since the defeat in Kattak. which Moodemiah was killed, now appeared again, made overtures of reconciliation to Mahfuz Khan, which were accepted ; and having enlisted 400 of the horse which Mahfuz Khan had disbanded, kept traversing the country between Madura and Tinnevelly. 112 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY. Chapter V. "Meanwhile, the dissension between the Company's sepoys and their renter at Tinnevelly had increased, and had produced evil consequences. Mudali by his contract was only obliged to furnish the pay of the sepoys employed by himself ; but Muhammad Yusuf, by a wrong interpreta- tion, imagined that Mudali was obliged to maintain the whole number wheresoever employed ; and moreover to discharge the arrears of their pay, of which two months were due on his arrival in the country. In consequence of this mistake, Jemaul Saheb, who commanded the sepoys in Tinnevelly, demanded the amount, and on Mudali's refusing to pay The Poligara it, confined him under a guard for several days, during which he T- d Tv H* ° f orclered the Pali Dgvar and tne otlier Poligars to quit the town with threats of severe punishment if they remained any longer. They departed immediately ; but, instead of returning to their homes, the Pfdi Devar went to Nabi Khan Kattak and offered him his assistance, both in men and money ; and by their united representations, Katta- boma Nuyaka was induced to join their league. At the same time the troops of Travancore kept their ground, and continued their depreda- tions in the districts dependent on Kalakadu. The hopes of the advantages which might be derived from these confusions were much more agreeable to the disposition of Berkatoolah (Barakat-ulla) than the success of his negotiation with the English, by which he was to obtain nothing more than the pardon of his offences ; and in the middle of November, as soon as the ground was sufficiently dry to march, he went from the city and put himself at the head of the 500 horse, which had gone out before, and were now joined to those of Nabi Khan Kattak and the troops of the Poligars. The whole force amounted to 10,000 men, of which 1,000 were horse. They were assembled about forty miles to the south of Madura, and instead of proceeding directly to the south, in the open country, struck to the east into the districts of Kattaboma Nayaka, a part of whose woods extends within a few miles of the town of Tinnevelly. Issuing from thence at night, before their approach was known, they entered the town at daybreak by several avenues, which were weakly guarded ; for Mudali a few days before had marched with the greatest part of the sepoys and his other force about twenty miles to the south-east, in order to protect the districts of Alwar Tinnevelly (Alvar Tirunagari), against which he had been led to believe the enemy designed to bend their attack. ■p 0T t f " The enemy remained two days in Tinnevelly, plundered much, but Palamcotta- committed no cruelties ; and during this delay Mudali regained the fort of Palamcotta, which stands on the other side of the river about three miles from the town. The fort is spacious, but the ramparts were in ruins, nevertheless capable of resisting an enemy, which had no battering cannon. Matchlocks and musketry were fired without any mischief for two days, during which the cavalry ravaged the country round. Muhammad Yusuf, who still continued at Secunder maly (Skandar malai), before Madura, received no certain intelligence of the enemy's design until four days after they were in motion; he immediately struck his camp and proceeded towards Tinnevelly, and they hearing of his approach collected all their parties and advanced to him hat tie. The two armies mot on the 1st of December at Battle at Gangai kon- dan. give MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 113 Gangadorain* (Gangai kondan) about twenty (twelve) miles north of Chapter V. Tinnevelly. The inferiority of numbers was much more than compen- sated by superior skill; the Company's sepoys faced the enemy on every side with advantage of situation and discipline, and the field pieces were firod with much execution against the cavalry, whose fortunes depending on the preservation of their horses, they quitted the contest and the field. The next day Muhammad Yusuf proceeded to Tinne- velly, and from thence marched into the desolated districts, in order to give heart to the inhabitants, and recall them to their occupations. " The Poligars returned to their woods, and Barakat-ulla with his Self sacrifice cavalry to Madura ; but Nabi Khan Kattak went to Srivilliputtur, and of a Brahmin not having means to attack the fort, in which were some sepoys, pu ttur. attempted to escalade the pagoda in the town, on which one of the Brahmins went to the top of the high tower over the gateway, and after a short but loud prayer of execration, threw himself headlong to the pavement, which dashed out his brains ; the enemy, although Muhani- madans, were so much afraid of incurring the general detestation of the country, if their attempts against the pagoda should incite any more acts of such enthusiastic devotion, that they immediately retreated out of the town. " In the meantime, Captain Calliaud, whilst regulating the affairs of Captain the renter at Tinnevelly, acquired intelligence that the confederates Calliaud's were treating with the Mysoreans at Dindigul for aid against the p ans ' English and their adherents, the Pali Devar offering to pay down 5,00,000 rupees, and the Jamadars of Mahfuz Khan to give up the districts of Sholavandan, in which are comprised a strong pass and the only road between Madura and Dindigul. Nevertheless it was not intended that the country, when conquered, should be given either to the Mysorean or Mahfuz Khan. It was to be restored to a descendant of the ancient kings, who lived in concealment in the country of the greater Maravar : and Mahfuz Khan was to have a suitable establish- ment in Mysore. This news increased the necessity of attacking Madura as soon as possible ; but the arrangements at Tinnevelly were not finished until the 10th of April, on which day Captain Calliaud began his march from thence with 180 Europeans, 2,500 sepoys, six, field pieces, and 500 horse: Muhammad Yusuf commanded the sepoys, and Mudali what horse were levied by himself. Six companies of sepoys were left for the defence of Tinnevelly, and the same number in the fort of Palamcotta. " A few days after, Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak went with 500 horse to the Pilli Devar' s place. The Commander Muhammad * Gangadaram. This stands for Gangai kondan, commonly called Gengundan, a village on the Chitra-nadi, or Chittar, near which is a railway station. Gangai kondan, receiver of the Ganges, is a name^of Siva, and the popular notion is that as Siva is worshipped there under that name the Ganges reappears in that place as in bo many other places in various parts of India. The Sanskrit form of this name is Gangadhara, which Orme's informants seem to have followed, instead of the Tamil, perhaps hecause there is a town of that name in the Tanjore country. There was a Choja prince of the name of Gangai kondan, who is said to have been made king of the Pandyas, with the title of Sundara Chola Pandya. 15 114 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter V. Yusuf, on receiving the summons of Lieutenant Rumbold, had returned . from the districts he was visiting to Tinnevelly, where leaving as Kumbold's before 1,000 sepoys, he proceeded with the rest, about 1,800, towards movement. Madura. The renter Mudali, naturally timorous, resolved to accom- pany the greater force, and besides his usual retinue was attended by 100 good horse which he had lately levied. They arrived on the 16th of December at (langadaram, where Muhammad Yusuf, hearing of Lieutenant Rumbold's departure from Madura, halted to observe the motions of the enemy, and remained there until he received information that Nabi Khan Kattak and Barakat-ulla had passed to the Pali Devar's, on which he proceeded te Srivilliputtur, and encamped there, in order to awe the Poligars in this part of the country from joining the enemy. During the march Mudali sent one of his relations named Algapa (Alagappa) to negotiate a reconciliation with the Puli Puli Devar's Devar, and offer some districts as the fee of his alliance. The Puli Devar, who never refused or kept his word on any occasion, sent an agent with Alagappa to the camp at Srivilliputtur, and at the same time sent his troops to join Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak. The agent, under the usual pretext of doing honour to his embassy, was accompanied by two or three hundred of colleries. Muhammad Yusuf entirely disapproved of the intercourse, as he knew the Pfdi Devar's character, and that some of his people were at this very time plundering to the westward of Tinnevelly. Unfortunately during this mood of indignation five of the agent's colleries were taken steal- Yusuf'aexcee- ing horses and oxen belonging to the camp, and being brought to sive seventy. Muhammad Yusuf he immediately put them to death by blowing them off from the mouth of a cannon — a sanguinary execution, not Pall Devar's infrequent in Hindustan, and in this case atrocious. The agent, with MflMnT W * th a ^ n ^ s retinue of colleries, immediately ran away from the camp ; and Khan. their injury determined the Puli Devar, perhaps for the first time in his life, to act with some good faith toward those with whom he was connected. But knowing the irresolution of Mahfuz Khan, he, with his usual cunning, was afraid of trusting him in Madura exposed to the overtures and negotiations of the English, and insisted that he should come from thence to Nellitangaville and remain at all times under his own ward. In consequence Barakat-ulla, who was with the Puli Ddvar, sent for Mahfuz Khan, who in the end of December went from the city with 500 horse." It would be tedious and unprofitable to record in detail every incident that occurred from month to month. It will be better to content myself with mentioning anything that occurred which seemed to have some special features of interest. " Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak set off from Nellitangaville with 500 horse, leaving Mahfuz Khan with the Pfili DCvar. Skirting The Poligar along the hills they halted one evening at the fort of tho Poligar of Sivagiri. Vanjah of Shevagherry ["Vaniah" stands here for Vanniya, the casto name or title of a branch of the Marava caste, to which the Sivagiri Poligar belonged. The Elayiram pannei Poligar was also a Vanniya]. The Sivagiri Poligar having been gained over by Muham- MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 115 mail Yusuf sent out his colleries, who, iu the middle of the night, Chapter V. fell upon this body of cavalry, and with their screams and fireworks dispersed the whole and took 40 of their horses. " The rebellious Jamadars who had seized and retained possession of Mahfuz Madura expected assistance from Mahfuz Khan with the western ?^f i£ ke8 Poligars of Tinnevelly, but were doomed to be disappointed. Five hundred horse and a thousand foot remained with Mahfuz Khan at Nellitangaville, when Barakat-ulla left him and came away to defend Madura, which Calliaud at the same time was marching to attack with the main body of the English troops from Tinnevelly. As soon as Calliaud was out of sight, Mahfuz Khan and the Puli Devar took the field, and were joined by other Poligars, which all together made up a camp of ten thousand men. This army marched from Nellitanga- ville in the latter end of April, and advanced beyond Alvar Kurichi within fifteen miles of Tinnevelly, but were deterred by the sepoys left there from attempting the town ; nor did they immediately plun- der or terrify the inhabitants of the open country, because the harvest, from which they intended to collect money, would not be reaped until the middle of June ; however, they published their mandates that all who were accountable to the renter Mudali should then become accountable to them. In the meantime Mahfuz Khan negotiated with the King of Travancore for assistance, with the proffer of Kalakadu and all the other districts to which the king had ever made any pre- tension ; but lest this should fail he, with his usual uncertainty, renewed his negotiations with the English, and sent off an agent with letters Mahfuz to Calliaud, proposing to rent the country from them on the security ? n . s , of substantial shroffs. Lieutenant Rumbold received the offers, whilst treachery. Calliaud was returned to the relief of Trichinopoly, and thinking them worth attention, sent a Jamadar of Sepoys named Ramanaig, u;ith an intelligent Moorman, to confer with Mahfuz Khan in his camp. They were accompanied by an escort of fifty sepoys ; but just before their arrival, Mahfuz Khan had received information that six companies of sepoys of the twelve left at Tinnevelly and Palamcotta were ordered to join the camp at Madura ; which changed his schemes and, instead of negotiating, he surrounded the two deputies and their escort with his horse, and threatened to put them all to the sword, if they did not send an order to the sepoys in garrison at Palamcotta to deliver the fort to him. The deputies with their escort stood to their arms, and said they would rather die ; but just as the fight was going to begin one of Mahfuz Khan's Jamadars named Alii Saheb declared his detes- tation of the treachery and joined the sepoys with the horse of his command, on which the rest recollected themselves and retired ; but Alii Saheb having still some suspicions for the safety of the deputies and their escort marched with them to Palamcotta and delivered them safe into the fort. " Soon after the six companies of sepoys began their march from Tinnevelly to Madura, and the harvest began on which the enemy's army entered the town, where Mahfuz Khan proclaimed his dominion Khan's exae- which his agents and dependants exercised with much violence and tions. 116 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHArTER V. Siege of Pa- lamcotta. Surrender of Madura. Submission of the Ettaiya- puram Poligar Yusuf Khan's successes. injustice. Even the shroffs, or bankers, did not escape, although the necessity and neutrality of their occupation protects their persons and property throughout Hindostan from the violence either of the despot or the conqueror. The main body of his army invested the fort of Palamcotta, -which the sepoj-s within easily defended, and with loss to the enemy ; but there was danger from scarcity of provisions ; to prevent which Basappa Nayaka, the commander of the sepoys, solicited the assistance of the Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka, who stipu- lated the cession of some lands convenient to his districts, which being promised, he took the field with his own troops and those of his dependant of Ettaiyapuram. On their arrival the garrison sallied and in a slight skirmish obliged the enemy to raise the siege ; after which the two Poligars returned to their homes, and Kattaboma Nayaka from his came and joined the English camp before Madura. Mahfuz Khan continuing at Tinnevelly, neither sent money nor troops to the Jamadars, but suffered the incomes to be dissipated, notwith- standing Barakat-ulla had continually represented to him that the scarcity of provisions in Madura was daily increasing from the want of money to pay for them and of parties in the field to facilitate their importation. Shortly after the Jamadar surrendered Madura to Cap- tain Calliaud for a sum of money claimed by them of Mahfuz Khan's arrears of pay. (i Muhammad Yusuf, returning from Madura, sent invitations to the cavalry with Mahfuz Khan and whatsoever other bodies were acting as plunderers in the Tinnevelly country. Passing along the districts of Ettaiyapuram, the Poligar redeemed his hostages which were in the camp, paying 18,700 rupees, the balance of his fine. The army arrived at the town of Tinnevelly about the middle of November, from whence Mahfuz Khan on their approach had retired to Nelli- tangaville. He had during his residence there made various attempts to get possession of the fort of Palamcotta, but had taken Kalakadu and given it to the King of Travancore. Muhammad Yusuf with a part of the army marched immediately against this place, which the Travancores abandoned without resistance, and, being followed by him, retired behind their walls in the passes of the mountains at the foot of the promontory. At the same time the appearance of other detach- ments drove away the guards which Mahfuz Khan had placed in Papankulam, Alvarkurichi, and Bermadats (Bralmiadeeam), and those stationed by the Poligar of Vadagherry (Yadagarai) in Tirancourchy (Tarankurichi). All these places lie to the north-west of Tinnevelly about Nellitangaville, and parties of sepoys were left to maintain thorn. Before this time no farther expectation remained of Mudali's abilities to manage the revenues ; and ho was called to Madras, in order to exhibit and explain the details of his administration ; but remained sick and settling his accounts in the woods of Tondiman. " Captain Calliaud' s porsonal representations convinced the Madras Crovernment that the disturbances would never cease, nor any revenue bo collected adequate to the military expenses, whilst Mahfuz Khan maintained his foree, pretensions and alliances in thoso countries. It MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 117 was therefore proposed to the Nawab, who still continued at Madras, Chapter V. that Mahfuz Khan should be assured of receiving an annual income sufficient for his decent maintenance out of the revenues, provided he would quit the country with his cavalry, and disband his other troops. By this plan, if nothing should bo got, nothing would be lust ; and Proposals the French, frustrated of all connexions, would find it impracticable to j}'^ ut iIutlfuz get footing in these provinces. The Nawab approved the proposal and sent an agent to treat with Mahfuz Khan. " The agent sent by the Nawab to Mahfuz Khan arrived atNellitan- gavillo on the 28th of February, and found him there encamped in paltry tents with 50 horse, ostentatious of his poverty, pretending much discontent against his allies, and much attachment to the Nawab ; but when terms of reconciliation were proposed, nothing less would satisfy him than the government of the whole country as an appanage in fee ; indeed he was never master of his own opinion, and at present not of his will, for the western Poligars, elated by the rising superi- ority of the French in the Carnatic, took the field, and obliged him, who depended upon them for his subsistence, to lend his name, and to appear with them in person as the pretension of their hostilities. The army was composed of the troops of the Puli Devar, of Vadagarai of the three minor Poligars, Cotaltava,* Naduvakuriehi, and Sorandai ; and from the eastern side of Ettaiyapuram, the dependent of Kat(a- Confederacy boma Nayaka, who himself continued firm to his new connexion with a 6 amstiu8uf ' the Euglish. The confederates had likewise persuaded the Poligar of Shatore (Settiir) under the hills, whose fort is only fifteen miles to the south of SrTvilliputtur to enter so far into their views as to admit a body of the Puli Devar's colleries into his fort, with whom and his own ho made depredations into the adjacent country, whilst Muhammad Yusuf, apprehensive of the arrival of Haidar Ali and the French, kept his force collected in Madura. As soon as the news of Haidar Ali's departure was confirmed, Muhammad Yusuf took the field and marched againt Settur. The Poligar on his appearance made submissions, turned out the Puli Devar's men, and paid a fine in money ; but as soon as the English troops returned to Srlvilliputtur he renewed his depredations, on which Muhammad Yusuf attacked the fort again, which the Poligar, after a slight resistance abandoned ; and one of his relations was appointed in his stead. In the mean Successes of time the confederates had in various attacks from Nollitangaville th f confede - ° rates. taken all the posts between this place and Tinnevelly, and many of the men placed to guard them were put to the sword ; at Taran- kurichi, which was taken by assault in the night, 27 horsemen and a greater number of sepoys were killed. The confederates, elated with these successes, threatened all who did not join them, and attacked the Poligar of Ootamaleo (Uttumalai) because he had refused. They likewise prepared to take possession of Tinnevelly, and boasted that they would reduce the fort of Palamcotta. But the approach of Muhammad Yusuf from Srivilliputtflr stopped their progress, nor had * A sub-division of Maravas arc called Kottali Devan. 118 HISTORY OF TINNF.VELLY. Yusuf a reprisals. Yusuf called to help the English. Palamcotta besieged. Chapter V. they courage to give him battle ; but having strengthened the posts they had taken, retreated to Nellitangaville, sending, however, detach- ments to harass and interrupt his operations, but without success ; for all their parties which ventured to meet or could not avoid the encounter of the sepoys were beaten, and by the end of April all the posts which had been taken were recovered. Muhammad Yusuf then resolved to carry the war into the enemy's country, and to begin with the Poligar of Vadagarai, although the most distant, because the most powerful of the alliance. His villages in the plain were in flames, and the troops had begun to penetrate into the wood which encloses his fort, when Yusuf received advices and instructions from the Presi- dency at Madras and from Captain Calliaud at Trichinopoly, which called him and the troops under his command to services of much greater necessity and importance. This service was to help the operations of the English in Madras and the neighbourhood, whilst the Biege of Madras was carried on by the French. In May the follow- ing year (1759) intelligence was received that the garrison of sepoys at Palamcotta in the country of Tinnevelly had ventured to stand an engagement in the field against Mahfuz Khan and the Pali Devar joined by most of the other Poligars, and although the enemy quitted the field, so many of the sepoys were killed and wounded that the garrison could no longer appear out of the fort. It had before been resolved to send Muhammad Yusuf into the southern countries as soon as the army in the field could be diminished without risk. " Yusuf Khan's Return. " Yusuf Khan arrived at Madura on the 4th of May, and had been absent ten months. The force he left in the country, when called away, was fourteen companies of sepoys, six in the fort of Madura, five in Palamcotta, and three at Tinnevelly. Nothing more could be expected from either of these bodies than to defend the ground in sight of the walls they garrisoned. Accordingly all the districts of both provinces from the forest of Nattam to the gates of Travancore lay subject to their contributions or exposed to their ravages. The declension of the English affairs, which began with the surrender of Fort St. David (on which Muhammad Yusuf was recalled) and con- tinued until the French were obliged to raise the siege of Madras, kept Mahfuz Khan in continual hopes that he shoidd be joined by a body of French troops, and established with their assistance in the govern- ment of those countries ; and the administration of Pondicherry by their letters and emissaries encouraged him to think so. Waiting this fortune, he remained with the Puli Devar styling himself and styled a sovereign, but without any other means of subsistence than what the Pilli Devar chose to supply, who, never regulating his money by words, scarcely furnished him with common necessaries. The return of Yusuf Khan bettered his condition ; as tho Puli Devar was afraid he might at length listen to a reconcdiation with the Nawab, and Mahfuz Khan, always governed by the love of ease, felt no resentment at the humility to which he had been reduced. He presided at least Mahfuz Khan's expectations. MUHAMMU) YTJSIIF KHAJi's PERIOD. 119 in appearance in the councils of the eastern Poligars, who resolved to Chapter V. meet Yusuf with their united force, and invited the western to the Confederacy common defence ; who, having joined them against Palamcotta in the of the eastern late distresses of the English affairs, expected no pardon and took the Poligars. field. The western leaguo consisted of six Poligars ; Kattaboma Nayaka, their former leader, was lately dead and had been succeeded by a relation, who took as usual the same name, and bore, instead of the indifference of his predecessor, an aversion to the English ; Ettaiyapuram was always the next to him in importance and now in activity. " The force which accompanied Muhammad Yusuf from Conjeeveram consisted only of six companies of sepoys and sixty horse, but he had on his march requested troops from Tondiman and the two Maravars, with whom he had always continued on good terms ; and 3,000 men, horse, colleries, and sepoys from the three Poligars joined him on his arrival at Madui'a, where he nevertheless immediately began to make farther levies, and by shifting and garbling out of all that were with him, composed a body of 300 horse and 700 sepoys who had seen service, which he sent forward to ravage the districts of Ettaiya- puram, where they were to be joined by three of the companies of sepoys from the garrison of Palamcotta, which had restored its losses by new levies. This body of troops were to maintain their ground until the last extremity, in order to prevent the junction of the western with the troops of the eastern Poligars until Muhammad Yusuf himself could follow with the main body from Madura, where he was under the necessity of remaining a while longer. " His first march was to Kollamkondan. He had taken this fort in Yusuf 'a 1756; but after his departure for the Carnatic the Puli Devar and expedition Vadakarai had extended their acquisitions thus far and placed their Poligars. guard in Kollamkoadan. It was a mud fort without cannon, and after a slight resistance submitted to him. From hence he proceeded to take up the large detachment he had sent forward against Ettaiya- puram, who, by continually ravaging the districts of this Poligar, kept his troops on their own ground and deterred both him and Kattaboma Nayaka from marching across the country to join the Puli Devar. Having sufficiently constrained these chiefs, the detach- ment proceeded against Kollarpatti, which stands nearly midway in Capt ure of the straightest road between Madura and Tinnevelly, about fifty miles Kollarpatti from each. This fort had likewise been stormed in June 1756 by ° Muhammad Yusuf and carried with considerable loss. The Poligar was then taken prisoner ; whether restored or succeeded by another wo do not find ; but the place was at this time in the hands of one who defended it as well ; for 100 of the sepoys were killed and wounded in the attack which lasted three days, and then the Poligar made his escape by night. The fort was immediately razed to the ground, after which the detachment joined the main body with Muhammad Yusuf, and the wholo proceeding by the way of Gangadaram (Gangai kondan) arrived at Tinnevelly in the middle of July. They were scarcely arrived when Mahfuz Khan, whose mind always wavered 120 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter V. "with every change of circumstances, wrote a letter to Muhammad Yusuf offering to quit his allies and proceed to the Carnatic, pro- vided he was allowed a suitable jaghire for his maintenance. He even asked a safe guard to come to Tinnevelly. Muhammad Yusuf, without authority, assured him that his requests should be complied with, and recommended them to the Presidenc} r , by whom they were referred to the Nawab. The Poligar of tJttumalai. Travancore troops. Alliance of tho King of Travancore and Yutuf. " The midland country, for thirty miles to the north of the town of Tinnevelly, is open and of great cultivation, and, lying between the eastern and western Poligars, had been the favourite field of their depredations. The principal station from which the western made their inroads into these districts was the fort and wood of Uttumalai, situated thirty-five miles north-west of Tinnevelly. The Poligar, grown rich by easy plunder, had many colleries, who were well armed ; and Muhammad Yusuf, soon after his arrival at Tinnevelly, marched against him with the greatest part of his force, and in a few days reduced his fort, in which he placed some troops, and stationed a guard of fifty horse and some peons and colleries in a place called Shorandah (Sorandai) as an intermediate post. He was no sooner returned to Tinnevelly than a multitude of colleries belong- ing to the Puli Devar and Vadagarai surprised the guard at Sorandai, and either killed or took all their horses with their riders, on which Muhammad Yusuf detached seven companies of sepo}'S, who recovered the post and remained in it, in order to protect the adjacent country. Equal confusion prevailed in the districts to the south of Tinnevell} r . The troops of the Maliaver, or King of Travancore, were making incursions from their wall to seize tho harvests at the foot of the hills from Kalakadu to Cape Comorin. Tho variety of distractions which existed on every side coidd not be all opposed at the same time, unless a greater army were embodied than all tho revenues of the two pro- vinces could defray. Put the king was the least inveterate enemy to the English, because the Poligar of Vadagarai had provoked his resent- ment by continually employing his colleries to make depredations in his country on the other side of the mountains, through the pass of Shencottah, which lies fifteen miles to the south of Vadagarai. On this ground of common enmity Muhammad Yusuf opened a negotiation with tho king, who consented to a conference at the gates of his country near tho promontory. They met in tho end of August, and tho intorviow passed with much politeness and seeming cordiality. Tho king at least publicly demanded nothing and agreed to desist from his inroads into the districts of Tinnevelly and to act with a considerable force in conjunction with Muhammad Yusuf against Vadagarai and tho Puli DGvar. On the 3rd of September Muhammad Yusuf, still remaining at tho gates of Travancore, was joinod by 1,000 of tho king's sepoys armed with hoavy muskets made in his own coun- try, and disciplined, although awkwardly, in the European manner ; but they were well supplied with stores and ammunition. He then returned to Tinnevelly, and marching from thence with his whole force, in deference to tho king proceeded directly against Vadagarai, MUHAMMAD YlsiF KHAN's PERTOD. V21 although twenty miles beyond Nellitangaville, the residence of the Puli Chapter V. Devar. When arrived near Shencottah he was joined by an army full as large as his own, consisting of 10,000 more of the king's troops of various kinds of infantry, who had marched through the pass. This was perhaps the greatest force that had been assembled for some centuries in this country. Vadagarai defended his woods for a day, in which about 100 men were killed and wounded on both sides ; but in the night abandoned his fort, and escaped away to the Puli Devar at Nellitangaville. ' • The arrival of such a guest, who, for the first time, had been reduced Yadagarai's to such distress, frightened the Puli Devar, and set his cunning to rjfvar'* fears. work to divert the storm from himself. The repulse of the English troops at the attack of the pettah at Vandiwash on the 30th of Septem- ber was known in the country, and was believed, as the French had represented it, a signal defeat. Mahfuz Khan had received letters from Bassaulet Jung and the Government of Pondicherry, which encouraged him to think that they should very soon overpower the English in the Carnatic, when he might expect to be substituted for his brother Muhammad Ali, who was to be deposed from the Nawab- ship. This correspondence and these expectations the Puli Devar com- municated to the King of Travancore, and offered, if he woidd quit the English and join Mahfuz Khan against them, to give him whatsoever districts in the Tinnevelly country might lie convenient to his own. The king immediately exposed these documents to Muhammad Yusuf, and standing on his importance, demanded the cession of Kalakadu and the adjacent districts, for which he had so long contended against the Nawab's Government. He said, that more territory than he claimed had already been recovered with his assistance ; that what might be refused by one would be readily given to him by another ; and that, Travancore's if he should join the Poligars, the Nawab's authority woidd never be P ro P 0ha 8 - established in the Tinnevelly country. Muhammad Yusuf, whilst per- plexed with this dilemma, was informed that the two eighteen-pounders with 500 muskets, which had been sent, according to his request, from Madras, were lost at sea ; and that the two six-pounders, although landed, were stopped by the Dutch agents at Tuticorin. This mis- chance gave greater weight to the king's arguments, and greater value to his assistance ; for the force of Muhammad Yusuf alone was not sufficient to reduce the Pfdi Devar, whom all the best colleries in the country were flocking to defend. He therefore surrendered the dis- tricts which the king demanded, and the Presidency approved the cession ; but the Nawab suspected that it had been promised by Yusuf at his first interview with the king in order to secure his future assist- ance to his own ambitious views. "As soon as this agreement was settled the Travancores moved again Attack on a in conjunction with his troops. On the 16th of November they in- subsidiary vested the wood and fort of Easaltaver (probably Isvara DSvar), which was one of the dependencies of the Puli Devar. The colleries defended the wood three days and then abandoned both, and retired to Nelli- tangaville. After this success the want of ammunition obliged Mu- 1G 122 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY, Yusuf receives supplies Chapter V. hammad Yusuf to remain until he received supplies from Madura, Palamcotta, and Anjengo. The army of Travancore, to prevent dis- gusts from disparity of customs, encamped separately, but in sight of Muhammad Yusuf's ; and on the 20th of November a body of 5 or 6,000 colleries attacked the camp of the Travancores in open day, Muhammad Yusuf, on the first alarm, sent his horse and followed with his sepoys and other foot ; but the colleries retreated before they came up, and their nirubleness, with the ruggedness of the countiy, rendered the pursuit of little avail. They had killed and wounded 100 of the Travancores before they went off. A day or two after this skir- mish Muhammad Yusuf received three howitzers, with some stores, and a supply of ammunition from Anjengo ; and the two six-pounders with their shot likewise came up from Tuticorin ; he then moved with his allies, and on the 4th of December set down before AVashinelore (Vasudevanallur) another fort dependent on the Puli Devar, much stronger than any he had, excepting Nellitangaville, from which it is situated twenty miles to the north-west and twelve in the same direc- tion from Uttumalai. " Vasudevanallur stood within three miles from the great range of mountains, at the foot of which ran a thick wood, extending two miles into the plain, and within 1,300 yards of the west and south sides of the fort ; but turned to a much greater distance on the north, and to the east the plain was open, and everywhere covered with profuse cidtivation. A very extensive pettah, the residence of some thousand inhabitants, commenced within forty yards, and extended 1,200 to Description of the north-east of the walls : a thick thorn hedge, with barriers, sur- rounded both the pettah and the fort. The extent of the fort was 650 by 300 yards ; it was of mud, but almost as hard as brick ; it had four large square towers, one at each angle, and several smaller, which were round, between. Every tower was a separate redoubt, enclosed by a parapet, to command within as well as without the fort. The access to the tower was a steep ramp, only two feet broad, the entrance a narrow wicket in the parapet ; the curtain between the towers had no parapet, and was only a rampart sloping on both sides from a base of 15 feet to 3 at top ; but the slope from within was much less sharp than from without, so that, if assaidted, the defenders might easily run up to the top. The parapets of the towers have circular holes for the use of small arms, but no openings prepared for cannon, of which there was not a single piece in the fort. [See the account of the cap- Attack on the ture of this fort in 1767 by Colonel Donald Campbell.] This descrip- tion only suits Vasudevanallur, for the other forts in the Madura and Tiunevelly countries have parapets with loop-holes to their ramparts, as well as to their towers ; but all are of earth excepting Madura and Palamcotta. The importance of Vasudevanallur, ami the great force which was come against it, brought some thousands of colleries to its relief; 1 mt all, excepting 8 or 900 chosen men allotted to defend the walls, kepi in the woods. From whence every day and night parties sallied, and alarmed or attached one or other, and sometimes both the camps ; and greater bodies on three different days made general Vasudeva nallur fort fort MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 123 attacks on the batteries, of which these continued interruptions retarded Chapter V. the construction, insomuch that they were not finished until the 26th, twenty days after the arrival of the armies; but the howitzers had com- menced before. The only efficacious gun was the eighteen-poundcr which Muhammad Yusuf had brought from Madura, for the rest were only six-pounders and lower ; but from excessive firing the eighteen- pounder burst the day after it was mounted ; and by this time all the ammunition as well of the batteries as troops, excepting the quantity which prudence required to be reserved for defence, was expended. However, part of the parapet of the tower fired upon was beaten down, and Muhammad Yusuf resolved to storm the next day. Many troops of both armies waited on the assault, and as soon as it began, the Puli Devar, with 3,000 chosen colleries, who had marched in the night from Nellitangaville, issued from the wood and fell upon the camp of Muhammad Yusuf, drove away the troops that guarded it, and began to commit every kind of destruction. Muhammad Yusuf sent back a large body to repulse them, and continued the assault ; but the garrison within received double animation from the Puli DSvar's Successful success, which was announced to them by the usual war cry and the defence, sounding of their conchs. All the other colleries collected in the woods appeared likewise, as if on the same notice, and in different bands attacked the troops at the batteries and at the foot of the breach ; and, although continually repidsed, continually rallied, and with the resolution of the garrison saved the fort until the evening, and then waited in the woods to interrupt the renewal of the assault in the night ; but so much of the reserved ammunition had been expended in the day that Muhammad Yusuf deemed it dangerous to remain any longer before the fort, and drew off his artillery. Two hundred of his troops and of the Travancores were killed, but more of the enemy. The next day he moved to a distance, and dismissed the Yusuf s Travancores, who proceeded through the pass of Shencottah to their return. own country, and Muhammad Yusuf returned with his own troops and those lent him by Tondiman and the Maravars to the town of Tinne- velly. " No events of great importance had happened during the course of His enforced this year (1760) in the country of Tinnevelly. The Commandant, inactlvit y- Muhammad Yusuf, after the repulse before Vasudevanallur in the end of the preceding year, was, from the want of battering cannon, no longer in a condition to attack the stronger holds of the Poligars ; and contented himself, until supplied, with posting the greatest part of his army in stations to check the Puli Devar and the western Poligars ; but remained himself with the rest at Tinnevelly, watching Kattaboma Nayaka and the eastern. The departure of Mahfuz Khan from Nellitangaville in the month of January left the Puli Devar and his allies no longer the pretext of opposing the authority of the Nawab in support of the rights of his elder brother ; and they debated whether they should treat with Muhammad Yusuf or wait the event of Mahfuz Khan's journey, who Depredations they supposed would return to them, if not received on his own terms " f ^ c v l-i ir -l t xi > , • i o ■■ • i Poligars. by the JNawab. In tins uncertainty they formed no vigorous designs, 124 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter V. and employed their colleries in night robberies 'wherever they could elude the stations of Muhammad Yusuf ; biit attempted nothing in the open field or day. Nevertheless these depredations were so ruinous to the cultivation that Muhammad Yusuf thought it worth the expense to draw off some of their dependents and entertain them in the Com- pany's service as best able to retaliate the same mischief on those by whom they had been emplo}*ed ; and towards the end of April several of these petty leaders with their followers, amotmting in the whole to Hostilities^ of 2,000 colleries, joined him at Tinnevelly and faithfully entered on the duties for which they had engaged. Nothing, however, like regular fighting happened until the end of May, when Kattaboma Nayaka appeared at the head of two or three thousand men, near Ettai}'a- puram and stood the attack of seven companies of sepoys, drawn from the limits towards Nellitangaville, by whom they were dispersed, but with little loss. In May Muhammad Yusuf received intelligence of the hostilities commenced by the Mysoreans from Dindigul and the orders of the Presidency to oppose them ; in consequence of which he sent the detachment we have mentioned, of 1,500 sepoys, 300 horse, and 3,000 peons." the Mysore- ans A Dutch force arrives from Colombo. Yusuf's preparations. Retri it of the Dutch. Dutch Invasion. " They were scarcely gone, when a new and unexpected alarm arose in the Tinnevelly country. The Dutch Government at the Island of Ceylon had received a large reinforcement of European troops from Batavia, which assembled at the port of Colombo, opposite to Cape Comorin, from whence a part of them arrived in the beginning of June at Tuticorin, a Dutch fort on the continent 40 miles east of Tinnevelly. Two hundred Europeans with equipments, tents, and field pieces im- mediately encamped, giving out that they should shortly be reinforced by more than their own number, and that 400 other Europeans had left Batavia at the same time with themselves, and were gone to Cochin on the Malabar Coast, in order to join the King of Travancore. The natives were frightened and pretended to have discovered that the force they saw was intended to assist the Poligars in driving the English out of the country of Tinnevelly, and to begin by attacking the town. Muhammad Yusuf immediately sent to the Dutch chief at Tuticorin to demand an explanation ; who answered that he should give none. A few days after the troops advanced inland and halted at Alvar Tinnevelly (Alvar Tirunagari), a town in a very fertile district situated 20 miles south-east of Tinnevelly and the same distance south- west of Tuticorin, and at the same time another body of 200 Europeans landed from Colombo at Mauapar, 20 miles to the south-east of Alvar Tinnevelly. Muhammad Yusuf had previously drawn troops from the eastorn stations, and marching with 4,000 sepoys, and some horse, appeared in sight of the Dutch troops at Alvar Tinnevelly in the even- ing of the 18th of June, who, in the ensuing night, decamped in strict silence and man hod back to Tuticorin. Those atManapar went away thither likewise in the same embarkations which brought them; and more was heard of this alarm." muhammad yusuf kila.vs period. l25 Yusuf Khan's Operations renewed. Chapter v. "The depredations of the Poligars continued; but, deprived of Yusuf and Mahfuz Khan, and hearing how closely Pondicherry was invested, they jj^' v . u ." ' ventured nothing more. The Pali Devar's colleries were as usual the most active in the robberies; and to repress them Muhammad Yusuf again stationed the greatest part of his force towards Nellitangaville, which in December encamped at the foot of the hills within three miles of tins place and Muhammad Yusuf joined them from Tinnevelly on the 12th; he had purchased several eighteen-pounders at Tuticorin, and had the two mortars sent to him the year before from Anjengo, but no shot or shells for either, and was moreover in want of gun-powder and flints, all which he expected from Trichinopoly, and whilst waiting for them made such preparations as the country afforded to attack Nelli- tangaville in form. On the 20th of the month, the colleries with the PfQi DSvar at their head, attacked his camp, sallying as usual on all quarters at once and persisted until 100 of them fell ; but they killed ten of Muhammad Yusuf's men, and wounded seventy, and some horses." Unfortunately Orme's narrative here breaks off. From this time I have to depend for information on the results of my own examination of the Government records, preserved in the Govern- ment Office and Office of the Board of Revenue, Madras, and in the Treasury in Tinnevelly. Revenue Administration in Tinnevelly by the Nawab. It has already been seen that the rule of the Nawab of the Lushington's Carnatic commenced in Tinnevelly, as in the other districts in the e Carnatic, in 1744, when Anwar-u-din Khan was appointed Nawab by the Nizam. The various districts in the south were held by officers appointed by Anwar-u-din. Anwar Khan was appointed Fauzdar and Amil of Tinnevelly, with whose appointment the accounts of the revenue administration of Tinnevelly commence. I quote here from a letter of Mr. Lushington, Collector of Tinne- velly, to the Board of Revenue, dated, in the year after the transfer of the Carnatic to the Company, 28th May 1802. It gives the names of the administrators of the revenue in Tinnevelly from 1744 to 1783. Anwar Khan was succeeded, he says, by Mir Ghulam Hussein Succession of Khan and Hussein Mahomed Khan, their joint management com- Jors imstra " prising a period of six years from 1744 to 1749. He mentions the amount of the jamabandi for each year in chakrams, but this I omit. A\ r hen Anwar-u-din Khan was slain in battle an Amil (a native revenue officer) named Alam Khan was deputed by Chanda Saheb to take charge of Tinnevelly, who managed the district in his master's behalf in 1750 and 1751. To him succeeded for a short lime Tittarappa Mudali and Mundi Miya (Moodemiah), 126 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Ytisuf's administra- tion. Chapter V. the agent of Chanda Saheb. The latter was slain near Tinnevelly. Upon Moodemiah's death the authority of Mahfuz Khan (the elder brother and for a time the representative of the Nawab Mahomed Ali) was established in the country. This was for 1754 and 1755. He formed the design of becoming independent of the Nawab, but Issoof (Yusuf) Khan, by the vigour of his mind, frustrated this ambitious design, and, re-establishing the power of Mahomed Ali Khan, delivered the management of the province for a year, 1756, to Alagappa Mudali. The distracted state of the country, owing to the depredations of the Poligars, requiring greater energy for their reduction than Alagappa Mudali possessed, Yusuf Khan was appointed to the sole administration from 1757 to 1763. He ruled the country for six years. " During the three first years of Yusuf Khan's management he was engaged in constant struggles with the Poligars, with very various success ; the necessities of the Company during this anxious period in the Carnatic demanded the employment of his force, and of his extra- ordinary military talents in more central parts of it. Tinnevelly was therefore left in his absence a prey to the depredations of the Poligars and the perfidious machinations of Mahfuz Khan, aided by the adherents of Travancore ; the latter indeed wholly assumed during this period the most fertile taluk of the province, Kalakadu, but when Yusuf Khan could be spared from the siege of Madras to return to Tinnevelly, he had the address not only to detach the Raja of Travan- core from the league, but to acquire his assistance in punishing the Poligars. Notwithstanding the disadvantages (under which he laboured) of an usurped authority, he accomplished, by the vigour of his mind and military talents, the complete subjugation of the province. In his time the tribute of the Poligars was regularly collected ; private property was in no danger from their depredations ; and the revenue of the Circa r lands was very largely increased. The effect of the subordination he established may be seen in his jama- bandies from the year 1761 to 1764." Dalavay Alagappa Mudali's management was in 1764 ; Raja Hukumat Rani's from 1 765 to 1769 ; Sheik Mahomed Ali's in 1770. The administration of Syed Mahomed Khan commenced in 1771 and lasted till 1775. Two incidents worthy of note happened at this time. In 1771 the cutcherry of Tinnevelly, with all the records, was burnt to the ground, and in 1 774 there was a famine of unusual severity. In 1780 the Poligars, again tempted by the war which raged in the Carnatic, threw off their allegiance and nearly overran the province, in consequence of which the revenue was reduced to a minimum for several years, viz., from an annual average of eight lakhs of chakrams to an average of half a lakh. In 1 783 commenced Mr. Irwin's or t h«- Company's administration, when the collections Fluctuations in revenue. MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 127 rose again to eight lakhs. Thus far Mr. Lushington's statements. Chapter v. I now return to Yusuf Khan and his fortunes. Muhammad Yusuf Khan's Rebellion. In 1761 Yusuf Khan informs the Government that the Yusuf s offer " Circar flag," that is, the flag of the Nawab of the Carnatic, had S^l?" been hoisted by him on the forts of Madura and Palamcotta. He also offers to rent the Tinnevelly and Madura provinces for four years at seven lakhs of rupees per annum. The Nawab was unwill- ing to give his consent, Tittarappa Mudali, the old renter, offering a larger sum, but the Madras Government was in favour of Yusuf Khan's offer, on account of his position and military fame and his ability to fulfil the engagements he entered into. They warned Yusuf, however, that his letters to the Nawab were not sufficiently respectfid. They asked him for information with regard to the pearl fishery and the extension of their trade in cloths, &c. It is evident that up to the close of 1761 the Government had no suspicion of his intentions being disloyal. The following remarks of Nelson relate to this period : — " The taking of Pondicherry by the English in January 1761 served Yusuf 3 to awe the rebellious Poligars into something like submission ; whilst po ' the departure of Mahfuz Khan from the Tinnevelly country and his apparent reconciliation with his brother had deprived them of all pretext for disobedience. The country, therefore, became more quiet than it had been for many years ; and there seemed to be some grounds for the belief that it woidd so continue. Without counting troops employed in garrison duty, Muhammad Yusuf was certainly in command of a large force, for at the very time when he sent the expedition to Madura to act against the Mysoreans he was able to put himself at the head of 4,000 sepoys and some cavalry and march against a Dutch expedition. And his troops were well disciplined and well chosen. And certainly no Poligar and no combination of Poligars at that time was in possession of so considerable resources. Muham- mad Yusuf continued to govern the Madura country for some time longer, and appears to have made himself exceedingly powerful." Notwithstanding the favour with which Yusuf Khan had been Dissatisfac- 4-* f f~* regarded by Government, it became evident in 1762 that his loyalty el^ent was doubtful. The Government wrote to him repeatedly ordering him to come to Madras at once and promising him a cowle of protection, but he only sent trifling excuses in reply. Not only so, but he had the audacity to make war on the King of Travancore without their knowledge or consent. In August he wrote to the effect that he was sorry for his past behaviour, promising obedience for the future, and repeating his offer to rent Madura and Tinne- velly himself for four years at a rent of seven laliks of rupees per annum. The Government regarded this letter and proposal as 128 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY. Chapter V. Government suspicions of his designs. Yusuf's reasons for rebelling. Yusuf's foices. merely a device to gain time. They replied that they could not consent to allow him to retain the management of those provinces any longer, and that the only means he had for securing his life and effects was to surrender himself unconditionally. The first time I find Government expressing their suspicions was in October. Some European troops were to march from Anjengo to Madras by land, but they were ordered to remain at Anjengo till further orders, lest they should be intercepted by Yusuf Khan " as, " said they, " we are very uncertain at present with regard to the intentions of Yusuf Khan, who, we fear, hath some thought of departing from his allegiance to the Nawab." In December it was clearly ascertained that he was enlisting troops in Tanjore and the Tondiman's country, whereupon letters were written to the various Rajas and others warning them not to render him any assistance. No statement of Muhammad Yusuf Khan's reasons for throwing off his allegiance appears in record. It can only be conjectured that he was irritated against the Nawab, and consequently against the Nawab's upholders, the English, by the refusal of his offer to rent Tinnevelly and Madura . Probably, however, his chief reason was that he had come to consider himself strong enough to thrust both of his masters aside and set up for himself, as had been done before him by every successful lieutenant. The latest examples of this had been Chanda Saheb and Hyder Ali. Doxibtless he would have succeeded in his purpose if he had had to deal only with a feeble Nawab of Arcot or a still feebler Raja of Mysore, but it was with the English that he had to deal, and notwithstand- ing his long service under them he quite miscalculated their power. On the 11th April 1763, General Lawrence wrote to the Government recommending that a strong force should be sent immediately against Yusuf Khan. He stated that Yusuf Khan had at last declared himself independent. He had provided the forts of Pajamcotta and Madura with stores and heavy artillery, and put many other forts of less consequence in a state of defence. His forces were estimated at 27,530 men, including 15,000 colleries badly armed. The rest were well armed, and he had succeeded in enlisting 200 European foot soldiers, mostly Frenchmen, and 30 French troopers, all under the command of a Frenchman called Marchand. His force was equipped with twelve or fourteen light pieces of field artillery and two howitzers, most of which had belonged to the Company. He had made Madura his head-quarters. He was daily receiving reinforcements from the French and from Hyder Ali's army, and General Lawrence consi- dered him a man of such enterprising genius and ambition that it Mas necessary to proceed against him at once, lest, " like another MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN's PERIOD. 129 Chanda Saheb," he should entail on the Company another ten ChaptebV. years' war. He did not think it prudent or practicable to proceed against so dangerous a rebel through narrow passes and intricate woods with a small force. The force he asked for was as follows : — European cavalry 163 ; artillery for 10 guns, 2 howitzers, 100 ; General European military, rank and 'file 600 ; Coffres or Topasses (the ^f cnce ' 9 latter Eurasian soldiers) 100 ; Company's sepoys 50 companies, including officers, 5,000 ; Nawab's sepoys 2,000 ; " Black horse " 2,000. The entire force he applied for amounted to 9,963 men. He did not obtain the force he asked for, and the force granted him proved insufficient. In particular it was not strong enough in cannon. Battering cannon had to be sent for from Trichinopoly, but even after its arrival the operations carried on were not successful. Colonel Monson, who was in command of the troops, had to retire for the rainy season of 1763 to a place where the troops could pass the monsoon with greater safety and comfort. Swartz, the cele- brated missionary, visited the camp for two months during the siege to give spiritual comfort to the sick and wounded. Whilst the siege was going on Yusuf Khan endeavoured to obtain the help of the French. Peace had been declared between France and England, so that the Pondioherry Government could not send him help in men and munitions, but they called upon the English Government to countermand their expedition against him, Yusuf s on the ground that he was their ally, and that to wage war against n ®?w? tlons their ally was virtually to wage war against them. The English French. Government appear to have made no reply to this ingenious representation. The siege continued with various fortunes till the 14th October 1764, when another assault was made. The assault failed, but Marchand, the Commander of the French contingent, Treachery of came to the conclusion that it was now his best policy to capitulate, CO mmander and in order to secure the most favourable terms for himself and his followers he traitorously seized his commander, Yusuf Khan, and delivered him up to Major Donald Campbell, the English officer in command. I have not been able to discover any written record of the Yusuf Khan's manner in which Yusuf Khan was disposed of. Nelson states on native authority that " the gallant soldier who had served in so many campaigns, always with marked distinction, was seized by a confidential servant and given over to his enemies, who, in May 1763 (error, see above), with a want of mercy which at this time seems all but inexcusable, hung him like a dog." This termina- tion of his career would be in accordance with the instructions issued by Government in the previous year at the commencement of the siege to General Lawrence. They say that if Yusuf Khan were taken alive it was their wish that he should be sent to Madras, " not from any willingness to show him favour, but that they 17 130 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter V. might in their cooler hours dispose of him in such a manner as might appear proper." " We confess to you," they say, " that we think he will be a dangerous man to be entrusted in the hands of the Nawab, if his intentions are to make him a state prisoner ; but if it be agreeable to you to order the Commanding officer to execute him upon the first tree in sight of the army, it will be quite satisfactory to us." Though there is no documentary evidence to be found I regard it as certain that the latter recommendation was carried into effect. It seems hard that such a man should have come to such an ignominious end. This must, however, have been one of the alternatives present to his mind from the commencement of his rebellion. He must have expected, if successful, to reign as a prince ; if he failed, to be hanged as a traitor. Khan Saheb was hanged near the camp about two miles to the west of Madura. He was buried on the spot where he was hanged and a small mosque was erected over his tomb. An inscription describes it as "the Mosque of Khan Saheb." An intelligent old Muhammadan inhabitant of Madura, the uncle of the Cazi, who accompanied me to the spot, was full of the particulars of his death, as handed down to him by his ancestors. He was seized whilst at prayers by " Mussoo Mursan " (Monsieur Marchand) and his Hindu Dewan, Sinavasa Row, and was hanged, he said, by the orders of the Nawab. The old man professed to be 85 years of age, and proved to me the retentiveness of his memory by correctly repeating to me the names of the principal rebel Poligars hanged in the Madura and Tinnevelly countries in 1&01. He confirmed the tradition that Khan Saheb was originally a Hindu. As there is no account of Khan Saheb's death on record, we may perhaps venture to con- clude that the order for his execution, as the old man stated, pro- ceeded not from the English, but from the Nawab himself. We may give the English Commander the benefit of the doubt. On the capture of Madura and of Yusuf Khan the rebellion collapsed, but the country having lost one of the most vigorous rulers it had ever had, its financial prosperity rapidly declined. " To Yusuf Khan," says Mr. Lushington, "succeeded one of the family of the Mudali's ; his management, however, continued but for eight months when he was displaced by a Hindu named Rajah Hukumat Ram. The jamabandy of his management fell considerably short of those of Yusuf Khan, and his immediate successor, Shaik Muhammed Ali, who was in charge of the country for nine months, reduced it still more. Tempted by the imbecility of their superin- tendence, the Poligars returned to their former licentiousness and continued in the indxdgence of their inveterato habits of encroachment and violence with little intermission from that period until their transfer to the Company's authority in 1792; nor did even this arrangement produce that improvement in the conduct and condition of these feudatories which had been hoped from it j the fluctuating Results of Yusuf s death. Yusuf 8 successors MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN's PERIOD. 131 administration of the Nawab had given such confidence and success to Chapter V. their rebellious character, and the weak policy and corruption of his Amils had encouraged and confirmed in the Poligars so strong an influence over the minds of His Highness' subjects, that, under the weakness of a divided authority, a solid reform was impracticable. The vigour of Yusuf Khan's measures was indeed felt for some time after he suffered the death of a rebel, but the Poligars soon forgot the terror of his name and relapsed into former habits." "With regard to Madura Nelson states that after Yusuf Khan's death it was placed under the administration of Abiral Khan. He adds " the state of things in Madura during this period of Muhammadan domination may be imagined from the following facts, which were communicated to me by the grandson of one of these officers, and the truth of which I see no occasion to doubt. About the year 1772 there were only two substantial brick and state of stone buildings in the whole town, namely, the old palace and the Madura after residence of the Muhammadan manager ; the only other dwellings death. were mud hovels thatched or tiled." Thus far Mr. Nelson. This state of things was not peculiar to Madura. I have sought but have been unable to find any trace of the existence of any private house in Tinnevelly, whether in the towns or in the rural districts, built of stone or burnt brick by any private native prior to the assignment of the Nawab's revenues to the Company's government in 1781. This fact furnishes us with a most telling illustration of the difference between the anarchy that had prevailed before, and the order and security that began to be introduced by the strong, peaceful government of the English. 132 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHAPTER VI. TINNEVELLY ANNALS FEOM 1764 TO 1799. PART I. FROM THE DEATH OF YTJSTJF KHAN TO THE ASSIGNMENT OF REVENUE IN 1781. Events following the death of Yusuf Khan. Chapter VI. Colonel Donald Campbell, the officer in command in Madura and the south, was anxious to march into Tinnevelly, after the capture of Madura and Yusuf Khan about the end of 1764, to secure it against the inroads of the king of Travancore. Government Protection of did not apprehend that the king of Travancore would commence Palamcotta. hostilities, at least till he knew their determination regarding the Kalakadu districts. They judged it necessary, however, that Palamcotta and any other post in that neighbourhood should be reinforced so as to protect the Kalakadu country from surprise. 1765. Accommodation is ordered to be provided at Palamcotta for troops. The king of Travancore endeavours to recover the Kalakadu district. The Nawab's sepoys are detained to defend Palamcotta. Captain Harper sets out with a detachment to the relief of Kalakadu. It is reported on the 25th May that Kalakadu is held by 2,000 armed Travancorians. During the absence of the Company's troops three or four hundred Collaries plunder the town of Tinnevelly. The Nawab's people are helpless. Pana- gudi and Tirukurungudi had been abandoned to the Travancore army, the detachments which held those places being very small. Those who capitulated had to promise to retire to Palamcotta. Shencotta also had been abandoned to the Travancorians by the Retirement of Nawab's troops. On the 12th of June the Travancorians retired core troops! ^ rom Kalakadu. They made a stand at Tirukurungudi, and Colonel Campbell was preparing to march against them, when they retired within the Aramboly lines. A complaint being made that the officers' quarters in Palamcotta are incommodious, Government order improvements to be made at the Nawab's expense ; they also order the erection of a new magazine. 1766. Captain Frisrhman was at this time Commandant of Palamcotta, and as such the Company's representative in Tinnc- PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 133 velly. The good effects produced by Yusuf Khan's rigorous Chapter VI. administration were now at an end, and to add to the difficulty always felt in keeping the Poligars in check and getting them to pay their tribute, most of the troops that had been brought down the previous year to act against Travancore had been withdrawn, on account of the necessity of counteracting the designs of Hyder Ali further north. All this was laid before Government by Captain Frischman in a letter dated 4th October, from which it appears that within fifteen or twenty miles of Palamcotta it was Armed follow- estimated that there were 20,000 armed Collaries roaming 1 about ^V f the ' m p roligars near and ransacking every village they came to. Captain Frischman Palamcotta. had fitted out an expedition of the Nawab's troops under " the Buxy " (the Nawab's Commander — Bakhshi, a Muhammadan Commander-in-Chief) for the purpose of reducing a fort to the north-aest, doubtless Panjalanikurichi. It was a strong force with artillery and a body of 1,000 horse, but Captain Frischman com- plained that it did nothing but merely waited outside the fort. He complained that half of the Nawab's troops were " mere coolies " and that their arms were bad and incapable of repair. There were 4,000 of them, but half the number would suffice if they were paid and disciplined by the Company. Such was the state of the coimtry that the tappal had ceased and he found it very difficult to communicate with his out-stations. Ensign Foulsum of the Nawab's service, who commanded at Vadagarai, had attempted to relieve Vassa Nellore (Vasudeva-nallur) which was besieged by Poligars, but before his arrival the garrison had surrendered through want of water, and had leave to return with their arms to Tinnevelly. Foulsum had a skirmish with a body of 12,000 Poligars and then retired to his fort. The Government order on Complaints of this letter is to the effect that they are much concerned to find Government ft op h i n s i" i rif^ that whenever their troops are withdrawn every petty Poligar Nawab. takes the opportunity of plundering. They have often represented to the Nawab that it would be much better for him and for the country if he would consent to place the discipline and pay of his troops in their hands, and though he had never yet consented they would represent to him again the necessity of this arrangement. The year 1766 closed with the failure of an attempt on the part Major Flint of Major Flint to reduce some of the more turbulent Poligars to reduce Poligar obedience. On the 23rd of December he marched from Srivilli- fort. puttur for the purpose of attacking the fort of Calacunda (Kollam- kondan). On the 27th an escort he sent back to Srlvilliputtur for grain was attacked by the Poligars. A strong force was sent out to the support of the escort, but even this combined force was attacked and the attack was continued to within three miles of the camp. On the 29th, after a breach had been effected in the wall of the fort, an assault was made, but the place was defended by 134 HISTORY OF TIN'NEVELLY. cessful cam paign Chapter VI. such numbers and with such resolution that the assaulting party, after holding its ground for half an hour, had to return with considerable loss. Captain Painter and five Europeans were killed and several Europeans were wounded. The Poligar to whom the fort belonged had not got above 200 men of his own, but he was reinforced by parties sent to his help by all the other Poligars. On his retreat Major Flint had to fight his way through the enemy. Captain Harper was in command of his rear guard. "lint's unsuc- 1767. This year opens with another unsuccessful campaign against the Poligars. Major Flint retired first to Eaja Palaiyam, then to Sitheath (Sittuttu ?), then to Parambur, where he joined the camp of " the Buxy." Subsequently he got a supply of heavier artillery from Captain Frischman at Palamcotta and set out to attack the fort of Panjalamkurichi. There were two other forts in the Ettaiyapuram country that he intended to attack first, but he altered his intention and commenced with Panjfilanikurichi, as being the most important place. Government were very anxi- ous for his success, as they foresaw that the Poligars would be greatly encouraged by the failure of his recent attempt to take Kollamkondan, but as he was now well supplied with heavy guns and ammunition they hoped his future attacks on the forts of the Poligars would be successful. Panjalamkurichi. Meaning of the name Panjalam. kurichi. The importance of Panjalamkurichi in the annals of Tinnevelly requires that a few words should be said about it here. The name has come up already in Orme's History, Colonel Heron having led an expedition against it in 1755. That expedition, however, was recalled, and it does not appear that Panjalamkurichi was then really attacked. The first of the long series of sieges it sus- tained from the English was from Major Flint in 1767. Panja- lamkurichi was a large mud fort, situated near the present taluk town of Ottapidaram. Being the headquarters of a Poligar, the whole palaiyam was called by this name. Panchala means anything pertaining to Panchala, — now the Doab — the country of Draupadi, the wife of the five Pandava brothers. The name must have been given to the place by some person interested in the stories of the Mahabharata. The second portion of the name is one of the many Tamil words denoting a village. It especially denotes a village in a forest or amongst the hills. There is no trace of a forest now in the neighbourhood, but up to the time of the last Poligar war nearly the whole black cotton soil country in the north of Tinnevelly was covered with thick woods. The conqueror that has cleared away those woods is cotton. But cotton would never have been able to prevail against the woods, if PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 135 the rule of the Poligars had not come to an end. The Poligar of Chapter VI. Panjalamkurichi was a Nayakan. We now return to 1767 and Major Flint. Succeeding Events of the Year. On the 15th of February, Major Flint's preparations being Assault on completed, he endeavoured to take Panjalamkurichi by assault. A richi a failure, battery was opened against it in the morning, the fire of which was kept up all day. In the afternoon the assault was made, but it had no better success than the assault on Kollamkondan a short time before. The killed and wounded amounted to 92, including 8 Europeans killed and 18 wounded. Major Flint resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, but during the night — as happened so often in after years — the defenders of the fort made their escape from it. Some took refuge in Tuticorin, some in Vypaur. Ettaiya- puram was also to have been attacked, but it was found to have been abandoned. The enemy also forsook Vypaur (Vaippafu). It is singular that the remembrance of this siege has entirely passed away. No tradition of it, or any trace of a tradition, survives. The last of the many sieges of Panjalamkurichi was immortalised by a native poet, but the previous sieges, beginning with Major Flint's, were not so fortunate. As Horace says, " they had no poet and they died." Immediately on the receipt of this intelligence Government Cetermina. determined to despatch a sufficient force to Madura and Tinnevelly Government. for the purpose of repressing the irrepressible Poligars. They found it more difficult to reduce them to obedience than had been anticipated, and it will be seen that this difficulty never ceased till the demoralising influence of a double government came to an end, and the country was wholly transferred from the Nawab to the East India Company. An officer was chosen for this command who was already acquainted with the disturbed districts. This was Colonel Donald Campbell, who had been in command at the capture of Madura and of Yusuf Khan in 176 f , and had led a force into Tinnevelly in 1765. On the 26th of April 1767 Colonel Campbell, who had marched Colonel from Eajapalaiyam on the 25th, appeared with his force before c^mpaijjn. 8 Kollamkondan, where Major Flint four months before had sus- tained a repulse. His main object was to prevent the defenders of the fort from escaping, but notwithstanding all the precautions he took, on his opening fire on the morning of the 1st May the fort was found to be abandoned. This was a great disappointment to Colonel Campbell, for, as he observed, " unless the ringleaders of the rebels could be laid hold of, the only effect of taking and destroying their forts would be to oblige them to rebuild, which they could do at a far less expense than we could level." 136 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. From Kollamkondan the Colonel marched on the 3rd to Abandonment Shattoor (that is, Settur, a place not to be confounded with Sattur), of Settur. where he met with more resistance. A considerable force of the enemy had taken up a position outside the fort from which they galled a portion of his camp. They were dislodged with some difficulty and driven into the pettah, but in this service two officers and 46 sepoys were wounded and three sepoys killed. Above 89 of the enemy were killed and more than 100 wounded. Colonel Campbell placed batteries and posted guards all round the fort, but before the works were completed the enemy, fearing that they were about to be hemmed in, made their escape in the night. As soon as he had notice of their elopement he sent after them Captain Harper's battalion and the Nawab's horse, but, he says, " they were far too nimble for the former, and as for the latter he found them generally more detrimental than useful. They consumed a great deal of provisions and did no kind of good." Colonel Campbell found Settur a stronger place than he had supposed. The fort seemed to him almost as large as Palamcotta, and the pettah was encircled with a strong thorn hedge. He found in the fort about 1,000 bullock-loads of grain. He demolished the fort before leaving it. Abandonment The Colonel's next object of attack and his next disappointment nagin. wag Sivagiri. On his arrival there on the 10th from Settur he found the fort already abandoned. Its defenders on hearing of his approach fled from it to the hills, where, however, he pitied the deplorable condition they must have found themselves in, and concluded that they must have become truly penitent for their resistance to authority and convinced of its folly. He considered that much of the disloyalty that prevailed was owing to the mis- government and oppression to which the Poligars as well as the rest of the people were subjected by the Nawab. In Sivagiri, which must have been inhabited, he thought, by 20,000 people, neither man, woman, nor child could be found. He found the fort of Sivagiri larger and stronger than that at Settur. If the defences had been completely finished before they arrived, the taking of it would have been attended with some loss. He spent five or six days in levelling the fort. Colonel Campbell greatly admired the fertility of the neighbourhood, as appears from the conclusion of his letter to Government : — "I heartily wish the Nawab would fall upon some method to preservo this delightful country from absolute devastation. It is really melancholy to rofloct that unless a speedy and an effectual remedy is applied these fertile fields, the most beautiful I have ever seen, will next year be a barren waste." Attack on His next letter was from Washinellore (Vasudeva-nallur) on the nallor. V 28th May. He arrived there on the 13th, leaving Major Flint to PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 137 finish the demolition of the Sivagiri fort. He was joined on the Chapter vi. 17th by Major Flint, and on the night of the 18th the garrison attempted to get away by Captain Harper's post, but were beaten back. On the 19th he commenced a cannonade of the fort in the hope of effecting a practicable breach, but the wall being constructed of sunbaked bricks cemented with clay, upwards of 500 shot were poured into one place without effect. Heavy rain now commenced which continued without intermission till the 25th — (the south- west monsoon had evidently commenced that year some weeks earlier than usual) — taking advantage of which the garrison forced their way out at three different places about 4 o'clock on the morning of the 20th and made their escape to the adjacent hills. The first fire of the besiegers did execution, but the second charge, owing to the rain, would not go off. Vasudeva-nallur being, he said, " a fort of long standing and commanding as fine a grain country as he had met with, he resolved not to demolish it, but to garrison it with all the Nawab's troops he had, under one Mr. Peter Davidson, who had the appointment of captain under the Nawab and had the reputation of being a person of energy." This he considered the strongest fort he had seen during his campaign — (see the description of this fort in the account of its siege by Yusuf Khan) — and he was astonished at the contempt of death the Oollaries evinced during the cannonade. As fast as a breach was made, in the midst of shot and shell they went on quietly repairing it with palmyras and straw. He concluded as before by recommending Colonel more reasonable treatment of the people by the Nawab. All that Campbell's o A • care could be done by a European force Government might depend on people. being done by the troops under his command, but he was anxious that some accommodation should be come to with the people, for which he had received no authority. There were three small forts to the southward of him, and by the time he had reduced them he hoped to receive the Government's commands. He considered that the Nawab had no time to lose, for without some agreement the people would never be persuaded to return and cultivate their fields. The Grovernment were glad to hear of the reduction of Vasudeva-nallur, but did not approve of the Nawab's troops being left in so important a place, and ordered Colonel Campbell to garrison it with the Company's troops. Pending the arrival of authority from the Nawab to treat with Cantonment the Poligars, Colonel Campbell appointed Captain Harper to estab- ^Jjjjj!*" lish a cantonment in Sankaranaiyanarkovil. On the 13th June kovil. he wrote him an excellent letter of instructions as to the behaviour of his men, whether Europeans or sepoys, pointing out the neces- sity of their acting towards the people with justice and ten- derness. Shortly after this the Nawab's letters authorising an accommodation with the Poligars arrived, wheieupon Colonel 18 138 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. Campbell announced a cessation of hostilities and sent for the Cessation of vakils of the various Poligars, with whom he entered into arrange- hostilities. ments for the settlement of their dues and the punctual payment of their tribute in future. The Government recommended the Nawab to leave Colonel Campbell perfectly free to act as he should think best. Arrangements Colonel Campbell's pacification of the country was very short - Nawab's ° lived. Within two months Captain Frischman, Commandant at manager. Palamcotta, informed the Government that on Colonel Campbell leaving the country with his troops the various Poligars began to refuse, as they had always done before, to pay the tribute they had agreed to. In this contumacious conduct the Poligar of Sivagiri was the leader. Captain Frischman succeeded in induc- ing them all to come to some terms again, which was brought about mainly through the exertions of Baja " Hookoometron ' (Hukumat Ram), the Nawab's manager or financial administrator in Tinnevelly at that time. He was also materially aided by the Poligar of Verdigarry (Vadagarai), who had been deprived of the whole of his pollam some time before, but had now nine villages restored to him in order to engage him to the Nawab's interest. This was in August 1767. Among other arrangements made during this time the Nawab's manager banished the Poligars of Sivagiri and Panjalamkurichi from Tinnevelly and appointed Hyder Ali's others in their places. On the 2nd of September Grovernment were communica- informed by the Commandant that Hyder AH had written to all Poligars. the Poligars, calling upon them to join him against the Nawab and the British, and assuring them that if they joined him not only would all their ancient possessions be restored to them, but he would give each of them several additional villages. In the course of 1767 95 English recruits who had landed at Anjengo were ordered to stay at Palamcotta till further orders. 1768. In February Lieutenant-Colonel Frischman is ordered to join the army in the field against Hyder Ali, and Captain Browne is appointed Commandant of Palamcotta in his room. Colonel Frischman is to supply Captain Browne with all the information in his power relative to the several Poligars, and Captain Browne is to afford the Nawab's manager all the assistance in his power to keep them in proper order. On the 10th Juno Captain Browne reports that he had sent three companies of sepoys with a serjeant to destroy a fort which a Poligar was rebuilding. The name of the fort is not given., but the name of the Poligar is said to have been " Cambo-Naig," that is probably Kamaiya-Nayaka. In August he is ordered to send troops and guns to reinforce Colonel Wood in command at Trichinopoly, but Assemblage of is unable to comply with the requisition on account of the troubles CoUanes. j^ apprehends from the large bodies of Collaries, some eight or TERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 139 nine thousand in number, that were assembling under the pretence Chaptef VI. of settling some disputes among themselves, but really for the purpose of plundering the Sircar districts. On the 24th October he reports that the emissaries of the dis- possessed Poligars of Sivagiri and Panjalamkurichi were raising disturbances in those districts. Both these Poligars were at that time living in the Raja of Ramnad's country, and it was supposed that they were receiving encouragement in their plots from him. Government accordingly wrote a letter to the Raja of Ramnad warning him against this line of action. 1769. Captain Browne engages the Poligars to act against Behaviour of Hyder Ali. They appear to act loyally at first, but afterwards J^^^ 1 ' 8 join the enemy. He complains that the Nawab's troops behaved Hyder Ali. shamefully. 1770. Nothing transpires worth recording. 1771. Captain Browne is ordered with his battalion to Madras, and Captain Cooke is appointed in his place- Mr. Gumming is Paymaster and Storekeeper. The Tinnevelly cutcherry was burnt down this year with all Burning of the records it contained. Tinnevelly cutcherry. Postal Communication between Madras and Bombay in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In 1771 I find it mentioned that a packet of letters from Madras Letters fc ° l . Bombay how to Bombay was sent by Government to the Commanding Officer sent. at Palamcotta for transmission by him to Anjengo, a small town in the coast of Travancore between Trevandruni and Quilon, then belonging to the East India Company, from which it was to be sent on by sea by the earliest opportunity to the Bombay Govern- ment. Packets of letters were sent from Bombay to Madras in the same manner. This round-about mode of communication lasted right into the beginning of the nineteenth century, in con- sequence of the normal condition of the districts intermediate between Madras and Bombay being one of insecurity, through the wars and commotions caused by Hyder Ali, Tippu Sultan, and the Mahrattas. Though inland communication was at that time so Overland imperfect, the beginnings of an overland communication had ti already been developed. Duplicates of urgent letters to the Court of Directors from the Madras Government were repeatedly sent home rid Bassorah in the Persian Gulf, and duplicates of left pis from home arrived by the same route. Orrne, the historian, is said to have been born at Anjengo. The first reference to Palamcotta in the journals of Swartz, the eminent Missionary, is in 1771. commuiui^- ona. 140 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. 1772. An expedition was planned for the reduction of the Poligars in Madura and Tinnevelly, especially the Poligar of Nalukottai, that is, Sivagangai. It was entrusted to the com- mand of Major Braithwaite, but was not carried into effect in con- sequence of troops being more urgently required further north. 1773. Nothing happens in Tinnevelly worthy of record. 1774. In this year there was a severe famine. Earliest date 1775. The only incident of the year is that Captain Cooke is cottachui h- or dered with his battalion to Madras and succeeded by Captain yard. Hopkins from Vellore. The earliest date I have found in the English church-yard at Palamcotta is in 1775. 1776. Captain Hopkins writes on the 7th January that the Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka, who had been driven from Panjalam- kurichi by the Nawab's manager Raja Hukumat Ram in 1767, had returned and put to death the Poligar who had been appointed in his room by Syed Mahomed Khan in 1771, and that he was again in possession. The Nawab's people, in Syed Mahomed Khan's absence, had collected a considerable force of horse and foot, who were emcamped near Panjalamkurichi and were ordered to take the place. Nothing more seems to have been heard that year of that attempt to take Panjalamkurichi. 1777. On the 16th February Captain Hopkins reports that two of the Nawab's battalions with a brigade of guns, under the com- mand of Captain Pickard of the Nawab's service, marched from Tinnevelly against the Poligars. The force was sent out to collect the Nawab's revenues from the Poligars, who as usual had refused to pay. The expedition was especially directed against Sivagiri, Expedition where a large number of Collaries had collected. Strange to say against Siva- ^he N awaD 's force was joined by the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi with 4,000 men. This was in consequence of his having made his peace with the Nawab's manager. This force invested Sivagiri and attempted to reduce it. It is not stated what the result was — probably as usual a failure and a compromise. Captain Eidington succeeds Captain Browne and soon after is ordered to resign his command. 1778. Captain Barrington is appointed to the command of Palamcotta in supersession of Captain Eidington. On the 6th April Captain Barrington is ordered to send five companies of his battalion to assist the Nawab's manager in collect- ing the peshcush due from the Poligars. In the event of their resistance he was not to use force without express orders from Government. [nsults offered 1779. Colonel Braithwaite whilst passing through Tinnevelly reports to Government the violence shown to the Hindus by the Nawab's people at the Moharram. They had broken an image PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 141 to pieces and killed several Brahmans. This had led to the aban- Chapter VI. donment of all cultivation and manufactures on the part of the Hindus, who insisted on justice and revenge. He feared that the Tinnevelly Poligars, who were a resolute people, possessed of many strongholds, might take the opportunity of breaking into rebellion. He reports also that the country was distracted by the animosities of the Nawab's late Fauzdar, the present one, and Dalavay Mudali, the Hindu renter. Colonel Braithwaite was then on his way with a considerable force to Anjengo, where his troops were to embark for Tellicherry to take part in the fruitless operations of the army on the Malabar Coast. Captain Barrington writes from Palamcotta that he found it very difficult to obtain supplies for Colonel Braith- waite' s force, on account of the disturbed state of the country consequent upon the insult offered by the Muhammadans to the Hindus. Towards the end of the year Captain Eidington is reappointed to the command of Palamcotta. 1780. Captain Eidington reports that there had been an engage- ment between the Nawab's troops and the Poligar of Sivagiri. All the Poligars now openly or virtually threw off their allegiance, so that there was a great diminution in the revenue. Captain Eidington discovered that some of the Poligars were in correspond- ence with Hyder Ali. At this time the Paymaster at Palamcotta was Mr. "William Light, by whom the cultivation of spices was Spices in first introduced into Tinnevelly. He had brought two young Palamcotta. cinnamon trees from Colombo. The state of the Tinnevelly country was now so unsettled and unsatisfactory that the President of the Madras Council was requested to have a personal interview with the Nawab on the subject. Fortunately a more satisfactory arrangement was at hand and was introduced at the close of the following year. The Tinnevelly Mission Register, or Register of the Native Christians resident in Palamcotta, begins in this year, 1780. 1781. Captain Eidington informs Government that the Sivagiri Poligar had invited Hyder Ali to send troops into the Tinnevelly country. He also states that he was convinced that the renter (Raja Hukumat Ram) was secretly on Hyder Ali's side, being a near relative of the " Colt Raja," who had been appointed by Hyder Raja of Madura and Tinnevelly. He reports that he could get very little assistance from the Raja of Travancore towards protecting the country from Hyder. The Dutch of Tuticorin Dutch eeti. promised the assistance of their Government of Colombo against mat <' of Hyder Ali, whom they described as the common enemy of all Europeans. It will be seen that a little later on they took a dif- ferent line. In February Captain Eidington despatches Lieutenant Halcott with three companies to get possession of the fort at Srlvilliputtur, 142 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. both in order to keep the restless Poligar of Sivagiri in check and also to secure possession of a place which he considered the key of Tinnevelly. He mentions that the real chief of Sivagiri was at that time in Palamcotta in prison. Lieutenant Halcott was attacked near Madura by 3,000 Collaries and three or four hun- dred horse, whom he beat off with loss to them and some to himself. Captain Eidington also mentions that as Hyder Ali had sent messengers to the Poligars to stir them up against the Nawab and the British, he had entered into negotiations with several of the principal Poligars, and found that they were willing to enter into Dutch alliance an engagement, provided their relations who were in prison were with Poligars. re i ea8e( j jj e ag ]- 8 f or 2j 000 stand of arms in place of those taken by the Collaries in the Ramnad country. Later in the year the Dutch were strengthening Tuticorin and apparently preparing for a war with the English. They were rendering great assistance to Kattaboma Nayaka of Panjalamkiirichi, who had actually hoisted Dutch colours. This Poligar had been beaten off from the fort of Comrah (Kamudi), in the Ramnad country, with the loss of a hundred men. In October on account of complaints made against him Captain Eidington is superseded by Captain Bilcliffe. Meditated Cession of Tinnevelly to the Dutch. In 1781 Mr. Hastings, then Governor-General, endeavoured to enter into a treaty with the Dutch, the effect of which, if it had proved successful, would have been to convert Tinnevelly into a Dutch province. The object of that measure was to obtain, through the GTovernors of Colombo and Cochin, a military force to assist in the expulsion of Hyder from the Carnatic. But as these Governors acted under the authority of the Government of Batavia, for whose sanction there was no leisure to wait, a tempting advantage was represented as necessary to prevail upon them to incur so unusual a responsibility. The negotiation was carried on through the medium of the Director of the Dutch Settlements in Bengal ; and it was stipulated that for 1,000 European infantry, 200 European artillery, and 1,000 Malays, who should be paid and maintained by the Company during the period of their service, the province of Tinnevelly should be ceded to the Dutch, together with the liberty of making conquests in the neighbourhood of Cochin, and the exclusive right to the pearl fishery on the whole of the coast south from Pame&vavaram. In name and appearance the sovereignty of the Nawab, Muhammad Ali, was not to be infringed, and the treaty, framed and concluded for him, was to be ratified by his signature. The small value of the cession and the extreme danger of the Carnatic were urged as the motives to induce compliance on the part both of the Nawab and of the Government of PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 143 Madras. The ideas, however, of the Nawab and of the Government Chapteb V I . of Madras differed very widely from those of the Governor- General respecting the value both of what was to be given and what was to be received. They not only set a high estimate on Tinnevelly, but treated the offer of a body of troops, when they were much less in want of troops, than of money to pay and maintain those which they had, as a matter of doubtful utility. In consequence they declined to forward the treaty, transmitting their reasons to the Court of Directors. And the accession of the Dutch to the side of the enemies of England, of which Lord Macartney carried out the intelligence, superseded on that ground all further proceedings. See Mill, Vol. IV, Book 5. PART II. FROM THE ASSIGNMENT OF REVENUE IN 1781 TO THE COM- MENCEMENT OF THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. The Assignment. Towards the close of the year 1781 a treaty was concluded Committee of between the Nawab of the Carnatic and the East India Company, Revenue, in virtue of which Tinnevelly, with the other districts in the Carnatic, enjoyed for a few years the benefits of the Company's civil administration. This treaty was entered into and all the arrangements necessary for carrying it into effect were made in October 1781, but the treaty itself was not signed till the 2nd of December. The Board of Revenue was not then in existence (it was instituted in 1786), but a committee was appointed by Government on the 16th October, called the Committee of Assigned Revenue, consisting of six gentlemen, including Mr. George Proctor (the first civil officer appointed to Tinnevelly) and Mr. Eyles Irwin (his more eminent successor), for the purpose of receiving and administering the revenues of the Nawab. The object of the treaty is thus expressed by Government in their first letter to the Committee : — " His Highness the Nawab has assigned over the revenues of the Carnatic to the Company to be entirely under their management and control during the present war, 1 on the condition of allowing him one-sixth part of the revenue to defray the expenses of himself and family." At the same time a copy of the instructions of Government was furnished to the Committee for 1 The war with Hyder Ali, subsequently continued and intensified under Tippu Sultan. 144 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. its guidance. The Governor of Madras at this time was Lord Superin. Macartney. In virtue of this arrangement functionaries styled at tendents of fi rs t Receivers of Assigned Revenue, then Superintendents of Revenue. Assigned Revenue, were appointed in various places. A shorter title by which they were generally known was Civil Superin- tendents or simply Superintendents. These were the first civil officers appointed for the administration of affairs in the interior. Up to that time, as we have seen, the only civil administration with which the English Government had anything to do, that is, the enforcement of the payment of the Nawab's revenue, was carried on by the military officers in command of the troops in the various districts. Intentions of The Government hoped that this new arrangement would contri- nme ' bute in various ways to the prosperity of the country. In the instructions issued to the Committee they conclude by saying, " By attending to these points the Company may arrive at much useful knowledge. They may be gradually able to free the country from oppression, to recover the lands and manufactures from their present most deplorable state, greatly to improve the revenue, and finally to establish wealth, credit, and prosperity throughout the country." This view of the objects of Government was, I need hardly say, widely different from that entertained by the Government of the Nawab. ^ ir8t The first " Receiver of Assigned Revenue " appointed to Tinne- Tinnevelly. velly — virtually the first Tinnevelly Collector — was Mr. George Proctor. He had been Auditor of Accounts in Madras, and then member of the newly-appointed Committee of Assigned Revenue. Lord Macartney's letter appointing him Receiver in Tinnevelly was dated 8th December 1781. Another letter a few days later gave him similar authority in Madura ; another respecting the Ramnad peshcush. The Nawab gave orders to his Fauzdars and Amildars in Tinnevelly to obey the new functionary, whilst the Madras Government ordered Captain Eidington and Lieutenant-Colonel Nixon to render him any military assistance that he might require. He was accompanied by Mr. Orpen as his assistant. 1782. APoligar named Sivarama Talaivan had erected a fort Tirukurungudi near Tirukurungudi and was plundering the neighbourhood. "" The commandant sent a detachment, which took the fort and destroyed it. " Sivarama Talaivan " is the hereditary name of the head of a powerful Marava family in that place. War having broken out between the Dutch and the English, Captain Bilcliffe, Commandant at Palamcotta, sends a party under Capture of Lieutenant Wheeler to take possession of Tuticorin. The small lutieonn. • « rm_ Dutch garrison were made prisoners. Seventeen guns taken. There were 200 men in the garrison belonging to Panjalamkurichi, who fled on seeing the approach of the Company's troops. It must have PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 145 been because they did not care to fight for the Dutch, for their Chapter VI. behaviour at their own fort whenever it was attacked was very- different . The Dutch factories at Punnaikayal and Manapadu were demolished. The outworks erected by the Dutch at Tuticorin were also destroyed, and it was ordered that if a Dutch force landed the fort of Tuticorin was to be blown up and destroyed. The Complaints of native inhabitants of Tuticorin, especially the Paravas, represented the paraA a3- to Mr. Proctor, and Mr. Proctor represented to Government, the injustice done by the party under Mr. Wheeler in seizing on their property, with that of the Dutch, and requiring them to pay " gratifications " for the privilege of returning to the town and living under English protection. Government considered such conduct most culpable and ordered the commanding officer to confine himself to his duties in the fort. In April 1782 Mr. Proctor wrote to the Committee complaining Dispute of the conduct of the renter, who at that time was Trimolipa renter an( i t he (Tirumalaiyappa) Mudali, to the effect that he was unduly raising Collector. the price of the Government grain, listening to the advice of Captain Gibbings instead of his own, and playing into the hands of the Poligars. He proposed that a new renter should be appointed, and that the Receiver of Revenue (that is himself) should have absolute authority over him. He first proposed that Tittarappa Mudali, the nephew of the present renter, should be appointed, and then Ranga Row, a stranger, then an Amil in Madura. The then renter (Tirumalaiyappa Mudali) at the same time complained to the Committee of Mr. Proctor's conduct; a complaint was also made by " the Company's Sherishtadar," and there was a serious mis- understanding between Mr. Proctor and the commanding officer. Captain Gibbings and the rest of their servants in Tinnevelly were ordered by the Committee to refrain from all interference in matters of revenue, but in other particulars the Committee were not disposed to adopt Mr. Proctor's recommendations. On the contrary they found fault with him for interfering in the rate of exchange, and for having failed to send them any account of his receipts from the time of his arrival. He was ordered to send them his accounts monthly in future. The Committee's dissatisfaction with Mr. Proctor's management Dissatisfac- appears from the conclusion at which they arrived, that " some p° n ^ h Mr ' further regulations were necessary to fulfil all the objects of the Assignment." They, therefore, resolved to recur to the directions at first given them by Government and proposed that from time to time as should appear necessary deputations should proceed, composed of members of the Committee, through the several assigned countries. The superintendence proposed being only Conduct of temporary would not, they thought, prove prejudicial. The 1: ' u "i.' 0;in . language they used bore heavily not only on Mr. Proctor, but on 19 146 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY Chapter VI. the other European functionaries hitherto employed in the interior. They say this temporary superintendence would not " allow any temptation for interfering in the money transactions or intrigues of the country, nor would it be liable to the objections that the Committee are of opinion lie against all the European superin- tendence that has yet been established under the Company's government." The gentleman sent to Tinnevelly as a deputation from the Committee was Mr. Eyles Irwin, but his appointment falls amongst the incidents of 1783. In December 1782 a letter was written during Mr. Proctor's absence in Madras by Mr. Orpen, his Assistant, Mr. Light, the Paymaster, and Captain Bileliffe, the Commandant, asking per- mission to use strong measures against the renter. 1783. On the 27th January the Committee replied to the letter of the previous month from Palamcotta, to the effect that they were to wait till the arrival of Mr. Irwin, as they intended to entrust to him the management of all their affairs in Tinnevelly. On the 28th January a Commission was issued by Lord Macartney to Mr. Irwin to proceed to Tinnevelly with full authority from the Committee of Assigned Revenue. The Commission begins thus : — Commission "The state of the Tinnevelly province, as represented by the Com- to Mr. Irwin, m ittee of Assigned Revenue, has determined us to send a person in whom we can confide to enquire into and remove, as far as may be practicable, the misunderstandings and dissensions which have arisen there to the prejudice of the revenue, and we have appointed you for the service, not only from the trust we repose in your zeal and capacity, but in compliance also with an early recommendation preferred to us by the Committee for employing its members occa- sionally in making circuits throughout the different districts of the Carnatic, agreeably to the original institution of the Committee." Instructions The Government were unable to determine which of the complaints to Mr.Irwm. an( j recriminations that had come before them from Tinnevelly were most worthy of investigation, but they recommended Mr. Irwin on his arrival to proceed to investigate such of the com- plaints as appeared to him to have any probable foundation, " particularly the insinuation thrown out by the late renter against Mr. Proctor concerning undue advantages made by the measurement of grain and exchange of money." Mr. Irwin is recommended to •arrange that a fixed tribute, bearing a reasonable proportion to their possessions and not liable to alteration, should be paid by the Poli gars ; also that the complaints of the renters against the ryots :u id of the ryots against the renters should be inquired into and equitably settled. He is directed to endeavour to acquire as much knowledge as possible of the condition of things in general in Tinnevelly, in order that the welfare and improvement of the PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 147 country may be promoted. He is to inquire whether any of the Chapter VI. natural productions of the country are capable of being improved, and especially whether the cultivation of spices can be developed. He is to endeavour to throw light on the prospects of the pearl fishery, as also on the commerce of Tuticorin and the settlements in the Gulf of Manaar. All orders relating to revenue affairs sent previously to other persons are to be transferred to him, including the orders sent to Mr. Light for the inspection of the repairs of tanks, as Government do not wish any other gentleman in Tinne- velly to have the least pretence for interfering in the affairs of the country. He is directed to exercise a general oversight in Madura, as well as in Tinnevelly, there being no other person in charge there, and all military officers are ordered to obey his requisitions. They are to furnish him with a suitable escort in his tours through the country. The Government add that they wished him to correspond with Mr. John Sulivan, Tan j ore, whose judgment and experience could not fail to be of value. Mr. Sulivan was at that time " Resident of Tanjore and Superinten- dent of Assigned Revenues of Trichinopoly and Marawar." The latter term meant Ramnad and Sivagangai. Finally, they say they allow him seven pagodas per diem for his expenses, the sum that was allowed to Mr. Proctor, " Receiver of the Revenues in the Tinnevelly country," and Captain's pay andbatta to his Assistant. In another letter he was instructed to inquire into the complaints Tuticorin of the Parava inhabitants of Tuticorin. He was also instructed to comp a present an honorary dress to the head of the Paravas (the Jati- talaivar) in the name of the Madras Government. Mr. Irwin landed at Anjengo from the Company's ships going on to Bombay, whence he proceeded to Palamcotta, where he arrived on the 4th of March. Immediately on his arrival at Palamcotta he set out for Tri van drum, to wait on the king and present him with a letter with which he was charged from the Madras Govern- ment, requesting his assistance in the operations against Hyder Ali. Mr. Irwin requested that another Assistant should be appointed Mr. Trwin instead of Mr. Orpen, who had been removed. Mr. Torin (after- Jjjj on his wards Collector) was appointed his Assistant, then Mr. Kindersley. Soon after his arrival in Tinnevelly he presided in a court of inquiry held by the authority of Government to inquire into Mr. Proctor's proceedings. The court considered Mr. Proctor's accounts unsatisfactory. It was found that he had entered in his accounts many items of expenditure of a personal nature without the authority of Government. It was found also that balances of receipts of revenue still remained in his hands. In consequence of Mr. Proctor this decision of the court he was relieved from his duties in the ° rdere(i t0 . , leave. district and ordered to proceed to the Presidency. Government 148 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. required him to refund what he had improperly received, and on his delaying to do this ordered a suit to be instituted against him in the Mayor's Court, Madras. In April Mr. Irwin in a letter to Government states the obstacles he finds standing in the way of every plan for the improvement of the country. First and foremost amongst those obstacles he places the refractory disposition of the Poligars. " Their licentiousness," lie says, " not having been curbed or checked for these five .years past, they are now become so hardened in their contumacy as to render it impracticable to reduce them to a proper sense of their interest and duty but by force of arms." It was evident that things were getting ripe for Colonel Fullarton's expedition. The operations to which he refers as having taken place five years before were those of Captain Pickard in 1777 and of Captain Barrington in 1778. Mr. Irwin J n August the Government give Mr. Irwin full powers to rent C.ionel the revenues of Tinnevelly to the best of his judgment. He Fullarton. repeatedly writes to Colonel Fullarton proposing that a portion of the southern army should be employed under his command in settling the Tinnevelly country. These letters, with the sanction of Government, led to Colonel Fullarton's expedition. Of this expe- dition Colonel Fullarton himself gives a graphic account. His able report to the Madras Government entitled " A View of the English Interests in India," republished in Madras in 1867, will amply repay perusal. Colonel Fullarton's Expedition as related by himself. " The districts of Madura, Meliir, and Pallemery (Pallimadai) were so harassed with Colleries, Poligars, and the enemy, that your troops and subjects were often attacked within range of forts, and the sen- tries tired at on the works. All the Poligars of Tinnevelly were in rebellion, and closely connected with the Dutch Government at Colombo, from whence attempts were meditated, in conjunction with them and with Mapillai Devar, to reduce those countries and the Strength of Marava dominions. Nearly one hundred thousand Poligars and Col- the Fuligurs. leries were in arms throughout the southern provinces, and being con- sidered hostile to Government, looked to public confusion as their safe- guard against punishment. Your southern force was inadequate to repress these outrages and to retrieve your affairs. The treasury was drained, the country depopulated, the revenues exacted by the enemy, the troops undisciplined, ill-paid, poorly fed and unsuccessfully com- mand* d. During the course of these proceedings, your southern pro* vinces remained in their former confusion. The Poligars, Colleries, and other tributaries, ever since the commencement of the war had thrown oh' all appearance of allegiance. No civil arrangement could be attempted without a military force, and nothing less than the whole army seemed adequate to their reduction. While such a considerable PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTKKVKNTION. 149 portion of the southern provinces remained in defiance of the Com- Chapteb 71. pany's Government, it was vain to think of supporting the current . ""TT . charges of the establishment, far less could we hope to reduce the the situation. arrears, and to prepare for important operations, in the probable event of a recommencement of hostilities. It became indispensable, there- fore, to restore the tranquillity of those provinces by vigorous military measures as the only means to render them productive of revenue." After having- reduced the Poligars of Melur and Sivagangei to obedience, Colonel Fullarton marched southwards. "There next remained a more important undertaking. The numerous Poligars of Tinnevelly, who had rebelled on the commencement of the war, committed daily ravages from Madura to Cape Comorin. They subdued forts and occupied districts belonging to the Circar, or held by a tenure different from their own. I had been repeatedly Invitation to urged by Mr. Irwin, Superintendent of Madura and Tinnevelly, rcduce^the to proceed against the Poligars, in order to restore tranquillity and recover the revenues. It was now, for the first time, in my power to direct my operations towards that quarter, at a moment when the most powerful of the Poligars in confederacy against your Govern- ment, and in alliance with the Dutch, had assembled twelve or fourteen thousand men, and were actually besieging the fort of Chocumpatty (Chokkampatti), a Poligar place of some strength, below the hills that form the north-west boundary of the province. " When it was determined that we should march towards Tinne- velly, during the interval requisite for Colonels Stuart and Elphinstone's detachments to reach Dindigul, my object was to strike an unexpected blow, and to intimidate the Poligars into sub- mission. Of all the Tinnevelly chiefs, the principal in power and delinquency, excepting Sivagiri, was Kattaboma Nayaka. He was personally engaged at the siege of Chocumpatty, from whence his fort of Panjalamkurichi, on the south-east quarter of Tinnevelly, is distant more than seventy miles. The visual route to Tinnevelly passes by Madura ; and the Poligars, hearing of our movement towards Sivagangei, looked for us in that direction. To favour this opinion, I ordered provisions for the army to be prepared at March into Madura, kept my real intention perfectly concealed, and moved off mneve J - with the force from Sivagangei, on the evening of 8th August, to Tropichetty (Tint Pachetti), a place twenty miles distant on the southern border of the Melur country. I there joined the remain- der of the army, and leaving the 7th battalion and some irregulars to restrain the Colleries at Melur, we proceeded next morning by Pallemery (Pallimadai), Pandalgoody, and Naiglapore (Nagala- puram), and readied the fort of Panjalamkurichi on the fourth day, Attack on being one hundred miles from Sivagangei. 1 As soon as the line , Fa " J: ', - un " <-> O O kUM' 111. 1 Fahrenheit's thermometer was frequently above 110 degrees duiiny these ma relies. 1oO HISTORY OF TIXNEVELI.Y. Chapter VI. approached the fort, a flag was sent desiring the headmen to open their gates and hold a conference : they refused. The 18-pounders were, therefore, halted in the rear of an embankment, facing the north-east angle of the works ; a hasty battery was constructed, and in three hours we were ready to open on the bastion. The works were manned with several thousand people, and every cir- cumstance denoted an intention of resistance. It was material to storm without delay, in order to strike terror by despatch and also lest Kattaboma Nayaka, with his confederate chiefs, might hasten to obstruct our operations. We opened on the bastion, but finding ourselves retarded by its thickness, we resolved to breach the adjoining curtain, and to render the defences of the bastion unten- able by the besieged. They kept up a constant and well-directed fire, and notwithstanding our utmost efforts, it was dark before a practicable breach was effected ; the attack was therefore deferred until the moon should rise. The storming party consisted of two companies of Europeans, supported by the 13th and 24th Camatic Battalions, and continued in the rear of the battery. The cavalry, the 1st, and light infantry battalions, were posted at right angles with the other three salient angles of the fort, with detachments fronting each gateway, in order to prevent the besieged from receiving supplies or making their escape, while the other troops remained to defend the camp, which was within random shot. " Our next object was to remove a strong hedge fronting the breach and surrounding the whole fort, as is the practice in the Poligar system of defence. This dangerous service was effected with unusual skill by Ensign Cunningham, commanding the Pioneers, and about 10 at night, with the advantage of bright moonshine, the storm commenced. Our troops after they gained the summit of the breach found no sufficient space to lodge them- selves, and the interior wall having no slope or talus, they could Abandonment not push forward from the summit as they advanced. The defen- ders were numerous and opposed us so vigorously with pikes and musketry that we were obliged at last to retire, and reached the battery with considerable slaughter on both sides. Immediate measures were taken to renew the charge, but the Poligars, disheart- ened with their loss, abandoned the place, and sallied forth at the eastern gate. The corps posted round the works were so exhausted by the preceding marches that the fugitives effected their escape; the rest were taken prisoners. The breach was covered with dead bodies, and the place contained a large assortment of guns, powder, shot, arms, and other military stores, which were of course applied to the public service. 40,000 star pagodas were also found, and immediately distributed to the troops. Your Board was pleased to confirm this distribution on the footing of prize-money, than which no measure could more effectually tend to animate the army in our PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 151 after operations. Some other facts respecting these transactions, Chavteh VI. and the treaty between the Dutch Government of Colombo and Ivattaboma Nayaka (of which the original was taken in his fort), were referred to in my letters of the 1 3th August addressed to your Lordship and the Board. " Having left Captain Jacobs with five companies of the 25th Attack on Battalion to garrison the place I proceeded to Palamcotta, in order yiva S m - to inspect the state of that fort, and from thence by Sankaranainar- koil to Sivagiri. It was hoped that the reduction of that strong- hold belonging to the most powerful of all the Poligars, in addi- tion to the fall of Panjalamkurichi, would intimidate the less con- siderable offenders, and convince the whole confederacy that their treatment would be proportioned to their misconduct. Besides, the outrages committed by the Sivagiri chief were atrocious, and could not be forgiven without a total surrender of your authority. He had barbarously murdered Captain Graham Campbell and cut off a detachment under the command of that officer. On former occasions he had beat off considerable detachments, and avowedly protected your enemies, who thought themselves secure in the fort of Shevigherry. He had collected magazines sufficient to supply the Dutch force that was expected from Colombo, as well as to resist the most tedious blockade, for he did not conceive his fort could be stormed, and every circumstance in his conduct marked that he held himself beyond the reach of military power. On our arrival before the town of Sivagiri he retired to the thickets, near Abandonment four miles deep, in front of his comby l which it covers and defends. of the fort- He manned the whole extent of a strong embankment that separates the wood and open country. He was joined by Kattaboma Nayaka, with other associated Poligars and mustered eight thousand or nine thousand men in arms. In the present instance lenity would have been accounted imbecility, but the approach of Colonels Stuart and Elphinstone to Dindigul, and Tippu Sultan's refusal of the pro- posed accommodation, rendered me extremely anxious to finish this Poligar warfare, in order to proceed towards the enemies' frontiers. The Sivagiri chief and his associates were therefore informed that I Terms offered meant immediately to attack the place, unless they would constrain *° ^ e the head Poligars of Tinnevelly, amounting to thirty-two chiefs, to liquidate all arrears and refund the amount of depredations com- mitted since the commencement of the war, agreeably to authen- ticated vouchers in the different districts. It was further intimated that if they, on the part of the confederacy, would engage to pay £120,000 in lieu of all demands, I would forward their proposal to the Superintendent of Revenue (Mr. Irwin), and on his accept- 1 Tamil, kdmbaJ ; the dictionary calls it " a stronghold in the mountains ;" rather a stockade in a forest. 152 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY, Terms declined Chapter vi. ance that the troops would be withdrawn, and that they would be recommended to forgiveness. They wished to confer with me, but refused to visit me in camp. As their distrust arose from various outrages committed against them by former commanders, instead of increasing their apprehensions by any appearance of distrust or resentment, I proposed to meet them alone and unat- tended at their own barrier, adding that if any accident befel me, it would not pass unresented. The Sivagiri Chief, Kattaboma Nayaka, and the deposed Poligar of Chocumpatty, with a large retinue, met me in front of their embankment ; before they finished their explanations it was dark, and a musket inadvertently fired in the rear alarmed our advanced picket, who thought it was aimed at me. To prevent the ill-consequences of that mistake, I took leave of the Poligars expressing my wish to hear of their acceding to the terms proposed. We refrained from hostility next day, but rtrSiofd. the findill S that the y trifled witn proposals, the line was ordered under arms on the morning following, and we made the distribution of attack. It proved as desperate as any contest in that species of Indian warfare, not only from the numbers and obstinacy of the Poligars, but from the peculiar circumstances which had acquired for this place the reputation of impregnability. The attack com- menced by the Europeans and four battalions of sepoys moving against the embankment which covers the wood. The Poligars, in full force, opposed us, but our troops remained with their firelocks shouldered, under a heavy fire, until they approached the embank- ment ; there they gave a general discharge and rushed upon the enemy. By the vigour of this advance we got possession of the summit, the Poligars took post on the verge of the adjoining wood, and disputed every step with great loss on both sides. " After reconnoitring we found that the comby could not be approached in front. We proceeded, therefore, to cut a road through the impenetrable thickets for three miles to the base of the hill that bounds the comby on the west. The Pioneers, under Ensign Cunningham, laboured with indefatigable industry; Captain Gardiner of the 102nd supported them with the Europeans, and Captain Blacker with the 3rd and 24th Carnatic Battalions advanced their field pieces as fast as the road was cleared. These were strengthened by troops in their rear forming a communica- tion with those in front, For this purpose two other battalions were posted within the wood, and as soon as we gained the em- bankment the camp moved near it and concentrated our force. We continued to cut our way under an unabating fire from eight thousand Poligars, who constantly pressed upon our advanced party, rushed upon the line of attack, piked the bullocks that were dragging the guns and killed many of our people. But those attempts were repulsed by perseverance, and before sunset we had Capture of the e hold tin: strong- PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 153 opened a passage entirely to the mountain. It is extremely high, Chapter VI. rocky, and in many places almost perpendicular. Having resolved to attack from this unexpected quarter, the troops undertook the service, and attained the summit. The Poligar parties posted to guard that eminence being routed after much firing on all hands we descended on the other side and flanked the comby. The enemy seeing us masters of the mountain retreated under cover of the night by paths inaccessible to regular troops, and we took possession of this wonderful recess. The particulars respecting ordnance, stores, and provisions found in the place are stated in my letter of the 3rd Se'ptember. We left the 3rd and 9th Battalions to secure the magazines and moved the army to Srivilliputtur within four marches of Madura in order to awe the Northern Poligars of Tinnevelly. " It was little more than a month since we had left Trichinopoly. Success of the Your authority was re-established throughout the whole track that expedition, we had traversed, extending more than three hundred miles ; and besides the arrangement with the Sivagangei Raja, we were masters of the two strongest places belonging to the Poligars. We re- mained some time in expectation of their proposing a general accommodation, but they knew that Tippu still invested Manga- lore, and that I must quickly join the force at Dindigul. This intelligence corroborated their spirit of procrastination. I there- fore convened the Vakeels ' whom the chief Poligars had sent to treat with me in camp, and directed them to inform their respective principals that I should leave the province on the 21st September. I added that if they did not return to their allegiance, I should The Colonel's make a vow to Siven, the Grentoo god, whose attribute is vengeance, tllreat> to march back and spread destruction throughout every possession of the defaulting Poligars : this declaration alarmed the whole assembly. I wrote to Mr. Irwin expressing my regret on leaving the province before any settlement was concluded with the Poligars. He forwarded to me the terms on which he thought it expedient to restore their forts to Kattaboma Nayaka and Sivagiri. Vakeels from these chiefs waited on me at Trimungulam 2 (Tirmnangalam) and stipulated in the name of their masters that they would pay thirty thousand chuekrums each, in lieu of all preceding claims. They likewise gave their bonds for fifteen thousand pagodas, or £G,000 each, in consideration of the restitution of their forts. I farther exacted obligations that the defences of Panjalamkurichi should be demolished, the guns, stores, and ammunition removed to Palam- eotta, and that the road which we cleared to the comby of Sivagiri should continue open ; that the means of defence should be removed 1 Vakeels are deputies, agents, or ambassadors. 2 Trimungulam (Tirumang-alam) is twelve miles south-west of Madura. 20 154 HISTORY OF TIXXFVF.I.I.Y Chapter VI. Conditions of peace im- posed. Satisfaction of Government. Kattaboma's treaty with the Dutch. Pearl fishery Mr. Irwin's policy. from the place, and that the southern commanders and the Com- pany's troops should at all times be admitted within their forts and barriers. I concluded with injunctions to observe a more submis- sive conduct if they valued their lives, property, or posterity. As soon as the restitution of the forts and prisoners 1 could possibly take place, the 3rd and 9th Battalions, under Captain Mackinnon, were directed to march from Sivagiri and to join me at Dindigul, whither I proceeded by the route of Madura." In the beginning of the following year Colonel Fullarton visited Tinnevelly again, but only for the purpose of expediting the col- lection of money and means of transport for the force with which he was preparing to cope with Tippu Sultan. On the 26th October L Mr. Irwin mentions that Kattaboma Nayaka and the Sivagiri Poligar had submitted. It will be seen from a general order of Government, reviewing the position of things in 1875, that they were highly gratified both with the military results of Colonel Fullarton's expedition and with the financial settlement he had made. Mr. Irwin transmits the originals and translations of Kattaboma Nayaka's correspondence with the Dutch and their treaty with him, found in his fort on its capture, as mentioned by Colonel Fullarton in his narrative, which he observes will fully justify the severity with which he was treated. He recommends also that if the Dutch should return to Tuticorin, peace having been concluded, as was expected, measures should be taken to prevent them from giving their support and encouragement to Kattaboma Nayaka as before. 1784. The first pearl fishery carried on by the East India Company was in ] 784, under Mr. Irwin's superintendence, but the result, as has so often been the case since, was unsatisfactory. In a letter to the Committee in May Mr. Irwin represents the advantages that have accrued to the province from the combination of severity and clemency in Colonel Fullarton's dealings with the Poligars. In carrying out this policy himself he states that he had released most of the Toligar prisoners held in detention in Palamcotta jail, in the belief that this unexpected act of clemency would confirm them in their allegiance to the Company. The Poligar of Kollarpatti had been imprisoned for more than twenty years. His son, who was an infant when his father was committed to prison, had succeeded to the pollam and had been in possession ever since. Notwithstanding this he applied for his fathers release and in Mr. Irwin's presence he voluntarily resigned to his father 1 Among the prisoners there was the daughter of Kattaboma Nayaka, who. as well as all the others, amounting to many hundreds, were treated with the utmost attention. rERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 155 the authority he had so long held. Mr. Irwin was much struck Chapter VI. with this instance of filial duty. Hindu readers will be reminded Instance of of Bharata's behaviour to his brother Rama. filial duty. In October he repeats that the Panjalamkurichi and Sivagiri Poligars, who had been singled out for punishment by Colonel Fullarton, were still very punctual in their payments, and he hopes that the rest of the Poligars will learn to be equally punctual. 1785. Swartz visited Palamcotta in 1785, when he dedicated Swartz'a the church that had been erected there. V1S1 ' Captain Bilcliffe, Commandant of Palamcotta, is directed to make Tuticoria over Tuticorin, with the stations dependent on it, to Mr. Meckern, glven up- the Dutch Governor, in behalf of the Dutch. The treaty, in virtue of which this cession was at length made, had been entered into two years before, viz., in 1783. Towards the end of the year Mr. Torin acted as Paymaster for Mr. Oakes. The appointment of Paymaster was then always held by civilians. Surrender of the Assignment. The principal event of this year, and one which was productive The surrender of much mischief to every district in the country, Tinnevelly °l s ^* ent included, was the surrender to the Nawab of the assignment of his reluctantly revenues, in virtue of which the civil administration of the Com- ^S^it. pany, with all its advantages, ceased for seven years. The sur- render took place, after many ineffectual protests on the part of the Madras Government, on the 28th of June, whereupon the proceed- ings of the Committee of Assigned Revenue came to an end, and the Committee itself was soon after dissolved. They were to cease receiving their special allowances from the 5th of July, but were to continue to meet as a committee till all the balances were settled. They were thanked by the Supreme Government for their zealous services. On the 24th June Mr. Irwin wrote a letter to Govern- ment earnestly deprecating the surrender of "the assignment, as a retrograde measure fraught with the worst consequences. In the event of the surrender appearing to be inevitable he pleaded that a stipulation should be inserted, exempting Tinnevelly and Madura from its operation till October. He argued that those two districts having been remodelled by himself were in an exceptional posi- tion. Reforms and pacificatory measures had been introduced, but there had not been time to carry them far. His wish could not be acceded to. Before his letter reached Madras the surrender had been formally made. In virtue of this conclusion, on the 10th July, Mr. Irwin reports that he had delivered over the district to the Amildars on that date, with the balance due from the 28th of June. In doing so he again expressed his apprehension of the evils that were likely to ensue. In September Mr. Irwin on his way 156 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Irwin's foreboding Chapter VI. from Tinnevelly to Madras, at Melur in Madura, writes to Govern- ment a letter in which he highly lauds the conduct of Mr. Torin, his Revenue Assistant in the Madura District, who was afterwards the first Collector of Tinnevelly under the Assumption in 1790 and the Treaty of 1792. After his arrival in Madras, in October he submitted to Government in an able letter his views respecting the condition of the southern districts from Triehinopoly to Tinnevelly that had been under his charge, reiterating his conviction that all the old evils would revive and gather strength through the with- drawal of the Company's authority, both on the side of the Nawab's agents, who would now be able to misgovern with impu- nity, and on that of the Poligars, whose habits of insurrection and plunder would now go on unchecked. The Committee of Assigned Eevenue, in resigning their func- tions, submitted to Government, on the 31st of December, a gene- ral statement of their proceedings, in which they enlarged on the circumstances of the Tinnevelly Poligars, the impolicy of the dealings with them of the Nawab's agents, and the principles on which their own method of dealing with them had been grounded. They describe the Poligars as thirty -two in number, with an array of followers armed with pikes and matchlocks, estimated at 30,000 men, and possessed of strongholds which the Nawab's troops had often found it difficult to reduce and from which, even if they were taken, it was easy to escape into the woods. When the Nawab was strong he levied as much tribute from the Poligars as The Nawab's f ear induced them to yield ; when, on the other hand, he was weak the^olig.irs. he na d to content himself with their gratuitous offerings and wait for a more favourable opportunity for enforcing his demands. Mr. Irwin calculated in 1783 that, during the eighteen years previous, of the average tribute of more than one lakh of chakrams per annum due by the Poligars only an average of about 40,000 chakrams per annum reached the treasury, in consequence of which, if they balanced against this small gain what was lost by depre- dations and expended on military expeditions, it would appear that the Nawab must have been a loser of several lakhs of pagodas in his transactions with the Poligars during that time. " But this," they say, " was not the only inconvenience attending the system. A state of frequent warfare and perpetual distrust took place of that mutual confidence which ought to have made the Poligars good subjects in time of peace and useful auxiliaries in time of war. The consequence was naturally that when Hyder Ali invaded the Carnatic in 1780 they availed themselves of that opportunity to withhold the payment of their tribute, to plunder the country, and commit other acts of violence and hostility which obliged the Company to send a large force ngninst them in the midst of the war. The army under the command of Colonel His losses. _ m PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 157 Fullarton by a well-timed expedition against two of the principal Chapter VI. Poligars brought the whole to a sense of obedience, and the equity of the subsequent settlement improved that obedience into a real confidence in the Company's government." In another paragraph they expressed their regret at having The Nawab's learnt that, though so short a time had elapsed since the Assign- j^ ra " ment had been surrendered into the Nawab's hands, he had already commenced, as in former times, to " anticipate the revenue by borrowing money and requiring advances from the different renters as the price of their confirmation." This practice they deprecated not only because of the interest that would have to be paid on the sums borrowed, but still more on account of the power it placed in the hands of the renter to reimburse himself at the expense of the country. They proceeded also to compare the expensiveness of the Nawab's government with the inexpensiveness of theirs during the Assign- ment. When uncontrolled authority came into their hands they reduced the Nawab's separate disbursements upon the peace establishment from thirteen and a half lakhs of pagodas per annum to little more than two lakhs ; and during the time they had the collection of the revenue, even in time of war, the charges did not exceed 11 per cent, upon the gross jumma of the assignment. I append to this statement the following description by Mr. Lushington of the state of disorder into which Tinnevelly relapsed, after the Assignment was surrendered and Mr. Irwin left the district in 1785, till the commencement of the period of the Assump- tion and Mr. Torin's management in 1790 : — " With the knowledge of these facts it will appear very natural Effects of the that the inhabitants should look back to the Company's management Nawab's rule, as an era of comparative happiness, and contrast it in a very feeling manner with three succeeding years of extortion under Iktibar Khan, when the system of mortgage and gadayom (sale) prevailed in its worst rigours. From these intolerable oppressions the inhabitants' fled in numbers to Travancore, and the ruin of the country was fast approaching ; but the fears of the Nawab were at length raised to the calamities of the country by the remonstrances of the Eight Honourable Lord Hobart. The accuracy with which the evils of this system were developed, the determination subsequently shown by the Company's Government to put an end to them, and especially the establishment of the Commercial Investment about this period may be said with the strictest truth to have arrested the destruction of Tinnevelly, for the alarm excited at His Highness' Durbar and in the breasts of all those who participated in these enormities materially changed the nature of His Highness' management. The system of usurious mortgage grew Improvements from that period into disuse, for those pernicious transactions which introduced by- had before covered the province were of a very different character from the inferior advantages that a few adventurers subsequently derived from a partial and fearful monopoly of grain." 158 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter vl Iktibar Khan, commonly styled "the Cawn," was the Nawab's manager in Tinnevelly during most of this period. Board of 1786. On the 1st May 1786 the Board of Eevenue was consti- Revenue. tuted at MadraS- The Commandant of Palamcotta places five companies of Captain Blacker's battalion at Saakaranaiyanarkovil at the "request" of Iktibar Khan, the Nawab's manager. 1787. Mr. Oakes resumes his post of Paymaster in Palamcotta. A dispute takes place between Major McLeod, an officer at the head of a detachment, and the Paymaster, respecting the loss his troops had sustained by the rate of exchange the Paymaster had fixed. Colonel Bridges is Commandant of Palamcotta, and reports in February that the Nawab's Fauzdar had assembled a considerable force at Tenkanji, (properly Tenkasi, the Southern Benares, com- monly Tenkanji, the southern Conjeveram), for the purpose of operating against the Poligar of Chokkampatti, who had built a fort and was furnishing it with arms and provisions. Colonel Bridges had recommended that the Fauzdar should not commence hostilities without the consent of the Madras Government. Fears of 1788. A Dutch detachment marches from Tuticorin to Cochin, Tippu Sultan. ^th f which places then belonged to the Dutch. The Madras Government advises that they be warned that in passing through the territories of Travancore and Cochin they should take great care not to be intercepted by Tippu Sultan. Tippu's assault on the northern Travancore lines was in the following year. Cultivation of 1789. In January Mr. Oakes resigns and Mr. Torin, who had epues. previously acted for him, is appointed Paymaster and Storekeeper in his room. Mr. Torin requests the grant of a piece of land in Palamcotta for the cultivation of cinnamon on a larger scale. The piece of ground he asked for was near the Nawab's garden and the Company's garden. It was close also to the Paymaster's house. According to tradition this cinnamon garden was identical with a piece of land now cultivated with paddy to the north-east of the Judge's house. The commencement of this cultivation was by Mr. Light, a previous Paymaster. (See 1780). The experiment, so far as it had gone, was a promising one. It was from the two trees brought from Ceylon by Mr. Light that he had been going on propagating more. It would be easy to make cinnamon trees grow in the alluvial soil near the river at Palamcotta, but in so hot and dry a climate the cultivation would not be found to pay. It was from Mr. Torin's trees that cinnamon was introduced into the " Spice Gardens" at Courtallum. See 1791. A proposition of Mr. Torin's to rebuild the Paymaster's house (his own) at a cost of 1,000 pagodas is sanctioned. 1790. All the Paymasters south of the Coleroon, including Palamcotta, are ordered to be ready to comply with all the requisi- PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION'. 159 tions of Colonel Musgrove, the Commander-in-Chief, who was then Chapter VI. preparing to meet an expected invasion by Tippu Sultan. Provin- cial battalions were being formed in each division. The Period of the Assumption. On the 7th August 1790 a new period in the relations subsisting Difference between the Madras Government and the Nawab of the Carnatic between the Assignment commenced. The Government, finding it impossible to induce the and the Nawab to consent to the reintroduction of the Assignment, or any AssuD1 P hon - similar arrangement placing the general administration of affairs in English hands, took possession of the management of the country, without treaty, by proclamation. The expression they use is, that they have " assumed the management of the Nawab's country," and the period came to be styled " the period of the Assumption," lasting from 1790 to 1792, in contradistinction to " the period of the Assignment," lasting from 1781 to 1790. From 1792 commenced the period of a new treaty. A Board was at the same time insti- tuted called at first, as before, the Board of Assigned Revenue ; but this name was erroneous ; it implied the Nawab's consent to the arrangement ; and accordingly on the 28th September the Govern- ment write to the Board : " The management of the countries of the Nawab and the Raja (of Tan j ore) having been assumed, not assigned, the name of your Board must henceforward be changed accordingly." After this order it was called the Board of Assumed Revenue. This Board was not independent of the Board of Revenue, but was simply a department of its work. Before the proclamation was issued various necessary arrange- Sir. Torin ments are made. On the 23rd of July Collectors are appointed j 60 ^ for the management of the various districts, who are to report their Assumption, proceedings to the Board. Mr. Benjamin Torin, previously Pay- master of Palamcotta, is appointed Collector of Tinnevelly and the dependent Poligars. Mr. Macleod is at the same time appointed Collector of Madura, Melur, and the Marawars. On the 7th August orders are issued to the Commandant of Palamcotta " to support the Collector upon his written requisition with such military aid as he may from time to time require, in support of the trust with which he is invested." Mr. Marten is appointed Paymaster rice Mr. Torin. Mr. Torin, now Collector of Tinnevelly, under the Assumption, proposes to Government that the Nawab's troops in Tinnevelly, now left without pay or discipline, be entertained by Government and put under the command of Captains Dighton and Everett, hitherto officers in the Nawab's service. The proposition is approved. Mr. Meckern, Dutch Governor of Tuticorin, obtains permission to march 400 men, Europeans and Malays, coming from Cochin through Tinnevelly to Tuticorin, there to be embarked for Ceylon. 160 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. 1791. Specimens of the cinnamon grown at Palamcotta are sent to Madras and approved. Mr. Torin proceeds to cultivate mulber- ries. Cinnamon cultivation is extended by Mr. Torin to Tenkasi. Probably Courtallum is meant, though it is also said that the cultivation of spices was introduced into Courtallum in 1800 by Mr. Casamajor. On the 11th October Mr. Torin sends to Government, for the in- formation of the Governor-General, Lord Cornwallis, an account of the conduct of the Tinnevelly Poligars. He states that the lenity shown to two of them — the Poligars of Sivagiri and Panja- lamkurichi — by Colonel Fullarton had only encouraged them in their rebellious spirit, and recommends that more decided measures should be adopted, especially with regard to Panjalamkurichi. He mentions that a military guard had been sent to occupy the fort Pali Devar of Puli Devar, but that the Devar' s men had taken up the men of again. ^ e g uar( j "bodily^ weapons and all, carried them out and set them down outside the fort. He mentions this incident as showing both their dread of our power and their resolution not to submit. Torin's Mr. Torin's opinion of the result of Colonel Fullarton's policy t^resultt of differed widely, we see, from Mr. Irwin's. His representations led Fullarton's to Colonel Maxwell's expedition. But the result showed — as the lemty. result of every similar expedition, whether before or after showed — that no permanent pacification would be brought about, whether by " lenity " or by more " decided measures," so long as the double government of the Nawab and the Company subsisted. Having two masters the Poligars always succeeded in defying both. The Government are so much gratified with Mr. Torin's zeal and dili- gence that his pay and allowances are doubled. He is constantly endeavouring without success to induce the late renter, Tlttarappa Mudali, to refund the taxes received by him. The Treaty of 1792. Conditions of 1792. This year occupies a still more important place in the treaty history of the period than 1781 or 1790, for the treaty entered into this year between the Nawab and the East India Company remained in force for nine years — a long time for any such arrange- ment to last — and came to an end only on the formal and final transfer of the country from the Nawab to the English Government in 1801. The treaty was signed on the 12th July, but virtually it dated from the beginning of the year. By this treaty the Madras Government undertook to collect the whole of the Poligar peshcush or tribute at their own expense and risk. The Nawab was not to be responsible either for any deficiency that might arise in the Poligars' payments, or for the expense incurred by any coercive measures which it might become necessary to adopt to enforce payment from them. With the exception of a few districts the rest PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 161 of the country was to be restored to the management of the Nawab Chapter VI. on certain conditions. Amongst the excepted districts were the districts south of Trichinopoly, including Tinnovelly and Madura. These were to remain in the Company's hands till the revenue, after deducting the charges of collection, equalled the amount of the kist that had fallen into arrears. One of the conditions of the treaty was that in time of war the entire management of the country was to be in the Company's hands. A new commission, in virtue of the treaty, was issued to Mr. New appoint- Torin on the same date as the treaty itself, the 12th July. lie meu s ' was hereby appointed " Collector of the Zemindar and Poligar peshcush in the Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly, Ramnadpuram, and Shevigunga Districts." This was in advance of the special instructions he was shortly to receive from " the Board of Assumed Revenue." Those instructions related especially to his co-opera- tion with Lieutenant- Colonel Maxwell in the expedition on which he was about to enter. In accordance with Mr. Torin's representations Government Colonel had determined to send a detachment, under Colonel Maxwell, into Mar ?£r .... . expedition. Tinnevelly. The special object of the expedition was " to punish the Poligar of Sivagiri, who in contempt of all authority, and of every principle of justice and humanity, had made a violent attack with his peons on the Poligar of Settur and put him and his family to death." He was instructed to endeavour to apprehend the Poligar of Sivagiri, and not to operate against the other Poligars except in the event of his finding them confederates with him. The existence of this confederacy was ere long clearly proved. Colonel Maxwell set out on his expedition in July and proceeded from Madura to Srlvilliputtur. From thence he marched on Sivagiri. He attacked and reduced the "kombai" (the hill stockade) of the Sivagiri Poligar, in Which service Captains Steward and Torrens greatly distinguished themselves. See the account of the capture of this stronghold by Colonel Pullarton in 1783. Colonel Maxwell now proceeded, in conjunction with Mr. Torin, Colonel to make a settlement with the various Tinnevelly Poligars, but 8e ttiement. they did not agree in some particulars as to the course that ought to be taken. Orders were issued by Colonel Maxwell, in accord- ance with the instructions of the Board, respecting the arrears due by the Poligars. No remission was to be made to Sivagiri. The Chokkampatti Poligar refused to accept Colonel Maxwell's offer and was deposed. Chennalgudi Pollam was temporarily resumed. "iic element in the settlement made by Colonel Maxwell was that a certain Sankaralingam Pillai should be prohibited from receiving any employment or encouragement from any of the Poligars. This Sankaralingam Pillai was one of the persons who subse- 21 162 HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY. Mr. Landon, Collector. Marudur anicut. Chapter VI. quently instigated the son of the Poligar of Sivagiri to rebel against his father. Mr. Torin disapproved Colonel Maxwell's policy towards this man, and Colonel Maxwell complained to Government of Mr. Torin's interference with his authority. He also represented Mr. Torin's dubash, or confidential interpreter, in whose faithfulness his master placed implicit reliance, as secretly in league with the Poligars. On a reference being made to Government Mr. Torin was ordered to dismiss his dubash and Colonel Maxwell's authority over the affairs of the Poligars was made absolute. Hereupon Mr. Torin resigned, and his dubash was sent to Madras under a guard. Mr. Torin's Assistant at this time was Mr. Thomas Scott Jackson. His resignation was accepted, and Mr. James Landon was appointed his successor. He gave over charge to Mr. Landon on the 12th November 1792. Mr. Landon was to receive 250 pagodas per mensem and 1| per cent, commission at the expiration of the year. Mr. Torin's name is chiefly remem- bered in Tinnevelly in connection with the rebuilding of the Marudur anicut. An inscription on the anicut records his name and the year 1792. Colonel Maxwell's Secretary or Assistant throughout these expeditions was Captain Bannerman, afterwards in command of a similar but more important expedition in 1799. 1793. Mr. Balmain is Assistant to Mr. Landon, and at Mr. Landon's request receives an addition to his salary of 50 pagodas per mensem. Mr. Landon states that the Poligar of Woodoocaud (probably Orkadu) had murdered a Tahsildar employed in his district by the Nawab's manager. The Settur Poligar being a minor his pollam is placed under a manager by Mr. Landon, but the manager is dispossessed and imprisoned by a usurper. Government, sensible that such law- less acts, if allowed to pass entirely unnoticed, would lead to greater mischief, now directed Captain Dighton to proceed with his detachment against Settur in order to capture the usurping manager. He appeared before the fort in July 1793, but the gates were closed againt him, and the troops of the Ootoomaly (TJttumalai) and Ovidiapuram (Avudaiyarpuram) Zemindars, who were within the walls, threatened to open fire on him if he did not withdraw. He withdrew, but the Collector ordered Major Stevenson to proceed with his troops to Captain Dighton's assistance and to apprehend tho two Poligars. Government, however, despatched orders to Major Stevenson forbidding him to attack the rebels, and desiring him to content himself with warnings for the present. Government also interdicted Mr. Landon from interfering in the police and internal management of the pollams, and told him that he was to confino himself to the duty of collecting the peshcush. They held that no further right but that of collection was con- Troubles at Settur. PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 1G3 ferred on the Company by the treaty of 1792 with the Nawab. ChaptbkVI. Tho Government felt obliged to temporise from want of troops, but The Q ove rn- this policy would necessarily have reduced the country ere long to mcnt obliged anarchy. These counter orders of GTovernment were sufficient to embolden even the most inconsiderable Poligars, and accordingly Major Stevenson, a few days subsequently, warned Government against a general rising, at the same time announcing that Kattaboma Nayaka was plundering the eastern parts of the province and murdering the people, and that Puli Devar had thrown himself across the path of Lieutenant St. Leger in his pursuit of the manager of Settur and closed the gates of his fort against him. In the settlement made by Colonel Maxwell shortly before the boundaries of the several pollams were rearranged, and part of this new arrangement was that two villages should be transferred from Panjalamkurichi to Ettaiyapuram. Kattaboma Nayaka, however, positively refused to surrender those villages, and the Collector was unable to enforce obedience. Captain Dighton commanding Streevalapatore (Srlvilliputtur) also informed Government that danger was approaching, as the Poligars had bodies of armed peons marching about daily, but the Government had no troops to spare. The Poligars regarded the inactivity of Government as a sign of weakness, and so (in 1798) Kattaboma Nayaka's people attacked and plundered the important towns of Alvar-Tinnevelly (Alvar-Tirunagari) and Streeviguntam (Sri- Disorders vaikuntham) and carried off the principal inhabitants of each town. increasin g- Notwithstanding the weakness that had been shown by Govern- Proposed ment and their inability to enforce obedience, they requested Mr. ^p^jfj^* Landon, in conjunction with Major Stevenson, to determine how an object involving the greatest possible difficulty should be accomplished, that is, how the Poligars should be disarmed, whether gradually by peaceable means or all at once by force. This subject of the disarming of the Poligars occupied from this time onward the attention of successive Governments, but nothing was actually done beyond the writing of paragraphs — no measures were adopted for carrying their wishes into effect — till the close of Major Bannerman's campaign in 1799. Government also request Mr. Landon to inquire into and report upon the claim set up by the Poligars to disai-kdml (or district watch) fees. This question assumed larger proportions as time went on, but it was not finally settled till the country was ceded to the Company in Mr. Lushing- ton's collect orate in 1801. 1794. Colonel Campbell is Commandant of Palamcotta. The Board of Revenue, alarmed at the progress of rebellion, recommend Government to order detachments of troops to be stationed in various parts of Tinnevelly for the purpose of keeping the Poligars in check. This recommendation does not seem to have been acted on. 164 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI Mr. Powney Collector. Orders of Court of Directors. A Poligar shot by another Poligar. Mr. Landon died this year on the 22nd June. Mr. Balmain, his Assistant, took temporary charge. Mr. Landon's successor was Mr. George Powney, who had been Resident at TreYandram from 1788. He was the first Resident there. At this time, as in Mr. Torin's, the Collector of Poligar peshcush had authority over all the Pollgars from Trichinopoly to Tinnevelly, including the Manapara Poligars, the Raja of Ramnad, and the Poligar of Siva- gangai. Mr. Powney is directed by Government to proceed with the inquiries commenced by Mr. Landon into the claim of the Tinne- velly Poligars to disai-kaval. 1795. The Commandant of Srlvilliputtur complains of the robberies committed by the dependents of the Sivagiri Poligar, and Mr. Powney expresses his regret that detachments of troops, according to Colonel Maxwell's plan and the Collector's recommend- ation, had not been located in various places to keep the Poligars in awe. Mr. Powney receives and publishes an ordei of Government respecting the Poligar districts, in which the Poligars are prohibited from obeying any orders of the Nawab, except such as are com- municated to them through the channel of the Company's Govern- ment. Tuticorin is taken this year from the Dutch. The Court of Directors send out positive orders " for disarming the Poligars, for punishing the refractory, for adjusting their disputed claims, and for the introduction of such a system of internal arrangement as shall have a tendency to restore these distressed provinces from their present state of anarchy and misery to a state of subordination and prosperity." Extracts from another letter from the Court of Directors dated the same year to a similar effect will be found further on in the sketch of the political position between 1781 and 1801. The Board of Revenue request the Collector of Tinnevelly to report on the best mode of carrying these orders of the Court of Directors into effect. It seems scarcely necessary to repeat here what has been so often shown, that neither recommendations, expostulations, nor " positive orders " could produce the slightest improvement so long as the double Government lasted. It would be only like issuing orders for oil and water to combine. 1796. Measures are adopted by Mr. Powney to obtain the voluntary surrender of the fort of Chokkampatti to the Company. 1797. The Nawab complains of the refractory, disrespectful be- haviour and predatory habits of the Tinnevelly Poligars. Govern- ment order the Collector to inquire strictly into these complaints. Mr. Powney reports to the Board of Revenue that the Poligar of Orkadu had been shot during a hunting expedition by the Poligar of Singampatti, whom he describes as a drunkard and a man of violence, but laments that there was no power competent to PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 165 administer criminal justice in the pollams, so that it seemed impos- Chapter VI. sible to bring the offender to trial. In another paragraph he states that the son of the Poligar of Rebellious Sivagiii, instigated by Mauply Vanien (Mapillai Vanniyan) and ^^ C * Sankaralingam Pillai, had conspired against his father's govern- Sivagiri ment and taken measures to wrest the management of the pollams Foll o u1 ' 8 from his hands. It will subsequently be seen that this rebellious son was in league with the rebellious Panjalamkurichi Poligar. Before Mr. Powney left the district he reported that the rebels collected by the Sivagiri Poligar's son had been dispersed, but that the son himself had escaped to the hills. Sankaralingam Pillai, however, was caught and sent to the Presidency to be transported to Bencoolen in Sumatra — the Andaman Islands of that period. The following paragraphs in a letter from the Board of Revenue to the Governor of Madras in 1 797 throw some additional light on this transaction. They also seem to indicate the complicity of the Uttumalai Poligar : — " Should the operations of the detachment prove successful in Uttumalai securing the person of Mauply Vanien and Sankaralirigam Pillai, we ■P°"8' ar - recommended that Mr. Powney should be authorized to send them under a guard to the Presidency. Your Lordship in reply entirely approved of this suggestion, as well as of the conduct of the Collector under the circumstances represented. By subsequent information from Mr. Powney we were advised that Captain Dighton, having received intelligence that Sankaralingam Pillai had taken refuge in the Uttu- malai Pollam, despatched a guard of sepoys with some of the Sivagiri peons in search of him, who seized him and were conducting him to the Collector's cutcherry when Uttumalai's peons assembled to the number of about 300 and rescued him. It was, however, satisfactory to us to find from a further report that the Uttumalai Poligar had not so far lost all sense of his duty to the Company as to hesitate in delivering up the person of Sankaralingam Pillai upon his requisition. But as the attack of his people upon the Company's sepoys, if done either b} T his order or with his connivance, must be considered a very flagrant breach of his allegiance, we have informed Mr. Powney that it behoves him to trace by every possible means with whom it origi- nated. We have, therefore, directed him to summon the Poligar and all the parties concerned in this affair immediately to his cutcherry, and, after making such examinations as to his judgment may appear necessary, to transmit the whole with his opinion of the punishment that should be inflicted for our consideration." At the close of this year Mr. Powney is succeeded as Collector Mr. Jackson by Mr. Jackson. The principal events of his time will take their ColIec place in the account of the Bannerman-Poligar war, which will be found in the next part. 1798. Kaittar discontinued as a station for troops, and Captain Bannennan ordered to join his corps. 166 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VI. Major Bannerman. Mr. Lushing- ton Collector. 1799. In the beginning of this year Captain (now Major) Bannerman was not permitted to accompany his battalion to the field in the final campaign against Tippu Sultan, but was charged with negotiations with the Kaja of Travancore and the collection of cattle and other supplies for the Bombay army. He was tempo- rarily appointed Resident of Travancore with a salary of 250 pagodas a month. His campaign against the Poligars in Tinne- velly commenced, as will be seen, later on in the year, shortly after Tippu Sultan's fall. Mr. Lushington succeeds Mr. Jackson as Collector of Tinnevelly on the 12th January 1799. The events of his period will be found in the next chapter. THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 167 CHAPTER VII. THE BANNEEMAN-POLIGAR WAR. Sketch of the Political Position between 1781 and 1801. In order to have a clear idea of the causes that led to the various Chapter VII. Poligar wars, and eventually to the cession of the country to the Company, it seems necessary that I should endeavour to furnish the reader with a succinct explanation of the political position, that is, of the relation subsisting between the Nawab of Arcot and the Government of the East India Company between 1781 and 1801. In doing so I may have to repeat some particulars already more or less fully mentioned under the head of the years in which the events occurred. Though the connection of the English Government with Tinnevelly commenced in 1781, up to Mr. Lushington's Collectorate in 1799, the disorders prevalent in the country had not been removed, and had scarcely even been mitigated. One cause of this inaction consisted in the necessity for massing troops north of Tri- chinopoly and in the neighbourhood of Mysore, so long as the safety of the State was threatened by such formidable foes as Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultan. This difficulty came to an end by the capture of Seringapatam and the death of Tippu on the 4th May 1799. The principal reason why more thorough measures for the subjection of the Poligars of Tinnevelly were so long deferred is to be found in the unsatisfactory nature of the relations which sub- sisted during the whole of that period between the English Govern- ment and the Nawab. On the 2nd December 1781 an agreement The Assign- was made between the two parties to the effect that the Revenues mentof '" si of the Carnatic, including of course those of Tinnevelly, should be assigned by the Nawab to the English Government during the continuance of the war, one-sixth of the revenue being paid to the Nawab for his private expenses. In virtue of this arrangement we have seen that a Committee of Assigned Revenue was constituted at Madras, and that functionaries styled Superintendents of Assigned Revenue were appointed in various important centres by the English Government, one of them in Tinnevelly. Though this assignment of revenue was intended to last during the continuance of the war, the Nawab almost immediately endeavoured to get it set aside. Accordingly in June 1785 the assignment was relinquished 168 HISTORY OF TTNNEVELLY. Chapter VII. by the Company and an annual payment by the Nawab out of the revenue for the payment of his debts was promised instead, with Treaty of territorial security for punctuality. Another treaty was made on the 24th February 1787, differing but little from the preceding one in regard to the amount of the annual payment that was to be made, but containing an important proviso, binding the Company to supply the Nawab with troops for " the security and collection of his revenue, the support of his authority, or the good order and Government of his dominions, whenever he represented to Govern- ment the necessity of such a force and the objects to be obtained thereby." This, as we shall see, was naturally disapproved by the Madras Government as establishing a divided authority and im- peding their attempts to establish order. Assumption Negotiations with the Nawab for the assumption of the revenues of the Carnatic and the control of their expenditure having failed, the Madras Government took the management of the country into their own hands, without treaty, by a proclamation on the 7th of August 1790. A Board of Assumed Revenue, virtually only a department of the Board of Revenue, was constituted in Madras. The preceding period from 1781 to 1790 was called the Period of the Assignment ; the period from 1790 to 1792, the Period of the Assumption. Treaty of On the 12th of July 1792, a new treaty was concluded with the Nawab which provided that the whole country should be garrisoned by British troops, for the expenses of which the Nawab should make an adequate contribution. In the event of war the Company was to take the entire management of the affairs of the country into its own hands, but in time of peace all that it was to be permitted to do for the good government of the country was to collect the pesh- cush or tribute of the Poligars in the Nawab's name and give him credit for it in his contribution. See further details under the head of 1792. By this arrangement the Poligars were brought more directly than before under the control of the English Government. It seemed even to give the Government a distinct and definite right to reduce the Poligars to submission, but this right, as we shall see, was in a great measure neutralised by the circumstance that the sovereignty over the Poligars was still allowed to remain in the Nawab's hands, so that the measures adopted by the English Government to establish order were more or less thwarted. The civil officers appointed under the treaty of 1792 to represent the Government were commonly styled " Collectors of Poligar Pesh- cush." l The subsidy due by the Nawab was regularly paid, but 1 This functionary's titles seem to have heen very various and indefinite. Mr. Torin, the first Collector of the series, was generally styled " Collector of Assigned Poligar Peshcush south of the Coleroon," " Collector of Poligar Peshcush south of the Coleroon," or sometimes simply " Collector south of the Coleroon." In the THE BANNEllMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 169 to enable him to meet his liabilities he contracted heavy loans and CHArTEitVII. to liquidate those loans he assigned to his creditors the revenue of The w awa v 8 various districts of the country. It is true that in 1781 an assign- debts, ment of revenue had been made to the Company ; but the assign- ment of the revenues of the country to irresponsible private indivi- duals was a very different proceeding, and one which led to much oppression and misery. The arrangements introduced by the treaty of 1792 not having been found to work well, several attempts were made to remedy their defects, one of which was a special arrangement made for the regulation of the collection of disai-kaval and talam-kaval fees in Tinnevelly. In 1795 the Madras Government endeavoured to effect a more satisfactory arrangement with the Nawab with respect to the southern Poligars, especially those of Tinnevelly and Madura. The right of levying, receiving, and appropriating the Poligar Peshcush possessed by the Company by treaty was found to contribute little to good government, so long as the right of sovereignty remained with the Nawab. The then Governor of LordHobart's Madras, Lord Hobart, on the failure of his endeavours to obtain P 10 P osa ■ the concurrence of the Nawab to the arrangement he proposed, intimated his intention to resume the district of Tinnevelly for the liquidation of the debt termed " The Cavalry Loan." To this, however, the Supreme Government refused its assent. For addi- tional particulars respecting each of these arrangements see the notices of the events of each year. At length after the discovery, on the capture of Seringapatam, that a treasonable correspondence had been carried on by the two late Nawabs, Mahomed Ali and his son, with Tippu Sultan, the Final deter- British Government determined to assume the entire possession th^Govern- and government of the Carnatic, making a provision for the family ment. of the Nawab. This was carried into effect by a treaty entered into with the grandson of Mahomed Ali on the 31st July 1801. On that happy day results were achieved by a single stroke of a letter of Government conferring on him his appointment he is appointed " Collector of Zemindar and Poligar Peshcush in the Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly, Ramnadpuram, and Shevigunga Districts." I find a long list of titles given to Mr. Lushington in official documents. He is styled Collector of Poligar Peshcush and Ramnad, Collector of Ramnad and Poligar Peshcush, Collector of the Assigned Peshcush, Collector of Southern Peshcush, Collector in (not yet of) Tinnevelly, and sometimes simply Collector for short. On his appointment by the authority of the Governor of Fort St. George in Council on the 31st July 1801, on the final cession of the Carnatic by the Nawab, ho is addressed as " Collector of Southern Poligar Peshcush," but the designation in the body of the document of the appoint- ment then conferred upon him is that of " Collector of the Province of Tinnevelly." From this there was but a step to the later title still in use, " Collector of Tinne- velly." In 1781 the title of " Collector" belonged to a class of native subordinates resembling Tahsildars, and the European civilian was called" Receiver." The subordinate "collected," the chief " received." 22 170 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. pen which fifty-seven years of war and twenty years of negotia- tion had failed to effect. See Aitchison's Treaties and Engage- ments. Evils of divid ed authority. Small amount of the Nawab's col- lections. Transfer of tribute. The Com- pany's obliga- tions. View of the* Political Position of Tinnevelly and the Poligar Country generally taken by the Court of Direc- tors prior to the commencement of the last Poligar Wars. ''Extract of a general letter from the Honourable the Court of Directors, in the Public Department, dated 10th June 1795. " 55. The disastrous consequences of the hostile conduct of the Raja of Ramnad against the Cheroker ' or Minister of Shivagangai, as men- tioned in your advices and proceedings, but more particularly in the latter, have given us very great concern ; and we observe what is stated in your subsequent despatch of the 29th of September last that it is impossible to apply any effectual remedy to the general evil, so long as a divided authority over the Poligar countries shall be per- mitted to exist. "61. But what in reality was the nature and extent of the authority exercised by the Nawab over these Poligars both previous and subse- quent to this treaty ? "It was scarcely felt among them, and with all the exertions he could make, it is a fact recorded and incontrovertible, that the sum he was able to collect from them on account of their stipulated peshcush, in the course of seven years, did not exceed the amount collected by the Company under the Assignment in less than two years. " 62. Under this shadow of authority possessed by the Nawab over the Poligars, receiving a small and precarious revenue collected at a heavy expense, the Nawab by the 5th article of the treaty of the 12th of Jvdy, 1792, most advantageously for himself, assigned over to the Company, the tribute or peshcush payable by certain Poligars, which was taken at their full amount, as part of his subsidy, and which peshcush or tribute was to be collected by the Company at their own expense and risk, without charging the Nawab either the expenses attending the collection, or with any deficiencies that might arise thereon. The Nawab's sovereignty over the said Poligars is recog- nised by the 6th article, and the Company engage to the utmost of their power, and consistently with the realisation of the tribute or pesh- cush from them, to enforce the allegiance and submission of the said Poligars, to the said Nawab in all customary ceremonies, and in furnishing the Poligar peons according to established custom for the collection of revonue, &c, and all acts of authority are to be exercised in the Nawab's name. " It is difficult, however, to conceive for what purpose the words ' and in furnishing the Poligar peons, according to established custom, for the collection of the revenues,' were introduced into the treaty, since 1 This title will be explained further on. I UK BANNKKM \.\-l'(>l ICAI! WAR. 171 the collection of the revenue is by the preceding article entirely Chaftek VI I. assigned to the Company. "63. Divested of the sword, and relinquishing the power of collecting a revenue, it is not easy to define what rights of sovereignty, contended for by the Nawab with so much zeal and jealousy, remain behind. They cannot perhaps be more aptly described than in the words of the treaty, customarj" ceremonies. The nominal sovereignty of the Nawab over the Poligars we do not attempt to deny, at the same time, we are only bound to preserve it so far as may be consistent with the realiza- tion of the tribute, which, he has thus assigned over to us ; and of the many circumstances which have a tendency materially to affect that object in the districts under the Poligars, may be mentioned the following. Their keeping up a military force, by which they are enabled to make war or commit depredations, as their local interests or their passions may lead them, upon each other. Their adoption of means, whether of finance or internal regulation which have a natural Poligar mis- tendency to impoverish their treasuries and prevent the regular pay- government, ments of the peshcush made over to the Company. Their committing acts of cruelty, and oppression on the inhabitants. These must ever have a tendency to depopulate a country, and of course to affect the revenue ; and if we have not the power of applying a remedy in these and similar cases, it is evident that we shall ultimately lose that revenue which we have acquired the right of collecting. And thus the treaty will become not only nugatory, as far as it respects the pro- portion of the Nawab's subsidy to be received from the Poligars, but considerable annual loss will likewise accrue to the Company so long Anticipated as the beforementioned abuses are suffered to exist. l° ss Company. " 64. We shall here collect into one point of view such parts of your records as have principally led to the present discussion, and which have convinced us of the necessity, so forcibly urged by the Bengal Government and by yourselves, of adopting some decisive measures for the better government of the districts under the several Poligars. " 66. Upon the whole therefore, after having given to this important subject every degree of deliberation which it merits, as well with re- spect to the power vested in us under express stipulations, as with respect to the degree of authority reserved to the Nawab over the Poligars ; and reflecting also, that by our determination, we neither wrest from His Highness one single prerogative, which it was in his power to exercise, or which he did actually exercise over these people, in virtue of his nominal sovereignty, either previous or subsequent to the late treaty ; nor add one inch of territory to our possessions, or a single pagoda to our treasury. We have resolved to empower you upon the sole authority of the Company to take such measures from time to time, with the approbation of the Governor-General and Coun- cil, as shall be deemed expedient, and consistent with the situation of affairs on the receipt of this despatch, for disarming the Poligars, for punishing the refractory, for adjusting their disputed claims, and for the introduction of such a system of internal arrangement as shall : ^ better have a tendency to restore those distressed provinces, from their pre- introduced 172 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. sent state of anarchy and misery, to a state of subordination and ' prosperity. The Nawab's " It were to be wished, that upon your representation of the absolute refusal antici- necessity we are under of prescribing this line of conduct for the P a e ' Poligar tributaries, His Highness' s acquiescence could be obtained herein ; but from the tenor of some of his late letters upon record, this acquiescence is more to be desired than expected. AVe can only, therefore, in case of his refusal, direct you to take the most effectual means to counteract his endeavours to thwart the execution of these orders ; which cannot but be considered, as disinterested on our part, as highly essential to the happiness of thousands, as contributing to the peace and prosperity of the country, and therefore as ultimately beneficial to the real and permanent interests of the Nawab." Conclusion It is evident from the above that though the course of events in arrived at. Tinnevelly was likely to vary a little from time to time as decisive or -temporising counsels predominated, yet that it was unreasonable to expect that any thorough or permanent reform could be effected, that the oppression and misrule of the Poligars and renters could be brought to an end, that peace could be firmly established, or that any solid foundation could be laid for future prosperity, till the entire undivided sovereignty over all classes in the country should come to be vested in the English Government, and the Nawab be allowed to retire from the business of government on a pension. Kattaboma Nayaka. Succession of The Poligar of Panjalamkurichi was a Nayaka of the Kambala the Poligars of division of the caste. The name by which he was known, kurichi. Kattaboma Nayaka, was not his personal name, but a title appro- priated to the head of the family, though a personal name at the outset. The first of the line mentioned in the genealogical list prepared by Mr. Jackson, the Collector, succeeded to the palaivani in 1709. I find four persons of this name mentioned in the annals of the time. The first was the Kattaboma Nayaka against whom Colonel Heron sent an expedition in 1755. The second succeeded in 1760, the third in 1791, the fourth in 1799. Both the third and the fourth were hanged. Boma is a common Telugu name, to which in the Tamil country descriptive Tamil adjectives are prefixed as Cliinna Boma, Little Boma, or Katta (properly Kattai) Boma, Short Boma. The English mode of writing the name was Catatonia Naig, which was shortened into " the Cat," the name by which he was ordinarily called by the English soldiers. The last Kattaboma Nayaka was called Karuttaiya, properly Vira Pandya Kattaboma. He had a dumb brother, a celebrated character, of whom some account will be given in the sequel, and whose name appears as " Kumaraswami Nayaka, the dumb-boy," in the list of IHK BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 173 prisoners sent to Colonel Agnew at the close of the war. Another Chapter VII. brother, younger than " the dumb-boy," and perhaps the real head The p oli , 8 of the party during the two last rebellions, was Suppa Nayaka, brothers, commonly called Sivattaiya, whose name we shall find amongst the last list of prisoners. Karuttaiya and Sivattaiya mean respectively dark-complexioned and fair-complexioned — literally black and red. The Panjalamkurichi Poligar's great rival was the Poligar of Ettaiya- Ettaiyapuram, whose palaiyam was situated a little to the north. Ettaiyapuram is said to take its name from one Ettappa Nayaka, the traditional founder of the family. The place is said by the Native historian of the family to have been founded in 1565 during the reign of Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka, ruler of Madura. Ett'appa and Ett'aiya are equivalent forms. Events preceding Major Bannerman's Expedition. What Puli Deva was in Tinnevelly in the middle of the last Conduct of century, that Kattaboma Nayaka was towards its close — the centre of all disloyalty and misrule. From his fort of Panjalamkurichi the Poligar used to sally forth at the head of his armed followers, and making incursions into Circar villages, as well as into the villages of other Poligars, sack and plunder all that came in his way, often times carrying off some of the principal inhabitants. In 1797 rebellion broke out in the Ramnad country, and many of the Tinnevelly Poligars joined the insurrection, almost all of them, with Kattaboma Nayaka at their head, refusing to pay their kists to Grovernment. Some alarm was created at Madras by the state Orders of of things in the south, and the Collector was ordered to repair to Ramnad and to ascertain from the Poligars the nature and extent of their demands. See Kearns's Introduction to his Account of the last Poligar War. The Collector here referred to was Mr. Jackson, who was Commence- Collector of Southern Peshcush and Ramnad at the time, and struggle, whose head-quarters were at Ramnad. The commencement of the final struggle with Kattaboma Nayaka was through an order issued to him by Mr. Jackson in 1798, commanding him to appear before him at Ramnad and give an account of his conduct. After many excuses and delays leading to many repetitions of the command, he made his appearance at Ramnad on the 9th September 1798. At an audience with the Collector on the evening of the same day, whilst the correspondence that had taken place between him and the Collector was being read to him, he pretended to get alarmed and rushed away from the Collector's presence and out of the fort, accompanied by his armed retainers. At the gate he had an encounter with the guards, headed by Lieutenant and Adjutant Clarke whom he stabbed, it was said, with his own hand. Having thus broken away he returned to his fort at Panjalamkurichi, 174 HISTORY OF TTXXEVEELY. Kattaboma breaks away Mr. Jackson's proceedings disapproved. Chapter VII. plundering all the Government villages that lay on his way. The Madras Government hereupon censured Mr. Jackson for mis- management, and issued a proclamation calling upon Kattaboma Nayaka to deliver himself up to Mr. Jackson's successor in the Poligar administration, Major-General Floyd, or to the Collector. Of this order the Poligar took no notice but continued to make raids into the neighbouring country, especially into the territories of the Poligar of Ettaiyapuram as before. The following extracts from letters from the Board of Revenue to the Governor of Madras will throw light on the disapproval with which Mr. Jackson's proceedings were regarded by the Govern- ment : — "201. The nature of Mr. Jackson's remarks in relating the circum- stances which preceded this unhappy event, compelled us to enter upon a very full explanation of our motives in recommending to your Lordship, under date the 31st July, that a last effort should be made to save this young man from ruin, to show that his late atrocious act did not originate in any mistaken lenity towards him. " 202. This explanation was submitted to your Lordship on the 27th ultimo, as well as the manner in which the Collector proceeded to execute our orders for ascertaining whether the Poligar had received and understood all the letters he had written him, which he seemed to have considered the first object of his attention. How far his conduct was judicious in executing this order under the circumstances of the case was for your Lordship to decide. Instead of the mode observed by him, we thought it would have been less liable to any misconstruction had he required the Poligar to produce the letters he had received from the Collector, and Mr. Jackson would then have seen whether all had been delivered without any alteration. This would have guarded against any mistake as to the intentions of the Collector, for there appears too much reason to believe, ignorant as he is reported to be, that the Poligar might have construed the severe passages in the Collector's letter of the 23rd May to be the sentence of deprivation of his pollam, which immediately awakening fears for his personal safety, seemed to have impelled him to the atrocious act that ensued. " 203. As we could not conceive what motive could have governed, or what object could be gained by, a premeditated plan on the part of the Poligar to appear at the Collector's cutcherry, within the fort of Ramnad, and then fly from it with the precipitation of a criminal, we could not accede to the Collector's conclusion, certain as he must have been of the ruinous consequences to himself. The appearance of 4,000 armed men the moment the Poligar had quitted the fort was an extraordinary circumstance ; but we apprehend that the numbers must have been greatly overrated in the accounts obtained by the Collector, and it was not probable that such a body of men could have accompanied the Poligar, who followed the Collector the whole of the way to Ramnad, and have contrived to conceal themselves in different Kattaboma defended. THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAE AVAR. 175 places so as to be ready to act in this supposed meditated plan the Chapter VII. day succeeding the Poligar's arrival there. But upon this circum- stance we intimated our intention of requiring a more particular explanation, and we suggested the propriety of calling upon the com- manding officer to explain by what means so large a body of men could approach unobserved so near to the fort and conceal themselves under the very walls of it, for such must have been their situation if they appeared at the moment when the Poligar escaped. " 204. Whatever might have influenced the conduct of this Poligar, Kattaboma the enormity of the crime of which he had been guilty appeared to condemned, call for exemplary punishment. With regard to the force to be employed against him and the Collector's proposal of offering a reward of 5,000 Rupees for his apprehension, we submitted these points to your Lordship's consideration ; but so strongly were we impressed with the necessity of a severe example being made on this occasion, that we further recommended the pollam shall be declared sequestered for ever, that it may become the interest of the families of Poligars to guard them against crimes and rebellion to the authority of Govern- ment, a principle which the Court of Directors have approved. " 205. The circumstances stated by the Collector in regard to the family of the late Lieutenant Clarke we begged leave to submit to your favourable consideration and to recommend that whatever pension you might be pleased to fix should be declared payable out of the revenue of the Pollam of Panjalamkurichi. Sicbsequent letter of the Board of Revenue to the Madras Government. Extracts. " 165. We noticed in our last general report the unfortunate affray Hopes of that had taken place in the fort of Eamnad, and the consequent flight Government, of the Pandalamcoarchy Poligar. Under date the 3rd October your Lordship informed us that you had thought it advisable to take immediate measures for assembling a detachment of troops of sufficient strength to assert the authority of the Company's Government and to enforce the submission of this Poligar, but having reason to hope from advices since received that Cattaboma Naigue might be induced to submit himself without the necessity of coercive means, you desired that no time must be lost in publishing the proclamation which accompanied, and in providing that it might be conveyed to the know- ledge of the Poligar, for which purpose we immediately transmitted it in duplicate to Mr. Jackson. " 166. Your Lordship afterwards apprised us of your still entertain- Collector ing the hope of the Poligar's submission, but that as he had evinced a su P erseded - total want of confidence in Mr. Jackson you had superseded the Col- lector's authority and directed Major-General Floyd to open a negoti- ation with him, and to prevent the collision of authority, you desired that this resolution might, without delay, be made known to the Col- lector, which was done on the same day. 176 HISTORY OF TINXEYELLY. be instituted. Fresh, orders from Govern ment. Chai-terYII. "167. Upon a consideration of the impressions under which, it was . r , impossible for the Pandalanieourchy Poligar to have acted, we were hfl inatitntnri further informed your Lordship had judged it advisable to institute a full inquiry into the circumstances which produced and which attended the late unpleasant affair at Raninad, and for this purpose you had been pleased to appoint a committee consisting of Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, Lieutenant-Colonel Oram, and Mr. John Casamayer. You directed that the committee might have free access to the records of the Collector, and that they might have the assistance of the cutcherry in conducting their business, and that all persons in the Revenue Department whose attendance might be required should be ordered to comply with the summons of the committee, and we were at the same time apprised that as the communication which Major-General Floyd had been desired to open with the Poligar of Pandalanieourchy would then be more naturally conducted by Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, as being both at the head of the committee and of the eventual expe- dition, General Floyd had been authorized to transfer it to that officer. A copy of these resolutions was transmitted to Mr. Jackson, and the correspondence that passed regarding the Pandalanieourchy Poligar in the interest of the Collector's authority over him being suspended, is noted in the margin under date 2nd March. The proceedings of this committee, together with the resolutions of Government thereon, were forwarded to this Board, and agreebly to the orders we received they were transmitted to the present Collector for his information and guid- ance and with particular directions for having them well explained to the Poligar. " 168. In their resolutions Government observed that after having taken into consideration all the circumstances, it appeared in conse- quence of representations and complaints of the Collector against the contumacious conduct of Cattaboma Naigue that he was ordered by the Board of Revenue to summon that Poligar to make his appearance at Raninad ; that on this order being communicated to the Poligar, there was no unnecessary delay on his part in preparing to proceed to Eamnadapooram, but on the contrary that he showed an earnest desire to take the first opportunity of evincing his submission to the directions of Government by personally attending upon the Collector, but that the conduct of Mr. Jackson to him upon that occasion was unnecessarily harsh and severe, and that tho manner in which he com- pelled the Poligar to follow him for twenty-three days was subjecting him to a mortifying degradation in the eyes of the inferior Poligars through whose pollams he was passing and unauthorized by the orders from tho Board of Revenue. Recapitula- tion. Disapproval of Jackson's severity. " 169. That the treatment of the Poligar after his arrival at Rainnad in the cutcherry by the Collector, and those acting under his authority was attended with circumstances of unusual rigour and humiliation, and that such treatment could not fail to intimidate him and alarm him for his personal security ; that his attempt to escape was a natural consoquenco, and that the affray which happened at the gate did not proceed from any premeditated Intention in the Poligar of proceeding THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 177 to the extremities of forcing guard and resisting the authority of Chapter VII. Government. " 170. That from the whole of the evidence produced before the Acquittal of committee it was doubtful by whose hands Lieutenant Clarke fell, but ji n . e murder of that as the committee, who had the fullest means of investigation and ciarke. the advantages of local knowledge, had declared it to be their unani- mous opinion that he was stabbed by a pikeman in the Poligar's train, and not by the Poligar himself, it was resolved that Cattaboma Naigue should be formally acquitted of the murder of Lieutenant Clarke; that as the Poligar, however, must be held responsible for the act of his followers, and as Lieutenant Clarke fell in the discharge of his duty, and acting under the orders of the Collector, it was determined to require the Poligar to make a provision equal to the pay and allow- ances of the deceased Mr. Clarke, for the maintenance and support of the widow and children of that deserving officer. "171. In communicating these resolutions to Mr. Lushington, Anew Government were pleased to direct that he should be instructed to arrangement acquaint the Poligar that he was accordingly acquitted of the charge of the murder of Mr. Clarke, to settle with him an arrangement for the payment of the provision intended for the widow and children of that officer, to point out the great security which he enjoyed under the protection of Government, which, by an impartial and disj)assionate investigation of his case under circumstances apparently most unfavour- able to him, had brought it to this conclusion, to admonish him of the necessity and advantage of paying implicit obedience to the orders of the Company, and finally to restore him to the full and complete possession of his pollam." The Government could not but acquit the Poligar, in accordance Conclusion with the finding of so respectable a committee appointed by itself ; arnved at - and if his subsequent conduct had been fairly loyal and dutiful it might have been taken for granted that Mr. Jackson had erred and that the finding of the committee was right ; but the rebellious spirit he showed to Mr. Lushington, Mr. Jackson's successor, not- withstanding his friendly advances, tended to vindicate the pro- priety of Mr. Jackson's opinions and policy. The native author of the history of the Ettaiyapuram Zamindari adopts Mr. Jackson's view of the affair and represents Lieutenant Clarke to have been killed by Xattaboma Nayaka himself. He attributes the decision of the committee of inquiry to the Poligar's clever falsehoods. It is to be remembered, however, that the Ettaiyapuram family were the chief opponents of Panjalamkurichi and the chief gainers by Kattaboma's fall. Mr. Jackson appears to have had too hasty a temper. He was Mr. Jackson's subsequently taken to task by the Board of Revenue for various cnaractt ' r - matters and was dismissed by Government from employ on account of the insubordinate spirit he displayed. He was accused also of peculation, but was acquitted of this charge. 23 178 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CkapterVII. On the 12th January 1799 Mr. Lushington succeeded Mr. Mr. Lushing- Jackson, and on the 16th March he wrote to Kattaboma Nayaka an t0 ^h ^ 6alings exceedingly polite letter, informing him that he had been honourably boma. exculpated from the charge of murdering Lieutenant Clarke, and restoring him to the full possession of his pollam ; at the same time desiring him to attend him (Mr. Lushington) at Eamnad and bring with him his arrears of kist. Kattaboma Nayaka' s letter in reply overflowed, as might have been expected, with expressions of gratitude and dutiful obedience, but it contained also reasons why it was quite impossible for him to pay his kist just then or proceed to Pamnad, till he had received everything he considered due to him from Government. In short his tone had changed, but his conduct remained the same. All Mr. Lushington's endeavours to induce Kattaboma Nayaka to submit to his authority, appear before him in person without an armed force, or pay his arrears of kist having proved in vain, he at length referred the matter to Government. The following is the principal paragraph in his letter : — He refers to "In bringing before you the flagrant conduct of the Poligars Government. a ii U( j e( j to i n this letter, I mean not to recommend that any imme- diate measures should be taken to punish those who have been most culpable. I am clearly of opinion that no coercion should be attempted until a proper detachment can be formed under an officer who has had experience of these countries, whose integrity is incor- ruptible, and until some general system for the future government An expedition of the Poligars has been determined upon. A small force would recommended, endanger combinations and troublesome resistance, whilst the expense of a large detachment is of too weighty consideration to be sacri- ficed to the sequestration of two or more of their pollams. The radical reduction of their barbarous power cannot however be too early undertaken, and until it be effected, the inhabitants of these countries will not be secure in their property or lives, nor will the Poligara be otherwise than insolent and disobedient." Government, on receiving this communication, resolved to tem- porise no longer, as it was evident that a rebellious spirit was spreading amongst the rest of the Poligars. The example of the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi, who had never consented to obey a Collector, and who, as was generally believed, had slain a Euro- pean officer with his own hand with impunity, was sure to prove infectious. The principal Poligara who took Kattaboma Nayaka's side against Government and gave him assistance were the Poligars of Nagalapuram, Kollarpatti (called also Kolavarpatti and Kollapatti), and Elayirampannai. On the same side were the Poligars of Different sides Kadalgudi and Kulattur. He was joined also by the Puli Deva different r«.di- °^ that day, the Poligar of Avudaiyarpuram, whose fort was at gars. Orme's " Nellatangaville," viz., Nelkattansevval. Before all was THE BANNERMAX-POLIGAR WAR. 179 over, however, the latter Poligar went over to the side of ChapterVII. Government. The principal focus of rebellion amongst the western Poligars was in Sivagiri. The old Poligar himself was loyal, but his son had been endeavouring to set him aside, with the help of an armed force sent by Kattaboma Nayaka, and the less open assistance the rest of the disaffected Poligars. The son was afterwards pardoned by Major Bannerman, in behalf of Govern- ment, and allowed to succeed his father in the Poligarship. The principal leader of rebellion, however, in Sivagiri was not the old Poligar's son, but a member of his family, called Mappillai Van- niyan described as a daring, popular leader, possessed of great local influence. [The Sivagiri family are the only Zemindar family, I believe, in Tinnevelly who belong to the caste of Vanniyas.] Further north Kattaboma Nayaka was aided by the sympathy and counsel of the Marudu, the chief of Sivagangai. The strongest supporter of Government in the struggle was the Poligar of Ettaiya- purarn. The same side was also taken by the Poligars of Uttu- malai, Chokkampatti, and Talaivankottai in the west, and in the east by the Poligars of Maniatchi and Melmandai. The only real help, however, the Government received was from the Poligar of Ettaiyapuram. Mr. Lushington, the then Collector, had the confidence of Government (subsequently he became Governor himself), so that he found it comparatively easy to convince the Government of that time of the necessity of fully and finally vindicating their autho- rity in Tinnevelly and quelling the rebellious spirit that was beginning to spread. They temporised, however, a little till Troops set Seringapatam was taken ; shortly after which event, their chief t ^ n J oi 9 anxieties being at an end and their troops free to move, they came Seringapa- to the conclusion that the time for carrying into effect the inten- am ' tion they had for some time formed had arrived. Major Banxermax's Expedition. A force was equipped for the purpose of enforcing obedience in Tinnevelly and placed under the command of Major Bannerman, an officer of great ability, whose reports and memoranda, preserved in the records and collected and published by Mr. Keams, furnish a complete account of everything that occurred. Major Banner- man's instructions were dated on the 19th August 1799, and by the 21st of October, in the short space of two months, he had suc- ceeded in accomplishing the task committed to him. I shall here give the originals of the most important documents relating to Major Bannerman's expedition. The originals them- selves will be found more interesting than any narrative compiled from them could be : — 180 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. Letter of Government to the Board of Revenue, Reasons of " We are concerned to observe from the late requisition of the Government. Collector of Poligar Peshcush, that no sense of the indulgence of the Company's Government, nor of their own allegiance, has restrained the Poligars, during the late temporary absence of the troops from resorting to their refractory habits, under the administration of the Nawab. We were sanguine that the spirit of forbearance, concilia- tion, and justice, which was manifested in the late inquiry and deci- sion on the conduct of Kattaboma Nayaka would have inspired the Poligars in general, and himself in particular, with a better sense of the mildness and equity of the British administration ; but his refusal to attend the Collector without his armed followers, his delay in the discharge of his peshcush, and his present actual levying of war against the Sivagiri Poligar deprive us of all hope of beneficial consequences from the farther pursuit of conciliatory measures. We have, therefore, judged it expedient to assemble a sufficient body of troops in the Southern Provinces to assert the authority of the Com- pany's Government, and to punish this wanton provocation of their resentment. The command of this detachment, we have judged it expedient to intrust to Major John Bannerman ; and in order that the Collector may be fully apprised of our intentions, we enclose for your information on a copy of our instructions to that officer. ' ' In communicating to the Collector these instructions, we desire that you will direct him to comply with any applications which he may receive from Major Bannerman for the furtherance of the present service ; and as we deem it indispensable to the success of the expedi- tion that arrangements and orders of that officer should be carried into effect with the greatest degree of promptness, we have no doubt that Mr. Lushington's knowledge of that necessity, as well as his zeal for the public service, will induce him to give the most effectual sup- port to the powers with which Major Bannerman has been invested." This letter was signed by Lord Clive, then Governor of Madras, son of the celebrated Clive. " Proclamation by the Collector. " To all Poligars, Landholders, and Inhabitants of every description within the countries commonly called the Tinnevelly Pollams. " Whereas repeated admonitions were given by me to several of the Tinnevelly Poligars during the late hostilities against the deceased Tippu Sultan, that by persisting to withhold the peshcush, and to be otherwise disobedient, they woidd draw upon themselves the severest displeasure of Government ; yet, notwithstanding such admonitions, and unmindful of the punishment inflictod upon those Poligars who had been refractory during former wars, certain of them had the temerity to continue in their contumacy, and to set the Company's power at defiance by committing depredations, disturbing the tranquil- lity of the country, and wantonly murdering the peaceable inhabitants. New be it known that these admonitions, and the total disregard of them, having been made known to the Eight Honourable the Governor- THE BANNERMAN-POLIQAR WAR. 181 General in Council, His Lordship has observed with extreme concern Chapter VTI. that no sense of the indulgence of the Company's Government nor of their own allegiance was of effect to restrain the Poligars, during the late temporary absence of the troops, from resorting to their refractory habits. " The Eight Honourable the Governor-General was sanguine that the spirit of forbearance, conciliation, and justice, which was manifested in the late enquiry and decision on the conduct of Kattaboma Nayaka, woidd have inspired him in particular, and the Poligars in general, with a better sense of the mildness and equity of the British admini- stration ; but his refusal to attend the Collector without his armed followers, his delay in the discharge of his peshcush, and his present actual levying of war against the Sivagiri Poligar, in conjunction with other contumacious persons, deprive the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council of all hopes of beneficial consequence from the further pursuit of conciliatory measures towards him or them. His Lordship has therefore judged it expedient to assemble a suffi- cient body of troops in the southern provinces to assert the supremacy of the Company's Government, and to punish the wanton provocation of their displeasure. The command of this detachment has been intrusted to Major John Bannerman, and, in order to render his author- ity more efficient, the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council has thought it expedient to vest him with powers to use mili- ary execution. "All persons are therefore solemnly warned to forbear from acts of disobedience and rebellion, as the power of inflicting death will be used with the utmost rigour. "It is hereby declared that all Poligars are held responsible for the good conduct of all descriptions of people belonging to their respective pollams, and that they do not act in any respect against the Com- pany's authority, or in any manner disturb the peace of the country, after the publication of this proclamation. "Be it further known to all Poligars, Sherogars, Landholders, and Inhabitants in the Pollams of Tinnevelly that Major Bannerman has authority to communicate with and issue such orders to them as he may judge necessary ; these orders must be obeyed with the utmost promptitude, and the Collector will refuse all intercourse with such Poligars as have already proved, or may hereafter prove, refractory, until Major Bannerman shall have reported to the Collector their return to a state of order and obedience." On the 5th September Major Bannerman arrived at Panjalam- Attempt to kurichi, and attempted to take the fort the same day by storm, t^eP* 11 : without waiting for the arrival of the European portion of his force. His reason for not waiting for the arrival of the Europeans was that he was afraid the Poligar would endeavour to make his escape during the night, and get away across the country to Sivagiri. This apprehension was not a groundless one, for this was the course that was taken by the father of this very Poligar when his 182 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. fort was suddenly taken by Colonel Fullarton in 1783. The assault was unsuccessful. I give the account in Major Banner- man's own words : — " To the Secretary to Government. " In conformity with my letter of yesterday's date, I left Palam- cottah and arrived this morning' at Panjalamkurichi, where I was joined by the troops stationed at Coilpatti and Kaittar. The detail of Europeans and the two 12-pounders not being sufficiently advanced, were ordered to Kaittar. The sudden approach of the troops was not looked for. Lieutenant Dallas, without a moment's delay, and with much judgment, surrounded the fort with his cavalry, and his parties were supported with every possible expedition by infantry. Soon after this a considerable body of Poligar peons endeavoured to force them- selves into the garrison, but were repulsed with loss by Lieutenant Call to the Dallas. I lost no time in ordering the Poligar to surrender at disere- Pohgar to ^ion ^ fae Company. If I would grant a written cowl, he said, he surrender would come to me ; but not without. I left no consistent means untried to induce him to give himself up ; however, at half past nine o'clock I gave him half an hour more to determine his line of conduct. The Poligar's " Having attentively and deliberately reconnoitered the fort, it escape antici- appeared in my judgment that the south gate and to the left of it could be stormed with almost a certainty of success ; and that the place might be carried with a trifling loss on our part. I consequently determined on the measure : I was not only guided by this motive, but by the importance of getting possession of the person of the Poligar, and the impossibility with safety of keeping the fort sur- rounded during the night, so as to prevent the Poligar from escaping, which I was confident he would attempt. I then carried with me Captains O'Reilly and Bruce, the senior officers, who were to command the storming troops, and communicated my orders to them. Their opinions with regard to the success of the assault corresponded with mine. Failure of the "At ten o'clock the Poligar sent me a message that in four hours attack. ne WO uld attend me, if I would send him a regular cowl. The troops were then posted for the storm. The flank companies of the 1st Battalion of the 3rd Regiment and the four flank companies of the 13th Regiment of Native Infantry were allotted for the assault, with a 6-pounder to blow open the south gate ; this party was covered by three field pieces and the battalion companies of the 1st Battalion of the 3rd Regiment of Native Infantry and three companies of the 1st Battalion of the 13th Regiment. At the same time an attack on the north face of the fort was made by two companies of sepoys regulated by Lieutenant Dallas. The troops, in the first instance, advanced to the attack with order and resolution ; but from a panic could not be prevailed on to ascend the breach, or to enter by the gate which had been blown completely open by the 6-pounder. The attempt was persevered in so long as there was a shadow of success, and never was European energy more gallantly displayed than by the THE BANXERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 183 officers on this unfortunate occasion. Our loss, you will observe by ChavtbrVII the accompanying return, is very severe ; but I cannot apply to myself any share of censure. However, I cannot but experience great anxiety until I find my conduct held free from it by His Lordship in Council. I have ordered the detail of the 19th Regiment of Foot and two 12-pounders to join me immediately, and I have sent to Palamcottah for a 24-pounder. I have little doubt in my mind but the place could be earned so soon as the Europeans arrive without waiting for cannon to make a breach ; but any further check might be attended with serious consequences." I shall therefore proceed with every consistent caution. The moment my time will allow of it, I shall Dissatisfac- state to the Commander-in-Chief my sentiments relative to the conduct v°^- wl | of the native officers and troops. The circumstance of one native officer being only wounded, contrasted with four European Officers killed and two wounded, will sufficiently mark the want of energy on the part of the natives." The Poligar did not wait for the recommencement of the attack The fort on his fort. Two days afterwards, late in the evening, the European abandoned - portion of the force arrived, and preparations were made by Major Bannerman for another assault the following day. In the course of the night, however, the fort was completely evacuated by the Poligar and all his followers ; soon after the Ettaiyapuram Poligar started in pursuit and came up with Kattaboma Nayaka at Kollarpatti, where some fighting ensued with loss on both sides. Kattaboma effected his escape and fled for refuge first to Sivagangai and then to the Tondiman Raja. Thirty-four of his principal adherents were secured at Kollarpatti, amongst whom his principal manager, Subrahmanya Pillai, who was taken to Major Bannerman, who had now proceeded to Nagalapuram, where he was hanged and his head sent to Panjalamkurichi. At the same time Saundara Pandya Nayaka, the brother of the Poligar of Nagalapuram, who had headed his brother's plundering and murdering expeditions into the Ramnad country, was hanged at Gropalpuram. Kattaboma Nayaka himself was speedily captured by the Tondiman Raja, and sent with some of his relations to Major Bannerman, by whom he was tried and executed on the 16th October in a conspicuous place near the old fort of Kaittar, in the presence of all the Poligars The Poligar's of Tinnevelly, who witnessed the unwonted sight with wonder and " silent awe. The details of these events will now be given in Major Bannerman's own words. " Major Bannerman to the Secretary to Government. " For the information of the Right Honourable the Governor-General Particulars in Council, I have the honour to acquaint you that the detail of His ° f Ma J or x J rSannerman s Majesty's 19th Regiment and the two 12-pounders reached this expedition. place yesterday afternoon, about six o'clock, which was too late an hour, added to the men being much fatigued, to take any immediate measures for recommencing an attack on the fort ; and in the course 184: HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. of the night it was evacuated by the Poligar and all his followers. It is some satisfaction to me — though but a small one — to report for the information of the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council that upon a minute examination of the points of attack I had chosen it now appears I had selected the most eligible places, and such indeed as to leave so little reflection on my own judgment on the occasion that they must have been carried, and the place got complete possession of in a few minutes, had the native troops behaved with the energy and spirit which I have often witnessed them exert on less trying occasions." Events which followed the Poligar's Escape. The following letters describe the pursuit and capture of Katta- boma Nayaka and his principal adherents : — " Soon after the dispatch of my letter of the 6th instant, having obtained intelligence, on which I could depend, uf the direction in which Kattaboma Nayaka had moved, I lost no time in addressing letters to the several Poligars, particularly to those who I knew were his enemies, informing them of his flight, and calling upon them to use every exertion in their power to secure his person. On the letters for the Poligars being ready for dispatch I put the detachment in motion in a northerly direction, after having placed the wounded men in Panjalamkurichi, where every means had been taken for their com- fortable accommodation, and where a sufficient party was left for their pi'otection. Assistance of "On my march I threw off parties to my left, the first consisting of Ettaiyapu- the two troops of cavalry under Lieutenant Dallas, and the other four hundred grenadiers under Captain O'Reilly, in order that they might be in readiness to act, as I should see occasion, in co-operation with the Poligars, to the westward of the tract in which I had determined to move with the main body. I had not proceeded far, when I received an answer from the Ettaiapuram Poligar, promising faithfully that no exertion on his part should be wanting to carry into effect the orders of Government, which he had received through me, and inform- ing me that he had assembled a party of his people, with which he would himself immediately proceed in pursuit of Kattaboma Nayaka, and requesting I would afford him the assistance of some sepoys, and recommending that they should be sent after him without delay. ( npturc of "Instructions were accordingly sent to Lieutenant Dallas, with a important guide to conduct him in the track of the Ettaiapuram man, and to prisoners. ° . , , ■■ r > Captain O'Reilly to follow in support of the cavalry as fast as possible. The party with Ettaiapuram came up with Kattaboma Nayaka at the fort of Kollarpatti before it was possible for it to be joined by the cavalry. Some skirmishing ensued, in which both parties sustained considerable loss. Kattaboma Nayaka's followers were, however, dispersed ; but he effected his escape, attended by only six persons, who with himself were mounted on horses ; thirty-four of Kattaboma Nayaka's principal dependents were secured ; among whom are Subrahmanya Pillai, his principal manager, and Subrahmanya's brother. I conceive the seizure of these two men, particularly the THE BANNERMAN-POI.IGAR WAR. 18 r former, of more importance to the future success of my operations, and Chapter VII. the consequent re-establishment of order and tranquillity in these countries, than if Kattaboma Nayaka was my prisoner ; for they are men of good ability, and of the most intriguing dispositions ; and the former has acquired considerable wealth, which I have every reason to believe he would willingly expend in mating resistance to the autho- rity of Government. There can be no doubt but this Subrahmanya had acquired such influence over Kattaboma Nayaka as entirely to regulate every public act in which he engaged ; and that the latter's conduct, in resisting the Company's authority, and in the exercise of independent power, contrary to his allegiance, was the effect of Subrahnianya's advice." * * * * " Subrahmanya Pillai is this instant brought a prisoner to my tent. Subrahmanva I have given directions that the Ettaiapuram man's party, which Pillai' s guilt came in charge of him, may be handsomely rewarded, and that Subrahmanya Pillai shall be hanged in the most conspicuous part of the village of Nagalapuram, and his head afterwards carried and fixed on a pike at Panjadamkurichi. His brother and the other prisoners will be kept in confinement, in order to their being disposed of as circumstances may hereafter require. By having, in this instance, determined to make a severe and melancholy example of a man who has been the author of the late disturbances and enormities which have provoked the resentment of Government, I trust I shall not be deemed by the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council to have exceeded the bounds of that authority with which it was thought necessary to vest me ; or, in exercising it, to have lost sight of that caution and forbearance which have been recommended to me in my instructions, which shall in all cases be the guides of my conduct." * # * * " While the parties under Captain O'Peilly and Lieutenant Dallas were advancing in support of the Ettaiapuram Poligar, I moved on and took possession of this place (Nagalapuram) on the 9th instant. Soon after my arrival the Poligar came and sui'rendered himself to the Company's authority. As the conduct of this man has been of a nature the most flagitious, and marked by acts, in the Ramnad countr}', of murder and destruction, which shock humanity, I shall detain him for the present in close confinement, and am not without hopes of getting hold of the person of his brother, who commanded his parties in the execution of his barbarous orders during his irrup- tion into the Eamnad country. The Ettiapuram Poligar is still in pursuit of Kattaboma Nayaka : the parties, however, which I had sent in support of him I deemed it necessary to recall after I received intelligence of the dispersion of Kattaboma Nayaka's followers, and they joined me in camp during the night of the 9th." * # # # " I succeeded in securing Saundara Pandya Nayaka, brother to the Two principal Nagalapuram Poligar, on the afternoon of the 12th instant, and kept offenders him prisoner in the fort of Nagalapuram till yesterday morning, when exccu e ■ I assembled all the Vakeels of the different Poligars, who attended me, and after calling their attention to the proclamation by the Revenue 24 186 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. Board, which had been issued through the Collector, Mr. Lushington, I explained to them the nature and the extent of the powers with which I had been vested, and the urgent reasons which Government had for ordering a strict enquiry to be made into the cause of the disturbances, which had so lately existed in this country, and during which such scenes of murder and devastation had occurred, which called for the most exemplary punishment. I acquainted them that in consequence of the information I had obtained, I shoidd, in the first place, be under the painful necessity of punishing with death such of those individuals as had been most actively employed in these disturbances which had provoked the Company's resentment ; and should then take such other measures as I thought necessary for securing future obedience to all the Company's orders which might be conveyed through the Collector to their masters, and for preventing a repetition of these scenes of rapine and murder which had desolated the country and destroyed the inhabitants. I farther informed the Vakeels that the result of my enquiries had pointed out Subrahmanya Pillai, the head manager of Kattaboma Nayaka, and Saundara Pandya Nayaka, brother to the Nagalapuram Poligar, as the most active agents in the atrocious scenes of which Government complained ; and that I had in consequence determined that they should suffer death. That the former should be hanged in the most conspicuous part of the Nagalapuram village, and his head sent to be fixed on a pike at Panjalamkurichi, and the latter I should send to be hanged at the village of Gopalpuram, in the taluk of Palamurrah (Pallimadai) in the Eamnad country, which village a party under his command had destroyed, after inhumanly murdering its inhabitants. After both these men had been cai'ried off to execution, I delivered copies of my proclamation to the different Vakeels, and desired that they would transmit them to their masters. I enjoined them to write also a faithful account of what had passed at our meeting that morning ; and to add that they had it farther in command from me to say that the severe but necessary examples which had been made ought not to create any alarm amongst those who were innocent of similar crimes ; but on the contrary should seiwe to convince the inhabitants that the Company had, on this occasion, been forced to adopt measures of severity, only because their former lenient and merciful conduct towards the refractory Poligars had failed to produce the wished-for reform. Tho Vakeels were now dismissed, and I have reason to believe a proper impression was made on their minds by what had passed at this interview." * * * * " I have learned from Mr. Lushington that he has received a letter from tho Tondimaii informing him that he had succeeded in his exertions to seize the person of Kattaboma Nayaka, and desiring to be furnished with orders respecting the disposal of that rebellious Poligar. Mr. Lushington has, at my request, been so obliging as to write to tho Tondiman desiring that Kattaboma Nayaka might be immediately sent prisonor to Madura, and delivered over to the com- manding officor at that station, if no orders to the contrary had been THE RANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 187 received from Government. I shall order a party from this detach- Chapter VII. ment to escort Kattaboma Nayaka from Madura to camp, in order U ~T~ that he may be proceeded against agreeably to the spirit of my origi- taken. nal instructions, which authorise me to use ' military execution against such of the rebellious Poligars and their followers as shall be found in open rebellion and in arms against the authority of Government.' ' " The party which I had sent to Madura to receive and conduct the Assembly to rebellious Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka to camp returned with the wltne f? the ° \ *■ execution 01 prisoner on the forenoon of the 5th instant. There were also brought Kattaboma. prisoners with the Poligar six of his nearest relations, including Kumara Swanii Nayaka, his dumb brother. With a view that the orders of Government respecting Kattaboma Nayaka might be made public and carried into execution in as solemn and impressive a man- ner as circumstances would permit, I summoned all the head Poli- gars to attend me yesterday forenoon at 10 o'clock. On their being assembled, I informed them that I had called for their attendance upon that occasion that they might be present while I communicated to Kattaboma Nayaka the awful sentence pronounced upon him by Government in vindication of their authority so grossly injured by the late contumacious conduct of that Poligar, which had occasioned the many evils to the country which they had all witnessed, and by his subsequent daring rebellion in resisting by force of arms the Com- pany's troops, which had been sent under my orders to recall him to obedience and a proper sense of his duty. " I then directed Kattaboma Nayaka to be brought in before the assembly, and proceeded to take the examination and the confession of the Poligar, which you will find detailed in the inclosed paper marked ' A, ' bearing my signature, and those of Major Robert Turing and of Mr. George Hughes, the Tamil Translator, whom I had directed to attend me on the occasion. " From this paper the Eight Honourable the Governor-General in Council will observe that the rebellious Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka confessed or could not deny that he had withheld his kists ; that he did refuse to wait upon the Collector Mr. Lushington on his sum- mons, unless permitted to be attended by a party of armed peons ; that he did receive a summons to attend me at Palamcottah on the 4th of September last for the purpose of having explained to him the orders which I had received from Government respecting him, which he refused to obey upon the idle pretence of its being an unlucky day. "Prom the paper above alluded to it will likewise appear clearly Sentence on proved by the evidences, independent of his own confession, ' that Kattaboma. Kattaboma Nayaka, in contempt of the Company's authority, did send an armed force, of between 700 and 1,000 Peons, under the command of one of his own relations, in the months of July and August last, to join the Sivagiri Poligar' s son and Mappillai Vanniyan, who were in open rebellion against that Poligar ; that while in his fort of Panja- lamkurichi, on the morning of the 5th September last, he did receive a summons to wait upon me at a small distance from his fort, which 188 HISTOKY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII. he refused to obey ; and that he did remain in his fort during that day, and was present while his people fired upon and killed many of the Company's troops, who were ordered to compel his submission to the authority of Government. After what passed, as detailed in the paper marked ' A, ' I proceeded to communicate to the Poligar, Kat- taboma Nayaka, the awful resolution of Government, which sentenced him to suffer the punishment of death in vindication of the injured authority of the Company. He was then carried off to execution and hanged on a conspicuous spot near to the old fort of Kaittar. Address to " When Kattaboma Nayaka was led off to execution, I addressed the assembled myself to the Poligars, who had witnessed all that had passed in silent Poligars. Execution of Kattaboma. Dislnynl Poli pnrs dispos- sessed. awe and with astonishment, and caused to be clearly explained to them that the Poligar, Kattaboma Nayaka, had compelled Government to inflict upon him such rigorous punishment by repeatedly acting in contempt of the Company's authority, and by being guilty at last of open rebellion, notwithstanding he had frequently, and on so late an occasion, experienced the most signal lenity and justice from the Government, of which none of the Poligars present covdd be ignorant. I then dismissed them after having expressed an earnest hope that the examples which had lately been made, and the measures which had been adopted, would convince them and their posterity that no rank or condition of life amongst them would in future screen from punishment such as should dare to act in disobedience of the Company's orders, or in contempt of the authority of Government, which they must ever consider it their duty to respect. " It may not be amiss here to observe that the manner and behaviour of the Poligar during the whole time of his being before those who were assembled yesterday at the examination which took place was undaunted and supercilious. He frequently eyed the Ettiapuram Poligar, who had been so active in attempting to secure his person, and the Poligar of Sivagiri with an appearance of indignant scorn ; and when he went out to be executed he walked with a firm and dar- ing air, and cast looks of sullen contempt on the Poligars to his right and left as he passed. It was reported to me that on his way to the place of execution he expressed some anxiety for his dumb brother alone ; and said, when he reached the foot of the tree on which he was hanged that he then regretted having left his fort, in the defence of which it would have been better for him to have died." The following proclamation by Major Bannerman dispossessing five of the Poligars who had combined with Kattaboma Nayaka against the Government, together with that Poligar himself, was published nearly a month before, but it will come in most appro- priately at this juncture : — Camp at Kaittar, 17th October 1799. " Bo it known to all the Tinnevelly Poligars, and all the inhabitants of the pollams, that Major John Bannennan, commissioned by tho Honourable Company to make enquiry into the misconduct of the Tin- nevelly Poligars in communication with the Collector, and to punish THE BANNKKMAN-POI.IGAR WAR. IS!) such as may be found deserving thereof ; and having, on a full enquiry Chapter VII. into the conduct of the several Poligars of Elayirampannai, Nagala- puram, Kollarpatti, Kadalgudi, and Kulattur, discovered that they were leagued with Panjalam kurichi in the late levying of war against the Poligar of Sivagiri, who is under the Company's protection ; and that the conduct of all these Poligars has been alike disobedient and rebellhuis to the Government of the Company, in disregarding the authority of the Collector, refusing to pay Company's kists, commit- ting depredations, disturbing the peace of the country, and oppressing and murdering its inhabitants, he has deemed it expedient, by virtue of his instructions, and the powers with which he is invested from the Company, to mark in the strongest manner their displeasure against such criminal proceedings ; and therefore proclaims that the Poligars of Panjalamkurichi, Nagalapuram, Elayirampannai, Kollar- patti, Kadalgudi, and Kulattur are dispossessed of their pollams. And be it known to all the inhabitants thereof that they are assumed by the Company, who have accordingly taken possession of them. " Be it further known that all the forts in the aforesaid palaiyams being deemed useless and unnecessary by the Company, are hereby ordered to be destroyed. And, further, as the carrying of arms by the peons and people thereof has been attended with much mischief, and Disarmament violence to the whole country, it is strictly enjoined that no peon, shero- orderecl - gar, cowalgar, inhabitant or any other person of any description what- ever shall hereafter use or keep either firelock, matchlock, pike, or spear, under pain of being put to death ; and any person whatever found concealing or possessing them will be also subject to the same punish- ment ; and it is therefore strictly commanded that every peon or in- habitant of the aforesaid pollams possessing arms shall immediately deliver them up to such persons as Major Bannerman may appoint to receive them, and every head inhabitant will be held subject to severe punishment who makes not the fullest enquiry, and gives not the most speedy information of all arms concealed in his village ; and, in order more effectually to preserve the tranquillity of the assumed pollams and that the peaceful inhabitants may pursue their cultivation in safety, all head inhabitants of villages are hereby solemnly warned that in whatever village resistance may be made to the Company's servants, and if it shall be discovered that any firelock, matchlock, pike, or spear has been used in such affray, the head inhabitant of such village will be liable to suffer death, unless he shall, in three days after such affray has happened, report the names of those inhabitants who were engaged in such resistance, and prove that he has done every thing in his power to seize the offenders. And be it also most Penalties for fully known to all the rest of the Poligars that while the assumption dlS0 ^ edi ence. of the abovementioned six pollams has been the severe and necessary consequence of very criminal proceedings, that provided all the rest conduct themselves hereafter with tho most respectful and submissive obedience to the Company's Government, neither more of the lives of their people will be taken, nor more of their countries assumed ; and being duly impressed therewith they will act accordingly. Under these assurances let therefore the inhabitants of every description, and 190 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY. Explanation of reasons. ChapterMI. particularly those sherogars and peons who have been accustomed to carry arms, cheerfully lay aside all offensive weapons ; and, betaking themselves to the cultivation of the land, increase their own happiness and merit the favour of the Company, who will protect them from every danger." I add Major Bannerman's account of his interview with all the Tinnevelly Poligars at Kaittar on the 27th September, when he read and explained to them his proclamation respecting the demo- lition of their forts and the delivering up of their arms, and induced each Poligar to volunteer to carry this work of demolition into effect himself : — "I met all the Poligars who had, in obedience to my summons, arrived at Kaittar. I first endeavoured to make the Poligars sensible of the justness of the punishment which had already been inflicted. I then cautioned them against believing that because no farther ex- amples had yet been made I was ignorant cf the many acts of dis- obedience of which they had been guilty, of the refractory disposition of the Poligars in general, and of the innumerable evils which such causes had produced. "I then told the Poligars that there were two modes of carrying into effect the orders of Government as signified by the proclamation. The one was that they should give their own orders to destroy the forts and collect the arms and deliver the latter to officers whom I should send with small parties to receive them and see that the forts were pi-operly demolished. The other mode was that I should march with the whole of my detachment through their pollams and see the orders of Government carried into execution. I acquainted them that I was prepared for either, but left the choice with them. That in the event of the detachments marching all the Head Poligars must attend me in the camp. If the other mode were to be adopted, the Poligars should remain with me at Kaittar and send their managers with small parties, which I should direct to proceed, and superintend the execu- tion of the Company's orders. ' ' I assured them that as soon as I had received reports that the arms had been surrendered and the forts demolished, each man should be permitted to return in peace to his own pollam. Before my in- terview was over I believe I may venture to assert that I obtained from the Poligars their fullest consent to the demolition of their forts and the surrender of their arms. They seemed convinced by my arguments that it would be more creditable for them to destroy their own forts than to have the business done b} r our pioneers ; and they did not appear insonsible of the mischief that would be prevented by keeping so large a detachment out of their pollams, their apprehen- sion of which I did not fail to raise as much as possible. " I have much pleasure in being able to report to you that the last of the parties which I found it necessary to detach to superintend the demolition of the forts and tho collection of the arms left Kaittar this morning; and that the Poligars have sent their managers and positive orders, with the different parties, to see that the orders of Government on this Bubject be strictly complied with. Forts to be demolished. THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAE WAR. 191 " The Head Poligars themselves have agreed to remain with me at Chapter VII. Kaittar till I shall be satisfied that the orders which they have sent by their managers are obeyed. I cannot omit reporting in this place that f or m 'i p t 1 had created in the Poligars, before we parted, so anxious a desire to demolish their appear forward in complying with the orders of Government, that ° some of them even requested that I would obtain for them the assist- ance of coolies from the Circar villages in their neighbourhood to assist in demolishing their forts ; and that I have in consequence applied for the necessary orders from the Nawab's Kutchary, which shall be immediately forwarded to the villages most contiguous to the pollams in which such assistance has been required. The coolies are to be paid at the expense of such Poligar whose fort they assist to demolish. I have much reason at present to believe that by the plan in which I have got the Poligars to acquiesce every fort in the pollams, amounting to forty-two, will be effectually destroyed before the end of this month. With respect to the arms, I am not so sanguine in my hopes of their being all surrendered so readily. The prejudices and long habits of the Poligars oppose the measure ; but the carrying into execution the threats held forth in the proclamation, in a very few instances at first, will soon overcome their partiality to the custom of carrying arms, and convert the armed Poligar into a tame and peace- able cultivator of the soil." The Madras Government approved of the disarming of the Approval of Poligars, but, in order to facilitate, as they supposed, the carrying Government. of the measure into effect, ordered, in opposition to Major Banner- man's judgment, that the arms should not be seized, but that a reward, or price, should be paid to each person for each description of arms delivered up. Within a month Major Bannerman had reason to believe that all the Poligar forts in Tinnevelly had been demolished. On the 21st October he writes : — " I enclose the returns which I received from the different Poli- Results. gars showing the number of forts each had in his pollam, of the guns and wall-pieces of each fort, and the number of peons retained in each Poligar's service, specifying the number and description of arms which they used. As also a general report of the forts which have been destroyed, and of the arms already collected, made out from those reports which I have received from the officers in charge of the different parties which I had detached to superintend the demolition of the forts, and the surrender of the arms in those pollams which have not been sequestered. I likewise inclose a copy of a letter which accompanied the reports from Captain Bruce, the officer placed in the general command of the parties dispersed in the western pollams, from which it is satisfactory to observe how attentive all the managers employed b} r the Poligars have been in obeying the orders they had received respecting the demolition of their forts, &c. You will also find a copy of the report I received from Lieutenant Bagshaw, who was employed, with the pioneers under his command, in demo- lishing the fort of Panjalamkurichi, and a return of the arms col- lected in the six sequestered pollams. 192 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter VII Proclamations inscribed on brass. Leniency to certain Poli- gars. Banishment of dangerous persons. " As the purpose for which the Poligars were detained at Kaittar has already been pretty completely answered, I summoned all of them to attend me this morning in order to give them permission to return to their respective pollams ; and as I thought it of consequence fully to impress upon their minds before their departure that Government would hereafter act toward them in a strict conformity with the measures which I had on this occasion been instructed to adopt, I had prepared a proclamation, a copy of which was delivered to each Poligar ; and they were informed that other copies inscribed on brass should be prepared, and one sent to each of them as soon as possible, in order that it might be fixed up and kept in a conspicuous place in the principal village of each pollam for the general information of the inhabitants ; ' and that each Poligar would be held responsible that this order was strictly complied with." The Poligars of Elayiramparmai and Nagalapuram were banished to Madras, where they died. A letter of Major Bannernian's will explain his views regarding these Poligars and some of their prin- cipal associates : — " In conformity with the spirit of my instructions, I had determined to send all the Head Poligars of the sequestered pollams prisoners to the Presidency. The Nagalapuram and Elayiramparmai Poligars have been placed under Lieutenant Turner's charge. Kattaboma Nayaka and the Head Poligar of Kadalgudi have been proscribed by my pro- clamation of the 1 8th instant. But as the Poligar of Kollarpatti is a poor, weak, blind youth, and the Poligar of Kulattur is a weak, infirm man of between 60 and 70 years of age, their infirmities seem to point them out as objects who should be treated with as much lenity as due attention to the public good will admit of, and as there is no danger to be apprehended from their intrigues, I have delivered them over to Mr. Lushington, that he may send them for the present to Ramnad, and they can be hereafter disposed of as Government shall be pleased to direct. As Satagopah Pillai, the manager of the Nagalapuram Poligar, was a principal adviser of his master, and possesses much influence in the pollam, I have judged it indispensably necessary that he should accompany the Poligar into banishment. Saunderalinga Nftyaka was declared by his blind brother-in-law, the Poligar of Kollarpatti, to have been his adviser on all occasions, and confessed himself to have been the manager of all the public concerns of the pollam. Chinna Vettoo Nayaka, son of the Kulattur Poligar, is also notorious for having been the wicked adviser of his father ; and he and Armogam Pillai were the sole managers of his public concerns ; and Paradampermal Pillai possesses much influence, as having been the adviser and manager of the Elnyirampannai Poligar. I could not therefore hesitate in removing individuals of such description from this country. " The public records leave no doubt of Sivagiri MSppillai Vannij-an being the person whose influence over the Sivagiri Poligar's son instigated him to acts of rebellion against his father, and produced 1 These brass plates are said to be still in existence, but are kept in the houses of the Zemindars. T 1 1 K B A N N E R M A.N-POLIG A R W A R . I 93 those horrid scones and disturbances in the Sivagiri pollam by which Chapter VII, not only that country but the neighbouring pollams have suffered so much, and to quell which the Company have been repeatedly obliged to fit out an armed force. This man possesses talents which qualify him in a very superior degree for being a public incendiary, and is distinguished among the Poligars for being a daring, brave, and Mapillai active fellow, which makes him a favourite leader, whom they are Vanni y«n- desirous to follow upon all occasions. Government will, I think, see the propriety of taking particular care that such a character is not permitted to return again to this neighbourhood." Most of Major Bannerman's prisoners were sent to Palam- cotta and kept in confinement in the jail there, with the prisoners that had surrendered themselves to Captain Davison, the officer in command at Tuticorin. The most important of the prisoners sent by Major Bannerman to Palamcotta were the two brothers of the recently executed Poligar of Paiijalanikuricki. It was found after a time that the fort of Panjalamkurichi, which was supposed to have been utterly demolished, was ready to rise again from the ground, as strong as ever, the moment it was required. Govern- ment were very much disconcerted when this discovery was made, but after the strictest inquiry it was ascertained that the demolition both of Panjalamkurichi and of the other forts had really taken Reappearance place— that of Panjalamkurichi before Major Bannerman left the j?^ J™" district — but that mud forts, however completely demolished, could speedily be re-erected, so that where a thousand or two enthusiastic labourers worked day and night there was nothing incredible in the circumstance that such a fort as Panjalamkurichi should rise from the ground again in a day or two, as if by the wave of magician's wand. "Whatever might take place afterwards there is no doubt that Major Bannerman's work, so far as it went, was very completely done ; the voluntary demolition by the Poligars themselves of their forty-two forts was an unparalleled triumph to the cause of order, and it was achieved as much by tact and policy as by the force of arms. Having thus repressed all opposition to Government, and restored peace to the district, Major Banner- man left for Europe on furlough, accompanied by the cordial Major thanks and congratulations of all the authorities. The peace he i^cesT™ 11 ' 3 established lasted for more than two years, an unusually long time for peace and order to last in those troublous days, but this state of things was destined to be rudely disturbed at last by another Poligar war— the most formidable of all, but fortunately the last. 2d 104 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHAPTER VIII. THE LAST POLIGAE WAR. Events preceding the Outbreak. General Welsh's ac- count. Chap. VIII. In addition to the information respecting the last Poligar war supplied by the reports and documents contained in the Tinnevelly records, we have the advantage of possessing two independent accounts of the war, written by persons who were engaged in it from its commencement to its termination. The first of these is con- tained in the " Military Eeminiscences " of General "Welsh, a very interesting book published in London in 1830. General (then Cap- tain) Welsh was staff officer to the officer in command throughout the campaign. The other account is entitled a " Narrative of the Mr. Hughes's last Outbreak and final Subjugation of the Southern Poligars, by Mr. George A. Hughes, of Tatchanallur, Translator to the force." This was published in 1844, nine years after Mr. Hughes's death. 1 1 Mr. Hughes's name is so well known in Tinnevelly that people would probably like to know some particulars about him. The following notice is prefixed to Mr. Hughes's Narrative by the Editor of the Madras Journal of Literature and Science in which the narrative appeared : — " Mr. Hughes, an Indo-British gentleman, well known for his commercial enter- prise and successful speculations in the southern districts, was the son of Mr. Hughes, of the Madras Civil Service, formerly Paymaster of Madura. He was sent to England at an early age and received an excellent education under the charge of his uncle, Dr. Hughes, Principal of Jesus College, Cambridge. On his return to India, after serving as a clerk under the Resident of Travancore, and in the office of Mr. S. R. Lushington, Collector of the Southern Poligar Peishcush, he was appointed by Colonel Bannerman, the officer entrusted with the charge of quelling the Poligar insurrection of 1799, to be Malabar and Gentoo Interpreter with the force on the pay and allowances of a Captain, which was confirmed by Government on the 26th September 1799. He continued in the same situation under Colonel Agnew in 1801, and afterwards in 1808 he accompanied the force under General St. Leger during the Travancore war and received the thanks of Government for lus services on the '27th February 1809. In the interim he had engaged in commercial pursuits and entered into partnership with Mr. Charles ■Wallace Young, who, between L805 and 1808, obtained a lease of a large extent of waste land for the cultivation of coffee, indigo, and cotton, in Tinnevelly, at an annual rent of 2,000 rupees, to continue to the close of the Company's Charter. "On the death of Mr. Young, in the latter part of 1809, Mr. Hughes succeeded to the lease, as assignee of that gentleman ; and on the expiration of the Charter, the grant was renewed in 1811, on the same terms, for the period of the next Charter. Mr. Hughes likewise purchased the Kulattur and Kadalgudi Mitlahs, and continued engaged in various speculations with fluctuating success until Lis death, which took place on the 26th February 1835." I may add that Mr. Hughes was never married, though he had several children, whom he brought up as Hindus. THE LAST POLIO AR WAR. 195 The Poligar of Panjalamkurichi, who was executed at Kaittar Chap. VIII. in September 1799, left two brothers, as has been mentioned, both The two" Pan of whom were kept in confinement in the Palamcotta Jail. One jalamkurichi of these brothers, the elder, was described as a feeble person, but brothers - would have been heir to the palaiyam if it had not been confis- cated, and was regarded by his sympathising adherents and the natives generally as the true heir all the same, and called accord- ingly by the family title Kattaboma Nayaka. The other, the younger, though dumb and a mere boy, was a person of great energy and full of resources, and was regarded by the natives almost as a divinity. In addition to the two brothers there were seme other persons confined with them in the Palamcotta Jail who had been implicated in the outbreak of 1799. The most intriguing and dangerous member of the deposed family, Sivattaiya, a near relation, who had escaped the vigilance of the authorities and was still at large, was the leader of a party of sympathisers who were waiting for an opportunity to effect the escape of the prisoners and help them to commence the struggle afresh. Escape of the Prisoners from the Palamcotta Jail and subsequent events. Mr. Hughes thus describes the position of things in Tinnevelly Position of prior to the escape of the prisoners and the recommencement of t ^ ) 1 ^ s pi 7 or hostilities : — "Major Bannerman left the detachment to embark for break. Europe early in 1800, under high and well-earned encomiums from the Government. The command devolved on Major Robert Turing, who, having preferred a high situation on the general staff, left us about February. He was succeeded by Major Colin Macaulay, who with the command of the district, held also the appointment of Resident at Travancore. The state of affairs soon admitted of the separation of the detachment, and the Governor- General requiring his services for a time at the Travancore Durbar, the 3rd Regiment N.I. was cantoned at Shenker ninaur Covil (Sankaranainarkovil) (now under the command of Major Sheppard), a few companies of another corps were left at Kaittar, and Palam- cotta was garrisoned by Lieutenant Knowle's provincial corps and some other details. The main body of the force returned to Trichi- nopoly and other stations, and at the close of the year there was to all appearance the most prosperous settlement of all the objects of the Grovernment, combined with the most perfect tranquillity in the country." The following is General "Welsh's account of the escape of the prisoners : — "On me 2nd of February 1801, while our force was cantoned at Escape of the Sankaranainarkovil, about thirty miles to the eastward (north-west), prisoners. and the whole of the remaining community, about twenty ladies ami 196 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELI.Y. Chap. VIII, gentlemen, were dining at Major Macaulay's garden-house at Palam- cotta, a number of Poligar prisoners confined in the fort made their escape by overpowering their own guard and the one at the fort, whom they disarmed. As men of consequence and State prisoners, they had been hitherto kept in irons and very strictly guarded ; but the small-pox having recently broken out amongst them, their chains had been removed a few days before. This evening a number of their adherents in disguise, and with concealed weapons, had entered the fort, and, at a preconcerted signal, forced the prison-gate, whilst the prisoners attacked the two sentries in front. A few of the guard were wounded, and the whole instantly disarmed ; when the prisoners, seizing the musquets of their ci-devant gaolers, headed their adherents, and rushing on the gate-guard, succeeded in overpowering them, when passing through the gates, they made such good use of their heels that, before morning, they had arrived at Panjalainkurichi, a distance of thirty miles ; having surprised and disarmed nearly one hundred men at different stages on the road, and at one place an entire company under a native officer. In their haste to secure a safe retreat, they however let slip the fairest opportunity they ever could have enjoyed of crippling our force, for the party assembled at our commandant's included the civilians of the station, all the staff officers, and several others of the force ; the house was protected by a Naigue's guard only, and not above a mile out of their route ; and there we must all have perished, unprepared and unresisting, since they were several hundred strong, even before they left the place. Unaware of the extent of the mischief, small parties were sent out, as soon as they could be collected, to overtake the fugitives, and lucky it was for them that they returned unsuccessful. Indeed all the sepoys then in Palamcotta would have been inadequate for that purpose." Measures Major Macaulay, the Commanding Officer in the Tinnevelly authorities District, concerted measures at once for the recapture of the fugitives, and moved off with all despatch to Kaittar the disposable part of the garrison of Palamcotta and a few of the Nawab's horsemen drawn from his establishment of Sivalaperai. The troops under Major Sheppard at SankaranainarkGvil were ordered to march to Kaittar, and all the Palamcotta officers joined at that place on the 6th. The Nawab's troopers were mounted on horses belonging to the English gentlemen lent for the purpose. "A body of European cavalry had originally formed a part of the southern field force, and with some infantry corps had been only lately removed, under an appearance of perfect tranquillity being established in this hitherto turbulent district. Our force was therefore consequently now roduced to nine hundred firelocks, and all native, excepting a detachment of Bengal artillery, with two 2 and two 4 pounders. On tho morning of 8th February, having marched half way the day before, the detachment reached the village Kulayanalliir, nineteen miles from Kaittar. The camp was formed in a small square, and all hands were preparing to enjoy a hearty meal, when a body of Poligars to the number of a thousand or twelve hundred, armed with Unavailing pursuit. Attack on the camp hy the Poligars. THE LAST POLIGAK WAR. 197 musquets, pikes, and swords, made their appearance on a rising ground Chap. VIII. in front of the line, and inclining to the right and left, made a simul- taneous attack on three faces. The small village, situated about a mile in the rear, had been previously taken possession of by our picquets ; and while we were employed in front by the first assailants, a body of the enemy, advancing under cover of a deep ravine, immedi- ately attacked it. Although many of our men, being new drafts and recruits, had never seen a shot fired, yet the whole behaved well, except the Nawab's cavalry, who woidd not charge even a small party of the enemy, and we began to wish we had our horses back again. In about an hour, however, the Poligars withdrew, leaving forty dead upon the field, and carrying off their wounded ; they were not pursued very far, and all was quiet again in our little camp by noon. Our loss was not more than six men, a proof of the bad firing of the enemy. The post in the village was strengthened, being a kind of key to our position, and all remained perfectly quiet till about nine o'clock at night, when a peal of musquetry in the direction of the village again roused us ; an attempt being made to surprise that post, which was, however, completely foiled before a reinforcement could arrive to its relief. After a sleepless night, we marched the next morning, and Arrival of reached a plain close to Panjalamkurichi by nine o'clock, when, to our ^' 00 P S at utter astonishment, we discovered that the walls, which had been kurichi. entirely levelled, were now rebuilt, and fully manned by about fifteen hundred Poligars." Mr. Hughes says they found the Poligar force not only securely entrenched, but armed far beyond expectation, and, to crown all, displaying an exulting front, in consequence of the success which had hitherto attended their enterprise. An entrenchment and breastwork had been run up with incredible celerity. All the concealed arms, he adds, had been quickly restored to light, it having been the policy of the time (imposed as we have seen by the Madras Government on Major Bannerman) to invite the surrender of arms by the payment of a liberal price for them, Condition of rather than to adopt a vigorous scrutiny for their seizure. The the ' population of the sequestered pollams seemed to be delighted with the opportunity afforded them of trying their strength with the English once more, being thoroughly discontented, no doubt, with the peaceful life now required of them. Retreat from Panjalamkurichi. I return to General Welsh's narrative : — " Without a single battering gun, and, I may add, without even a Preparations few Europeans to lead the storming party, to have attempted to take for res i stance - the place in open day would have been next to madness ; a spot of ground was therefore selected near the village of Ottapidaram, about a mile from the fort, and there we formed our camp, in a square, with high grain to the northward ; the bund, or bank, of a tank to the southward ; the village near the eastern face, and Panjalamkurichi opposite to the west. After taking some little rest and refreshment, 198 HISTORY OF TIXXEVELLY. Chap. VIII. it was proposed to form the detachment into two storming parties, and to escalade the "works at two different points, as soon as dark- ness should conceal our approach from the enemy. A short time after, some of our scouts came in, with the agreeable intelligence that the Poligars, now amounting to five thousand, were prepared to assault our camp at nightfall. Here then was an unlooked for occur- rence : in the first place, we were opposed by a strong fort, raised, as it were, by magic, in six days ; and in the second, its defenders, increased beyond all possible calculation, were likely to become the assailants. It was decided, therefore, nem con that we had no business to remain there ; and as both men and officers were already nearly exhausted by two grilling marches and a sleepless night, it was doubt- ful whether they could keep awake another, to receive with due alacrity such a nocturnal visit as was in contemplation. The troops were therefore warned, and at two o'clock p.m. being formed in oblong square, the baggage in the centre and field pieces distributed in front and rear, we drew out, as if preparing to assault the fort. In an instant every part of the works was manned, and we could plainly discern a body of fifteen hundred or two thousand men outside of the boundary hedge, their long spears glittering in the sun. " As soon as the formation was completed, we commenced our march, not for the fort, but for Palamcotta, and had actually accomplished a third of our journey, when we were overtaken in the dark by a body of the enemy, who rushed on us with shouts and screams, almost to the bayonet. The rear face of our column, for it was now no longer a square, was luckily composed of the grenadiers of the 1st Battalion of the 3rd Regiment, with the two 6-pounders under Captain Vesey. He allowed them to approach without molestation, the more fully to effect his purpose, when giving the word himself, a couple of vollies, poured in with grape and musquetry, levelled one hundred and ten of our assailants ; the astonished remainder made a very precipitate escape, and we were no more molested during a long and severe march, which lasted all night, than by imagination, which placed an enemy behind every bush on the road. Our loss on this occasion was only two men and a woman, and we safely reached Palamcotta at nine o'clock a.m. on the 10th." Mr. Hughes says that the question for consideration was whether the attack on the fort should be made forthwith on the arrival of the troops from Palamcotta, and thus in the event of a check being received run the hazard of much more extensive commotions, or whether it were more advisable that the detachment should with- draw for a time and await reinforcement from Trichinopoly. He adds : — Boshes 1 " Happily, the latter alternative, painful as it seemed, was agx-eed opinion. on with perfect concurrence by Majors Macaulay and Sheppard. The steady and firm conduct of the 3rd Regiment N.I. carried the detach- ment tliniu-h the perils of the night. Failure of " I" the meantime various affairs took place, most of which were to attack in the advantage of the rebels. On the 27th February an attack was Kftdalgudi. THE LAST POLIO A K WAR. 199 mado by a detachment on the fort of Kudalgudi, supposed to be weak, Chap. VIII. and ill defended. Our opponents, however, got intelligence of the march in sufficient time to send a body of two thousand men to assist the defenders, and our men were consequently so well received, that, after every exertion that bravery and discipline could oppose to numbers, they were compelled to retreat, leaving three men killed and eighteen wounded on the ground ; the loss of the enemy was never ascertained. " In this way several of the smaller forts belonging to Government Defence of fell into the hands of the Poligars, by which means they gained Snvaikun. possession of about a thousand muskets with their ammunition. One ' solitary pagoda, Srivaikuntham, slightly fortified, on the bank of the river, about fifteen miles below Palamcotta, held out beyond example or expectation. To relieve this brave handful, Major Sheppard marched at the head of the 1st Battalion of the 3rd Regiment, with two 6-pounders. Arriving at Palamcotta, on the 13th of March, the heavy baggage was thrown in there, and on the morning of the 1 6th they came in sight of the Pagoda of Srivaikuntham, on the opposite side of the river, and were immediately attacked by swarms of the enemy ; through whom they forced their way to their comrades on the opposite shore. All the troops behaved well, particularly the grena - diers, who charged a large body of the enemy and put them to flight. The Poligars, intent on capturing the place, had beset it on every side, and raised a large mound of earth to overlook the pagoda. They were also busy in making scaling ladders for an escalade, when our corps relieved them. The garrison was withdrawn, and on the march back to Palamcotta the enemy annoyed them the whole way, though repeatedly charged by our soldiers. Our loss was not so heavy as might have been expected, and the corps remained resting at Palam- cotta till the stores necessary for a siege coidd be collected." "Whilst the country was in this disturbed condition, the Native Christians of that time, though few in number, had to share in the troubles of their Christian rulers. We learn this from a report of the Christian Knowledge Society for 1802 : — " The congregations in the south suffered severely from the turbu- The Native lent Poligars, who resisted the British rule and seem to have identi- Christians. tied the Native Christians with the English. In their incursions into the Company's territories they plundered, confined, and tortured the Christians, destroyed some of their chapels, and burned the books they found in them. As there appeared to be little prospect of the termination of these troubles, the people were obliged to leave their homes and flee to the woods for refuge." General "Welsh gives here a brief account of the Poligars in general and of the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi in particular. In doing so he fell into the error of confounding together two different persons. He says : — "Their chief, called Kattaboma Nayaka, having successfully de- Welsh's error, fended the fort against a force under Colonel Bannerman two years 200 HISTORY OF Tl.NXEYELLY. Chap. VIII. before, had at length been taken prisoner, with the rest of his family, and kept in close confinement." We have seen from the preceding narrative that the Kattabonia Nayaka who defended his fort against Major Bannerman had been hanged, and that the Kattaboma Nayaka who was imprisoned was his surviving brother. March to Panjalam- kurichi. Skirmish on the way. Return to Panjalamkurichi. When the expected reinforcements were on the advance from Trichinopoly, Major Macaulay moved the detachment forward to Kaittar and took up ground in such a position as to allow the reinforcements to join. Having no opponents out of our camp, the enemy made good use of their time and seized on Tuticorin. This incident has been described already in the account of Tuti- corin under the Dutch. General Welsh gives the details of the force assembled at Kaittar for the reduction of Panjalarnkurichi. It amounted in all to nearly 3,000 men, with nine guns : — " Our first march was to Otrampatti, only eight miles; the second to Pasuvandalai, eight miles also, on the road to which we first encountered the enemy ; a body of five or six hundred of whom ap- peared shortly after we left our ground, and boldly advanced to meet us, on which the Major ordered the cavalry to charge them. The two troops, having rear and flank guards out, did not amount to more than ninety men, if so many ; but they were led by James Grant, one of the finest and bravest fellows I ever knew. They had two small galloper guns with them, which were fired as the enemy approached, and this, first appeared to induce them to retire, which they did leisurely, keeping up a running fight, though it was evident that the men who had firearms were most anxious to escape. When our cavalry had got within a few hundred yards, Lieutenant Grant gave the words ' Saint George, and charge : ' the enenry at the same time halting, faced about, and presented an abatis of pikes to the horses' breasts ; but so great was the impetus, that in an instant this formi- dable phalanx was borne down, and our men were afterwards engaged in single combat with these brave but unskilful pedestrians, until a thick wood luckily intervened, through which they made their escape. The ground being, what is called in India ' black cotton,' with the shrub actually growing on it, was very unfavourable for our men, and so determined was the resistance that Lieutenant Grant fell, wounded with a pike through the lungs, and his Subadar, Sheik Ebraum, and four troopei's were killed. Lieutenant Lyne lost his Naigue, and eleven troopers were wounded ; and two horses were killed, and twelve wounded. Of the enemy, ninety-six dead bodies were counted on the field ; what number of wounded they carried off of course coidd not be ascertained. Grant killed four with his own hand, the last after he had received his desperate wound ; and his Subadar also killed four or five before he fell. The next day, the 31st of March, we came within sito of the Gibraltar of these insurgents. THE LAST POLIGAR WAR. 201 First Assault and Failure. Chap. VIII. We found the fort an irregular parallelogram, two sides of Description which were about 500 feet and the other two about 300 feet only, ° built entirely of mud of a very solid and adhesive quality : — "The wall was, generally, about twelve feet high, with small square bastions, and very short curtains. A few old guns were mounted in these bastions, and the whole was surrounded by a thick hedge of thorns, but no ditch. Arriving before it at eight o'clock a.m., prepara- tions were instantly made for breaching the north-western bastion, with the two iron 12 and one 8 pounder, from a bank about nine hundred yards distance ; and at hall past eight we opened fire, though, by no means so destructive as was anticipated. At noon, therefore, the guns were moved on to another bank, about four hundred yards from the wall, and continued playing till half past three, when the breach appearing practicable, the storm was ordered." It was found afterwards, however, when it was too late, that the breach, considered to be so by the artillery officer, was no breach at all : — " The part}' for assaidt advanced with alacrity under the heaviest The assault fire imaginable from the curtains and five or six bastions, the defences on t e of which we had not been able to demolish. Our men fell rapidly, but nothing impeded their approach ; even the hedge was speedily passed, and repeated attempts were made to surmount the breach, but all in vain," so daring and determined was the garrison and so difficult of access the point of attack. "Every man who succeeded in reaching the summit was instantly thrown back, pierced with wounds, from both pikes and musquetry, and no footing could be gained. At length a retreat was ordered, and a truly dismal scene of horror suc- ceeded ; all our killed, and many of the wounded, being left at the foot of the breach, over which the enemy immediately sprung, and pursued the rear, while others pierced the bodies both of the dying and the dead. The immediate defence of the breach was with pikes The defeace. from eighteen to twenty feet long, beyond which a body of men from an elevated spot kept up a constant fire, while others in the bastions took the assailants in flank. In the confusion of the moment a howitzer was left near the breach, which was afterwards rescued by six officers, and about fifty sepoys, under a fire, which killed one of the officers and several of the men and wounded two other officers and five or six men. Of the enemy's loss we had no account. No sooner had we gained a safe distance from the fort, than the line was formed, and encamping ground marked, the nearest part being at a distance of 1,500 yards from the walls. We had a high ridge in the centre of the line running parallel to the fort, and our ammunition and stores were placed in the rear, out of sight of the enemy. Our pickquets were posted on the bank from whence we first attempted to breach, and it was completely dark before we could get under cover. As all had alike partaken in the dangers and discom- fiture of the day, a dead silence reigned throughout our line, the only tribute we could then pay to the memory of our departed brethren ; 26 202 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chap. VIII. Bravery of the enemv. AidofEttai- y&puram. More exten- sive pre- parations. Help obtained from Ceylon. and the enemy so far respected our grief, as to allow us its unmolested indidgence. " Our total failure this day was perfectly inexplicable, and how the breach was defended appeared almost miraculous ; for none of the actual defenders ever showed themselves above the broken parapet, and certainly that was entirely destroyed, and a practicable passage apparently made to the terreplein of the bastion long previous to our attack. Yet here a grove of pikes alone presented itself to our view ; and the enemy appearing in every other part of the works, exposing themselves without the smallest reservation, were constantly shot by our men, who were covering the storm, and as constantly replaced by others ; whilst they kept up a most unnatural yell the whole time, from upwards of five thousand voices, which only ceased with our retreat. Of one hundred and twenty Europeans on the storming party, only forty-six escaped unhurt ; and including officers and artillery, one hundred and six were killed and wounded of the whole force. I should mention that a body of one thousand Ettia- puram Poligars, heriditary enemies of the Panjalamkurichi race, had joined us on the march, having a company of sepoj-s, and Captain Charles Trotter attached to them. These brave and faithful allies made some unsuccessful attempts at an escalade on the other side of the fort, whilst we were on the west face, but were repidsed with considerable loss, though we had no official returns of their casual- ties." It was evident that Major Macaulay's means were quite inade- quate to his object, the guns were quite useless as battering pieces, and a repetition of the attack was not to be thought of. " The Government was now awakened to the whole severity of the service. A great native force was ordered from different stations of the Carnatic, an European corps, H.M. 77th, was called round from the Malabar Coast, a corps of cavalry was put in motion, and a powerful train of artillery despatched from Trichinopuly, the command of the service being transferred to an officer of higher rank. This was Colonel Peter Agnew, a person of great military experience, and well known as the Adjutant-General of the Army for many years." The Collector of Tinnevelly at this time applied to, and obtained from, the Government of Ceylon a detachment of troops to help forward the operations against Panjalamkurichi. This he did without authority, and his action in the matter called forth a decided expression of disapproval from the Madras Government. " It was the best part of two months," Hughes says, " before this new formation of the force could assemble at the scene of action, and in the interval little more was in the power of Macaulay than to restrict as much as practicable the range of the enemy, for which purpose he kept his station on a small ridge, a mile or two to the westward of the fort. Their night annoyances on our position and skirmishes with our foraging parties in the day were very frequent, and they seemed to have taken up the notion that the muskots of our sepoys were of little security against their spears during the fall of rain." CHE LAST Pol.K.vH WAR. 20o I quote here from Welsh an aceount of the incident to which Chap. VIII. Hughes briefly refers. " On the 22nd a heavy thunder storm, accompanied by wind and Sortie from rain, suddenly assailed us ; and as such a time was the most favour- s ^ vr ^ m a able in which to oppose pikes to firearms, we began to fall in ; when in a twinkling the thunder was succeeded bj r the flash and sound of our 6-pounder on the most distant outpost, and a strong party dashed towards it immediately. This consisted of a company of sepoys, with a party of artillery, and one gun on the bund of a large tank, five or six hundred yards to the southward of the fort, and one thousand two hundred from our nearest post. Lieutenant H. Dey (noon being the time of removing all our outposts) observing an unusual collection of clouds, and sagaciously auguring therefrom the probability of a storm, being senior officer, had very sensibly taken upon himself to detain the other company. The squall approached, beating in their faces, and was immediately followed by one thousand pikemen. Our poor fellows, assailed by two such enemies at once, strove to give a fire, but hardly a musquet would go off ; and the gun, after being discharged once only, was in the enemy's possession. The Poligars, more intent on seizing the ordnance than on injuring its defenders, wounded only eight men of the party, and were pushing off with their prize, as fast as the wet cotton ground would permit, when our rein- forcements appearing, Lieutenants Dey and Clason rushed back, accompanied by many of their men, and we succeeded in rescuing our cannon from the hands of the Philistines, although many hundreds more rushed out of the fort to their assistance ; and, as the rain ceased, they poured out multitudes with firearms, who being confronted as readily by similar parties from our camp, a general action ensued, which, I may well say, ended in smoke ; both parties making much noise, and neither doing much execution. After about an hour's fighting, as if with one accord, the firing ceased ; both parties retired to count their casualties, of which the most serious tally must have been ball cartridges." The Final Assault. The expected corps all came up by the middle of May and Colonel Agnew assumed the command on the 21st. " From his arrival to the 24th there was the greatest activity in making a breach, and it was so thoroughly effected by that day that to all appearance it admitted of running up with the utmost facility. The enemy, however, had thrown a very wide abatis of new felled tborn trees all along the approaches on every side, and this occasioned some short interruption. On the morning of the 23rd of May, at sun- rise, we opened two batteries at once on the south-western bastion of the fort, while the grand battery favoured them with salvos, which soon demolished the southern faces and salient angle of the bastion. By noon the storming party was ready to advance, but oiu* old com- mandant took Colonel Agnew a^ide, and, barked by another old friend, 204 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chap. VIII. A breach made by the battery. Successful assault. The enemy abandon the fort. Kilb-d and woun persuaded him to delay the assault until the next day, much against, what appeared to him, his better judgment. The firing was therefore kept up all night to prevent the enemy from repairing the breach. The next morning the guns were all turned to demolish the defences and cut off the breached bastion, which being completely effected, at one o'clock p.m., having run the tower guns half way down to the fort, the storming party was ordered to advance. " Notwithstanding the strength of the storming party, with the whole force ready to back them, the defenders shrunk not from their dut} 7 , but received our brave fellows with renewed vigour, and the breach was so stoutly defended, that although the hedge was passed in a few minutes, it was nearly half an hour before a man of ours could stand upon the summit, while bodies of the enemy, not only fired on our storming party from the broken hi stions on both flanks, but others sallied round and attacked them in the space within the hedge. At length, after a struggle of fifteen minutes in this position, the whole of the enemy in the breach being killed by hand grenades, and heavy shot thrown over among them, our grenadiers succeeded in mounting the breach, and the resistance afterwards was of no avail, although one body of pikemen charged our grenadiers in the body of the place and killed three of them." Mr. Hughes says : — " Arrived at the top of the breach, it was by no means easy to descend. Here the garrison had excavated the bastion or ground all around so deeply as not to be easily grappled with, and, it is said, had carried the excavation so cleverly under the brink of the breach as to be able to strike with their spears, in comparative safety, those who leant forward to fire on the defenders below. These were a good deal checked, it was imagined, by hand grenades, but I believe the place was at last carried by entrance at the flanks, which, however, had been strongly palisaded, and moist earth was in constant supply to repair the damage to the walls on each side of the breach. "A general panic now seized the enemy, and they fled from their assailants as fast as possible ; but no sooner had they got clear of the fort, than they formed into two solid columns, and thus retreated, beset but not dismayed ; but our cavalry attacked them in flank and rear, and succeeded in cutting off six hundred. The remainder, however, made good their retreat, and a column of about two thousand ultimately escaped. Four hundred and fifty dead bodies of the enemy were also found in the fort, those killed on former occasions having been disposed of outside to the eastward." Mr. Hughes says : — " The whole of the surviving Poligar body retired from the fort with the most imposing regularity, unarmed persons and the women repairing to the centre, and the armed men closely ranging on each side. The cavalry, however, made dreadful havoc on this body, which was soon broken and dispersed. Our loss on this day was Lieutenant Gilchrist of the 74th, Lieutenants Spalding and Campbell of the 77th, and Lieutenant Fraser of the 4th, killed ; Lieutenants M'Clean, Scotch THE LAST POLIGAR WAR. 205 Brigade, Captain Whitley of the Malays, Lieutenant Valentine Blacker Chap. VIIL of the 1st Cavalry, Lieutenant Campbell of the 74th, and Lieutenant Birch of the 4th, wounded. Lieutenant Blacker was piked in two or three places ; but emulating James Grant, who was always the foremost in danger, he would not desist, until our trumpets had sounded the recall. Europeans killed nineteen, and wounded seventy-six ; natives killed twenty-four and wounded ninety-six, making a total, including officers, of two hundred and twenty-three. " To us, who had suffered so severely in our unsuccessful assault a The interior sight of the interior of this abominable place was most acceptable, the ° e or more so, as this was the first time it had ever been taken by storm, though frequently attempted. Nothing coidd equal the surprise and disgust which filled our minds at beholding the wretched holes under ground in which a body of three thousand men, and for some time their families also, had so long contrived to exist. No language can paint the horrors of the picture. To shelter themselves from shot and shells they had dug these holes in every part of the fort, and though some might occasionally be out to the eastward, yet the place must always have been excessively crowded. The north-west bastion, our old breach, attracted our particular attention ; and a description of it will therefore serve for every other in this fort. It was about fifteen feet high on the outside, and nearly square : the face we breached was thirty feet long, and a parapet of about three feet thick at the summit gradually increased sloping down into the centre, which was barely sufficient to contain about forty men, the passage in the gorge, being only wide enough to admit two at a time. The depth in the centre, being originally on a level with the interior, was increased as the top mouldered down, so as to leave the defenders entirely sheltered from everything but the shells and shot, which we had latterly used, more by accident than design. These were of course thrown over from the Description outside, and nothing else could have secured us the victory, since every of the enemy's man in the last breach was killed, and the passage blocked up before our grenadiers obtained a footing above. Their long pikes, used in such a sheltered spot, must be most powerfully effective. No wonder, then, that every man who got to the top was instautly pierced and thrown down again. He could never get at his enemy, and, indeed, could scarcely tell from whence the blow was inflicted. The system of defence adopted by these savages would have done credit to any Engineer. Nothing could surpass it but their unwearied perseverance. Had the bastions been solid, or their defensive weapons only musquets and bayonets, we should not have had the mortification to be before it for two months ; and had our eavahy been more efficient, we should not have had a continuance of this warfare for six months longer. The fugitive phalanx, making good its retreat to Sherewele, was there joined by twenty thousand men of the Murdoos." "Where Sherewele was and who the Murdoos were will appear in the sequel- " The three companies of the 9th, under Captain Hazard, being Destruction left with the Pioneers to destroy the fort, a work by no means to be oi the fort - envied, on the 25th of May, a company of the 16th under Captain 206 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLS. Chap. VIII. M'Donnell, was sent ten miles off to garrison Tuticorin, which the enemy had abandoned." Reminiscences of the Dumb Brother. " I have already," says General Welsh, " made mention, but I can- not close this account of horrors, without a few words, in memorj r of one of the most extraordinary mortals I ever knew ; a near relation of Kattaboma Nayaka, who was both deaf and dumb, was well known by the English under the appellation of dumby or the dumb brother ; by the Mussulmans, as Mookah, and by the Hindus as Umai — all having the like signification. He was a tall, slender lad, of a very sickly appearance, yet possessing that energy of mind, which, in troubled times, always gains pre-eminence ; whilst in his case, the vei'y defect which would have impeded another proved a powerful Veneration in auxiliary in the minds of ignorant and superstitious idolaters. The which the Umai was adored ; his slightest sign was an oracle, and every man was held. ^ ew to execu te whatever he commanded. No council assembled at which he did not preside ; no daring adventure was undertaken which he did not lead. His method of representing the English was extremely simple ; he collected a few little pieces of straw, arranged them on the palm of his left hand to represent the English force; then with other signs, for the time, &c, he drew the other hand across and swept them off, with a whizzing sound from his mouth, which was the signal for attack ; and he was generally the foremost in executing those plans for our annihilation. Whatever undisciplined valour could effect was sure to be achieved wherever he appeared ; though poor Umai was at last doomed to grace a gallows. He had escaped, as it were, by miracle, in every previous engagement. " On the 24th of May when the fort was wrenched from them, and the whole were retreating, pursued by our cavalry, poor Umai fell, covered with wounds, near a small village, about three miles from Panjalamkurichi. As soon as our troops had returned from the pur- suit, Colonel Agnew instantly ordered the Ettiapureans to follow them till night, offering rewards for any men of consequence, dead or alive. Our allies, consequently, set out with great glee, somewhat late in the evening ; and in the meantime an appearance of quiet induced some women of the village to proceed to the field of carnage, in the hope of finding some of the sufferers capable of receiving succour. Amongst Heisdiscover- the heaps of slain they discovered the son of one of the party still ed amongst breathing, and after weeping over him they began to raise him up, when exerting his little remaining strength, he exclaimed, ; ! mother, let me die, but try to save the life of Swamy, who lies wounded near me.' The word he used fully justifies my assertion of their adora- tion, as its literal meaning is a deity. The woman, animated by the same feelings, immediately obeyed her dying son, and speedily found Umai weltering in his blood, but still alive ; and these extraordinary matrons immediately lifted and carried him to the mother's house, where they were busily employed stanching his wounds, when they wpvp alarmed by n fled to Sivagangai. It was the only considerable in Sivagan- palaiyani to which he could flee. The Tondiman Rajah had always been a fast friend of the English, and had surrendered his elder brother to them two years before. The Ramnad Setupati was also on the English side. Had it not been indeed for the English his territories would have been swallowed up ere then by the Marudus. He had also a rival amongst his own relations, one Mulappan, whose plots were only kept in check by the energy and vigilance of the English. In addition to this, Ramnad had long been the head-quarters of the Collector of the South, and even after the cession of the country it continued to be under the Collector, Mr. Lushington, whose Head Assistant administered its affairs. What, however, especially rendered it impossible for the Panjalamkurichi Poligar to expect any help or sympathy from Ramnad was the circumstance that he and his fellow conspirator, the Poligar of Nftgalapuram, had long been in the habit of sending plundering expeditions into the Ramnad territory. Only two years before the brother of the Nagalapuram Poligar had been hanged for the atrocities he had committed in those expeditions. It was out of the question, therefore, that Kattaboma Nayaka and his adherents should betake themselves to Ramnad. It was natural, on the other hand, that Kattaboma Nayaka should betake himself in his emergency to the Marudus, because it was mainly CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 215 through the counsel of the Marudus that he had been instigated Chapter IX. to rebel. Mr. Lushington, as we learn from the records, had „, T " . , , Mr. Lushing- become acquainted with the correspondence that had taken place ton's policy. between Sivagangai and Panjalamkurichi, but he was obliged to refrain from taking any notice of it in his communications with the Marudu till Panjalamkurichi had been taken, lie wisely concluded that it was sufficient to have one Poligar war on his hands at a time. Neither General Welsh nor Mr. Hughes was aware of this circumstance ; neither were they aware of the special reason why the Marudu was so hostile to the English Government and so ready to share the fortunes of its enemies. On Mr. Lushington's taking charge of the Southern Poligar Explanation administration he sent for the Marudu and called upon him to ° f . the ^"^ produce the documents which proved him to be descended from Marudus. Seshavarna, the founder of the family, and to be entitled to hold the estate. The Marudu promised to produce the documents, well knowing that it was impossible for him to do so, seeing that no such documents existed, as he did not belong to the family at all, nor even to the same caste, but was an outsider and a mere usurper. This demand of Mr. Lushington was sufficient to con- vince him that danger was in store for him. He would probably also conclude that no amount of submissiveness on his part would suffice to avert the danger, and that, therefore, his best policy would be to set his back to the wall and fight it out. This accounts for the eagerness with which he espoused the cause of the defeated Poligar of Panjalamkurichi and the resolute courage with which he fought to the end. Amongst other devices he wrote a letter to the Madras Government against Mr. Lushington, denounc- ing him as the stirrer-up of all disturbances, and asking for his removal and the appointment of a better Collector in his room. After the English force left Ramnad, with the intention of marching on the Marudu's capital and citadel, he took the oppor- tunity of sending a force into the Ramnad country, which seized possession of the northern Ramnad taluks and beset and threat- ened Ramnad itself. Mr. Lushington thought it best to leave Smaller forts those taluks unrelieved till the termination of the campaign. ac The fort of Kamudi, garrisoned by an English force, was hardly pressed, but held out beyond expectation. The fort of Tirupattur, which was occupied by a party from Colonel Martinz ' Ramnad Corps, was seized in great triumph by the Marudus. Whilst these affairs were going on, a naval war, on an exceed- Small naval ingly small scale, was being earned on in the Bay of Tondy, or Palk Strait. Though the Zamindari of Sivagangai was altogether inland, it had been agreed by the Setupati, when the territory was partitioned, that a town on the sea-coast should be given to Sivagangai. so that it might have an outlet for its commerce. war. 216 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY Chapter IX. This was the sea-port town of Tondy (pronounced Tondi, but properly Tundi) l of which the Poligar of Sivagangai was appointed lord. The Marudu commissioned a number of dhoneys, or small coasting country vessels, at Tondi to seize all dhoneys found sailing in the bay with cargoes of rice. The rice thus seized was sent into the interior, to the Sivagangai country, to help to victual the forts that were, or were likely to be, beleagured. Thereupon the Master Attendant at Paumban, by Mr. Lushington's orders, equipped a superior kind of country vessel as a cutter, armed her, and cruised along the coast to suppress this new sort of piracy. He soon succeeded in his object, capturing some of the Marudu's vessels and burning others. Another object in view was to prevent the escape of any of the rebels by sea. Success of Master Attendant of Pauinben Nature of the enemy's resistance. Burning of Siruvayal. The Capture of Kalaiyarkovil. I now return to the operations of Colonel Agnew's force against the Marudu. The first place attacked was Sherewele, that is Siruvayal, the Marudu's capital, called in the Ordnance Map Serravail, situated almost due north of Kalaiyarkovil : — " This town had become of some note since the rise of the Marudu's fortunes. He made it his constant residence, and it was conjectured that he might here make some vigorous stand. The march, not more than 8 or 9 miles, occupied us all the day, though the main road was a very good one ; it lay through a strip of country of the general breadth of 1,200 or 1,500 yards, shut in on each side by high and strong jungle, whilst the intermediate space was everywhere crossed or flanked by the banks of tanks, close palmyra topes, or occasional patches of thin and common jungle, all that the Poligar could covet for his desultory warfare. The enemy was abundantly armed, and he possessed a great number of the small guns of his own particular description. The firing on his part was incessant all the day through, and a distant hearer might have concluded that we were in desperate conflict, but happily it was all noise and random firing, and did no serious harm ; our own field-pieces rarely opened but when the Poli- gars were in great crowds in front and on the flanks. Whenever our parties closed in upon them, they retreated to other points. The country to the left, nurth of our main body, seemed that in which the enemy harboured with most confidence, and on this side was stationed Major Shephard with his corps as a flanking column. Our equip- ments and baggage were an enormous mass, and would have afforded much temptation to a more enterprising enemy. At sunset we reached our grouud, and found the large town of Sherevail in general confla- gration." The people had set fire to their houses with their own hands and fled into the jungles. The flames, accelerated by a high wind, 1 There is a sea-port town also on the Western Coast called Tundi or Kadal-tundi, tbeTyndis of the Greeks. CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 217 spread with great fury, so that the fine extensive village, with its Chapter IX. broad and regular streets, and the Marudu's palace fell into the hands of the troops without opposition. This was on the 30th of July. On the following day the army commenced to cut its way through the jungle to Kalaiyarkovil, one of the thickest and most impenetrable jungles in the Carnatic. " Colonel Agnew entertained a sanguine belief that the opening for A road to be the force of an entire new road to Kalaiyarkovil would be a far more °£* j^3f eligible operation than assaulting strong and numerous barriers that were known to be constructed with all the care and ingenuity the Poligars show in such defences, and which at that moment would certainly have cost us very dear. The work of opening this road com- menced with considerable alacrity, though it indeed proved through- out a most laborious undertaking. The line that was to be opened was estimated at not less than 5 or 6 miles from the skirts of the jungle opposite the encampment to the pagoda of Kalaiyarkovil, and by far the larger part of this was accomplished when sickness spread over our camp and much yet remained to be done. The enemy too had now for some time learnt to carry on, under secure cover, a very harassing resistance to our parties, as they moved up each successive morning, exposed in the open space or avenue they had made for themselves, to pursue the work of approach to Kalaiyarkovil." General Welsh wrote a journal of each day's proceedings. The following extracts describing the work done for four days in suc- cession in cutting a road through the jungle under fire will give a clear idea of the nature and difficulty of the undertaking. " August 6th. — The detachment accompanying our working party Attack on a was commanded by Major Graham, who found a high bank, at the P end of the road cut the day before, had been scooped out and formed into a cover for a large body of the enemy, where they had thrown across three separate hedges, and got four guns to bear from it upon the road. This post they defended with great resolution, and killed and wounded many of our men, whose determined bravery, however, nothing could repel, and their opponents were at length put to flight. Their constant habit of dragging away their dead and wounded upon all occasions where they were not too closely pursued led us to suppose their loss to have been considerable, as their blood could be traced in every direction through the surrounding jungle. Our loss was also very great ; but after the bank was stormed and taken the work proceeded without opposition, and by the evening we had cut two hundred and thirty- seven yards. " Augiist 1th. — A foraging party under Lieutenant-Colonel Dahym- Another post pie obtained a large quantity of straw without opposition. The ea " working party under Major M'Leod being heard firing for upwards of an hour, Lieutenant Little was sent out with a detachment to bring away the wounded. He returned with the pleasing intelligence, that not a man had been seriously hurt, though the bank was again defended and again stormed. It was at length taken in flank, but the enemy succeeded in carrying off their guns and all their killed 28 218 HISTORY Or TIXXEVELI.Y. CiiAPTP.R IX. and wounded. The jungle was so impenetrable that only one party under Lieutenant King gained their flank in time ; another, despatched in the opposite direction, under Major M'Pherson, did not arrive till some time afterwards, or they would have secured the enemy's guns. No further opposition was offered, and the party returned, after having cut about three hundred and fifty yards. A post taken. "On the 8th the foraging party under Major Sheppard again brought in a considerable quantity of straw ; and by the covering party under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lalrymple, the bank was found again raised, hedged, and defended, and was again gallantly taken in flank. The right party alone, however, under Lieutenant Fletcher, put the enemy to flight ; since the left division did not arrive in time, on account of the thickness of the jungle. The Poligars, on finding themselves likely to be out-flanked, fired a volley down the road, which did no damage, and absconded. Considering the strength of their position, our loss was very small. The pagoda of Kalaiyar- kovil, to which we were working, was this day distinctly seen by the covering party, who returned after cutting five hundred yards. A redoubt " On the 9th our working party was commanded by Major Sheppard, ereUed. ^q c l ia nged his mode of attack, by opening all the guns, and throwing a few shells into the work, by which plan he took possession without the loss of a man. In consequence of the very powerful and repeated impediments to our speedy advance, which this bank had already thrown out, we were to-day ordered to fortify it as a post ; and by the evening therefore a tolerable field redoubt for three hundred men and three guns was completed and occupied before we came away, by a fresh party from the camp under Colonel Lines. It was a square of thirty yards, the south face being on the bank towards Kalaiyarkovil with an enormous tamarind tree of such dimensions that we could not cut it down, close to it ; from whence both Sherewele (Siruvayal) and Kalaiyarkovil were clearly visible. " This turned out a very irksome and dispiriting warfare, as the hand that dealt the blow was rarely seen, and to return it on our part with any effect was next to impossible. Our supplies too, from the extreme closeness of the country and the crowds of peons about, became very precarious, and at last they coidd be brought up only by the movement of whole corps at a time for their protection." An entire month was spent in this arduous endeavour to reach Kalaiyarkovil by cutting away to it through the jungle. Accord- ingly General Welsh says : — The attempt " To-day, August 30, it was resolved to quit this place, without th^unef further prosecuting our attempt to roach Kalaiyarkovil from the abandoned. Sherewele side ; and the rejoicing was unanimous, at the prospect of leaving a place which had been the grave of so many of our brave comrades. Even the honour which we lost, in abandoning the Labours of a whole month, was forgotten, in viewing the comparative facility which the opposite direction held out. Our camp had become sickly, and many were suffering from diarrhoea and dysentery ; indeed, both officers and men had died of this vile scourgo ; while even those who CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 219 continued to enjoy good health, were heartily sick of a standing camp, Chapter IX. in a spot where the only green that met the eye was the impenetrable forest in which we had been foiled by cowards, of such a persevering nature, however, that although beating them every hour, they had succeeded so completely to surround us, that we could neither send a letter, nor receive one, even from Palamcotta, for a whole month. Many attempts had been made to elude their vigilance, but I believe Attempt* to every one failed. I had myself given a friendly Poligar, who, knowing convey letters. the people and every inch of the country, had volunteered the adven- ture, an advance of five pagodas, with one small letter ; and he was on delivery to have received a similar sum, equal in the whole to four pounds sterling ; I afterwards learned, that though he set out in a dark night, he was discovered and put to death within a few miles from our camp. " On the 1st of September, a working party was sent out, with the The force usual escort, to destroy all our thirty-two days' handiwork in the jungle moves otf. which they fully accomplished, by demolishing the redoubts and burning all the brushwood in their neighbourhood ; and returned with the out-guards to camp without opposition." The force now moved off to make a detour by the western and northern approaches, which were ascertained to be more open to attack. This period was marked by a proceeding that had a most bene- ficial influence on our affairs. " The Collector of the Poligar Peshcush had with great judgment The true heir sought out the heir to the pollam, and under the authority of the proclaimed. Government, this personage now received in camp an investiture of his country with great ceremony and publicity. He had in his child- hood been adopted by the last representative of the proper family of the pollam, but had been compelled to forego his expectations, to fly for his life and remain in deep obscurity, the Marudu in his early days being much too powerful a chief to allow him to entertain any hope of restoration. His adherents now, however, pressed his claims with much zeal, and the Government with very seasonable justice and consideration determined on their entire recognition of them, and his elevation was hailed by the population in general with the highest satisfaction." The person thus elevated was described by Mr. Lushington as collateral heir on the failure of direct heirs. He did not rest his claim on his having been adopted in his childhood by the last Poligar. There was a still nearer collateral heir, who was rejected by Mr. Lushington on account of his having married a daughter of Vellai Marudu and being attached to his cause. The new Zamindar was called Permattoor Odeya Tavar (properly Paura- Vallaba-Udaiya-Dova of Padamattur). On his appointment he was made Zamindar, not Poligar, and in this case, as has been shown elsewhere, the difference in name denoted a real difference. General Welsh gives an animated account of Udaiya Deva's institution. The effect his appointment produced in thawing 220 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY, Success of the measure. Capture of a fortified pagodat Meaning of Kalaiyar- kovil. Chapter IX. away at once from the Marudus many of their followers vindicated the wisdom of Mr. Lushington's policy. It was a measure, however, which sooner or later he would have carried into effect all the same, for he did not wish so high a hereditary dignity as that of Zamindar of Sivagangai to remain in the hands of a usurper. 1 ' Colonel Agnew about this time made a night movement with the cavalry and some native details to attack Peramally, which was surprised and taken possession of without any material occurrence. It was judiciously chosen, and it had been reported that the garrison was collecting stores for some ulterior object, and its situation also allowed of parties from it much disturbing our communication with Trichinopoly, which led to this visit. The post itself consisted of a handsome pagoda situated on the brow of a hill, from whence ran a wall enclosing a small village below. The garrison seeing our move- ments to turn their rear, escaped by a close passage in that direction leading to jungles on the opposite side of the hill. The resistance it offered was very feeble." By Peramally (Prawmullay in the Ordnance Map) we are to understand Piramalai, properly Piran-malai, a shrine sacred to (Piran) Vishnu. I may mention here that Kalaiyarkovil is a Saiva shrine of considerable celebrity. Kalai is the Tamil word for a bull, and stands here for Siva's Vrishabha or sacred bull. Siva is worshipped there as Kalai-isvara. On the 1st of October the whole force advanced upon Kalaiyar- kovil in three divisions, converging on the place from three direc- tions. One of these divisions marched the previous night so as to endeavour to reach Kalaiyarkovil under cover of the darkness by the road cut through the jungle. The other divisions met with considerable opposition, but at length succeeded in forcing their way to the citadel. The fortunes of the division which started the previous night shall be told by Mr. Hughes himself : — " During the critical period he (Mr. Hughes) had watchfully fixed his attention on the state of the road that had been opened by the force from Sherevail. All his intelligence went to corroborate the account that this point was now left entirely unguarded, the enemy seeming to view it as far too remote from our main body to need any precaution. The distance indeed was something to be considered by ourselves, but it was certain that the enemy would be sharply employed everywhere, and Colonel Agnew therefore approved of the movement of a small column in that direction. It was arranged that it should proceed in such deep secrecy overnight that even our own camp should not be apprized of its movement, since we had now many of the inhabitants about us who might play us false, and it was urged, as equally desirable, that in its passage forward it should carefully avoid every hamlet that no alarm might bo given. It met not with the smallest impediment, and from the end of the excellent road that had been abandoned a month before as altogether unavailable, paths Attack on the place in three divisions. Success of the advance through the forest. CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 221 were found which had been traversed by the enemy whilst opposing Chapter IX. our working parties, quite open to tho very walls of Kalaiyarkovil. The surprise and panic by our sudden appearance in this most unlooked-for quarter, caused an instantaneous abandonment of the place, and as rapid an escape of every soul to the contiguous jungle ; Colonel Agnew was kept at a stand for a short time from the numerous obstacles thrown in the way of his attack — there was of course the usual incessant firing and much general uproar — but the first barrier being penetrated at the flank, the flight of the enemy became general through the numerous narrow paths about, and they had been apprized, it is palpable, of the fall of their stronghold, which must have much enfeebled their resistance. Every point of defence from the interior one to Kalaiyarkovil was found deserted, and on discovering the pagoda, our Commandant had the high satisfaction of perceiving our sentinels Meeting of on the walls. The meeting indeed was alike happy to every one, f ^ 8 aC mg since here was an end to this irksome service." "The pagoda of Kalaiyarkovil," says General "Welsh, " is a Description of very large and handsome building, surrounded by a strong stone kaiaiyar- wall about eighteen feet in height and forming one angle of the fort, which was nearly dismantled. The enemy seemed quite disheartened and bewildered by our different attacks at the same moment, and hardly a soul appeared during the remainder of the day. We found here twenty-one guns, mostly mounted, and a great quantity of stores ; there were also many articles of European furniture, and amongst them two clocks and several pier-glasses. The fort had been well built and was extensive, but the town, covered by a thick hedge only, formed one face of it and contained many excellent houses. It had indeed, never been a place of very great strength, but our local information was never such as could be relied upon, and no European in the camp knew anything about the state of the country. I had, myself, to my shame be it mentioned, actually passed through it a few months before, and been entertained by Vellai Marudu in his palace at Sherewele ; but had not then the slightest idea of ever again entering it, much less as a foe." Events that followed the Capture of Kalaiyarkovil. Kalaiyarkovil was taken on the 1st of October (1801), and from that day all resistance in the field was abandoned by the rebels as hopeless. General Welsh gives the details of the hunt after the refugees. " On the 3rd a division under Major Sheppard marched from camp Advance to at sunrise, with orders to proceed, via Kalaiyarkovil, to Mangalam, Mangalam. where it was understood we were to meet a large body of the enemy. We arrived there, however, without opposition, at half past 2 p.m., and formed our camp with the rear to the village and an immense tank in our front, on the bund or bank of which our quarter-guards were 222 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY. Chapteu IX. The rebels disbanded. Execution of the principal rebels. Results of the victory. Minor rebels sent to Tutiioiin. posted. The villagers, on seeing a white flag at our approach, came out to meet us, saying, that Marudu with two thousand men had been lately there, but had retreated into the jungle ; and in the evening the headmen from nine villages came in to take cowle from Major Sheppard. The road from Kalaiyarkovil to this place was entirely through jungle, in some parts very thick, and though hardly wide enough for carriages, was in other respects very good when we had removed the thorns and milk -hedges which were occasionally thrown across it. There was only one barrier on the skirt of the jungle, about six furlongs from Mangalam, intended to defend the approach from Eamnad, and this our Pioneers demolished in about two hours, and then returned under an escort to Kalaiyarkovil. Colonel Agnew hav- ing returned to Madras on the 4th of October, we were again put under the orders of Major Colin Macaulay, and remained inactive, waiting to hear from him. The headmen of fifty villages came in to-day to take cowle, and brought intelligence that the Marudus had disbanded their forces ; and, with only two hundred followers, had secreted them- selves in the Shangrapoy jungle. This we considered as very good news, for we were not a little weary of such a tedious and unprofitable warfare. What followed afterwards was, indeed, of little importance, the enemy nowhere making head against us ; parties were sent to hunt them down in the different jungles. In a few days both the Marudus, with their families, Kattabonia Nayaka, Dalavay Pillai, and the Dumb Brother, were all taken, and the men all hanged, excepting Dora Swamy, the youngest son of Chinna Marudu, and Dalavay Pillai, who, being of less consequence, were transported for life to Prince of Wales' Island, with seventy of their devoted followers ; and thus ended this most harassing warfare, in which the expenditure of life had been profuse and the result any thing but honourable to the survivors." When General Welsh speaks of the result of the campaign as dishonourable, he speaks from the point of view of a military critic. He meant that the English force gained no honour by the loss of time, life, and treasure it incurred in putting down so uncivilized a foe. From the point of view of Government, of the civil community, and of posterity, the results of the war were highly satisfactory. This Poligar war achieved the distinction of being the last of its kind. The Marudus were hanged on the highest bastion of the fort of Tirupattur, a town and fort in their own territory already referred to. Kattaboma Nayaka and his dumb brother, the persons chiefly responsible for all this loss of life, were brought back to Panjalam- kurichi, and there hanged on the mound near the fort which had been erected for the use of the breaching battery. The mound is still visible. Colonel Agnew, leaving a corps in Sivagangai, returned to Palamcotta, and Captain Welsh was detached to com- mand Tuticorin, where he superintended the transportation of seventy of the convicted rebels, including Chinna Marudu's younger CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 223 son, a youth whom he treated with the greatest kindness con- Chapter IX. sistent with his duty to the State. Strange to say, eighteen years afterwards he met his former prisoner in Penang. Not only was the fort of Panjalamkurichi pulled down and levelled to the ground, but, to make assurance doubly sure and to produce an Fate of impression on the popular mind, the site was ploughed over and u a I nj ^ lam " cultivated. It was ordered also that the name of Panjalamkurichi should be removed from all maps and accounts. Notwithstanding this it found a place afterwards in the Ordnance Map, where it appears as " Panjalamkurichi in ruins." Nothing now remains to mark the spot but a few traces of the mound erected as a breach- ing battery, on which the Poligar and his dumb brother were hanged, and the enclosure in the neighbourhood containing the tombs of the officers and men who fell in the last two assaults. The remains of those who fell in the first assault are just outside Ottapidaram. During Colonel Agnew's absence and up to the end of the year the Collector, Mr. Lushington, had been strenuously exerting himself in hunting down those rebels that were still at large, apprehending their friends and sympathisers, and restoring to Sivagangai and Kamnad, as well as to Tinnevelly, a feeling of protection and security. The principal rebel then captured was Sivattaiya Nayaka, who Capture of was regarded by many as the real author of the rebellion, though ua ai}fl " he had always managed to escape conviction. An amnesty was proclaimed, on the Government passing from the Nawab to the East India Company, from which, however, two persons were excepted. One of these exceptions was Sivattaiya Nayaka, who was captured near Srlvilliputtur and brought by a strong military escort to the fort of Palamcotta. Another person excepted from the amnesty, also captured, was the Mitppan of Kulasekharapatta- nam. Another was one Dalavay Pillai, who led the authorities a long chase, but was at last caught. The Maravas of Nanguneri The Maravas gave him an asylum, and got up a little rebellion on his account, ° ftn s ,men - as well as on their own, so that it was found necessary to send a force of 100 sepoys, under a European officer, to reduce them to submission. Some of these petty rebels were sent off to be imprisoned in the fort of Kamudi, in the Ramnad country. The most formidable of their ringleaders were sent to Madras. I quote the following from Mr. Lushington's letter to the Madras Government already cited. "Upon the transfer of Tinnevelly in July last, the condition of the Lushington's Kavalgars, the nominal protectors of the villages, urgently demanded dealings with my consideration. During the rebellion of Panjalamkurichi they g arg> fomented and aided the disturbance in every quarter ; and after the 224 HISTORY OF TIXNEVELLY. Chapter IX. reduction of the place many of them continued to wander about the country in armed bodies plundering the villages, robbing the people, and intimidating the Mahajens (Brahmins) and principal inhabitants to obtain their pardon from the Circar. As the peace and prosperity of the country demanded immediate measures to arrange these disorders, and as I apprehended no ill-consequence from the return of the Kavalgars to their villages, they were invited to come in peace to their habitations with the exception, however, of those whose conduct had been particularly atrocious. Their long connection with the Poligars and occasional sufferings from a faithless administration created at first in their minds a distrust of my intentions ; but when I succeeded in convincing them of the sincerity of the pardon offered to the obedient, they returned, and have remained from that period regardless of the endeavour* made by Dalavoy Pillai to seduce them Remuneration from the strict performance of all their duties. The regular enjoyment -kavalgars. Q £ ^g^ ruS g 00 m (fees) and privileges seems to have converted them from plunderers to the submissive servants of the Circar, and there appears to me to be nothing wanting to destroy the influence of the Poligars over them, and to fix their attachment to the Company upon the solid ground of self-interest, but formally to relinquish all claims upon them to kaunikai or peshcush, which they were always compelled to pay to the Poligars, nominally from their rassooms, but really from their depredations. The amount in the whole Province is as shown in No. 16, and I have given them hopes of a remission of these sums, which I trust you will find it just and politic to confirm. The use which they made of the Poligar's name, whilst they remained at his devotion, rendered the acquirement of this amount a matter of perfect facility to them at that period, but now that every effort is made to keep them rigorously to the performance of their watching duties the whole of their privileges are no more than sufficient for their subsist- ence. Exception of "From the satisfaction given by the Kavalgars in general, you are ne-ri Mart"" aware, that I have to except the Marava Kavalgars of Naugancherry vars. (Nanguneri). The notorious profligacy and savageness of their character always checked any sanguine expectation of retaining them, but no effort was omitted to accomplish their reform by convincing them of the justice of the Company's Government. But their obsti- nate concealment and protection of rebels proscribed by Lieutenant- Colonel Agnew and their refusal to tender any surety of their submis- sion and allegiance compelled the exercise of that coercion which was explained in my correspondence of October last. Upon mature investigation Lieutenant-Colonel Agnew conceived their conduct to have been of so heinous a tendency and of such dangerous example as to make them fit objects of transportation and banishment from the country. The eight principal Kavalgars of Nangancheri were accord- ingly sent as convicts from Tnticorin, and the duties have been since very satisfactorily performed by the original possessors of the kaval of the village, the Shanar inhabitants." "Whilst the disloyal Poligars suffered the punishment duo to them for their rebellion, Government did not forget to reward CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 225 those Poligars that remained loyal, especially those that were near Chapter IX. neighbours to Panjalamkurichi and who might have been expected to take the rebel chief's side. The Poligar of Maniyatchi, whose refusal to join in the rebellion brought down upon him a great deal of local odium, fled for refuge at the beginning of the war to Palamcotta, where he remained, with the permission of the Collector, till its close. The Poligar of Melamandai also refused to join in the rebellion and fled to llamnad. The Board of Revenue warmly eulogised his conduct. They observed that, " though of the same caste with the family of Panjalamkurichi, he resisted every artifice and threat that was made use of to force him into the league." Both these Poligars were liberally rewarded for Lojal the service they rendered to the State by keeping out of the ^V^rded. rebellion. At the close of the war the two southern " Maganams " of Panjalamkurichi were conferred on the Maniyatchi Poligar, whilst the Poligar of Melamandai was rewarded by a present of a portion of the lands of the deposed Poligars of Kadalgudi and Kulattur. The Ettiapuram Poligar had already been liberally rewarded by a gift of four out of the six Maganams into which the forfeited estate had been divided. The Government were anxious to avoid even the appearance of wishing to derive any pecuniary advantage from the punishment inflicted on the rebel- lious Poligars, and therefore in every instance of the forfeiture of a palaiyam for rebellion, instead of appropriating the palaiyam, or any part of it, to itself, the only use it made of the forfeited lands was to divide them as rewards amongst its loyal adherents. It will be seen from the proclamation issued by Government at the close of the rebellion that this was its fixed line of policy in such cases. Cession of the Country to the English Government. Tinnevelly, together with the rest of the Carnatic, had now been Results of the peaceably ceded by treaty to the East India Company, a cession ce881on - which brought with it not merely a change of rulers, but a change of principles, a change in the objects and methods of government, a change out of which an infinite number of beneficial changes were sure to be developed as time went on. The act of cession was dated on the 31st July 1801, and on the same day an order was issued by the Nawab to his principal Amildar in Tinnevelly to transfer all his accounts to the Company's representative and by the Madras Government to Mr. Lushington, appointing him their Collector, to be responsible to them alone in future for all matters of administration. One of the first works that occupied Mr. Lushington's attention after the close of the war 'was the " settlement " of Sivagangai. 29 ^G HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY. Chapter IX. I here give the principal portions of the important proclamation of the Madras Grovernment issued at the close of the last Poligar war Consequences of the rebel- lion. Future condition of Poligars. Kattaboma's offence. Suppression of the rebel- lion. Proofs of British Government's strength. Punishment of rebellion necessary. Loyalty rnwarded. Fort St. George, 1st December 1801. PROCLAMATION. 1. By a Proclamation bearing date the 9th day of December 1799, the Right Honor- able Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council of Fort St. George and all its dependencies, proclaims to all the Poligars of the Province of Tinnevelly, the conse- quences of the rebellion of Kattaboma Nayaka of Panjalamcourchy which has terminated in the ignominious death of that chieftain and of two of his confidential ministers. 2. By the same Proclamation, the Governor in Council further proclaims a defi- nition of the future condition of Poligars, and of the system of government which it was the intention of the Governor in Council to introduce for the administration of the affairs of the Poligar countries. 3. Before the Governor in Council could proceed to carry into execution the current system of measures described in that proclamation, the brother of Katta- boma Nayaka, instigated by the evil advice of Vellai Marudu and Chinna Marudu, Servaikaras of Sivagangai, was induced to disregard the awful example which had recently been exhibited to the Poligars of the Southern Provinces and to place the happiness and securit5 r of himself and of his adherents, not on the protection of the Honorable Company, but on the desperate hazard of defying in arms the power of the British Government. 4. The consequences of those infatuated councils were anticipated, and proclaimed to the Poligars and inhabitants of the Southern Provinces, at the time when the Right Honorable the Governor in Council assembled the British troops for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion excited, and maintained in arms, by the Poligars of Panjalamcourchy and of Virapakshi, and by the Servaikaras of Siva- gangai. 5. At the same time that the Right Honorable the Governor in Council regrets that the desperate resistance opposed to the British troops should have been attended with so great a loss of life to the deluded inhabitants, His Lordship feels it to bo his duty to impress on the minds of the Poligars, Servaikaras and inhabi- tants of the Southern Provinces, the danger of provoking the just indignation of the British Government, and the fruitless attempt of opposing the united strength of the Poligars, to the steadiness, valour and discipline of the British troops. The people of the Southern Provinces have now witnessed, that the difficulty of resist- ing the force of the Company's Government in open arms is not greater, than that of evading the perseverance, vigilance and activity of the Company's troops, in the native woods of the Poligars. 6. From the centre of those woods, the authors of the late rebellion have been brought before the tribunals, erected by the Government in Council, for tho trial of that hateful and desperate offence ; and the infatuated obstinance of those chief- tains, in neglecting the warning voice with which the Governor in Council had announced to them the danger of rebellion, has rendered indispensably necessary the signal punishments of their crimes : and the Governor in Council encourages a well-founded expectation, that the ignominious manner in which those misguided chieftains have terminated their ambitious and criminal career, will indelibly fix on the minds of their surviving families, and of the inhabitants of Tinnevelly, the danger of defying the British Government to arms. 7. At tho same time that tho Right Honorable the Governor in Council directs the attention of tho Sherogars, Poligars and people of the Southern Provinces to the just punishment of unprovoked rebellion, His Lordship contemplates with just pride and satisfaction the examples of steady attachment and honorable fidelity which the British Government has experienced from many of its dependants in the course of this unnatural and unavoidable warfare. As in the former case, the CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 22? Governor in Council has been reluctantly compelled to exhibit a memorable example Chapter IX. of the crime of sedition, so in the latter instance, His Lordship in Council has had the pleasure of augmenting the security, wealth and happiness of those whose zeal and loyalty have entitled them to the distinguished favor and protection of the British Government. 8. It will not escape the observation of the Poligars, Sherogars and inhabitants Estates of of the Southern Provinces, that the decisive success which has attended the progress rebels not of the British troops has created no deviation from the principles stated in the Pro- appropriated clamation bearing date the 9th December 1799. They will have observed that „?l nt although the necessity of preserving tranquillity and regular government has com- pelled the Governor in Council to punish the authors of rebellion, His Lordship has abstained from appropriating to the Company the lands forfeited by that dangerous crime ; they will have had the satisfaction of noticing the confidence reposed by the British Government in its subjects, by applying those forfeited lands to the means of augmenting the Pollams of the faithful Poligars, and from these examples they may derive the certain means of appreciating the principles of the British Government. 9. On the foundation described in this Proclamation, the Right Honorable the Hopes for Governor in Council encourages a reasonable hope that the causes of future com- the future, motion in the Southern Provinces have been supjjressed, and the Poligars, Servai- karas and inhabitants will rely on the protection of the British Government in the assurance of enjoying their civil rights and the religious institution of their ancestors. 10. Wherefore the Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council All weapons of Fort St. George, with the view of preventing the occurrence of the fatal evils prohibited, which have attended the possession of arms by the Poligars and Servaikaras of the Southern Provinces, and with the view of inforcing the conditions of the Proclama- tion published by Major Bannerman on the 2nd day of October 1799, formally announces to the Poligars, Servaikaras and inhabitants of the Southern Provinces, the positive determination of His Lordship in Council to suppress the use and exercise of all weapons of offence, with the exception of such as shall be authorized by the British Government. 11. The military service heretofore rendered by the Poligars having been sup- Arms no pressed, and the Company having in consequence charged itself with the protection longer neces- and defence of the Poligar countries, the possession of fire-arms and weapons of sar y € offence is manifestly become unnecessary to the safety of the people ; the Right Honorable the Governor in Council therefore orders and directs all persons, whether Poligars, Colleries or other inhabitants possessed of arms in the Provinces of Dindigul, Tinnevelly, Ramnadpurarn, Sivagangai and Madura, to deliver the said arms, consisting of Muskets, Matchlocks, Pikes, Gingauls and Sarabogoi to Lieutenant-Colonel Agnew, the Officer now commanding the forces in those Pro- vinces, or such persons as he may appoint to receive them. 12. The Right Honorable the Governor in Council, in the determination of Evil custom carrying this resolution into effect, is governed by no other motives than those to }> e ralin- connected with the sacred duty of providing for the permanent tranquillity of those ( l msned - countries. His Lordship disclaims ever}' wish for subjecting the chiefs and heredi- tary landlords to any humiliation, but the discountenance of the general use of arms, according to the prevailing habits of those countries, being indispensably necessary to the preservation of peace and to the restoration of prosperity, the Governor in Council expects that the chieftains will with cheerfulness sacrifice a custom, now become useless, to the attainment of those important objects. 16. The Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council of Fort St. Amnesty to George and its dependencies, having now laid the foundation of a future perma- a ^ Dut a ^ evr - nent tranquillity in the Southern Provinces, by the entire suppression of the late united, extensive, and flagrant rebellion, and being further enabled to corroborate those foundations by the establishment of the undivided authority of the Company's Government in those Provinces, His Lordship in Council is desirous of relieving the minds of the Poligars, Servaikaras and people of the Southern Provinces from further solicitude or apprehension of the punishment provoked by the late rebel- 228 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter IX. bon, wherefore the Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council aforesaid, proclaims to the said Poligars, Servaikaras and inhabitants that, with the exception of Virapapdya Nayaka and Mookat Nayaka of Panjalamkurichi, Mulapen of Ramnad, and the persons now under restraint, whom it is the intention of His Lordship in Council to punish by banishment beyond the seas, the British Government now extends to all other persons who may have been induced to follow the desperate fortunes of the principal rebels, a free and full pardon of the offences which they have committed against the Company. The Governor in Council, therefore, assures such persons as may have been implicated in the crime of the late rebellion, that His Lordship in Council has relinquished every inten- tion of prosecuting the punishment of that rebellion, deeming the examples already exhibited to their observation to convey a sufficient impression of the power of the British Government. A permanent x "• ^ n the confident expectation of redeeming the people of the Southern Provinces assessment from the habits of predatory warfare, and in the hope of inducing them to resume promised to the arts of peace and agriculture, the Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, the Poligars. Governor in Council of Fort St. George aforesaid, announces to the Poligars and to all the inhabitants of their- Pollams, that it is the intention of the British Government to establish a permanent assessment of Revenue on the Lords of the Pollam upon the principles of Zemindary tenures, which assessment, being once fixed, shall be liable to no change in any time to come, that the Poligars, becoming by these means Zemindars of their hereditary estates, will be exempted from all military service, and that the possession of their ancestors w T ill be secured to them under the operation of limited and defined laws, to be printed and published, as well for the purpose of restoring its own officers to the regulations and ordinances of the Government, as of securing to the people their property, their lives, and the religious usages of their respective castes. (By the order of the Right Honorable Governor in Council.) (Signed) P. A. AGNEW, Lieutenant-Colonel, Camp Palamcottah, Commanding S. M. Districts. 26tk December 1801. This Proclamation forms as a very suitable termination of one period of the history of Tinnevelly and an equally suitable com- mencement of another. Concluding Remarks. Professor Wilson's anticipations. A mixed government, partly carried on on English principles and partly controlled by the Nawab's prejudices, came thus to an end and was succeeded by a government purely English, at unity with itself, and as just as it was powerful. The results of this change have been most important and valuable. Professor Wilson in his " Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandya " places in a striking light the course things would have taken if the English Government had not been enabled to interpose with authority. " It may be concluded," he says, " that had not a wise and powerful policy interfered to inforeo the habits of social life, the fine districts to the south of the Kaveri. most admirably fitted by nature to support an industrious population, would have reverted to the state in which tradition describes them long anterior to Christianity, and would once more have become a suitable domicile for the goblins of Havana or the apes of Hanumiin." CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 229 The first reflection that arises in one's mind on reading the Chapter IX. foregoing sketch of the history of this district is, that war seems to War the have been the normal condition of Tinnevelly, as of the rest of the normal condi- old Pandya country, and doubtless also it may be said, as of the coun try. rest of Southern India from the beginning of man's abode in these regions till A.D. 1801. A district that never from the beginning knew peace for 80 months together — probably never even for 80 weeks — has now enjoyed profound, uninterrupted peace for 80 years ! and in consequence of this all the arts of peace have had time to be developed and to approach something like perfection. Another conclusion which we seem to be entitled to form is Condition of that prior to the cession of the district to the English, the admini- steadily 6 mg stration of public affairs and the condition of the country and worse, people, instead of improving as time went on, in virtue of the lessons taught by the accumulated experience of the past, were steadily getting worse and worse. Things were worse under the Nayakas than under the Pandyas, worse still under the rule of the Nawab, and worst of all — as the night is at its darkest just before the dawn — during that deplorable period immediately before the interfer- ence of the English — when the Nawab's power had become merely nominal and the only real power that survived was that of fierce Poligars and avaricious " renters." Of the many beneficial changes that have taken place since then The Poligar one of the most remarkable is that which we see in the Poligars zemindar* 6 a themselves. The Poligar has become a Zamindar, and has changed his nature as well as his name. One can scarcely believe it possi- ble that the peaceful Nayaka and Marava Zamindars of the present day are the lineal descendants of those turbulent and apparently untameable chiefs, of whose deeds of violence and daring the history of the last century is so full. One asks also, can it be really true that the peaceful Nayaka ryots of the present day are the lineal descendants of those fierce retainers of the Poligars, who were so ready, at the merest word of their chief, to shed either their own blood or that of their chief's enemies ? The change wrought amongst the poorer class of the Maravas is not perhaps quite so complete, but many of them have merged their traditional occupation of watchmen in the safer and more reputable occupation of husbandmen, and it may fairly be said of the majority of the members of this caste that, though once the terror of the country, they are now as amenable to law and reason as any other class. The whole aspect of things in Tinnevelly has changed for the Improve- better in a wonderful degree since the assumption of the govern- men *f intro- ment of the district by the English, and beneficial changes of all kinds are still in progress. The thick impervious jungles which covered most of the plains and which had for generation after generation furnished the haunts and hiding-places of banditti have 230 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter IX. disappeared (perhaps only too completely), and cotton and food grains cover those tracts instead. Good roads have been made wherever they were required, all the rivers and the principal nullahs have been bridged over, carts have to a large extent taken the place of pack-bullocks, and transit duties have been utterly abolished. The whole district has been twice surveyed and mapped. Courts and cutcherries for the settlement of civil disputes and the repression of crime have succeeded to the arbitrary awards of irresponsible Pandits and illiterate Poligars. "Well-considered legal codes have been introduced. A police force has been organ- ized. Hospitals and dispensaries — institutions unknown before even by name — have been established in populous places. The Government in the great recent famine of 1877 has not left the people to perish, as they would have been left, and could not but have been left, in former times, but has set itself at whatever cost to preserve them from dying of hunger. Education has made great progress, not only amongst the Brahmans and the class of officials, but even amongst the poorer classes. The benefits of postal communication have been widely extended, and in our own day we have seen introduced the wonders of the railway and the Good govern- telegraph. A truly paternal government has not only helped the people in every emergency, but it has helped them to help themselves. It has not only governed them better than they were ever governed before, but has taught and encouraged them, as far as is possible at present, to govern themselves. It has endeavoured not to raise a few classes only, but to lift the whole community to a higher level. So quiet, peaceful, and contented has the district become that it is governed by the merest handful of Europeans. The population amounts (roughly) to seventeen lakhs (17,00,000), whilst the number of Europeans directly engaged in the govern- ment of the district, including the commanding officer of a single company of sepoys, themselves natives, does not exceed ten. We have thus the extraordinary spectacle of seventeen hundred thou- Proportionate sand natives submitting to be governed by ten Englishmen ! EnMish'and ^ or w 011 ^ ft be sufficient to say merely that they submit to be Natives. governed, they accept our government readily and willingly as the best government they have ever had and the best they are likely to have in this age of the world. This might almost be called a miracle, but it is at any rate a striking proof — and so I believe it is regarded by the natives themselves — that a strict admi- nistration of justice and unselfish efforts for the public good will ever ensure the loyal obedience of the best portion of the people and the approbation of the Supreme Rider of the world. Race after race of rulers has risen up in this country, has been tried and Prospects for found wanting, and has passed away. Can it then be expected the future. that the ^ of the j^gUs^ is to last for ever? perhaps not ; CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 231 " for ever" is a strong expression ; but this I think may safely be Chapter IX. predicted, that their rule will be allowed to continue as long as they rule, as on the whole they have ruled, or at least endeavoured to rule, hitherto, not for their own selfish ends merely, or for the benefit of a particular class merely, but for the benefit of the whole people of the land. Note on the Separation of Ramnad from Tinnevelly. Ramnad, together with Sivagangai, though never considered a portion of Tinnevelly, was always included with Tinnevelly for the purposes of government under the same head, from the first intro- duction of English control, in the person of a Superintendent of Assigned Revenue in 1781, to 1803. During Mr. Lushington's Collectorote, Mr. Parish, his Head Assistant, took special charge of Ramnad affairs. On the introduction of the permanent settlement into Ramnad that year and the establishment of a Zillah Court therein, Mr. Parish was appointed Collector of the Ramnad Zillah, including the districts of Madura and Dindigul. Mr. Cochrane, who was appointed Collector of the now diminished "province" of Tinnevelly, took charge of the district on the 5th November 1803. Thus, whilst Mr. Parish was the first Collector of Ramnad with Madura, &c, Mr. Cochrane was the first Collector of Tinne- velly alone. Even then his authority did not extend over the whole district, for the " Pollams " or Zamindaris in Tinnevelly remained for some years in connexion with Ramnad as before. Ramnad occupied the place of honor in the new arrangement. The Board of Revenue say, " the Zillah of Ramnad, which includes the Zamindari of Shevagungah and the Zemindaries of Tinne- velly, and the districts of Dindigul and Madura, with their depen- dent Pollams and those of Manapara, form one Collectorate under the charge of Mr. Gr. Parish." The shorter title generally used was " Zillah Ramnad, Dindigul, and Madura," and sometimes "Zillah Ramnad" alone. In 1808 the Zillah of Ramnad was abolished, and the twenty-nine small Zamindaris, formerly deno- minated " the Tinnevelly Pollams," were incorporated with the district of Tinnevelly. 232 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. CHAPTER X. MISSIONS IN TINNEVELLY PEIOR TO THE CESSION OF THE COUNTRY TO THE ENGLISH, 1801. PART I. ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS. Portuguese expedition. Baptism of the Paravas on the Tin ne velly coast. Chapter X. It has already been mentioned, in our account of the settlements of the Portuguese on the Tinnevelly coast, that the commencement of the Roman Catholic Mission in Tinnevelly dates from 1532, when certain Paravas, representatives of the Paravas or fishing caste, visited Cochin for the purpose of supplicating the aid of the Por- tuguese against their Muhammadan oppressors, and were baptized there by Michael Vaz, Vicar General of the Bishop (not yet Arch- bishop) of Groa. The same ecclesiastic, with other priests, accom- panied the fleet which sailed for the purpose of chastising the Muhammadans, and as soon as that object was accomplished, set about baptizing the Paravas all along the coast, in accordance with the agreement into which their representatives had entered. The entire Parava caste adopted the religion of their Portuguese deliver- ers, and most of them received baptism. Some, however — probably in the villages on the Ramnad coast — did not receive baptism from some cause till Xavier's time, ten years afterwards. The Paravas thus Christianized — called generally at that time the Comorin Christians — inhabited thirty villages, and numbered, according to the most credible account, twenty thousand souls. These villages extended all the way along the coast at irregular intervals from Cape Comorin to the island-promontory of Ramesvaram, if not beyond, and the coast itself, called at first the Comorin coast, came to be more commonly called, on account of the pearl fishery for which it was famed, the " Fishery Coast," or simply " the Fishery." It does not appear that any village in the interior joined in the movement ; and even in the fishing villages on the coast Vaz's work seems to have been very superficial, for though he is described as a kind protector of the Paravas, they appear to have continued totally uninstructed till Xavier appeared on the scene. Francis Xavier's a nival and work. Xavier. This celebrated Missionary, Francis Xavier, commenced his labours amongst the Paravas on the Tinnevelly coast towards the close of 1542, and laboured amongst them for about two years. He MISSIONS. 233 himself explains his own plan of procedure. Immediately after his Chapter X. arrival on the coast he had the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and the Decalogue translated into the vernacular. He then committed the translations to memory. Four months were occu- pied in this work, during which he resided in one of the Christian villages. Thus furnished, and accompanied by young Native interpreters, trained at Goa and able to speak Portuguese as well as Tamil, their mother tongue, he commenced his labours in the villages. Going about bell in hand he collected in every village a large concourse of people, whom he proceeded to instruct. It seems a pity that a man of such mental powers and devoted- Estimate of ness as Xavier should have expended his strength and nearly the a%ier - whole of his brief Indian life in the very rudimentary work described in his letters, and especially amongst people so ignorant and so destitute of influence in the Hindu community as the fisher people — that is, the Paravas on the eastern coast and the equivalent caste of fisher people, the Mukkuvas on the western coast — must then have been. It is to be remembered, however, that though a man of pre-eminent ability and of pre-eminent devotedness, he was not also a learned man. Up to the last he seems never to have been able to speak Tamil, but was always obliged to use the services of inter- preters. In this particular he was less fitted to labour successfully as a missionary amongst Hindus than some of his successors of the same Society in Southern India, such as Robert de Nobili and Beschi (Italians) in the Tamil country, and Stephens (an English- man), Arnold (an Italian), and Hanxleden (a German), on the western coast. On the other hand a Christian cannot but remem- ber that Christ himself represented it as an evidence of the truth of His religion, that " to the poor the Gospel was preached." In one of Xavier's letters, written to the Jesuit Society at Pome^ of which he was a member, he gives a detailed account of his proceedings which has often been quoted. I here quote, however, only the conclusion. ' ' How great is the multitude of those who are gathered into the fold of Christ you may learn from this, that it often happens to me that my hands fail through the fatigue of baptizing ; for I have baptized a whole village in a single day : and often, by repeating so frequently the Creed and other things, my voice and strength have failed me." Xavier adds that when he had sufficiently accomplished his work Visits from in one village he removed to another, till all those thirty villages ^ U a|e *** had been visited. " All being thus surveyed, my labour comes over again in the same order. In each village I leave one copy of the Christian Instruction. 1 appoint all to assemble on festival days, and to chant the rudiments of the Christian faith ; and in each of the villages I appoint a fit per- 30 234 HISTORY OF TIXXEYEI.LY, Xavior's administra- tion. Chapter X. son to preside. For their wages the Viceroy, at my request, has assigned 4,000 gold fanams. 1 The low moral condition of the Parava Christians at that time must have been a still greater trial to a man like Xavier than even their ignorance. The following extracts from a letter written in 1544 to his Assistant, Francis Mancias at Punnaikayal, nearly two years after his labours amongst them commenced, will speak for themselves. " To proceed to other matters. As both reason and precedent teach us that it is often useful to employ force, in order to crush the obstinacy of the more rebellious among these people, who are subjects of His Portuguese Majesty, I send you an apparitor, whom I have obtained from the Viceroy. I have ordered him to inflict a fine of two silver pence, which is the amount of the coin they call a fanam, upon any woman who, in defiance of the public regulations, shall drench herself with the intoxicating drink they call arack ; besides which, he shall imprison for three days all who are found guilty of such intemperance. You must see to the rigorous execution of this law in all the villages, and have it published in all the assemblies, so that no drunken woman when punished may plead ignorance. " I cannot yet say when I shall be able to come to you ; but, till then, you must enjoin the Patangats'- to correct their wicked manners. Tell them, that if I find them still plunged in their old vices, I have made up my mind, in virtue of the power which I hold from the Viceroy, to have them apprehended, and carried in chains to Cochin ; and they must not flatter themselves with the hope of being soon released with a slight punishment, for I am thorougldy resolved to employ every means in my power to prevent their ever returning to Punicael. It is quite evident that the fault and blame of all the crimes and villanies of which there are too many which disgrace this country rests with them alone. " Take the greatest pains to discover the workshops where the idols are secretly made and carved." Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the Taravas nothing could exceed the devoted zeal with which Xavier laboured for their welfare. We had many illustrations of this in the account of the Portuguese Settlements contained in a preceding chapter, especially in connection with his efforts for the protection of his people from the Badages or Nayakas. His mantle also seems to have fallen on some of his successors, for it is said that his immediate successor, Antonio Criminalis, when his people were attacked by the Bada- ges, threw himself into their midst, covered his people's flight, and perished under the darts of the enemy. This event is said by some to have taken place at Manapar, by others at a place called Xavier' 8 successor's death. 1 Three and a half gold fanams were equivaL at i<> a rupee. 2 Pattangkatti, the title of a headman amongst the Paravas ami a Eew "thth of his residence in India. It is very probable that Manapar was the first place in the Tamil country where Beschi resided after he left Goa, in ooneequenoe of which he might naturally wish to end his days rapar. MISSIONS. 243 there ; in addition to which it is to be remembered that the Dutch, Chapter X. to whom Manapar belonged, were always more or less inclined to range themselves on the side opposed to that espoused by the English, and therefore likely to be willing to take under their protection a friend of Chanda Saheb's, who had fled to them from the Mahrattas. The Dutch were Protestants, it is true, but they had learned by that time to be tolerant. It has been supposed by sonic that the Manapar where Beschi died was the Manapar, pro- perly Manaparai, near Trichinopoly. For this idea however there is no foundation. The people of Manaparai themselves, including the Roman Catholic Missionary of the place, admit that Beschi died at Manapar in Tinnevelly. Beschi did not long survive his arrival in Manapar. He resided His death. there, his native biographer says, in the niatha of the Society of Jesus, occupying his time in expounding his works and giving instruction in divine things. The exact date of his death is un- known, but it is certain it was in 1746. Thus peacefully ended the career of the most learned, if not the most renowned, of the great Jesuit missionaries of former times. He is said to have been buried in the chancel of the church at Beschi'a Manapar, but the oldest of the churches is now completely buried &' rave - in the sand. There must be at least fifteen feet of sand over it, and the people say that no tomb-stone was erected to mark the place where Beschi's remains lay, and that in the same chancel other missionaries also were buried. Some again say that when the second church was erected two sets of bones were taken from the chancel of the older church and interred in the chancel of the later one, but without any record to show whose bones they were. One may safely say, I think, that Beschi was not much appreciated by the fishery people at Manapar.- If he had cared to acquire the reputation of a worker of miracles, doubtless his tomb would have been carefully preserved. Period after Beschi, Some years after Beschi's death troubles began to gather round the Missions of the Jesuits all over the world. In 1755 the sup- port of the missionaries from Europe ceased. In 1760 the Jesuits at Groa were deported to Lisbon by Pombal's orders. The Jesuits that remained in Tinnevelly at Vadakankulam, Talai, Manapar, Virapandiyanpattanam, &c, died one by one, and their places were supplied by native priests from Goa. In 1773 the Society of Jesus was formally suppressed by the then Pope, Clement XIV. In 1814 the Society was restored by Pope Pius VII, and in 1838 two Jesuit Missionaries, Fathers Martin and Duranquet, arrived in Palamcotta to recommence their ancient mission in Tinnevelly, 244 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chapter X. " Tinnevelly has always been attached to the Madura Mission, the history of which, associated with the names of Fathers Eobert de Nobili, de Brito, Banchet, Arland, from 1616 to 1718 is of much interest. At the latter date it was estimated that there were 385,000 Christians in the eastern part of India ; then, as above stated, there followed the suppression of the Jesuits, by which the Madura Mission was for the time destroyed. About the year 1831 the restoration and return of the Jesuits to Madura took place and the Mission recom- menced afresh." — Stuart's Tinnevelly Manual, page 62. PART II. MISSIONS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. SWARTZ. A mission had been commenced in Tinnevelly before the close of the eighteenth century, but very little had occurred to warrant any expectation of the progress the mission was destined to make. At first the Tinnevelly Mission was merely an offshoot of that in Tan j ore. The first reference to missionary work in Tinnevelly in connection with the Missions of the Church of England appears in Swartz. the memoirs of the celebrated Swartz, a man of apostolical simpli- city, devotedness, and zeal. This was in 1771. Swartz notices Palamcotta in his journal of that year as " a fort and one of the chief towns in Tinnevelly, belonging to the Nawab, but having an English garrison." He mentions the fact that there were a few Christians there then. Swartz first visited Palamcotta in 1778, when the widow of a Brahman was baptized by him. Her name (Clorinda) appears at the head of the small list of 40 persons Congregation constituting the Palamcotta congregation in 1780. Soon after she and Church in 8e {. herself to erect a small church in the fort, and this she suc- Palamciitta. . ' ceeded in doing through the help of two English gentlemen. This was the first church connected with the Church of England ever erected south of Trichinopoly. It was dedicated to the worship of God by Swartz in 1785, when he found that the little congregation had increased, in consequence of which he sent from Tan j ore an able catechist, Satj^anathan, to take care of it. Jaenioke. The congregation in Palamcotta continuing to increase and openings presenting themselves in the surrounding country Swartz became desirous of sending a Europonn Missionary to take charge of the infant mission. This desire he was able to gratify in 1791, when Jaenicke, a German like himself, but like himself a mission- M ISSIONS. 245 ary of an English Society, the Society for Promoting Christian Chapter X. Knowledge (the precursor in India of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel), arrived in Palamcotta and commenced his labours. By that time the number of Native Christians in Palamcotta and the neighbourhood had increased to 403. Even at this early period education had not been neglected. From the time of Swartz's visit in 1784, as they have done ever since, the congre- gation and the school went hand-in-hand. Satyanathan, the Satyanathan. Palamcotta catechist, had now been ordained in Tan j ore, and returned to Palamcotta a few months before Jaenicke's arrival. He was a man of ability, who left his mark in the district. He was the first Native Minister ever located in Tinnevelly, and it was through him, as will be seen, that a Christian movement amongst the Shanars commenced. Jaenicke, though not so distinguished a man as Xavier and Beschi, the two great Roman Catholic mission- aries referred to in the previous pages, would have been quite able to hold his own with any of the rest of the Roman Catholic mission- aries in Tinnevelly of that period. His journals show that he was a devout, zealous, and prudent man, well fitted in every way for laying the foundations of a mission, but unfortunately his stay in Tinnevelly was short. In the beginning of January 1792, only a few months after his arrival in Palamcotta, he went out on a tour in the neighbourhood of the hills, in company with Mr. Torin, the Collector, who was then making his first official visit as Collector of the Nawab's Revenue in the East India Company's behalf, in virtue of the Treaty of 1792. The party visited Kalakadu, Papa- nasam, and other places along the range of the hills, besides penetrating into the hill country, as far as the falls of Bana- tirttam. On the 12th of February Jaenicke visited Courtallam, and on the 25th returned to Palamcotta. On the 1st of March Fever caught jungle fever of a severe type set in. Many other members m the hlUs " of the party were attacked by the same fever, of which several died. Apparently it was not then known to Europeans that it was unsafe to be much amongst the hills at that season of the year. Yet only a few years later (in 1800), General Welsh mentioned it as a well known fact that the hills were safe to Europeans only during the rains of the south-west monsoon. Jaenicke struggled on with the fever for many months, carrying on his work at the same time indefatigably and with considerable success. In the course of the year he visited Tuticorin and Manapar, both of which places then belonged to the Dutch, in each of which he found a Native congregation under the care of a Catechist. The congre- gation at Manapar, consisting chiefly of weavers, was at that time the largest in Tinnevelly. The Governor of Tuticorin at that time was a Mr. Meckern, who was very friendly to Jaenicke and desirous of helping him in all his plans. As the fever continued 246 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Chatter X. and became aggravated, Jaenicke found it necessary in the end of 1792 to leave Tinnevelly and return to Tan j ore for a time. He arrived in Tanjore after an absence of one year and two days. From this time till his death in May 1800 Jaenicke generally resided at Ramnad, where he erected a church, or at Tanjore, making occasional visits to Palamcotta as his strength allowed, but he kept up a regular correspondence with Satyanathan, the Native Minister. Commencement or the Christianization of the Shanars. First Shanar convert. Establish- ment of M tidal ur. The most important event of the time was the commencement, in 1797, of that movement towards Protestant Christianity amongst the Shanars in Tinnevelly, which has, directly or indirectly, contributed so largely to the improvement of the district, and which has been the precursor of so many similar movements in different parts of the country. It had long been known that a certain Sundaram, alias David, had been the first Shanar catechist, but I have ascertained also that he was the first Shanar Protestant Christian, and that it was through him that Christianity was introduced amongst the Shanars in Tinnevelly. David's birth-place was Kalangudi, a small village near Sattankulam, but he wandered off in early youth as far as Tanjore, and there became a Christian and was baptized and instructed by Mr. Kohlhoff. In 1796, in consequence of of Satyanathan's application for an assistant, Swartz, knowing that David belonged to that neighbourhood, sent him to Palam- cotta as a catechist. Jaenicke was in Palamcotta when David arrived and entered upon his work. After a short time David went to visit his relatives, who had long given bim up as dead, and told them all the wonders he had seen and heard. On his return to Palamcotta he brought with him a young nephew, whom Jaenicke proceeded to instruct. Shortly after this David was sent out to Vijayaramapuram, a village near his birth-place, to labour amongst his relations there and in the neighbourhood, and some Tanjore cateehists also rendered their assistance from time to time. In March 1797 Satyanathan visited the place himself, when four families of Shanars placed themselves formally under Christian instruction and under his pastoral care. In a subsequent visit some converts belonging to the same class were baptized at a place called Shaiimukhapurani, near the place now called Kadatchapuram. These were the first Shanars bap- tized. The Vijayaramapuram people were also baptized during the same year. Two years afterwards the first Christiau village was founded in connection with the Tinnevelly Mission. The new Christians in Vijayaramapuram found themselves exposed to MISSIONS. 247 many annoyances from their non-Christian neighbours. Their Chapteh X. little prayer-house was twice pulled down, and they were obliged to assemble for worship under the shade of a tree. At length they determined to abandon the village where they had been so unkindly treated. A piece of land was purchased for them by David a few miles off, near the village of Adaiyal, where a well was dug and a little church erected, chiefly through the help obtained from a Captain Everett in Palamcotta. The land was pur- chased in August 1799 in Mr. Jaenicke's name. As this little settlement was the first place in Tinneveily which could be called a Christian village, it received the name of Mudalur, " first- town." The population of the village at the commencement of the century amounted to only twenty-eight souls. It now con- tains upwards of 1 ,200. These interesting facts about the com- mencement of the movement towards Christianity amongst the Shanars in Tinneveily and the founding of Mudalur had well nigh passed into oblivion. I discovered them in Tan j ore in a bundle of Tamil letters that had been addressed by Satyanathan and others to Jaenicke. lie had been regularly informed by Satyanathan of every thing that occurred, and the answers to his queries with which Satyanathan's letters are filled show that, though absent in body, he was present in spirit. He was per- mitted to see this new field of labour from a distance only, nad though it was then but a day of small things, he must have rejoiced to see this confirmation of the opinion he was led to form on first commencing his labours in the south, that of all the districts with which he was acquainted, Tinneveily was that in which Christianity was most likely to prevail. The revival of Jaenicke's Mission, after years of neglect, by the Hough. arrival of missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the establishment of the missions of the Church Mis- sionary Society in Tinneveily, were mainly owing to the represent- ations and efforts of the Rev. J. Hough, Chaplain at Palamcotta from 1816 to 1820 ; but this portion of history falls far behind the date of the cession of the province to the English in 1801, the date at which these annals cease. Additional information on this subject will be found in the author's " Records of the Early History of the Tinneveily Mis- sion." APPENDICES 32 APPENDIX TO HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY. 251 APPENDICES. APPENDIX I. RELATIONS BETWEEN TRAVANCORE AND TINNEVELLY. Adjacent districts, like Tinnevelly and Travancore, must necessarily Appexdix I. have stood at different times in different relations to one another. Generally, however, those relations seem to have been peaceable. Alternations During the early Pandya and Chola period the southern Tamil-speak- of Govern- ing district of Travancore, called Nanji-nadu, together with Purattaya- sou them nadu, the district in which Cape Comorin is included, appear to have districts, belonged to the Pandya kingdom. At a later period, during the decay of the Paridyas, this state of things was reversed and the southern portion of Tinnevelly seems to have been included in what is now called the kingdom of Travancore, but which was then generally called in Tinnevelly merely Kuda-nadu, the western kingdom, a synonym for Malayalam in general. Each of these changes rests on the evidence of inscriptions, but in neither case is there any trace or tradition of the change having been effected by force of arms. The weaker side for the time being seems to have quietly given place to the stronger. I have mentioned already from time to time such particulars, illus- trative of the relation subsisting between Tinnevelly and Travancore, as seemed to be necessary for the comprehension of Tinnevelly history, but I here subjoin the notices I find in P. Shangoonny Menon's His- tory of Travancore, in which events are narrated from a more distinc- tively Travancorian point of view. In a few cases I may seem to go over the same ground, but it will be found that the Travancore accounts are fuller and more numerous. Travancore Possessions in Tinnevelly in the loth and \%th Centuries proved by Inscriptions. " 1 . An inscription on the inner stone wall of the (Shermadevy) Chera Maha-Devi Pagoda, dated Malayalam or Kollumyear 614 (1439 A.D.), commemorating a grant by the Travancore king Chera Oodiah Mar- thanda Yurmah to the pagoda at that place while the grantor was resid- ing in the Chera Maha-Devi Palace. " 2- 1469 A D ® n thelarge bell at Thrikanankudy (Tirukurungudi), denoting that the bell was presented by the Travancore king Adithiya Yurmah. "3. ^k) a'd ' Commemorating a grant to the pagoda by king Mar- Inscriptions thanda Yurmah while residing in the Yeera Pandyan Palace at Kalacaud. 852 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. Shermadevy Gains and losses. Travancorc annals when historical. 688 M.E. _. 4 - 1513 a.D. Commemorating a grant of land to the pagoda at Mannarkovil by the same king Marthanda Vurniah, and also making provisions for lighting a lamp in the palace where the king's uncle died. "5. - - 32 A ' D ' Commemorating a grant of land to the pagoda of Chera-Chola Pandyeswaram in Thrikaloor near Alwar Tinnevelly, by Marthanda Vurmah, Rajah of Travancore." — Shangoonny Menon's History of Travancore, pp. 34, 35. The Mannarkovil mentioned in the fourth inscription is a village in the Ambasamudram Taluk. Shermadevy is properly Cheran-Maha-d§vi, that is, (the temple of) the Maha-clevT, that is, Parvati, worshipped by the Cheran, the king of the Western or Malay alam State. It is stated by the Travancore historian that the king of Chera occasionally resided there. "In Chera-Maha-Devi, Thencasi, Kalacaud, Thrikanankudy, Val- liyoor, &c, the Travancore Rajahs resided up to the seventeenth century, a fact clearly proved by documents and inscriptions." — p. 34. Referring to the reign of Chera Udaya Martanda Varma, who reigned, it is said, for 62 years, from 1382 to 1444, the historian says : — " During the reign of this sovereign all the south-eastern possessions of Travancore on the Tinnevelly side were regained, and the sovereign often resided at Yalliyoor and Cheran-Maha-Devi. ' ' In consequence of the mild and unwarlike disposition of this king, some of the subordinate chiefs in the east became refractory, and there was constant fighting, and latterly, while this sovereign was residing at Trevandrum, the chief of Eettiapuram invaded Valliyoor, and the king's nephew being defeated in battle, fearing disgrace, committed suicide. " In these places, several grants of land made by this Kulasekhara Perumal remain, some of which we have already noticed. ChSra- Maha-DSvi was his favourite residence, and consequently, this sovereign was called Chera Udaya Marthanda Vurmah. "Towards the close of his reign, suspecting unfair proceedings on the part of the chief men of the Pandyan State, the residence of the Royal family was removed to Elayadathunaud Ilottarakaray ; and a Governor was appointed to rule Valliyoor and other possessions in the east. "This sovereign died in 619 M.E. (1444 A.D.), at the ripe age of seventy-eight years." — p. 95. From the commencement of the 18th century the Travancore annals become historical. Prior to that time they are evidently more or less legendary. The author admits that " from 1458 to 1680, a period of about two and a quarter centuries, no detailed accounts of the reigns of the sovereigns can be found, except a list of their names, the dates of their accession to the musnud, and the period of their reign. " HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 253 Appeal for help to the Nayakm of Madura, whose headquarters were at Appendix I. that time in Trichinopoly. " His Highness was a close observer of the difficulties and dangers to which his nephew was subjected by the Ettu Veetil Pillamar and Madempimar, and he was determined to punish them fur their disloy- alty and rebellious conduct. " His Highness, in consultation with his intelligent nephew, pro- Appeal to ceededin901 M.E (1726 A. D.) to Trichinopoly with some of the Trichinopoly officers of the State. He entered into a treaty with the Madura Govern- ' L p * ment and secured its support by offering to renew the lapsed attach- ment to that crown, and to bind himself to pay a certain sum of money annually. At the same time, a suitable force was applied for to punish and bring to their senses the Madempimar and other refractory chiefs. After some discussion and preliminary enquiries, the sovereign was successful in obtaining a force consisting of one thousand cavalry, under the command of M. Vencatapathy Naiken, and two thousand Carnatic sepoys, headed by Thripathy Naiken, and others, in charge of fifty sirdars, including Eaghava Iyen and Subba Iyen, &c. "On the arrival of this force in Travancore, all the Madempimar and other refractory chiefs and insurgents fled, and consequently there was no work for the army, which was however retained for the purpose of overawing the insurgents." — History, p. 109. " The late Eama Vurmah Eajah was compelled in 901 M.E. to proceed to the Pandyan (Nayaka) capital (Trichinopoly), and to enter into an agreement with the Pandyan Government, by which he promised to pay an annual tribute of about 3,000 rupees and obtained from the Governor a force of 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot, for the pur- pose of overawing the turbulent chiefs and nobles. " The pay of this contingent, as well as the annual tribute, was in Trichinopoly arrears for a few months, when the Maha Eajah ascended the throne, Contingent, and on the demand of the troops for their pay and the tribute, His Highness referred them to his Dalawah, Arumugam Pillay, who, on delaying paj'inent, was seized and removed to Thrikanamkudy hy the force, whereupon he borrowed money from the Kottar merchants and others, and adjusted most part of the pressing demands. The Dala- wah was however still detained by the force at Thrikanamkudy. 1 "In the meanwhile His Highness commissioned Cumai-aswamy Pillay, the Commander-in-Chief, and Thanu Pillay, his assistant, to raise an army of Maravers and a few hundred horse, to raise up barriers in the shape of mud walls between Kadakaray and Mantharamputhur Arain- boly, and Cape Comorin ; to construct special gates for passages, and to guard them by companies of Maravers and troopers. These arrange- ments were effectually carried out in the course of a few months, and Travancore was secured against the attacks of foreign invaders. " Cumaraswamy Pillay, with a force of Maravers, was then ordered Maravar by the Maha Eajah to proceed to Thrikanamkudy for the purpose of 100 P 8, releasing the Dalawah, and that brave officer executed the command 1 Tirukurungndi, a town in the south of Tinnevelly. 254 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. with promptness and vigour. The Maha Rajah was extremely pleased with him, as he had by this exploit extricated the Dalawah from a painfully embarrassing position, and removed the burden of care and anxiety that weighed upon his head. " The Maha Rajah then thought that he could safely do away with the Trichinopoly force and ordered it to march back to that town. His Highness communicated his resolution to the Pandyan Government, and requested the Governor to release His Highness from the condi- tions entered into with the former by the late Maha Rajah. A rival " The feudatory chiefs and nobles, after the withdrawal of the Trichi- embassy to n0 p ly contingent force, began to rebel again, and as they had always been striving to get their independence, they combined and formed a confederacy as before, and were joined by the two sons of the late sovereign, known by the names of Kunju Thambies alias Papu Thamby and Ramen Thamby, who held high rank among the nobles during the lifetime of their father and were in affluent circumstances. But they were now reduced to the level of the ordinary nobles of the country and they felt their degradation keenly. The confederates sympathised with them, and considering them proper instruments for overthrowing the royal authority, they persuaded them to claim their father's throne ; and one of them (Papu Thamby) being furnished with sufficient means, proceeded to Trichinopoly in 905 M.E. (1730 A.D.), and represented to the Pandyan Governor his imaginary grievances, saying that great injustice was done to him by the king- dom being forcibly usurped by Marthanda Vurmah. He entered into certain terms with that chief to put him in possession of the kingdom. The Governor, annoyed by the refusal of pajmient of the peishkush and the dismissal of the contingent forces by Marthanda Vurmah Maha Rajah, readily listened to Papu Thamby's false representations. " The Governor ordered one of his agents Alagappa Moodelliar to proceed with a sufficient number of men and horses to Travancore, and institute enquiries into the claims of Papu Thamby, giving him authority to enforce the same if found valid. " The Moodelliar set out from Trichinopoly, accompanied by Papu Thamby and arrived at Udayagherry, where he commenced to institute the enquiry into the claims of the Thamby. The Maha Rajah, on learning this, deputed the State Secretary Rama Iyen and his assistant Narayana Iyen to the Moodelliar, and they were furnished with valid documents to prove the absurdity and fictitious character of Papu Thamby's claims. " While Papu Thamby was utterly unable to produce any document- ary evidence in support of his pretended rights, Rama Pyen fully proved the claims of the Maha Rajah to his uncle's throne. The Moodelliar was very indignant with Papu Thamby, and his false complaint was at once rejected. He was told that he should be loyal and obedient to his king in accordance with the customs of the country. " The Maha Rajah informed the Moodelliar of the renewed outbreak of a rebellious spirit among his chiefs, and asked him to place one half of his force at nis Highness' disposal. The Moodelliar complied with this request and returned to Trichinopoly loaded with presents. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 255 " Though, the Maha Rajah was enraged with the conduct of the Appendix I. Kunju Thambies and the chiefs and nobles, yet His Highness pre- tended to be indifferent about the matter. As His Highness had the strong support of the Trichinopoly force, besides his own Maraver troops, he directed his attention to certain important affairs of govern- ment in which he was engaged before the peace of his kingdom was menaced by the plots of his enemies." — History of Travancore, pp. 115-118. Help obtained fr 07)i TinneveUy Maracas. " Notwithstanding the death of the Rajah, the spirit of the Kay em- Aid from kulam army was not thoroughly broken, for the fallen Rajah's younger TinneveUy brother succeeded, and he being more obstinate and courageous than his late brother, the war was continued with redoubled vigour. The Maha Rajah repaired to Quilon, accompanied by the heir apparent, who infused fresh courage into the Travancore army. A special body of recruits was raised for the war with Kayemkulam. Secretary Rama Iyen, finding that the army in the field could not successfully with- stand the Kayemkulam force without sufficient reinforcement, pro- ceeded to Tmnevelly, brought a regiment of Maravers under the command of Ponnam Pandya Deven, procured a thousand mounted sepoys from some of the Palayapattucar (Poligars), and marched the reinforcement by the hill roads through Kottarakaray. After holding a consultation among the officers, including the Dalaway and the Sthanapathy, Rama Iyen assumed the chief command of the army. In the battle the next day he distinguished himself with signal success, and the Kayemkulam force met with a defeat for the first time. But the war continued, and Rama Iyen's army began to gain ground slowly and to advance into the Kayemkulam territories day by day." Annexations in TinneveUy. "In 909 M.E. (1734 A.D.) the Maha Rajah annexed Elayada Swaroopam, embracing Shencottah, Clangaud, Kerkudi, Valliyoor, on the TinneveUy side, and Kottarakaray, Pathanapuram, &c, on the northern limits of Travancore. The Rajah Veera Kerala Vurmah, who was in charge of those territories, was a relative of Travancore and died leaving as his successor a princess. The administration of the State was conducted by a Sarvadhikariakar, a very unscrupulous person, and anarchy began to prevail in the province. The Maha Rajah called the minister to Trevandrum and pointed out to him various instances of rnal-adininistration and banished him from the country in disgrace. A proper and fit man was appointed to the res- ponsible post of Sarvadhikariakar to the State, and the Maha Rajah took the government of the principality into his own hands, advising the Ranee to come and reside at Trevandrum, or to remain at Kottara- karay in her own palace as she pleased. The Ranee preferred the latter course." — p. 129. 256 APPENDIX TO Invasion of Chunda Sahib. The enemy- bought off. Appendix I. Irruption of Chunda Sahib and Bada Sahib. " About this time, a strong party of marauders, headed by Chunda Sahib and Bada Sahib, relatives of Dost Ali Khan, the Nabob of Arcot, who were permitted to wander about for the purpose of securing a principality for the Nabob's son, and also to plunder for themselves in the dominions of the native princes, entered the territories of Travancore by the Aramboly gate. They took possession of Nager- coil, Sucheendrum, and the rich town of Kottar : they plundered the shrine at Sucheendrum ; burnt the great car ; mutilated many of the images of the pagoda ; and perpetrated many other deeds of atrocity and devastation, the favourite process generally adopted by the Mussulman chiefs. " Rama Iyen Dalawah was ordered to march an army and drive the marauders out of Travancore, but on meeting them he found them powerful in horse, and his own force no match for the Mussulmans. However, the Dalawah challenged them and commenced a battle, but his exertions were not attended with his usual success. But the Dalawah had reason to know that the object of the party was princi- pally to secure pecuniary gain, and consequently they were made to retreat without offering resistance to his army." — p. 138. Collision with the Nawab. " During the continuance of war in North Travancore, several changes took place in the government of the Pandyan provinces, including Madura, Trichinopoly, &c, and the sovereignty finally fell into the hands of the Nabob of the Carnatic. The Maha Eajah's attention having been directed, for a long time past, to the manage- ment of the internal affairs of his kingdom and the suppression of the rebellion in the north, he had neglected adopting measures for the pro- tection and maintenance of his eastern possessions, including Valliyoor, Possessions in Kalacaud, &c. The Nabob's Governor at Trichinopoly took advantage of this opportunity and annexed those tracts to the Madura province, and thus the Maha Rajah was deprived of those places for a long time. "In 927 M.E. (1752 A.D.) Moodemiah, the Nabob's Viceroy at Trichinopoly, growing powerful, established himself as an independent chief, and being a very covetous man, disposed of villages and terri- tories on receiving sufficient consideration for them. The Maha Rajah, understanding this disposition of Moodemiah, deputed Rama Iyen Dalawah to Tinnevelly, where Moodemiah had arrived on a visit. The Dalawah represented the Maha Rajah's ancient claims to the Negotiations, territories in the east. Possession of the country lying between Cape Comorin and Kalacaud, to the extent of about 30 miles, including Valliyoor, w r as obtained for a sufficiently large consideration. Rama Iyen Dalawah returned to Trevandrum after stationing about 2,000 of the Travancore Maha Rajah's force at Kalacaud, for the protection of the districts thus purchased by Travancore. " In 930 M.E. (1755 A.D.) Mahomed Ali, the Nabob of the Carnatic, wished to supplant Moodemiah, who had proved refractory and had Tinnevelly lost. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 257 proclaimed himself the sole ruler of the Pandyan empire. The Nabob Appendix I. appointed his General, Maphnz Khan, to supersede Moodemiah, and sent him with a small force requesting the Nabob's allies, the English at Madras, to send a detachment to assist the Khan, not only in assuming his office, but also in bringing the inhabitants into sub- jection. Colonel Heron, with 500 Europeans and 2,000 Natives, was ordered to Trichinopoly under the pretext of assisting Maphuz Khan, but probably the English too had an eye on the beautiful and highly productive Pandyan empire, comprising the rich countries of Madura, Trichinopoly and Tinnevelly. The allied forces arrived at Tinnevelly Kumbham 930 M.E. (March 1755 A.D.) after having reduced Madura on their way. When this intelligence reached Kalacaud the Travan- core garrison, consisting of 2,000 sepoys stationed in that fort, was alarmed and finding that they were no match for the combined forces of the Nabob and the English, the Travancore commandant abandoned Travancori- the fort and Kalacaud, and withdrew the garrison to Thovalay. In ans re tj eat Meenam-madom (April) Maphuz Khan, after taking charge of the kadu. fort and establishing his authority there, went to Tinnevelly and Colonel Heron returned with the English force to Trichinopoly. " Moodemiah, who fled from Tinnevelly after his defeat, found an asylum under the protection of Pulithaver, a Poligar, and on the departure of the English troops from Tinnevelly to Trichinopoly, he applied to the Maha Rajah for assistance and urged on him to take back the lost territory of Kalacaud. Pulithaver also offered his resistance, as that Poligar was for a long time dependent on Travan- core. A strong force, consisting of 2,000 infantry and an equal number of cavalry, was despatched from Travancore, accompanied by Kalakadu the prince and Moodemiah, and without much resistance Kalacaud regained, was taken. The Maha Rajah, however, thinking that such a proceed- ing would offend the English Government, ordered the withdrawal of his troops for some time, and postponed all operations till he made himself sure that the retaking of his usurped territories would not offend the English. The Maha Rajah subsequently ordered back a sufficient force, under the command of Captain D'Lanoy assisted by the Poligar Pulithaver. Maphuz Khan's troops were defeated, the Kalacaud fort captured, and the 500 infantry and 200 cavalry, who defended it, were taken prisoners. Thus the Maha Rajah once more recovered Kalacaud and all the territories appertaining to it. The Travancore kingdom now extended from Periar in the north to Kala- caud in the south." — p. 162. treaty with tht Nawab. " It has been already said that during the reign of the former Rajahs, Travancore had made an agreement with the Governor of the Pandyan empire at Trichinopoly, promising to pay a nominal annual tribute for obtaining military aid, but subsequently, the Nabob of the Carnatic having taken the direct government of that empire, the Maha Rajah considered it wise and prudent to renew this treaty directly with the Nabob, which was accordingly done upon more 33 258 APPENDIX TO Appexi.ix I. favourable terms and conditions. By this treaty the powerful aid of one of the greatest potentates of Southern India was secured to Subsidy to Travancore, which was bound to pay to the Nabob 6,000 rupees, and the Nawab. a tribute in the shape of an elephant annually, the Nabob promising to afford every protection to Travancore from foreign and local enemies. Thus Travancore became perfectly secure, having two power- ful allies to guard and protect her, the Nabob in the east and the Dutch in the west, while the English merchants at Anjengo were also read)' to assist her when needed." — p. 172. Maphuz Khan and Yiisuf Khan. " Maphuz Khan Sahib, the Governor of the Pandyan empire, under the Carnatic Nabob, who was stationed at Trichinopoly, rebelled against his master and made a descent on Kalacaud, the eastern possession of the Maha Rajah, at the western frontier of Tinnevelly. He attacked the Travancore garrison stationed there and drove them into the Aramboly lines, following them up with the Khan's forces. The Maha Rajah hearing this ordered one of his native commandants named Thamby Kumaren Chempaka Ramen Pillay, who was then stationed at Trevandrum, to march with his force to meet the invading army. He started at once and the battle Battle* with which took place when this worthy warrior met the enemy was so the Muham- severe and decisive, that the Mahomedan chief was obliged to beat madans. & retreat from the Aramboly lines ; but the Khan not only retained possession of Kalacaud, but assumed possession of the district of Shencottah and all the other eastern districts belonging to Travan- core. " The Maha Rajah represented this matter to the Nabob, who was already so seriously displeased with the Khan, on account of his disobedient and refractory conduct, that he had it in contemplation to appoint a new Governor in the room of Maphuz Khan. A very able man named Yusuff Khan was appointed and sent as successor to the rebellious Maphuz Khan. '• Yusuff Khan on coming to Trichinopoly found it difficult to subdue the refractory Governor and sought the Maha Rajah's assistance. The Carnatic Nabob and the English East India. Company at Madras rerpiested His nighness at the same time to co-operate with Yusuff Khan in the subjection of the refractory Khan, and the Maha Rajah gladly acceded to their wishes. Yusuf Khan's " Eive thousand men, under the command of Thamby Kumaren :m ". v Chempaka Ramen, then stationed at Thovalay, were ordered to join Yusuff, and 10,000 men from Quilon were sent through the Ariencavu Pass to Shencottah. Yusuff was now at the head of a powerful army consisting of 20,000 men, which enabled him to drive away the Poligar of Wadakaray, and subsequently Maphuz Khan fled from the position lie hitherto held and Yusuff established his power. "As a grateful acknowledgment of the readiness with which the Maha Rajah lent his assistance, Yusuff Khan restored all His High- n.-ss' eastern possessions, and Kalacaud again became a part of His Highness' dominions. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 200 " The Maha Rajah, however, did not retain possession of Kalacaud Appendix I. for any lengthened period ; for His Highness lost this portion of his territories under very peculiar circumstances. Ynsnlf Khan, the Yusuf Nabob's Governor, in his turn became disobedient to his master and r ^|!j| i( 8 jn began to endeavour to shake off the Nabob's authority and establish himself as an independent chief ; to accomplish this object Yusuff secured aid from the French in India. "In 937 M.E. (1762 A.D.) a joint force of the Nabob and the English was sent against Yusuff, and the Travancore Maha Rajah was also requested to co-operate with his army, which was to take possession of Madura and Tinnevelly and capture Yusuff Khan. The Khan had already applied to the Maha Rajah for assistance, offering all the territories west of the town of Tinnevelly, including Palamcottah, which had once belonged to Travancore, in return for the help His Highness woidd give him towards the retention of the Pandyan pro- vinces under Yusuff' s independent possession ; but the wise Maha Rajah declared that whatever may be the prospect of gain before him by aiding Yusuff, His Highness would not go against his old ally the Nabob, and would not take arms against the English. " The Maha Rajah sent a strong force to Trichinopoly to co-operate with the combined force against Yusixff, and that rebel, finding that resistance would be of no avail, gave himself up and was hanged by the Nabob's order in 1762 A.D. " Yusuff Khan's successor thought it proper to assume possession of all the countries lying on the eastern side of the ghauts, as belonging to the Pandyan empire, and accordingly not only Kalacaud, but also Shencottah and all the other eastern possessions of Travancore were annexed to the Nabob's dominions. " The Maha Rajah despatched a special messenger, Manik Lalla by The Nawab name, to Madras, and represented the injustice of the Nabob's officers s ? lzes posses- in unlawfully annexing territories belonging to Travancore, but the Mussulman potentate, intoxicated with his recent victories and the punishment awarded to Yusuff, would not listen to the representations of the Maha Rajah's agent, and His Highness was therefore under the necessity of seeking the mediation of the Governor of Madras, who, though he once confirmed the claims of the Maha Rajah to the districts of Kalacaud and other eastern possessions, now wavered in his opinion. After a good deal of discussion, the Nabob agreed to restore some of the Travancore territories, including Shencottah, Cape Com- orin. &c. " The Mahamedan chief did not appear to be satisfied with the Tho claim to unlawful annexation of the Kalacaud District, which was the legiti- Iv;lli,k;illu - mate possession of Travancore from time immemorial, and was recently acquired by purchase from Moodemiah. That purchase was confirmed by two of his successors, the Nabob himself, and by the Honourable East India Company. The Nabob now pressed a demand for the few previous years' revenue on the Kalacaud District. " A settlement was effected by the inforcpssion of the Governor of Madras, Mr. Robert Palk. who, after arranging matters with the Nabob, wrote to His Highuoss in 17fi.s AD. in reply to a communica- 260 APPENDIX TO The claim to Kalakadu renounced. Appendix I. tion from the latter, to the effect that the English Company had taken some steps in restraining the victorious Nabob from further hostilities, in putting a check to his demands, and also in advising him to conclude the treaty. For such services Travancore was reminded of the debt it owed to the Honorable East India Company, and the Governor hoped that the Company would be amply rewarded for their assistance. " The sagacious Maha Rajah saw the desirability of adopting the Governor's suggestion and the necessity of entering into a treaty with the Nabob, against whom resistance was at that critical period almost impossible. " The principal conditions of the treaty with the Nabob were, that Travancore should renounce all claims to the Kalacaud District ; that His Highness should increase the tribute to 15,000 rupees ; that he should pay two lakhs of rupees in liquidation of some pretended demands on the Maha Rajah in connexion with the Kalacaud District ; that he shoidd never assist any of the Poligars against the Nabob ; that the Maha Eajah shoidd assist the Nabob with an army in his war against Madura and Tinnevelly ; and that the Nabob shoidd assist Travancore against all her enemies, foreign as well as internal." — p. 197. Travancore Contingent sent to assist the British Forces. 11 Intimation of the unwarrantable proceedings of Hyder Ali Khan was given by the Maha Kajah to the Governor of Madras, as also to the Bombay and Bengal Government, and a general war against Hyder resulted. " The Maha Eajah was asked by the Government of the Honourable East India Company to co-operate with the Company's army, and His Highness most willingly consented to do so, entailing thereby great loss of money and life. " The war was continued by the East India Company and the Maha Eajah assisted them to the extent that lay in his power. Travancore regiments of infantry and cavalry placed at the disposal of divisional commanders of the Company were taken to distant places, such as Calicut, Palghaut, Tinnevelly, &c, &c, and they were ' universally allowed to have behaved remarkably well.' " After strongly fortifying the northern and eastern frontiers of Travancore, the Maha Eajah sent a portion of his army under ablo officers to the north, to co-operate with the Bombay army, under Major Abington at Calicut. His Highness' troops were engaged in tho war and were successful in thoir united actions. Another portion of the Travancore army which was despatched to co-operate with tho British army in Tinnevelly against Hyder was stationed at that town for a period of two years." — p. 205. Journey of the Maha Rajah through Tinnevelly, frc, to Rdmesvaram. • En the year 959 M.E. (1784 A.D.) His Highness the Maha Eajah, partly to perform a religious ceremony and partly to satisfy his curiosity to see some other parts of the country in the east and south of Travancore, proposed making a pilgrimage to Ramaswaram and Travancore aid against Hyder Ali. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 2G1 seeing the districts of Tinnevelly and Madura on las way to and from Appendix I. that renowned resort of Hindu pilgrims. " But before starting from Trevandrum on tins pilgrimage, His Highness had to take the precaution of effecting some arrangements through tho means of His Highness' allies, the English East India Company and the Nabob of the Carnatic. The districts through which His Highness had to travel to Ramaswaram, viz., Tinnevelly and Madura, though subject to the sovereignty of the Nabob, were divided and were in the possession of Palayapattacars (roligars), the Dangers from majority of whom Avere rude and lawless chieftains. ongars. '' His Highness obtained the assistance of a few companies of sepoys of the English East India Company and some responsible officers from the Nabob's Government to escort him to Ramaswaram. With these and a large portion of His Highness' own army and a number of followers, he set out with all the pomp and grandeur usually attending the movements of Indian sovereigns of the rank and celebrity of the Maha Eajah. " His Highness took great care to inspect and examine all the Examination important irrigation works, roads and bridges, sathrums or choultries of Public built for the comfort and convenience of the public in Tinnevelly and Madura, this being the chief object for which he undertook the tour. " His Highness reached Ramaswaram in good health and performed the ablutions and other ceremonies there : and after spending a large sum in ceremonies and charities, returned, taking care to visit every place of note, to his own capital (Trevandrum), quite delighted with all he saw during a very agreeable journey. " His Highness lost no time in turning to account the knowledge of irrigation works, &c, he had acquired during the tour, and introduced improvements in several works of this description in the southern districts comprising Nanjenaud, &c." Major Banner man, the first Representative of the British Government in Travancore, in 1788 and 1789. " The Maha Rajah, with his usual prudence and faithful attach- Tippu's mcnt to his allies the English, resolved to see no messenger of the proposals. Sultan or receive any communication from him, except in the presence of a British officer. His Highness wrote to the Governor of Madras, Sir Archibald Campbell, to depute an officer of integrity and ability to the Maha Rajah's court, with whom His Highness might consult on some important points connected with the Sultan's mission. The Governor was quite delighted with the Maha Rajah's prudence and w r isdom and ordered Major Bannerman, then stationed at Palamcottah, to proceed to the Maha Rajah's court with a small detachment under his command." — p. 211. TI>- first British Resident in Trwancwe. ■ According to the agreement, two regiments commanded by Captain Knoz wen tatkw ■ Aycottah in the northern frontier 262 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. of Travancore in the year 964 M.E. (1788 A.D.). At the same time, as a medium for communicating between the Maha Rajah and the Madras Government, Mr. George Powney, a civil officer under the English East India Company, was also stationed in Travancore. He may he reckoned as the first Political Resident and British representa- tive in the Maha Rajah's Court." — p. 219. Mr. Powney was Collector of Tinnevelly from 1794. The celebrated Colonel Macaulay was Resident of Travancore from 1800. New treaty In 1805 a force was suddenly collected in Tinnevelly under General 1805° m MacDowel for the purpose of compelling the Rajah to sign a new treaty with the British Government. The Rajah at length consented to sign the treaty and the force was countermanded. — See pp. 310-323. Insurrection in Travancore ; attack on tiie Resident ; taking of the Travancore Lines in 1809. The commotions in Travancore out of which the war arose com- menced in 1808. The management of affairs in Travancore had been for some time in an unsatisfactory state, whereupon the British Resident interfered. The Dewan was irritated and dragged his master into hostility to the English. He intrigued with the Dewan of Cochin and with the French. A vessel with thirty-one privates and a surgeon belonging to the 1 2th Regiment put into Allippie. The men were decoyed on shore, tied in couples back to back, and with stones tied round their necks were thrown into the backwater. This massacre was perpetrated by the Dewan's brother. The Resident's house at Cochin was attacked and he escaped with difficulty. Sir G. Barlow was then Governor of Madras and took prompt measures to suppress the rebellion and restore the authority of the English Govern- ment. A considerable force was sent to enforce obedience, and the forces of the Travancore State were assembled for the purpose of preventing their entrance into the country. The rebellion was disowned by the Raja of Travancore of that time, Rama Varum, who attributed the whole blame to his ministers, but the forces of the State were sot in motion in resistance to the authority of the English as completely as if the Raja himself had been the leader of the rebellion. I here quote the information given us in Shungoony Menon's History of Travancore : — Causes of the " Paliathu Monon deputed a private messenger to Quilon, with a outbreak. secret despatch to Valu Thamby Dulawah and the leaders of the disaffected military, proposing to them the massacre of the British Resident and his small garrison in the fort at Cochin, and offering his co-operation in the affair. " These officials were delighted at such a desirable proposal from the Cochin minister, and Valu Thamby, from his own vanity, thought- lessness, and desiro of revenge, agreed to the proposal, and a pro- gramme was arranged between the two ministers. A short account of this has been thus recorded by Lieutenant, now Colonel, Horsley : ■ We are unable to trace the successive step- that led to the war, or HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 203 more properly the insurrection, which took place in 1808; but it is Appendix I. perhaps to be attributed less to the people in general, who had every- thing- to lose from any change which should extinguish British influence, than to the Rajah and to his principal native servants, provoked as they were at a control that threatened to moderate their excesses. The Cochin minister seems to have been implicated in those transactions. The character of this personage and the cautious manner in which he conducted these measures, countenance suspicion, that he was one of the most zealous and artful promoters of the troubles that ensued.' " The Dewan now determined to resort to hostilities, though in a The Dewan covert way. He issued secret orders for the recruiting of Nairs and see s a ies people of other castes and the strengthening of fortifications and the storms; of ammunition. He wrote to the Isle of France and the Zamorin of Calicut for aid, and warlike preparations were made by the Cochin minister Paliathu Menon. "The Resident little knew of these internal arrangements. He continued, as usual, to press the Dewan and the Maha Rajah for the payment of arrears. The Madras Government continued their demand upon the Maha Rajah for immediate payment. " The Dewan had by this time formed the resolution of assassinating pi t to the Resident. But he still feigned that he was using all his endea- ^g^* 3 vours to cause the early payment of arrears, and on the Resident's demanding either the liquidation of the amount or a change in the ministry, the Dewan pretended that he was on the point of retiring, and wrote to Colonel Macaulay that he would start for Calicut and take up his residence there on a pension, and asked him for a party of British troops to escort him thither, his object being to draw the best part of the Resident's escort from Cochin to Alleppey, where the Dewan was then located. "Yalu Thamby issued orders to the garrison at Alleppey and Paravoor and sent a detachment from Quilon preparatory to making a sudden descent upon the fort at Cochin for the massacre of the Resident together with Cunju Krishna Menon, arranging at the same time for the attack on the British garrison at Quilon, which was stationed there under the command of Colonel Chalmers. " The detachment moved from Quilon and Alleppey in covered boats, Failure of accompanied by Vycome Padmanabha Pillay, an intimate friend of the 2***™ °" the Dewan, who acted as his chief secretar} r , and the troops collected in the northern districts under the command of Cunju Cuty Pillay Sarvadhi- kariakar, stationed at Alangaud, also moved in covered boats to Cochin, and both the forces effected a junction at Calvathi, at about midnight on the 28th December. The}- surrounded Colonel Macaulay's house and opened fire. The sudden report of musketry at an unusual hour surprised Colonel Macaulay, and with the assistance of a confi- dential Portuguese clerk he managed to conceal himself, and in the morning got on board a pattimar at first, and subsequently on board the British ship " Piedmontese," which had just reached the Cochin roads ; Cunju Krishna Menon also effected his escape uninjured, and joined Colonel Macaulay on board the ship. 264 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. Massacre of English officers and sepoys. The Resi- dent's report to Govern- ment. " The Travancore sepoys overpowered the few British sepoys who formed the Resident's escort, killing many who resisted, and after- wards entered Colonel Macaulay's residence, ransacked the house, murdered the domestic servants and others whom they found in the house, and afterwards returned, considerably chagrined at not finding the Resident and Cunju Krishna Menon. ' ' The disappointment consequent on this attempt to murder Colonel Macaulay had cast a great gloom and dread among all the Travancore officials. Nevertheless, they prepared themselves for a defence against the attack which they expected every moment. They com- mitted depredations in the town of Cochin, and returned to Travan- core the next day. Valu Thamby foresaw the result and quitted Alleppey at once and proceeded to Quilon. " During this interval, three European military officers, including Surgeon Hume, together with a lady in one party, and twelve European soldiers of His Majesty's 12th Regiment, and thirty-three sepoys forming another party, were proceeding from Quilon to Cochin, and on coming near Poracaud, they were taken up by the military who had been scattered over those parts in large bodies, and who now began to exhibit a declared enmity towards the Company's people. In consultation with the ministerial officials stationed at Alleppey, all these were confined, the first party in the Poracaud bankshall, and the second at Alleppey. Subsequently the matter was reported to Valu Thamby Dalawah, with an application for his sanc- tion for the immediate execution of those unfortunate and innocent men. The hard-hearted minister, who was a perfect stranger to mercy, sanctioned the wholesale murder of the helpless party without the least hesitation, and the unfortunate and unoffending men were all cruelly murdered there. 1 The three officers were butchered in cold blood at the sea-beach at Poracaud, and the European soldiers and sepoys were consigned to the bottom of the Pallathurthee river, on the eastern side of Alleppey. The lady was allowed to proceed to Cochin unhurt, it being contrary to the laws of Travancore to kill women, and she was besides in bad health, and many of the local officials pitied her weak and helpless condition. " The Resident lost no time in despatching a report to the Madras Government on the subject, and the following is an abstract of the report with which we were kindly furnished, together with a copy of the proclamation, issued under date the loth January 1809, by the Government, by Mr. Ballard, the late British Resident in Travan- core : — " ' For some days past, I had been engaged in negotiation with the Dewan at his own earnest solicitation, and had concluded everything to his own entire satisfaction, and was waiting only his arrival from Alleppey to carry into execution the measure upon which ho had 1 "This information was given to us by one Ramalingum, Major Sobudar of M.N. I. Regiment VI, who accompanied these three unfortunate gentlemen and the sickly lady, and was present when they were murdered. He was then a dress, ing boy under Colonel Chalmers." — p. 337. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 265 resolved on removing to Calicut, and had at his earnest request weak- Appendix I. ened the party with me to provide for his security, and had at his suggestion placed my boats and palanquins in convenient places to take him on with comfort and expedition. When a little past mid- night, a party of Nayrs to the number of about one thousand, headed by the Dewan's confidential friend Pulpnabha Pillay and by the Minister of the Rajah of Cochin, surrounded my house to prevent all escape, and commenced a smart fire of musketry at every opening, first disarming the guard and killing a few who attempted resistance, and then broke into the place to destroy me ; their design was provi- dentially and somewhat miraculously defeated, and after having broken open every place and package, pillaging the house of the whole of my effects, they withdrew at break of day. The chief incon- venience at present attending this proceeds from the loss of books of record and official papers, but as the Dewan has now broken out into open rebellion, and will be likely to assemble his followers on every side in the hope of producing an impression on the subsidiary force, I have sent to Colonel Cuppage a request to embark without delay for Quilon all force that he can spare.' There had been a simul- taneous attack on the subsidiary force at Quilon on the morning of the 29th December 1808. The Dewan arrived at Quilon, and encouraged the Travancore force concentrated thereabouts, and then proceeded to Kundaray, east of Quilon, whence he issued a proclamation." — p. 335. See this proclamation in History of Travancore, p. 339. " By the Dalawah's strongly worded and powerful proclamation, the whole populace of Travancore was incensed and disaffected, and a revolt against the British force stationed at Quilon took place at once. The cantonment was attacked by large bodies of militia, assisted by Quilon troops the Travancore regular troops stationed about Quilon, but they were attacked - repulsed as often as they attacked by the able Commandant Colonel Chalmers. The failure of the attempt to murder Colonel Macaulay had not totally disheartened the Sarvadhikariakar of Alangaud, as he appears to have entertained hopes of success again. About 2,000 men, consisting of regular infantry and militia and the rabble, were kept up in the vicinity of Cochin, and the town was visited by them now and then. The Cochin minister, Paliathu Menon, had also col- lected a force of about 2,000 men and kept them also in the neigh- bourhood to attack the town. The Judges and other Company's officers closed their offices and many of the inhabitants and merchants left Cochin for Calicut, and the fear of a combined rebellion in Travancore and Cochin against the English East India Company now became general. But the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Cuppage on the northern frontier, and of Major Hewitt's detachment at Cochin, with whom the Travancoreans had fought and failed, discouraged the Reinforce- northern Travancore force entirely, and they retreated to the south, ment. thus leaving Cochin safe and secure in the hands of the Company. " At Quilon the action under Colonel Chalmers was decisive, for on the 18th January the Dewan's force was completely defeated during a contest which lasted six hours." 34 266 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. The inhabitants of Tinnevelly warned by the Madras Government not to take part in the Rebellion. " The Madras Government published the following proclamation in Tinnevelly and Malabar, which completely quieted the population of those districts : — " ' PROCLAMATION. " ' The Honourable the Governor in Council of Fort St. George having been informed that the Dewan of Travancore has been endeavouring by artful intrigues to excite the inhabitants of Tinnevelly to rise in arms against the British Govern- ment, the Governor in Council thinks it proper to caution the inhabitants of Tinne- velly against listening to the delusive insinuations which the Dewan of Travancore has endeavoured to disseminate. The Governor in Council has no doubt that the inhabitants of that province will be sensible of their own interests and will continue to enjoy in tranquillity the advantages which they possess under the protection of the British Government. " ' Dated in Fort St. George, the 15th day of January 1809.' " —Page 345. Proclamation of the Madras Government to the inhabitants of Travancore. " The Government published the following proclamation on the 17th January 1809 for the information of the people of Travancore : — " ' PROCLAMATION. " ' It is known to the inhabitants of Travancore that during many years the closest alliance has subsisted between the British Government and the Government of the Travancore country ; that the British troops have long been employed in defence o Travancore, and that it was by the exertion of the British armies that Travancore was saved from subjection to the power of Tippoo Sultan. " ' Under these circumstances, the Honorable the Governor in Council of Fort St. George has heard with extreme surprise, that military preparations of great extent have lately taken place in Travancore for purposes hostile to the interests of the British Government ; that the person of the British Resident has been attacked by the Travancore troops ; and that an assault has been made on the subsidiary force stationed at Quilon. " ' The Honorable the Governor in Council has reason to believe that these unprece- dented outrages have proceeded from the desperate intrigues of the Dewan of Tra- vancore, who has been also endeavouring by injurious insinuation to excite rebellion in the territories of the Honourable Company. In order that the daring plans of A force to be the Dewan may be defeated, the Honorable the Governor in Council has directed a sent to restore i ar g e body of troops to move into Travancore, who will, in a short time, put an end or( *er. to the power of the Dewan, and to restore order and peace in the country of Tra- vancore. The Honorable the Governor in Council thinks it proper at the samo time to make known to the inhabitants of Travancore that the approach of the British troops need occasion no alarm in the minds of those inhabitants who conduct themselves peaceably. The British Government has no other view in directing the movements of troops than to rescue the Rajah of Travancore from the influence of the Dewan, to put an end to the power of that dangerous minister, and to re-estab- lish the connection of the two Governments on a secure and happy foundation. " ' The Honourable the Governor in Council calls on the inhabitants of Travancore toco-operate in accomplishing these objects, and such of the inhabitants as shall not oppose the advance of the British troops may be assured of the entire protection of HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 207 their persons and property ; particular orders will also be given to give no disturb- Appendix I, ance to the Brahmins and religious establishments throughout the Travancore country. " ' Dated in Fort St. George, the 17th day of January 1809. " ' Published by order of the Honourable Governor in Council. (Signed) C. BUCHAN, Chief Secretary to Government.'' " —Page 346. " The Travancore minister and his colleagues, as well as the military officials, had not to wait long for their fate, for a British force, under the command of the Honorable Colonel St. Leger, arrived at the southern frontier of Travancore and commenced an attack on the Araniboby lines and forced an entrance into the forts on the 10th February 1809. " Yalu Thamby Dalawah, who was at that time near the Aramboly garrison to support the operations, found it impossible to resist the British soldiers, and therefore had escaped to Trevandrum hastily." —Page 347. Taking of the Travancore Lines. Our information with regard to the principal event of the war, the General taking of the Travancore Lines, is derived mainly from General Weleh# Welsh's Military Reminiscences. General (then Major) Welsh was the officer by whom the lines were stormed, and it will be remembered that it is to the same soldier and author that we are indebted for the fullest account of the last Poligar war. The force, assembled for the purpose of asserting the authority of the English Government, was under the command of the Honorable Colonel St. Leger. When Major Welsh joined the force on the 5th February 1809 it was encamped six miles from Aramboly (properly Aravay-moli) on the Tinnevelly side of the pass. The lines by which Description of the entrance into Travancore through the pass was defended were the lines, about two miles in length, stretching across the gap from one range of mountains to another. They included a rugged hill to the south- ward, strongly fortified, and a sti'ong rock about half way called the northern redoubt. The works consisted of small well-built bastions for two and three guns, joined at intervals by strong curtains, the whole cannon-proof and protected by a thick hedge of thorn bushes, the approach to which was difficult from the wildness of the country. Major Welsh proposed, and the Commanding Officer reluctantly con- sented, that an attempt should be made to take the lines by escalade ; and on the 10th of February this daring feat was accomplished. The southern fortified hill was escaladed during the night, and though defended by fifty pieces of cannon and ten thousand men the whole lines were in the possession of the English force by eight o'clock a.m. The approach was so difficult that it took six hours scrambling to reach the foot of the walls, but the troops had escaladed the southern redoubt before their approach was suspected. As soon as it was seen that Major Welsh had secured a footing in that commanding position s ucc „ ss f u i a detachment was sent to his aid, whereupon he stormed and carried assault. 268 APPENDIX TO March towards Trevaiidium Appendix I. the main lines, including the fortified gate. The northern redoubt was then abandoned, and the Travancore troops fled in all possible directions, leaving the English in possession of the whole of the lines, the arsenal, and the stores. Before evening the English force was encamped two miles inside the Ararnboly gate. On the 17th the army commenced its march for Trevandrum, the Travancore capital. The only resistance they met with was on the morning of the same day at a village where they had to cross the Susendram river, on the further side of which a portion of the Travan- core force was posted in a strong position on a high bank. The Travancoreans were routed and dispersed with much loss to them and some to our troops. Nine guns were taken and the large villages of Cotaur and Nagercoil fell into the hands of the English. This was the last action fought and the last blood shed in this brief war. The English marched steadily forward, taking possession in their way of the abandoned forts of Oodagherry and Palpanavaram, but before they reached the capital an armistice was proclaimed. On the arrival of the troops at the capital it was found that within the Raja's palace walls an arsenal had been provided containing 140 pieces of service- able cannon, 14,000 stand of arms, and abundance of ammunition, all which the Raja was obliged to deliver up to the English. The late Dewan, the author of the rebellion, was speedily traced to the interior of a pagoda with brazen doors, and while the troops were breaking open the doors he killed himself. His brothers and six accomplices were taken alive and hanged at Quilon in front of the 12th Regiment, in the murder of the men belonging to which they had participated. Colonel Macaulay, the Resident, had now landed from a vessel of war in which he had some time before made his escape from Cochin when the rebellion broke out. Immediately on his arrival at the capital a new Dewan was appointed and new arrangements made for securing Trevandrum. the peace of the country. Whilst the British force was approaching from the eastward through the Travancore lines the subsidiary force at Quilon was by no means idle. Shut up in the heart of a difficult coun- try, with the inhabitants all in arms against them, they had had several severe actions, in which they were invariably victorious. Nevertheless their situation was daily becoming more critical until the news of the capture of the Aramboly lines reached the masses by which they were surrounded, when, giving up every hope of further success, they dispersed in all directions. General Welsh states that those lines had up to that time been deemed impregnable, and that Tippu Sultan in the zenith of his power had been repulsed from them with considerable loss. He adds that it was natural therefore that the report of their capture should at once decide the fate of the kingdom. The capture of the Aramboly lines was a brave achievement and undoubtedly decided the fate of the king- dom, but the General was mistaken in supposing that these were the lines from which Tippu was repulsed. The lines he failed to take were those on the northern frontier between Travancore and Cochin. This event occurred long before in December 1789. Events at HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 269 The following particulars are from Shungoonny Menon's History : — Appendix I. " The Colonel afterwards marched to Trevandrum, and on reaching the neighbourhood, encamped at a place called Pappenecode, when the Malm Rajah sent a deputation headed by His Highness' favourite Ummany Thamby alias Marthanden Eravy, who conveyed to the Colonel His Highness' extreme regret at the occurrence of the insur- rection created by Dewan Valu Thamby, and of the adoption of measures for the Dewan's apprehension and delivery. Colonel Macaulay arrived in the camp on the 3rd March. Arrangements were made for the apprehension of the minister. A party of Travan- core and British officers was despatched in pursuit of the Dalawah, and a reward of (50,000) fifty thousand rupees was offered for his apprehension. "Ummany Thamby, the head of the deputation, was appointed Flight of the Dewan on the 18th March 1809 with the full concurrence of the British Dewan. Government, and he at once sent persons in pursuit of the Dalawah. The runaway Dalawah wandered in the jungles about Vallicote in the Kunnathoor district. He was hotly pursued by the officers even here. From this place he came to Munnady, in the same district, and took refuge in a vacant house belonging to a Potty. The servant of Valu Thamby, who wandered in the streets there with his master's silver and gold utensils, was seen by the officers and apprehended, and he revealed to them the Thamby's hiding-place. He then fled to the Bhagavathi pagoda at Munnady with his brother Padmanabhen Thamby and determined to put an end to his existence. He asked his brother to stab him. This the brother refused to do at first, when the Dalawah plunged his own dagger in his bosom. But as the self- inflicted wound did not prove mortal, he cried out to his brother ' cut my neck,' which request the brother complied with, and in one stroke severed the neck from the body. By that time the pursuers reached Death of the the pagoda and forced open the door, when they found the lifeless body Dewan. of Valu Thamby and his brother standing close to it with a drawn sword. The brother was seized and the body removed to Trevandrum, where it was exposed on a gibbet at Kunnammalay for public execra- tion. Lord Minto, the then Governor-General, most strongly con- demned this insult offered to the body of such a great man as Valu Thamby. " The deceased Dalawah's brother Padmanabhen Thamby was hanged on the 10th of April, in the presence of the 12th Regiment at Quilon, on the supposition that he took part in the assassination of Surgeon Hume, and also in the most cruel and inhuman act of the drowning at Pullathurthee of a detachment of the 12th Regiment. " Ummany Thamby Dewan was dreaded by the relatives of the late minister, and his house was razed to the ground and plantain and castor trees planted thereon. " Most of the relatives were transported to the Maldives, but after Fate of the going a certain distance stress of weather compelled them to touch at rest of tne Tuticorin. Some appear to have committed suicide, some died in 270 APPENDIX TO Appendix I. prison, while the rest were flogged and banished. All these were done by Valu Thamby's successor Ummany Thaniby. " Several of the promoters of the insurrection, chief among whom was Vycome Padmanabha Pillay, the murderer of the Europeans at Poracaud, Alleppey, &c, were punished by being publicly hanged at Quilon, Poracaud and Pallathurth.ee, the spots where the Europeans were massacred." — p. 349. Aitchison'a Treatits. Political Results. The political and financial results of the rebellion appear in Aitchi- son's Treaties, Vol. V. The Raja was obliged to pay the expenses incurred by the British Government in this expedition, and a brigade was left at Quilon as a subsidiary force, agreeably to the treaty con- cluded in November 1795. The debts thus incurred were but tardily discharged, and the British Government were about to assume the internal administration of the country as the only means of insuring their satisfactory settlement when the Raja died in 181 1. The Raja was succeeded by Latchmi Rani, who, according to the peculiar custom of the family of Travancore, assumed charge of the Government until a male heir was born. She held it till 1814, during which time the British Resident, Colonel Munro. acted also as Minister, and by his judicious measures completely relieved the conditio a of the country. Latchmi Rani was succeeded by her eldest son, and the country was, during his minority, successfully managed by her sister as Regent, under the counsels of the British Resident. Shenkottai. I subjoin some particulars respecting Shenkotta. On the cession of Tinnevelly to the British Government by the Nawab of the Carnatic in 1801 it was found that the Nawab claimed the district of Shenkottai, a portion of Travancore situated to the east of the ghauts, as one of his Zemindarifis. It was asserted also that this claim was admitted by the Rajah of Travancore, who had regu- larly paid peshcush as Zemindar of Shenkottai to the Nawab's Govern- ment. The Travancore authorities do not admit that Shenkottai was ever a Zemindary under the Nawab, and the following is Sir Madava Row's statement of the case in his manuscript history. Some of the facts have already been quoted from Shungoonny Menon : — " Mahomed Yusuf Khan, generalissimo of the forces of the Nawab of the Carnatic, incurred his master's displeasure, in consequence of which by the assistance of the English he was captured and hanged. Travancore having befriended Yusuf Khan, though only as the gene- ral of Mahomed Ali, the Nawab in revenge annexed Kalakadu and Shenkotta again to the Carnatic. " But an ambassador, Manika Bhatta, was sent to Madras to the Nawab, and with the assistance of the English succeeded in obtaining the restoration of Shenkotta. not however till Kalakadu was ceded and HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 271 the Nawab, flushed with victory, exacted a tribute of 3,000 Vella Appendix I. fauams a year as a compensation to his Government for the restora- tion of Shenkotta. " This continued to be paid to the Nawab till the Carnatic was ceded to the British. Thereafter the payment was made to them instead, and to this day it is incorporated with, and is a component part of, the subsidy of 8,00,000 rupees paid to the British Government." It will be seen from the above statement that the only real discre- pancy between the two representations relates to the use of one word, the word "Zemindar." Muhammad Yusuf Khan was executed in 1764, so that the relation described above as subsisting between Shen- kottai and the Nawab lasted for 37 years. APPENDIX II. ACCOUNT OF THE FLOODS AND PESTILENTIAL FEVER IN TINNEVELLY IN 1810-12. TnERE was a very severe flood in Tinnevelly on the 6th Decern- Appendix II. ber 1810, "the like of which," Mr. Hepburn the Collector says, " has not occurred within the memory of man." The river bank was breached in many places, and most of the tanks and water channels were breached. 500 houses were carried away in the town of Alvar Tinnevelly. In March 1811 the Collector reports that there had been another very heavy fall of rain for ten days in the end of February. This was a very unusual season for heavy rain and floods. He adds that this unusual rain has rendered the season unhealthy, particularly in the vicinity of the hills and along the sea-coast, where the mortality amongst the natives had been excessive. On the 6th of April the Collector reports that rain had set in again in March and was continuing till the date of his letter. There was almost continuous rain for nearly three months, in February, March and April. The pestilential fever also had greatly increased and the mortality was frightful. In one village, that of Selvamarudur, in the Calcaud Taluk (near Edeyengoody) visited by his assistant Mr. Han- bury, 50 houses were found entirely empty, and in every house in the village some had died. In other villages he found that a few of the inhabitants had fled and that all the rest were dead. A peon was sent to a village to make a demand for assessment and found the whole of the village officers and all the respectable inhabitants dead. In many places the grain rotted in the ground for want of hands to reap and gather it in. Two causes for the fever had been suggested. One was that it arose from exhalations from the salt marshes near the sea, the smell arising from which was very dreadful. The other that it had travelled to Tinnevelly from Coimbatore, Dindigul and Madura, where it was said to have broken out first. The latter was tho general opinion of the 272 APPENDIX TO Appendix II. natives. They said every individual amongst the pilgrims who went to Pulney and other sacred places in that region died on his return to his village. This origin of the fever was confirmed, they thought, by the circumstance that the fever was particularly fatal in the vicinity of the mountains. A Medical Committee was convened to consider the condition of each of the districts affected by the pestilence. It assembled at Bhavany 8th May 1811. All that they could do was to prescribe the use of such preventives and such remedies as would naturally suggest themselves. They could not make the pestilential air wholesome, and the natives generally would be found too poor and too much attached to custom to avail themselves of most of the recommendations. The Committee recommended that the natives should build better houses, that the floor of their houses should be raised above the ground, that the}' should sleep on cots, with mattresses of twisted straw and cover- lets, that they should clothe themselves more warmly, that they should use a sort of sandal for the feet, that they should not go out in the morning till the heavy fogs had been dispelled by the sun, and that they should eat better food. Amongst the remedies they recom- mended the only febrifuge was the bark of the Nim or Margosa. In Dindigul the number of persons who fell victims to the pestilence in the course of nine months was not less than 34,000. Another authority estimates the number at one in thirteen of the population, but the calculation seems hardly reliable, seeing that in some places half the population were said to have died. In Madura the worst of the epidemic was before May in 1811. Tire epidemic, however, broke out again with great violence in 1812, and in the town of Raninad, during the three months between December 1812 and February 1813, one in six were reported to have died. Letters from Mr. Hepburn, the Collector, to tlie Board of Revenue, in 1811. "2. The epidemical disease which forms the subject of these letters first became of sufficient importance in the month of February to attract attention and to impede the usual regularity of the collections. At first it was, however, principally prevalent in the Streevilliputtilr District, which joins the taluks of Madura and lies near the hills, the course of which it followed to the southward, where it has since pre- vailed very universally. Soon afterwards it broke out in the vicinity of the sea-coast and committed great ravages in the Punjamahl and Calacaud Taluks. To enable the Board, however, the better to trace its progress, I have the honor to enclose a small sketch of the province with the different taluks marked out, which will make the subject more easily understood. " 3. When the Medical Committee which is ordered here shall have investigated the subject they will no doubt, with the aid of the science which they possess, be able to account satisfactorily for the mortality which has occurred ; yet it is to be apprehended that the principal cause of it is to be looked for in the very uncommon circumstances of the season. The Board recollect the great destruction of houses reported in consequence of the inundation in December last, and the HISTORY OF IINMA'ELLY. 273 loss of huts was still greater. After that fall of rain the weather still Appendix II. continued hot and close, in the early part of the nights in particular, attended with very heavy dews towards morning. The heat of the early part of the night indeed caused many of the natives who had houses to sleep in the open air, by which they became exposed, while their bodies were still hot, to the chilling damps towards morning, which in all probability was the cause of the fever which succeeded, and of those whose houses had been destroyed many were obliged to do so from having no shelter to cover them. The rain soon after com- menced and continued for three months, and generally the people were found totally unprovided against it ; and to such as had no houses was added the misfortune of worse than ordinary food, as they often could not dry their grain to convert it into rice, having no place to preserve it in from the rain, in consequence of which they were deprived of almost every comfort they are in the habit of enjoying. That these causes operated in a considerable degree appears from the mortality having been much greater amongst the lower classes of people, particularly toddy-drawers, who live in temporary cabins made of cadjan only, most of which were destroyed in the monsoon, than amongst the better description of the inhabitants who live in good houses. " 4. Whether in addition to these causes the disease was infectious and imported from Madura and Dindigul it is impossible for me to say. The natives have a strong impression that it was, which certainly seems in some degree confirmed by the mortality amongst the pil- grims who have returned from Pulney in the Dindigul District ; but to decide the question requires the exercise of a professional know- ledge, which can only be expected from the report of the Medical Committee upon the subject. At first the disease was very rapidly fatal. The patient was seized with it on one day, had often a sort of fit or convulsion the second day, and generally died on the third. If he survived the ninth day he generally got over it, but was left in a state of great debility from the fever, which lasted from a fortnight to a month afterwards. At first the return of the fever was diurnal, but afterwards it only recurred once every other clay, and in the cases where it proved fatal was often attended with a bloody flux. Such is the account which I have been able to obtain of this awful visitation, and whether the opinions formed are correct or not will hereafter be seen from the report of the medical men soon expected here. I can however say with great truth that they have been stimulated by the greatest interest and anxiety in the subject and that they have occu- pied my best attention. •••".. Within these last ten days the land winds have set in. which hold out the most anxious hope that the change of weather will produce an alleviation of the disease ; as yet it is still however repre- sented to be very prevalent, and although there are instances of speedy deaths from it, yet I hope that there is room to think the general features of it are beginning to change, and that of those taken ill the number of deaths is smaller, although the patients are still left in a state of great weakness from the wasting of a long-continued periodi- •35 274 APPENDIX TO Appendix II. cal fever, which renders them unahle for a length of time to attend to their usual duties and occupations ; and from the protracted nature of the disease, it is frequent that the whole numbers of a family are to he found in one or other of the stages of the disease. The season is also still very extraordinary, as the land winds which in general blow with considerable violence are remarkably mild with frequent lulls and a heavy thick oppressive atmosphere. Had there not been a very violent squall, although of short duration, on the 29th ultimo, the 6tate of the weather is such as to give rise to the apprehension that the whole will conclude with some violent convulsion of nature. "6. On enquiring of the people whether such a calamity was ever experienced here before, they state that they remember a very unhealthy season about thirty-four years ago, but that its effects were not so general nor so fatal as in the present instance. This assertion is corroborated by a passage in Orme's History of Hindustan, in which the Board will find it mentioned in paragraph 2nd, page 201, old edi- tion, that in the month of March 1757 a very unusual fall of rain had taken place in the province of Tinnevelly, which lasted for two days, and in addition to the damage done to the crops, had brought on an epidemic sickness which carried off numbers of the inhabitants by sudden deaths. The whole description, which is of some length, bears a strong resemblance to the present season, only that the calamity was not of the same extent. If two days rain, however, at that time could produce the effects recorded, some estimate may be formed of those arising from three months of such frequent and equally unseasonable rains. "7. As before stated the disease was first reported in February to be so general in the district of Strivaleputtur as to cause considerable interruption to the collections. It was then however principally confined to the villages near the hills, in which it prevailed so gene- rally that the peons could not go to demand the revenue, most of those who had been in the villages near the hills being laid up by the fever. To the end of February the fever still continued in this district and had spread all over it on the 26th March ; the Tasildar reported that in many instances the crops were left uncut upon the ground for want of people to reap them, and that from the number of those whose business it was to collect and remit the revenue being sick great interruption was at present experienced in the collections. " 8. From Strivaleputtur the disease followed the course of the hills to Tenkashee, which has suffered in a very severe degree from it. as also the intermediate pollams shown in the accompanying sketch. Towards the end of February or beginning of March it had become very prevalent, and in the course of that month the Tasildar reported the number of deaths in the cusbah was from 10 to 15 daily, and in the other villages in proportion, and that many people had left tho district for fear of the infection. He also represented that the crops were left standing on the ground for want of people to cut them, and that there were not people enough who were free from fever to attend tho sick and hum the dead, and if he senl his peons to demand the revenue they generally found the people in a state rendering them HISTORY 01 IINMA Kill 275 entirely incapable of attending to their concerns. Oi' all the taluks Appenmx II. this one has suffered most in proportion to its population from the fever. " 9. In Brummadaspuram the people were represented to have been rather sickly since the month of November last, hut the epidemical fever does not seem to have made a very alarming progress till the beginning of March. Since that time the Tasildar represents the people to have suffered much, and he mentions many of the villages where there are not people enough to attend the sick and to burn the dead. The Board will observe a village of the name of Kuddyum in this neigh- bourhood. In this village, which was a very fine one, it is computed that about a thousand people have been carried off by the fever. Of these there were forty families of Brahmans, of whom twenty-six are entirely swept away, eight have deserted, and of the others about one half of the numbers of each family are dead. "10. In Sharrinmadavy the fever was later in commencing, and no representations of its having reached a serious height were made till the beginning of April. A great many people have had the disease, but as far as can be learnt the mortality does not aptpear to have been so great as in some of the other districts. "11. In Nellumbalam, with the exception of the town of Tinnevelly, the disease does not appear to have commenced so early as in the vicinity of the hills. In the month of April, however, it was repre- sented as very generally prevalent, most of the people being sick and many having died. In the town of Tinnevelly, as before reported, the deaths are estimated for a considerable time to have amounted to fifteen or twenty people a day. The town is still unhealthy, but the cases of sudden death are decreased, as is also the number of casual- ties. "12. In the districts of Vedoogramem, Streeviguntam, Gungundam and Alwar Tinnevelly the disease has been much less destructive than in the others, although there has been a considerable degree of sick- ness, which has incapacitated the people from attending to their business. "13. It has already been stated that the disease early began to make its appearance on the sea-coast. How this is to be accounted for it is difficult to say, unless it arose from that part of the country having suffered much from the inundation in December and the houses of the people not being so good or durable as in the interior. There are also a great number of toddy-drawers who reside in huts made of cadjans only on the coast, most of which were destroyed in the monsoon and the people left exposed. Many of the salt marshes were also overflowed in the monsoon, the exhalation from which is very offensive. The mortality therefore all along the coast to Cape Oomorin has been very great, and the district of Calcaud being bounded by the hills upon the other side has from these two causes suffered most severely from the fever. The Tasildar mentions many villages which are nearly depopulated, and almost all his peons have been sick. In addi- tion to these misfortunes the small-pox has lately made its appearance iu the Punjamahl Taluk, but it has not yet done much mischief. 276 APPENDIX TO Appendix II. This disease is probably imported from Travancore where I have been informed it is now raging, but it does not appear that the fever which has committed such ravages here has extended itself to that country, where the seasons are remarkable for their regularity. "14. The taluk of Shankaranainarkovil is the only one which now remains to be noticed, and although surrounded by those parts which suffered most severely from the fever, it is extraordinary that till near the end of April it was only experienced in a comparatively slight degree and the deaths very few. On the 22nd of that month, however, it was represented as having become very general, and that a number of people were dying suddenly as in the other districts where it first broke out. The last accounts state it still continues. " 15. The above is a statement of the progress of the disease in the different parts of the province, as reported to me by the public officers and ascertained as correctly as possible from the best information which it has otherwise been in my power to collect and in compliance with the Board's orders. Instructions have been sent to endeavour to ascertain as near as possible the actual number of people who have fallen victims to this calamity. There has not yet, however, been time for a compliance with these orders from the state in which the people are whose duty it is to furnish them, and also from the dislike which the people of this country have in general to all enquiries of this nature, and they consequently evince much unwillingness to furnish Hny information respecting it. Independent of these circumstances it ie to be apprehended that any account recorded just now would be liable to inaccuracy, as in many places where the fever began the people left their villages until the disease should subside. As soon, however, as any return is obtained which can be depended upon, the Board shall immediately be furnished with it." APPENDIX III. T1XNEVELLY NATIVE AUTHORS. App. III. The Pandya country, especially as was natural Madura itself, the capital of the country and the abode of its kings, abounded in authors. It might with equal propriety be said to have abounded in poets, almost every ancient Tamil composition having been in verse. Ma- dura became celebrated in Tamil literary circles for its so-called " college." This college, however, was not a teaching institution, but an association of poets, who gave their imprimatur to works they considered classical by giving the writer a place on their board, which was literally a board, viz., the board on which they sat when they met, represented afterwards to have been a miraculous diamond bench capable of expanding and contracting. The name for this college, Mrulura Sangam (Sanskrit), has the same meaning as the Latin collegium. College. \'\z., an association or society of learned men. Tradition says that there were three such colleges at Madura at different times, and that HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 277 it was to the last of them that Tirurvalluvar, the celebrated author of App. III. the Rural, was admitted. Another of the accepted poets was the author of the Naladiyar. Tiruvalluvar (a name which means the sacred Paraiya priest) is esteemed the prince of Tamil poets ; but having- been a Paraiya, it was not without a miracle wrought in his favour that he was allowed a place on the much-coveted bench. All this passes current freely in popular tradition, but it is impossible now to ascertain how much truth these legends contain. It is the less necessary for our present purpose to endeavour to ascertain this, seeing that none of the great writers of that time is said to have belonged to Tinnevelly. It is true that Tinnevelly boasts in the possession of Agastyar-malai, the place to which the great rishi Agastya, styled " the Southern Sage " and " the Tamil Sage," retired Aga&tya. alter having not only invented Tamil grammar but the Tamil lan- guage itself, and also that works are still extant — grammars and books of medicine, alchymy, and mystic theology — which are commonly attributed to him. When I have mentioned, however, that all this is related and believed without a particle of evidence in its favour, and against every conceivable probability, I think I have done enough. A considerable number of Tamil compositions of some degree of merit are attributed on sufficient evidence to persons who are known to have belonged to Tinnevelly, but there are only four of these which could fairly claim a place in a history of Tamil literature. Ncmmalvdr. I. The first and probably the oldest of these is a portion of the great Yaishnava composition called the great Prabandham or Tixu- vay-moli, the words of the Sacred Mouth. The whole work contains 4,000 verses, 1,000 of which are attributed to a native of Tinnevelly - This was Nammalvar, one of the twelve Alvars or disciples (Alvar means one who profoundly humbled himself) of Eamanuja Acharya, the founder of the Sri-vaishnava or Visisht-advaita school of Hindu theosophy. The Brahman adherents of this school are called in the Tamil country Aiyangars. The age of the Alvars is not certainly known, but it must have been subsequent to the age of their master Alvar-tiruna- Ramanuja, who flourished about the beginning or middle of the 12th gari. century A.D. The Tinnevelly Alvar gave his name to Alvar Tiruna- gari, a place called also, but erroneously, Alvar Tinnevelly. The oldest name of this place is Kurugur or Kurugapuri. In later times the name which I have found in inscriptions is Tenkarai (the South- bank, equivalent to the English Southwark), a name which survives as the name of the taluk in which this place is included. It was called by this name in contradistinction to Srl-vaikuntham, a still more considerable town on the northern bank. Alvar Tirunagari, the name by which it is now called, the meaning of which is the holy ei y of the Alvar, is one of the principal Vaishnava holy places in Tinnevelly, with a population of 5,600. The real name of the Alvar of this place is said to have been Jadakopa, a common name now amongst Vaishnavas, and his father is said to have been one Kari 278 APPENDIX TO App. III. Maran, a scion of the Pandya dynasty. Maran means Pandyan. Nammalvar means onr Alvar, and this title is said to have been con- ferred upon him by Vishnu himself, as a mark of special confidence and favour. Though only one in twelve of the Alvars, his share in the hymns of the great Prabandhani was one part in four. Translation of the Mahabharata. II. The second important composition attributed to a native of Tinnevelly is the Tamil poetical translation of the Maha-bharata, or at least of the greater part of it, which is believed to have been wait- ten at Srl-villiputtur, by a Vaishnava Brahman called Sarva Bhauma 1 Aiyangar. From the name of the place to which he belonged he is commonly called Villiputtiirar. Possibly at the time the poem became famous Sri, sacred, had not been commonly prefixed to the name of the place. At present if the Sri were omitted, the name would not be recognised. The poet is sometimes called an Alvar, but this is only out of respect, as the title is also sometimes given to Kambar, the author of the Tamil poetical version of the Ramayana. The Tamil Maha-bharata is not considered by any means equal in beauty to the Tamil Ramayana, which stands, with the Ohintamani and the Kural, in the very first rank of Tamil poems, but it is considered notwithstanding a very fine composition. Portions of it have fre- quently been prescribed for the study of candidates for University distinctions. The date of the author of this work is unknown, but it is never Sn-villiput- supposed to be very early. Pandits generally suppose that he lived tur - two or three hundred years ago, which seems probable enough and would place him in the age of the Nayaka rulers of Madura. Villi- puttfir means the new town of the bow-man, and of course a legend — several legends indeed — are related to account for this name and explain who the bow-man was. It has received the title of Sri, sacred, on account of its Vaishnava temple, which is a holy place of some celebrity, ranking perhaps with that at Alvar Tirunagari. Tirumalai Nayaka, the celebrated ruler of Madura, had a palace in this place, which is still shown. In the Government Records the name of the place appears as^Nachiyar Kovil, with a population of over 14,000. Pwrimelalagor. III. The third literary character belonging to Tinnevelly whose name claims to occupy a place in the literary history of the Tamil country is a commentator on the Kural called Parimelalagar. I should hardly have thought of placing a mere commentator in this rank, were it not that his urai or commentary is considered the first of its kind. According to the opinion of the Tamil people the best of all poems is Tiruvalluvar's Kural, and the best of all commentaries is 1 Sarva Bhauma means possessing tho whole world or known throughout the whole world. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 279 Parimelalagar's commentary thereon. The date of this writer is App. III. unknown, but he is believed by some to have lived in the Karisal- Kadu, or black cotton soil country, in the northern part of Tinnevelly. In the Northern Tamil country I have always heard Parimelalagar represented to have been a Brahman, but some Pandits in Tinnevelly — not themselves Shanars — maintain that he was a Shanar guru. Others assert that he was neither a Brahman nor a Shanar, but a Vellala. Niti-nen -v ifakkam . IV. Perhaps the latest of the Tinnevelly literary celebrities was the author of the Niti-neri-vilakkam, a work consisting of ethical stanzas, arranged more or less after the fashion of the Kural and the Naladiyar. These stanzas have secured themselves a good place in general estimation, but few of them rise to the highest order of originality and merit. They are frequently made use of in University examinations. The author was a Saiva ascetic, a Vellala by caste, called Kumara-guru-pai-a-Tambiran. Tambiran, his lordship, is the usual title of the head of a Saiva monastery. Our author however was not the head of any monastery, but seems to have had the title conferred upon him as a term of respect. Compare the use of Abbe amongst the French. He is sometimes called also Kumara-guru-para- Swamigal. Swamigal is the honorific plural of Swami, lord. KumS- ra-guru-para belonged to Sri-vaikuntham, a well-known town on the Sri-vaikun- northern bank of the Tamraparni. This has always been a place of * ham ' some importance, and is now the capital of the Tenkarai Taluk. The name by which it is called denotes that it is a holy place amongst the Vaishnavas. Vaikuutham is the name of Vishnu's heaven. The population of the place is upwards of 7,000. Kumara-guru-para- Tambiran is said to have nourished during the reign of Tirumalai Nayaka, the celebrated king of Madura. If so, he is to be placed between A.D. 1623 and 1659. APPENDIX IV. SEPULCHRAL URNS IN TINNEVELLY. I am anxious to obtain some information as to the extent of the area App. IV. within which sepulchral urns, like those to which I am about to refer, are found. The urns I refer to are large earthenware jars containing fragments of human bones, generally in a very decayed state. They are of various sizes, corresponding with the age of the person whose remains were to be disposed of. The largest I have found was eleven feet in circumference, and the smallest have been between four and five. The shape varies a little within certain limits, so that I have not found any two urns perfectly alike, but the type generally adhered to is that of the large earthen jars (in Tamil kunai) with which the Shape of urns, 280 APPENDIX TO Mode of inter- ment. App. IV. peojile in tins neighbourhood draw water from wells for their cultiva- tion. The urn is without handles, feet, or cover. It swells out towards the middle and terminates in a point, so that it is only when it is surrounded with earth that it keeps an upright position. The urns do much credit to the workmanship of the people by whom they were made, being made of better-tempered clay, better burnt, and much stronger than any of the pottery made in these times in this part of India. They would contain a human body easily enough in a doubled-up position, if it could be got inside, but the mouth is gene- rally so narrow that this would present some difficulty. One opinion is that the bones were denuded of flesh and separated before they were packed into the urns. Generally decay is found to have advanced so far that theories respecting the mode in which the body was put in can neither be verified nor disproved. Fragments only of the harder bones remain, and the urn seems to contain little more than a mass of earth. In one instance I found the bones partially petrified, and therefore almost perfect, though they had fallen asunder ; but this was the large eleven-feet urn referred to above, dis- covered at Korkai, so that in this instance it was conceivable that the body had been placed in it entire. The skull was nearly perfect— a skull of a low type. At Ilanji, near Courtallum, on opening an urn distinct traces of the shape of a skeleton were discovered. The skull was found resting on the sternum, and on each side of the sternum was a tibia. It appeared clear, therefore, in this case, that the body had been doubled up and forced in head foremost, though it was not clear how the shoulders could have got in. The bones were of the consistence of ochre, and crumbled to pieces when they were taken out. Nothing could be preserved but a piece of the skull and the teeth, which were those of an adult. Dr. Fry, Surgeon to the Eesi- dent of Travancore, who was present at the find, pointed out that the molars had been worn down by eating grain, and that the edges of the front teeth also had been worn down by biting some kind of parched pulse. Afterwards, on examining the mouths of some natives, I found their front teetli worn down a little in the same manner, and as they admitted, from the same cause. I have not noticed any trace of the bones in these urns having been calcined. I believe they were not. Cremation, I think, was not then in use. In addition to human bones a few small earthen vessels are found in most of the jars. Sometimes such vessels are arranged outside instead of being placed inside. These vessels are of various shapes, all more or less elegant, and all appear to have been highly polished. At first I supposed they had been glazed, but I have been informed by Dr. Hunter, late of the Madras School of Arts, that what 1 noticed \v;is a polish, not a true glaze. Whatever it was, I have not noticed anything of the kind in tho native pottery of these parts and these times. In many cases the polish or glaze is black, and the decay of these blackened vossels seems to have given rise to the supposition that the bones had sometimes been calcined. Description On the accompanying plate (see Indian Antiquary for October 1877) of contonts. ar0 sketches of five of these little vessels. "When these have been Character- istics of the human re- iii.iius. HISTORY 01 iinnkvei.lv. 281 shown to natives, the}' say that one appears to have been an oil vessel, Apr. IV. and another a spittoon ! The use of the vessel with the lid is unknown. In these times such vessels would be made of bell-metal, not of pottery. We may conclude that the object in view in placing these vessels in the urn was that the ghost of the departed might be supplied with the ghosts of eatables and drinkables, together with the ghosts of suitable vessels for eating and drinking out of, in the other world. Small stones about the size of a cocoanut are generally found heaped round the mouth of the urn, and the discovery of such stones ranged in a circle, corresponding to the circular mouth of the urn, will be found to be a reason for suspecting the existence of an urn under- neath. The natives of these times know nothing whatever of the people by whom this singular mode of sepulture was practised, or of the time when they lived. They do not identify them with the Samanas — that is, the Jainas and Buddhists lumped together — about whom tolerably distinct traditions survive, nor does there appear to be any- thing in or about the jars distinctively Jaina or Buddhistic. There is a myth current amongst the natives, it is true, respecting the people Native who were buried in these jars, but this myth seems to me merely a con- theories, f ession of their ignorance. They say that in the Tretayuga — that is, about a million of years ago— people used to live to a great age, but that however old they were they did not die, but the older they grew the smaller they became. They got so small at length that to keep them out of the way of harm it was necessary to place them in the little triangular niches in the walls of native houses in which the lamp is kept. At length when the younger people could no longer bear the trouble of looking after their dwarf ancestors, tbey placed them in earthen jars, put with them in the jars a number of little vessels containing rice, water, oil, &c, and buried them in a sort of cemetery near the village. The name by which these urns are called in the Tamil country does Interpreta- not throw much light on their origin. This name assumes three tlon of names, forms. In the Tamil dictionary it is madarnadakkattali. A more common form of this is madamadakkan-dali, the meaning of both which forms is the same, viz., the tali or large jar which boils over. The meaning attributed to this by some natives is rather far-fetched, viz., that the little people who were placed in them used sometimes to come out of the jars and sit about, as if they had boiled over out of them. The form of this word in use amongst the common p eople seems capable of a more rational interpretation. This is madamat- tan-dali, or more properly madonmattan-dfdi. Madonmatta (Sansk.) means ' insane,' but it is sometimes used in Tamil to mean ' very large,' as in the Tamil version of the Panchatantra, where it is used to denote a very large jungle. The great size of the urn being its principal characteristic, it would seem that the name in use amongst the common people is, after all, better warranted than that which is used by those who are regarded as correct speakers. Who the people were who buried their dead in these urns is a p eop i e j ntci ._ problem yet unsolved. The only points that can be regarded as cer- red not 1 op pygmies. 282 APPENDIX TO App. IV. tain are those which have been ascertained by the internal evidence of the urns and their contents themselves. From this it is clear that the people buried in them were not pygmies, but of the same size as people of the present time. How they were put in may be mysterious, but there is no doubt about the size of their bones. The skulls were similar to those of the present time. The teeth also were worn down, like those of the existing race of natives, by eating grain. In a jar opened by Mr. Stuart, then Acting Collector of Tinnevelly, and Dr. Jagor, of Berlin, at Aditta-nalliir near Pudugudi, a head of millet was found. The grain had disappeared, but the husks remained. In one opened by myself at the same place a small copper bangle was found. Copper is not now used for this purpose. The unknown people must have lived in villages, the jars being found, not one here and another there, but arranged side by side in considerable numbers, as woidd naturally be done in a cemetery or burial-ground. They were also a comparatively civilized people, as is evident from the excellence of their pottery, and the traces of iron implements or weapons which have sometimes been found in the jars. The conclusion from all this which seems to me most probable is that they were the ancestors of the people now living in the same neigh- bourhood. If this were the true explanation, it is singular that no relic, trace, or tradition of such a mode of sepulture has survived to the present day. And yet, if we were to adojit the supposition that they were an alien race, it would be still more difficult to conjecture who they were, where they came from, and why they disappeared. Whoever those people were, judging from the rites of sepulture prevailing amongst them, I think it may be regarded as certain that Not Hindus they were not ' Hindus ; ' that is, that they were not adherents of the by religion. Brahmanical religion commonly called Hindiiism. If so they must have lived at that early period when Brahmanical Hinduism was as yet unknown, or at least when it had not yet become the religion of the country. This supposition would carry the urns back to a high antiquity, possibly even an antiquity higher than the Christian era. I have myself seen these urns both in the Tinnevelly and Madura Districts and in Northern and Southern Travancore, that is. on both sides of the Southern Ghats, and I am anxious to ascertain in what other districts of India they are found. If the area within which they aro found can be accurately traced, some light may be thrown thereby on their history. APPENDIX V. EXPLORATIONS AT KOKKAI AND KAVAL. Aiiindix V. I quote here, in confirmation of statements made in various places in the body of the work, an article which appeared in the Indian Antiquary for March 1877. identified " * v '^' t ''' 1 ' Korkai once many years ago, and, though my visit was a hurried our, yet from what I saw, and from the inquiries I made, I HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 283 camo to the conclusion that Korkai (in Tamil properly Kolkai, euplio- Appendix V. nized into Korkai), though now so insignificant, was to be identi- fied with the KoA^ot of the Greeks, which Lassen had identified with Kllakarai, a place on the Ramnad or Madura coast. The Greeks came to KoA.^01 to purchase pearls, certainly soon after the Chris- tian era, probably many years before, and represented it as the headquarters of the pearl trade between Capo Kumarl and the place they called Kwpu, properly Koti, now Ramesvaram, which was also an emporium of the same trade. It must have been regarded as a considerable place at that time, seeing that from its name they called the Gulf of Manar the Kolchic Gulf. This was the Korkai to which all native traditions pointed as the cradle of South Indian civilization, the place where the three brothers Cheran, Cholan, and Pandiyan were said to have been born and brought up, and from whence they set forth to form dynasties and kingdoms, — or, as might more readily be admitted, the place where the rule of the Pandyas commenced, and from whence they afterwards migrated to Madura. The meaning of the name Korkai is ' an army, a camp.' The interest of this identi- Kayal. fication was heightened by the conclusion at which I arrived at tho same time, that an insignificant place called Old Kayal, about half- way between Korkai and the sea, was to be identified with the Cael of Marco Polo, the most important city and seaport on the eastern coast of India during the Middle Ages. (See Colonel Yule's Marco Polo.) The sites of two famous places were thus discovered in the same neighbourhood, and a glance at the geology of the neighbour- hood disclosed the reason why each had been abandoned in turn. Both places are situated on the delta of the Tamraparni, — Korkai within five, Kayal within two, miles of the sea, — and each was origi- nally on the sea-coast. As the silt accumulated in the soa near the mouth of the river, or as the land rose, or from both causes, Korkai was found at length to be too far inland for the convenience of a sea- borne trade, and Kayal (meaning a 'lagoon opening into the sea') rose in its stead on the sea-shore, and attained perhaps to still greater dimensions. Kayal carried on an immense direct trade with China and Arabia, the evidences of which — broken pieces of China and Arabian pottery— are found lying all over the open plain on which the Retirement of city stood. In time, however, through the continuous operation of the sea from the same causes, Kayal came to be too far from the sea ; and accord- a ingly, shortly after the Portuguese arrived on the Coromandel Coast, they abandoned Kayal, and established themselves instead at Tuticorin, which has ever since been the principal seaport of Tinnevelly, there being no river near to silt up the harbour and roads. It would seem as if Korkai, though probably never so important an emporium of trade as Kayal, must at one time have been nearly as large. This is proved by tho relics of pottery, &c, scattered about the country for miles, and especially by tho circumstance that places, such as Akka- salai ('the mint'), which are now at a distance from Korkai, are ascertained, by the inscriptions I have found on the walls of tho temples, to have been portions of Korkai originally 28i APPENDIX TO Excavations at Korkai. Geology of Korkai, AiiiMux V. " Whilst in Korkai and the neighbourhood I employed ten or twelve coolies for four days to niake excavations here and there, under the superintendence of one of my assistants ; whilst it was made the duty of the choir boys — much more a pleasure to them than a duty — to examine every shovelful of the earth that was thrown up, to see whether it contained any objects of interest. The Collector of the district kindly sent me a peon, to let the people of the place see that nothing illegal or improper was going to be done, and in return I sent him a list of the articles found, though unfortunately they were of no particular interest. " The geology of the place seemed to me more interesting than its antiqxuties. The whole of the country in this neighbourhood is included in the delta of the Tamraparni, the great river of Tinnevelly ; and this place is situated in the last formed portion of the delta. lowest and nearest the sea, so that the mode in which the delta was formed, which is doubtless more or less the mode in which all deltas have been formed, could be easily studied. The upper stratum is composed of stiff alluvial clay, which had been brought down by the river and deposited in the bed of the adjacent sea. Every portion of this alluvium contains sea-shells in great abundance, — not merely sea- shore shells, but deep-sea shells, such as the chatd- and the pearl oyster. So abundant are they that in places where the surface of the ground has been washed away by rain, and cultivation has not been carried on, the white shell-covered surface glitters almost like water in the moonlight, and in some places as you walk along the roads, especially near Maramangalam, the shells go crackling under your feet, as they would by the sea-shore when the tide is out. This being the last formed portion of the delta, the alluvial stratum is very shallow. The average depth cannot be more than six feet, and at the bottoms of tanks I have found it no more than three. Underneath this I invariably found a layer of grit-stone (called by the people 1 salt-stone '), rarely more than a foot in thickness, composed of the larger grains of sea-sand, such as lie on the surface, mixed with com- minuted shells. This had evidently been the surface of the ancient sea-bed, for underneath I invariably came upon beautiful white sea- sand in smaller grains, containing great quantities of unbroken shells. Doubtless the grit-stone had been formed by the infiltration of the alluvium from above. I found it impossible to ascertain the depth of the sand, or what it rested on, for after digging into it for a few feet the hole always got filled with water, and tho water flowed in so fast that baling out was useless. Strange to say, some of the shells I found in this ancient sea-bed retained a portion of their original Recent colour. One in particular — a Conus — looked as if it had been alive appearance of 0H ] V a f ew years ago. What makes this so remarkable is that this portion of tho delta must have been inhabited at least 2,500 years ago, and it must have been many ages earlier when the deposition of the alluvium commenced. No traces ol " 1 hoped by making excavations in Korkai and the neighbourhood thoGreeka. tQ fin( j Bome ira , r ., ,,f )],, Greeks, but in this I was doomed to be HISTORV OF TINNEVELLY. 285 disappointed. The ancient level of the village is about eight feet Appendix V. below its presenl level, which, of itself is a proof of great antiquity. When the diggers reached this depth they invariably found traces of human habitations, shreds of Indian pottery, Arc, but nothing of the nature I hoped to find. On the surface we found two Singhalese copper coins (I conclude them to be Singhalese from the management of the drapery), but the inscriptions were quite obliterated. I also found two images of Buddha, sitting, in his usual attitude of contem- plation. One of them was out in the fields, the other in the village. * ma £f of I suspected that the latter was worshipped, though it was known to belong to a different religion. The people strenuously denied this, but one morning when I happened to pass I saw a garland of flowers which had been placed by some person round its neck. The person who did so evidently thought that if ever Buddha got his head above water again, he had a chance of being remembered for good! The most interesting things that were found were three of those mysterious sepulchral urns which have hitherto puzzled everybody. The natives know nothing about them, and the common opinion amongst Euro- peans is that they pertained to a race which died out, but of which no relic remains except these urns. The urns are made of a pecu- liarly good variety of the ordinary pottery of the country, but there are always some little vessels found inside, some of which are beauti- fully shaped, with a polish or glaze which the potters of these days cannot imitate. Two of the urns I found contained no bones, but only traces of bone-dust ; but one, a monster urn, 1 1 feet in circumference Sepulchral — unfortunately found broken — contained a complete set of entire ums - human bones, including a perfect skull. The circumstances in which this urn was found were very interesting. The people to whom it belonged had dug down through the alluvial soil of the delta and the grit-stone till they came to the white sea-sand, and in this they had deposited the urn. The grit-stone had then partially reformed all round, and I found the cavity of the skull filled up with grit-stone. All the bones were more or less petrified. The notion "invariably entertained by the natives of these days is that the people buried in Petrified these urns were a race of pygmies, but the bones found in this urn human o 01108 - were admitted by the natives who were standing about when it was opened to be those of a full-grown man of the usual size. Strange to say, a deputation of women came to my tent one day for the purpose of seeing the bones. " I visited Old Kayal (Marco Polo's Gael) twice, and set my excava- Explorations tors at work for a day in a place about two miles from the present in K&yal. village, which represents only the western boundary of the ancient city. At a depth of three feet beneath the present surface they came on the ehunammed floor of a houso, but found nothing of importance. The extent of the site of Kayal was so great that it would take a month, instead of a single day merely, to explore it properly. I found, however, the whole surface of the ground, literally for miles, covered with evidences of the perfect truth of Marco Polo's statements respecting the trade of the place, confirmed by those of the Muham- madan historians According t< thosi statements, Kayal was 286 ArPENDIX TO China and Arabian pottery . Superstitious fears. Appendix V. frequented by great numbers of vessels from the Arabian coast and from China — {junks) — in one of which latter Marco Polo himself arrived ; and accordingly I picked up everywhere on the open plain broken pieces of China porcelain of all qualities, and broken pieces of Arabian pottery. I could easily, if I had chosen, have collected a cart-load, but the pieces had been broken again and again by the plough and the feet of bullocks, so that, though the material in each case was obvious enough, all trace of the shape of the article had disappeared. Old Kayal, or what remains of it, is now inhabited almost exclusively by Labbis (native Muhammadans) and Eoman Catholic fishermen. " The people of these parts, as generally throughout India, have not the remotest notion of the object Europeans have in view in searching for antiquities. Whatever we may say, they think our real object is to endeavour to discover hidden treasures ; and this they consider a very risky business, for all hidden treasures are in the custody of demons, who will not allow them to be rifled with impunity. At Korkai, before my explorations commenced, many of the people expressed an earnest hope that I woidd not make any excavations near any temple or image, because, although very likely there might be treasure underneath, the demons in charge would be so enraged that they woidd destroy the village outright. I assured the rjeople that I would take care not to come near any temple or image, and I scrupulously kept my word. My old friend M of Arumuga- mangalam professes to have received a dreadful fright some } r ears ago from the demons that watch over hidden treasure, when he helped the then Collector of Tinnevelly, Mr. Packle, to make some explora- tions near Kayal. The night after the first day's exploration a she- demon appeared to him in a dream, and asked him in terrible tones how he dared to meddle with her treasures. In the morning when he awoke, he found — dreadful to relate — that his feet were fastened round the back of his neck in such a way that he was unable to loose them without assistance ! I need scarcely add that no further part in the exploration was taken by him. I wanted him to tell me the story ; but he was afraid, I suppose, I should laugh at him. and so I failed ; but he told it quite gravely to my assistants, and has told the story so often that he evidently believes it himself now. Even Europeans, it seems, are not quite so free from danger as they suppose. Many years ago there was a Collector of Tinnevelly, it is said, who deter- mined to dig for the treasure which was believed to have been hidden in a certain place by a woman who intended to make use of it in some subsequent birth, and which for the time being, of cotirse, was under the custody of demons. lie was warned that something dreadful would happen, but, being a European, he did not care. lie pitched his tent near the place, and the whole of the first day was occupied by himself, his peons, and his coolies in digging. At length, as night drew on, they came to a carefully built stone receptacle; and. justly concluding that this was the place where the treasure was hidden, the Collector 861 a watch over it and went to Bleep in his tent, with the intention of opening the -tone receptacle the next morning. The next morning Wonderful occurrence to an explorer. HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 287 came, and the Collector found himself, not in his tent, but in bed in Appendix V. his own bungalow many miles away at Palamcotta ; the tent was found pitched at the other side of the river, and of the excavations that had been made the previous day not a trace remained !" Discovery of Arabic Coins. Some years ago a considerable quantity of Muhammadan gold coins was discovered in Tinnevelly near an old road leading from Kayal. So far as appears all the coins — which with one exception are Arabic — belonged to the 13th century A.D. and probably therefore were brought to India by Arab merchants some time before Marco Polo's visit in 1292. They were discovered by coolies engaged in digging the southern channel leading from Pudugudi, at the southern end of the Srivaikunthani anicut, in the direction of Tiruchendur. The nearest village to the spot was Tentirupati or Tentiruperai, the nearest town Alvar Tirunagari. The channel was being carried through a road when the vessel containing the coins was discovered several feet beneath the surface. Kayal lies to the north of the Tamraparnl near the sea, and this place lay to the south some distance inland, but as the road under which they were found led from Kayal to Kayalpattanam and Kulasekharapattanam, places where Arab merchants resided and traded even then, I think we are warranted in connecting the find with Marco Polo's Kayal. Doubtless the treasure was buried in the hurry of some alarm of robbers or local war, and we may conclude from the owners never having returned and taken it away that the alarm proved only too well founded, and that the owners lost their lives as well as their treasure. I here quote the account of the discovery furnished to the Board of Revenue by Mr. E. K. Puckle, Collector of the district, on the 25th October 1873 : " On the 25th December (1872) last a gang of labourers while engaged on cutting a channel connected with the Strivaiguntam Anicut Project came upon a large copper pot filled with gold ingots and coins. The pot was of large size, capable of holding six Madras measures of grain, and from the marks inside it must have been filled with treasure. " 2. The probable value of the treasure is estimated at a lakh of rupees. "3. The labourers divided the spoil and made off with it, but the matter soon became public and the Tahsildar succeeded in recovering Rupees 8,000 worth of coin and ingots. This was mostly recovered from a little girl who ran away from her house with a chatty which fell, broke, and scattered the gold in front of the officials who were coming to search. " 4. The rest was quickly buried or melted down, and all traces of it were lost. I am told, however, that the share of one of the labourers, which he deposited with a kavalgar, who afterwards denied having received it, was worth 900 rupees, so, as there were twenty labourers besides headmen to share the spoil, the find must have been very extensive. 288 APPENDIX TO HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. Appendix V. " 5. On hearing of the discovery I notified the course to he pursued under the Act, hut nothing was given up. The treasure recovered was deposited with the Civil Court, and the case was inquired into after due notification. The Court has decided, as per proceeding enclosed, that the terms of the Act were sufficiently observed and that the treasure should he restored to the finders. " 6. This treasure was buried in the sandy tract between the coast and the large town of Alwartirunagari, some fifteen miles from the mouth of the Tambrapurni. It was found near an old avenue leading- inland from what was once the city of Kayal, and this treasure was probably buried some hundreds of years ago. " 7. The coins are principally Arabic, but one is European. This, as far as can be ascertained, is a coin of Joanna of Castile, A.D. 1236. Some of the Arabic coins are still older : one hears the impress of the Mahomedan year 71, and another bears the name of Sultan Salaudeen, who may be the Saladin of history." I here add the description of the coins sent to the Madras Govern- ment Museum by Mr. Puckle, kindly furnished to me by Dr. G. Bidie, Superintendent of tho Museum. " The coins are 31 in number, and the inscriptions are in Arabic or Kufic, with one exception, viz., that of a coin of Peter of Aragon, the legend on which is Latin in Gothic character. All the Kalifat coins, with the exception of nine, have been deciphered and belong to the 13th century. So of course does that of Peter of Aragon, it being after 1276. There is a doubt about some of the dates, but none are apparently later than 1300." INDEX. Page 100 91 37 260 131 25 21 78 25 1 Ahdul-mally Abdul-rahim Abdurrazzak, Quatremere's publication of Abington, Major, App. Abiral Khan Achehan-kdvil, pass Adam's Bridge . . Adansonia Digitate at Taticorin Adithiya Nurmah, App. Aditta-nallur, 5 sepulchral urns at, App. 282 ' Agastier,' Agastya'a hill .. 6, 15 Agastva, App. . . . . . . . . 277 Agnew, Colonel 94, 203 Ahava Malla, Rajendra Chola's victory over Aiyangars, App. Akrida Alam Khan, a soldier of fortune — deputed by Chanda Saheb to take charge of Tinnevelly Alandulai Alangaud, App. Alauddin, his army Algapa (Alagappa) Mudali — 126, App. " Alleppey, App. AHi Saheb Alvar Kurichi — Tirunagari Alvar Tinnevelly (Alvar Tirunagari), the Dutch troops proceed to — plundered by Kattaboma's people . . — named after the Tinnevelly Alvar, App- Ambalakadu . . . . Ambasamudram Amir Khusru, the Muhammadan histo- rian Aneguudi Anicuts, list of those in Tinnevelly on the Tamraparni Anjengo, Yusuf receives help from . . — letters from Madras to Bombay sent through — Orine said to have been born at Anna Deva Raja, king of Vijayanaga- ram Antonio Criminalis, Xavier's successor, his death Anw ir-u-din — appointed Nawab Arabic coins, discovery of, App. Aramboly, pass — App Argalic Gulf, the, or Palk Strait Argalon, a district Ariyankavu Ariyanayakapuram, anient Arjuna, his intermarriage with the Pandyaa .. .. ,. .. 1! 28 277 12 91 125 . 78 . 263 34, 49 . 114 . 254 . 263 . 115 . 115 . 79 124 163 277 73 63 32 45 63 122 138 138 49 234 87 125 287 87 254 21 20 26 66 Page Arnold, Father 233 Arumugamangalam, App. . . . . 286 Arumugam Pillay, App. . . . . 253 Arya Nayaka . . . . . . . . 67 Aryans . . . . . . . . . . 1 Asoka, his inscription at Girnar . . 9 Atabek Abu Bakr 39 Aitchison, his Treaties, App. . . . . 270 Ati-Vira-rama Pandya . . . . 27 Ati-Vira Parakrama Pandya . . 49 Augustus, the Pandyas embassy to . . 16 Avudeiyarpuram, Poligar of . . 95 Avur 241 Aycottah, App. .. .. ..261 Babhruvahana . . . . . . ..13 Bada Saheb 87 Badagas . . . . . . . . . . 47 — motives of the . . . . . . 70 — inroads of the . . . . 69 — ravages of the . . . . 69 — explanation of the hostility of the. 71 Baggott, Mr . . . . 83 Bahrein, one of the isles in the Persian Gulf 39 Baldaeus, a Dutch Missionary . . 237 Ballalas, the, kings of Dwara-samu- dra 30, 34 — defeat of . . . . . . . . 44 — end of the dvnasty of . . 44 Ballard, Mr., App. " 264 Balmain, Mr 162 Bannerman, Major .. .. 94, 166 — events preceding his expedition . . 173 — his letter to the Secretary to Gov- ernment . . . . . , . . 183 — particulars of his expedition .. 183 — his success .. .. .. .. 193 — the first representative of the Bri- tish Government in Travancore, App. Baobab, an African tree at Tuticorin Barbosa, a Portuguese Captain — his information Barlow, Sir G., App. .. Barretto, Bishop of Cochin Barrington, Captain Bassorah, letters sent home vid Batavia, the Museum at Berkatoolah (Barakat-ulla) Beschi, Father . . . , — a Tamil scholar — memoirs of — his stations — his 1 if . - in danger — acquired his Tamil in Tinnevelly — his flight on the approach of Mah- ratt-iB — his last days at Manapar — his de ith 37 261 78 17 67 263 82 140 139 47 112 238 238 239 240 240 241 24 2 243 242 290 INDEX. Page Beschi, his grave . . . . . . 243 — period after . . . . . . . . 243 Bettelar 40 Bettigo, the, of the Greeks . . . . 11 Bhagavati . . . . . . ..21 Bharadwaja Gothram . . . . 65 Bharata, his behaviour to his brother Rama an instance of filial duty 155 Bidie, Dr. G., Superintendent of the Madras Museum, App 288 Bilcliffe, Captain 142 — Commandant at Pal amcottah .. 144 — directed to make over Tuticorin . . 155 Birch, Lieutenant . . . . . . 205 Birdhul .. ..34 Blacker, Captain .. .. ..152 — his battalion placed at Sankaranai- yanarkovil . . . . . . . . 158 — wounded . . . . . . . . 205 Board of Revenue constituted at Mad- ras in 1786 158 — Letter to the Madras Government from the .. .. .. ..175 Bombay, learned Natives of . . . . 2 — postal communication between Madras and .. .. .. 139 Brahmans from the north . . . . 4 — self-sacrifice of one at Srivilliputtur 113 Braithwaite, Major .. .. ..140 Brandolini, Father, founder of the con- gregation at Vadakankulam . . 240 Bridges, Colonel, Commandant of Pa- lamcottah .. .. .. .. 158 Brihat-samhita, one of the works of Varaha-mihira . . . . . . 26 Broun, Dr., Astronomer . . . . 6 Browne, Captain .. .. ..138 — engages the Poligars against Hyder 139 — ordered to Madras . . . . . . 139 Buddhamitra, the Buddhist Gramma- rian . . . . . . . . 29 Bukka Rayar, the first Rayar of Vija- yanagara . . . . . . 52 Burnell, Dr 27, 29 — his researches . . . . . . 31 — his succession of Cholas . . 32 Buxy (Bakhshi) a Muhammadan Com- mander-in-Chief .. .. ..133 c. Calancandan (Kollamkondan), the Poli- gar of 102, 133 Calcutta, learned Natives of . . . . 2 Caldwell, Colonel 66 Caliar Covil (Kalaiyarkovil) .. ..210 Calliaud, Captain .. ., ..100 — his plans . . . . . . ..113 "Cambo-Naig" (Kamaiya Nayaka) .. 139 Campbell, Colonel Donald, his cam- paign . . . . . . ..135 — his care for the people . . . . 137 — Sir Archibald, App. .. .. 261 — Captain Graham .. .. ..151 " Canadian, "anicut .. .. ..44 Cape Comorin . . . . . . . . 3 — as known to ihr Greeks .. .. 10 — its description in the Pcriplus . . 19 Page Casamajor, Mr., introduced spices at Courtallura . . . . . . 9,160 Cashmere, Raja-taranginl of . . . . I " Cawn, the," the Nawab's Manager. . 156 Ceylon, Maha-wanso of . . . . 1 — the Shanars from . . . . . . 4 — later names of . . . . . . 9 — the great reservoirs of . . 14 — help obtained from . . . . 202 Chalmers, Colonel, App. . . . . 263 Chalukya, the country . . . . 28 Chanda Saheb at Trichinopoly . . 85 — his treachery . . . . . . 85 — seizes the kingdom . . . . 86 — invasion of the south, App. . , 256 Chandra-sekhai'a, king of Madura . . 55 Chandragiri, the forts of Velur and . . 48 — grant of Madras to the English by the Raja of . . . . 50 Chennappa, the name of the founder of Madras 50 Cbera-Maha Devi, Sathram at . . 65 Cheras, the legendary origin of the . . 12 — boundary between the Pandyas and the . . . . . . . . . . 25 Cheran Perumal Rajah . . 65 " Cheroker " (Servaikar), or Minister of Shivagangai . . . . ..170 Chera-Chola Pandyeswaram, App. . . 251 Chin and Machin . . . . 39 Chintamani, the, App. .. ... .. 278 Chitrangada, Arj una's wife .. .. 13 Chittar, the 8, 1 1 Chokkampatti . . . . . . 98 — siege of the fort . . . . . . 149 — support given to the Government by the Poligar ot 1 79 Cholas, the history of the . . . . 2 — legendary origin of the . . . . 12 — their occupation . . . . 27 — conquest over the . . . . . . 48 Cbola, Rajendra . . . . 27 — Karikala 29 — Vlra 29 — Vikrama . . . . . . 29 — Pandyas . . . . . . 30 — Sundara Pandya . . . . 30 Christians, the Native . . . . . . 199 Clarke, Lieutenant, the murder of . . 177 Clason, Lieutenant . . . . . . 203 Olive, Lord 180 Clorinda 244 Cochin, the Portuguese at . . 68 — embassy of the Paravas to 68 — printing at . . . . 72 Cochrane, Mr., the first Collector of Tinnevclly alone .. .. ..231 Colchic Gulf, the 18 Coleroon, properly Kollidam . . . . 18 Colombo, a Dutch force from . . 124 — spices brought to Tinnevelly from. 141 Columbus . . . . . . 23 Colt Raja, the 14 1 " Collerics," who they were .. .. 103 — description of armed .. ..103 — assemblage of .. .. .. 138 Oomari, kingdom of . . . . . . 67 "Combutur" .. .. .. ..77 Comftri (properly Kamudi) .. .. 209 INDEX. 291 University of Casa- 9, Comrah (Kamudi) Convocation of the Madras in 1879 Cooke, Captain — ordered to Madras Cornwallis, Lord, Governor-General, an account of the conduct of the Tinnevelly Poligars sent to Cosmas Indicopleustes Courtallum, falls of — spices introduced at, by Mr. major — Trikudam, a poetical name of — temple at dimming. Paymaster C unningham, Ensign Cuppage, Colonel, App. D. Dallas, Lieutenant Dalavay Mudali — the Hindu renter Dalrymple, Lieutenant-Colonel Darukavana Daust Ali David, the first Shanar Protestant Christian Deva, caste title of Maravas . . Dey, Lieutenant H. Dhairyanatha Svami (yar), Native name adopted hy Beschi Dhanush koti Dighton, Captain D'Lanoy, Captain, App. Doctrina Christiana Donald Camphell, Major — officer in command in Madura Draupadi Durga, the goddess Dushyanta Dutch, Tuticorin under the — factories — Tuticorin taken by the — monopoly in the fishery — alliance with Poligars against the English — invasion of the — force from Colombo — their estimate of Hyder — their alliance with the Poligars — meditated cession of Tinnevelly to the , . . . . , — intolerance of the Dwara-Samudra — the kingdom of — Ramanuja's flight to — list of the kings of . . — the Kannadi kings of Page . 142 2 139 140 160 23 8 1G0 9 53 139 150 265 185 99 141 217 88 86 246 210 203 241 21 162 257 72 129 132 134 20 12 78 79 78 80 82 124 124 141 142 142 237 30 42 43 45 90 Easaltaver (probably Isvara Devar) . . 121 Edeyengoody, pestilential fever near, App. .." 271 Eidington, Captain, succeeds Captain Cooke . . . . . . , . 140 Page Elayirampannai. the Poligar of . . 178 Elliot's Muhammadan Historians . . 35 Elphinstone, Colonel . . . . . . 149 English, the Dutch alliance with Poli- gars against the . . . . . . 82 — garrison . . . , . . . . 91 Epic poems or Puranaa . . . , l Epiodoros, the island of , . 20 Ettaiyapuram, Zemindar of . . . . 49 — origin of 49 — rebellion of . . . . . . 59 — the Poligar of .. .. ..100 — the great rival of Panjalamkurichi. 173 — assistance of .. .. ., ..184 Ettappa Nayaka 173 P. Ferishta .. .. .. ., ..44 Flint, Major, attempts to reduce Poli- gar fort 133 — his unsuccessful campaign .. ..134 Flos Sanctorum . . . . , , 72 Foulsum, Ensign .. .. ,. 133 Francis Mancias . . . . . . 76 — Xavier's letter to , . . . 234 Eraser, Lieutenant . . . . . , 204 Frederic, Csesar, a Venetian merchant. 73 French, the, Yusuf's negotiations with. 129 — treachery of their commander .. 129 Frischman, Captain, Commandant at Palamcotta .. .. .. 132, 138 Fry, Dr ' 280 Fullarton, Colonel, his description of •Tinnevelly 106 — invited by Mr. Irwin to reduce the Poligars . . . . . . . , 148 — marches into Tinnevelly . . . . 149 — attacks Panjalamkurichi . . . . 149 — attacks Si vagiri .. .. ..151 — success of his expedition . . . . 153 — his threat .. .. .. ..153 — Torin's opinion of the results of his lenity 160 G. Gangadaram . . . . . . ..113 Gangaikkondan, a station on the Tinne- velly line of rail . . . . . . 31 — battle at . . . . , . ..112 Gardiner, Captain .. .. ..152 Gibbings, Captain .. .. ., 145 Gilchrist, Lieutenant . . . . . . 204 Gnana-sambandha, a great Saiva teacher . . . . . , . . 32 Goanese Church at Tuticorin . . 78 Gopala Pillai 65 Graham, Major .. .. ,. ..217 Grant, Lieutenant James . . . , 200 Greeks, first visited India . . . . 9 — the Solen of the . . . . . . 10 — the Bettigo of the . . . . . , \ 1 — information about Korkai furnished by the _ 17 — Cape Comorin as known to the . . 19 — Paumben as known to the .. 21 292 INDEX. Page and Madura Greeks, " The Pandion as known to the — courageous act of a mariner of the. Groves, Mr., landed at Tuticorin Guerrero, his "Relation" of the Mis sion Gurukkalpatti, Beschi imprisoned at . . H. Halcott, Captain Haleyabidu, " the old abode " of the Ballalas Han bury, Mr., App. Hanuman Hanxleden, Father Harper, Captain, sets out to the relief of Kalakadu — in command of Major Flint's rear guards — appointed to establish a cantonment in Sankaranaiyanarkovil Hastings, Governor-General, endea- vours to enter into a treaty with the Dutch Hazard, Captain Henrique Henriquez, Father, buried at Tuticorin Hepburn, Mr., Collector, App. ., Heracles, the Indian Heron, Colonel, his expedition — took Kovilgudi — his dishonourable conduct . . — his fruitless delay — his fate Hewitt, Major, App. Hindus, insults offered to Hippalus, a Greek mariner, his coura- geous act Hobart, Lord " Hookoometron," Raja (Hukumat Ram) Hopkins, Captain, from Vellore, suc- ceeds Captain Cooke Horslcy, Colonel Hough, Chaplain at Palamcotta Hughes, Mr., his screw — his account of the last Poligar war. ■ — his opinion Hume, Surgeon, App. Hunter, Dr., App. Ilurmuz, one of the isles of Persian Gulf Hussein Mahomed Khan Hyder Ali, his communication with the Poligars — behaviour of the Poligars towards . . — Dutch estimate of — Travancore aid against, App. — Hazardinari, a Muhamniadan army under 22 23 83 71 240 141 43 271 15 233 132 134 137 142 205 235 271 15 92 93 95 95 96 265 140 23 169 138 140 89 247 84 194 198 264 280 39 125 138 139 111 260 44 Ibn Batuta, Commissioner Emperor of Delhi . . from the 42 Page Iktibar Khan, the XawaVs Manager in Tinnevelly .. ., .. ..156 Ilanji, urns discorered at, App. . . 280 Innes, Colonel, junction of Colonel Martinz with his force , . . . 210 Innis, Lieutenant .. .. ..91 Irwin, Mr. . . . . . . . . 82 — Mr. Proctor's successor . . . . 143 — commission to . . . . . . 146 — instructions to . . . . . . 146 — enters on his duties . . . . . , 147 — invites Colonel Fullarton . . . . 148 — his policy .. .. ., ..154 — his forebodings . . . , , , 156 J. Jackson, Mr., Collector .. .. 165 — his proceedings disapproved . . 174 — his severity . . . . . . . . 176 — his character . . . . . . 177 Jacobs, Captain .. .. ..151 Jaga Vira Ettappa Nayakar . . . . 236 Jagor, Dr., stone implements taken to Berlin by . . . . . . 4 App. 282 Jainas, Sundara Pandya's zeal against the 32 Jesuits, letters of the . . . . 55 Joannes Gonsalves, printer of Tamil . . 72 K. Kadalgudi, failure of attack on .. 198 Kafur, his invasion in 131 1 .. ..42 Kaittar 160 — Kattaboma executed at .. ..183 — force assembled at . . . . 205 — proclamation of Major Bannerman written from . . . . . . 188 — interview with the Tinnevelly Poli- gars at . . , . . . . . 190 — R. C. congregation at . . . . 236 K&laiyarkovil, the capture of .. 216 — meaning of . . . . . . 220 — attack on the place . . . . 220 — description of . . . . . . 221 — events that followed the capture of. 221 Kalakadu, incursions of the Travancore troops into the districts about . . Ill — taken by Mahfuz Khan . . ..116 — wholly assumed by Travancore .. 126 — protection of the country of . . 132 — Captain Harper sets out to the relief of 132 — held by Travancorians .. ..132 — tho Travancore troop6 retire from. . 132 — Vira P&ndyan Palace at, App. .. 251 — regained, App. .. .. .. 257 — Travancorians' retreat from, App . . 257 — the claim to, App. .. .. .. 259 Kallars, country of the .. ..49 Kales Dewar, the 30 Kalhatu, one of the isles of Persian Gulf 39 INDEX. 293 Page K&lidftsa 7 Kalinga, country, or Northern Circara. 28 Kamaiyanayakanpatti . . . . 236 Kambar, the Tamil poet . . 28 — his Ramayana . . . . 29 Kampana Udaiyar . . . . 52 Kamudi, fort at 209 — attack on .. .. .. ..215 Kanikkaras (hereditary proprietors of land), hill tribes .. .. .. 4 Kannadian anicut . . . . . . 64 — its legend Kantimati 88 Karikala Ch&la 29 — Chola, an ardent Saiva . . . . 43 Kamataka . . . . . . 44 Karttakkal 62 Karuttaiva, the last Kattaboma Naya- ka ". . .. .". .. . . 172 Kattaboma Nayaka, history of the family 172 — his treaty with the Dutch . . . . 154 — conduct of . . 173 — breaks away from the Collector .. 174 — defended by Government .. ..174 — condemned .. .. .. .. 175 — Mr. Lushington's dealings with . . 178 — taken 187 — assembly to witness the execution of 187 — sentence on read .. .. .. 187 — execution of . . . . . . 188 — reasons for his taking refuge in Sivaprani'ai 214 Katyayana, the immediate successor of Panini . . . . . . 12 Kaval, different kinds of . . . . 104 Kavalgars, the, Lushington's dealings with 224 — remuneration of . . . . . . 224 Kayal 18 — visited by Marco Polo . . 37 — Portuguese notice of . . . . 37 — meaning of . . . . 37 — trade of 38 — Marco Polo's notice of . . 38 — the principal port of Ma'bar . . 39 — relics of . . . . . . ..41 — the king of Travancore at . . . . 67 — explorations at, App. . . . . 285 Kayalpattanam . . . . 41 Kearns, Mr., his account of Major Bannerman's expedition .. ..179 — substance of the last canto of the Pan- jalamkurichi Sindhu as given by 208 Kgrak 12 Khan Saheb, see Muhammad Yusuf Khan Khurasan, Irak and . . . . 39 Kilakarai . . . . . . 40 Kis, an island in the Persian Gulf . . 38 Knowle, Lieutenant . . . . . . 195 Knox, Captain, App. . . . . . . 261 Kola 12 Kulotunga Chola 29 Kollamkondan .. .. .. ..119 Kollarpatti, capture of .. .. 101 — imprisonment of tbe Poli^ar at . . 154 — assistance given to Kattaboma by the Poligar of 178 Paok 77 27 76 284 284 Kombukireiyrtr Kopparakesara Varma Korampallam Korkai, excavations at, App. — geology of — the first settlement of civilized men in Tinnevelly — Cheran, Cholan and Paudyan at — information about it furnished by the Greeks . . — situation of — Kayal and — discovery of a large urn at, App. — explorations at, App. — identified, App. Korkai-all, ruler of Korkai Kory, identity of Kolis and Kottar, in South Travancore — capture of, App. Kovilgudi, Heron took Krishna Rayar . . . . . . 48 Krishnapuram Kshatriyas Kubja, or Sundara, the last Pandya — or Kun Kuda-nadu, App. Kulasekharapattanam Kulasekhara, the supposed founder of the Pandya dynasty Kulasekhara Deva Kumaramuttu Ettappa Nayaka Kuinara Krishnappa Nayaka i. Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka : . Kumara-guru-para-Tambiran, App. Kumaramuttu Kumari or Kumari, in Indian literature. — not a river, but a place on the sea coast Kumaraswami Nayaka, the dumb boy Kunti, the mother of the Pandava brothers . . . . . . . . 7 Rural, the, App. . . . . 277, 278 Kurugur (or Kurugapuri), old name of Alvar Tirunagari, App. Kuttralam, meaning of the name of 9 12 17 17 37 280 282 282 13 22 28 268 93 55 59 12 27 32 251 4 13 30 49 59 173 279 60 20 20 172 277 8 Landon, Mi-., Collector .. .. 162 Lawrence, General . . . . 93 — his force . . . . . . ..129 Light, Mr. William, Paymaster at Palamcotta .. .. ..141 — spices introduced into Tinnevelly by .. ..141 Lockman, his travels of the Jesuits . . 79 Lunchoten, his map . . . . 78 Lushington, his letter .. .. ..125 — Collector 166 — his dealings with Kattaboma . . 178 — his policy . . . . . . . . 215 — his dealings with the Kavalgars . . 223 Lyne, Lieutenant . . . . . . 200 294 INDEX. Page Page M. Mannar, settlements in the Gulf of . . 147 — baptisms in 236 Macartney, Lord 143 Mannftrkovil, the pagoda at, App. 251 — commission issued by 146 Mapillai Vanniyan . . . , 193 Macaulay, Major 196 — Dgvar 148 — moves to Kaittar 200 41 ■ — Resident in Travancore, App. 262 Maran, the 13 Ma'bar, origin of term 36 Maravas, the, caste peculiar to Southern MacDowel, General, App. 262 India 105 Machln and Chin 39 — from the Ramnad country 4 Mackenzie, MSS. 53 — of Nangungri 223 Macleod, appointed Collector of Madura 159 — exception of them 224 Madhava Rau, Sir 86 Marchand, a French Commander 128 Madras, postal communication between Marco-Polo, the Venetian traveller . . 32 Bombay and 139 — his Sonder Bandi 35 Madura, Tinnevelly originally a por- — Kayal visited by 37 tion of 3 — his notice of Kayal . . 38 — visit of Arjuna to 12 — his arrival in India 40 — as known to the Greeks 22 Marten, Mr., appointed Paymaster 159 — Purana 27 Martin, Father, a French Missionary . . 79 — the Sthala Purana of 32 — his account of the pearl fishery in — mosque in . . . . . . . . 33 1700 80 — the Nayakas of 55 Martinz, Colonel 210 — list of the Nayakas of 60 — his junction with Colonel Innes's — end of the rule of the Nayakas of . . 85 force . . . . , . 210 — importance of 92 Marudappa Sgrvaikaras 214 — fears for 99 Marudu, origin of the title 212 — to be defended 99 — Velli 213 — financial value of 110 - - Chinna 213 — surrender of 116 Marudur, anicut . . . . 66, 162 — College, App. 276 Marudus, the village of the 214 Maha-wanso, of Ceylon 1 — explanation of the hostility of the . . 2!5 Note . . 1 — end of the 214 Mahabharata, the Tamraparni in the. . 7 Max Muller, Professor 12 Maha Raja Prathapa Rudra of Velur . . 64 Maxwell, Colonel, his expedition 161 Mahendra (Mahgndragiri) 15 — his settlement 161 Mahfuz Khan, his expedition . . 92 Mayilfirum Perumal Mudali 90 — his policy 98 Mayil-erum-perumal 59 — defeat of his troops 98 McLeod, Major, disputes between him • — his victory near Tinnevelly 100 and the Paymaster 158 — his misgovernment 101 M'Donell, Captain 206 — Puli Devar's dealings with 114 Meckern, Mr., the Dutch Governor at — takes the field 115 Tuticorin 155 — his attempted treachery 115 Megasthenes, information collected — his exactions 115 .by •• . •• 15 — proposals about 117 Meir Jaffier, his behaviour 111 Mahrattas, at Trichinopoly 86 Melmandai, the side of the Govern- — arrival of the army of the 86 ment taken by the Poligar of 179 — in possession of sovereign power . . 86 — flight to Ramnad of the Poligar of. . 225 Mailapur, or St. Thome 68 — reward to the Poligar of 225 Malayarasas (hill kings) 4 Melur, district, harassed with Colle- Malik Naib, or Malik Kafur . . ries . . 148 — his invasion 34 — Mr. Irwin at 156 Malik-ul-Islam Jamaluddin 39 Mianah 96 Manapar (Manapadu) 68 Michael Vaz, Father 68 — demolition of the Dutch factory at.. 145 — Paravas baptised by 232 Manapar . . 92 Mlnakshi 85 — the Dutch force landed at 124 Mir Ghulam Hussein Khan 125 Mangalam, advance of forces to 221 Missions, Roman Catholic 232 Mangammal 61 — on the coast in 1600 235 Mangai-nagaram 90 — of the Church of England 244 Manika Bhatta, App. 270 Monson, Colonel 129 Maniyatchi, the side of the Govern- Moodemiah 96 ment taken by the Poligar of 179 Mooro, Mr. 36 — flight to Palamcotta of the Poligar Morari Rau 89 of 522 Mudali the renter, his proposals 96 — roward to the Poligar of 225 Mudali. the agreement with the 111 Mannar, the pearl fishery in the Gull — influential position of the 111 of 73 Mudalur, establishment of 246 INDK X. 295 Page Muhammad AH, Nawab of Arcot, the protege of the English . . . . 85 — Toghlak 42 — Yusuf Khan, career of . . 92 — called to help the English .. 118 — his expedition against the Poligars. 1 1 9 — alliance of the king of Travancore and 120 — receives supplies .. ., ..122 — his return . . . . . . . . 123 — his enforced inactivity .. ..123 — his preparation against the Dutch. . 124 — his operations renewed . . . . 125 — with the Puli Devar . . . . 125 — his administration . . . . . . 126 — his rebellion .. .. .. 127 — his offer to rent the province . . 127 — his position .. .. .. . ,~127 — suspicions of the Government of his designs . . . . . . . . 128 — his reasons for rebelling .. ..128 — his forces .. .. .. ..128 — his negotiations with the French . . 129 — his death 129 — results of his death .. .. ..130 — his successors . . . . . . 130 — state of Madura after his death . . 131 — events following his death . . . . 132 — Mosque of 130 — Barki 96 — Mainach . . . . . . . . 96 Muhammadan, invasion of Travan- core 87 Muhammadans, their historians . . 32 — interregnum . . . . . . 42 — pain the upper hand for a time . . 42 Mukkani . . . . 12 Mukkuvas, the . . . . . . 233 Munro, Colonel, App. . . . . 270 Murdoos, the 210,212 Musgrove, Colonel .. .. ..115 Mu8Soo Mursan (Monsieur Marchand) . . 130 Muttukrishnapuram, the temple at . . 90 Muttusami Pillai, A 239 Mysoreans, hostilities of the . . . . 294 Nabi cawn catteck (Nabi Khan Kattak) 96, 111 Nachiyar Kovil, App. . . . . 278 Nadamundulum (Nadumandalam) . . 99 Naduvakurichi .. .. .. 117 Nagalapuram, assistance given to Katta- boma by the Poligar of .. ..178 — Major Bannerman takes possession of. 185 Nagama Nayaka . . . , 55 Nagercoil, App. . . . . . . 256 — capture of, App. . . . . . . 268 Naglppore (Nagalapuram), Colonel Fullarton's march through . . 149 N&ladiy&r, App. .. .. .. 277 Naluknttai, an expedition planned for the reduction of the Poligar at . . 140 Namasivavam. author of the Panja- hmkurchi Sindhu , . . . 207 Page Nammalvftr, App. .. .. .. 277 Nanguneri, the Maravars of . . . . 223 — exception of the Maravars in Nanji-nadu, the Tamil portion of South Travancore . . . . 3, 25 — App. . . 251 Narasinga, kingdom of . . 49 Nattukkdttai Chetties, an old custom prevalent amongst the . . 24 Nattam 97 Nawab, the, of Arcot . . 61 — commencement of the rule of the. 87 — the rival Nawab . . . . 87 — revenue administration in Tinne- velly by the .. .. ..125 — complaints of Government against the 133 — his relation with the Poligars . . 156 — his debts 169 — effects of his rule .. .. .. 157 Nayakas . . . . . . . . . .4,47 — sources of the history of . . 55 — commencement of the rule of 55 — list of the . . . . . . . . 60 — did not style themselves kings . . 61 — titles 6i — reputation of the . . . . . . 62 - characteristics of the rule of 62 Nellicotah in Tinnevelly, capture of . . 94 — in Sivaganga . . . . ..214 Nellitangaville (Nelkattan sevval) . . 95 — the Poligar of . . . . . . 97 — Mahf uz Khan retired to . . ..116 — the Colleries retired to .. ..121 — Yusuf's force stationed towards . . 125 Nelson, his Madura Manual . . . . 27 — remarks of 127, 130 Nicolans Damascenus . . . . . . 17 Niti-neri-vilakkam, App. . . . . 279 Nixon, Lieutenant-Colonel . . . . 144 Nizam, approach of the . . . . 87 Oakes, Mr. . . . . . . . . 155 — resumes his post of Paymaster in Palamcotta . . . . . . 158 Oodagherry, taken possession of by the English, App 268 Ootoomaly (Uttumalai) . . . . 162 Orme, his valuable help . . . . 87 Orpen, Mr 144 Otrampatti . . . . . . . . 200 Ottapidarum, the present taluk town of" 93 — concealment of the dumb brother at. 207 Ovidiapuram (Avudaiyarpuram) . . 162 P. Painter, Captain, killed .. ..134 Palamcotta, the rainfall at . . . . 6 — the strongest fort south of Madura. 89 — meaning and origin of the name of. 9s — fort of 112 296 INDEX. to, in Swartz's Palamcotta, the besieged — protection of — armed followers of the Poligars near — first reference journals — earliest date in the church-yard at. — spices in — congregation and church in — escape of Poligars from jail Palavur, anicut Palghautcherry Palk, Mr. Robert, App. — Strait, the, or Argalic Gulf Pallas, the Pallemery (Pallimadai) Panagudi " P&ndion," "the," as known to the Greeks Pandiyan-tlvu, the island of the Pan- dyan P&ndu-vasa-deva Pandukabhaya . . • Pandya,' derivation of — Kulasekhara is the supposed founder of this dynasty — list of kings — Ati-vlra-rama — Vlra — Vikrama — Sundara Pandyas, the — legendary origin of the — Arj una's intermarriage with the . . — intercourse of the early Singhalese with the — Greek Notices of the — their embassy to Augustus — boundaries of their country — boundary between the Chgras and the .. _ .. — names of their early kings unknown. — Indian references to the — conquests over the — dated inscriptions of the later — the last of the — reputation of PandyeSvara, Siva so called, Note Panialam crutch (Panjalam kurichl), the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi — meaning of the name — assault on — succession of the Poligars of — attempt to take — the two brothers of — arrival of troops at — retreat from — return to — march to — epic of — fate of — concealment of the dumb brother in — the cemetery at Papa-nasakam, one of the falls of the Tamraparnl Paraiyas, the Page . 118 . 132 133 140 141 244 195 66 108 259 21 4 148 132 27 75 14 14 12 13 26 27 27 27 29 12 12 12 13 15 16 24 25 26 26 48 53 54 62 29 93 134 134 135 172 181 195 197 197 200 200 207 222 206 207 8 4 Parftkrama PftnHya — his accession . . 42, 52 Parakrama Ponnan Perumal — Kasi Kapda Paralia, Greek name for coast Paravas, complaints of the . . 145, — baptism on the Tinnevelly coast of the Parimelalagar, App. Parish, Mr., Head Assistant Collector — appointed Collector of Ramnad Pattanam Paulinus a Sancto Bartolomaeo Paumben, as known to the Greeks — the channel — naval success of Master Attendant of Pennakonda Peramally, capture of a fortified pagoda at — meaning of . . . . Periplus Maris Erythraei, the Permattoor Odeya Tavar Peutinger Tables, the Pickard, Captain Poligars or Palaiyakaras, Dumber of the .. — origin of the — investiture of the — etymology of — defence of the system of — the western . . — the eastern — relation of Poligar to his lord — plundering habits of the — anarchy of their districts . . — ordered out of Tinnevelly town — of Sivagiri — submission of Ettaiyapuram — confederacy of the eastern — \usufs expedition against the — of Uttumalai — depredations of the — armed followers of the, near Palam cotta — Hyder Ali's communication with . — their behaviour towards Hyder — Dutch alliance with — strength of the — terms offered to the — the Nawab's relations with the — proposed disarming of the — political position of their country prior to the commencement of the last Poligar wars — armed retainers of the — Welsh's estimate of the — . future condition of the — a permanent assessment promised to the Ponnam Pandya Devan, App. Portuguese, notice of Kayal by the — missionaries — arrival of the — at Cochin — on the coast of Tinnevelly — the first expedition of the . . — the, in power along the coast — the policy of the — claim of ownership of pearl fisher abandoned Page . 53 . 53 19 147 232 278 231 231 78 72 21 21 216 50 220 220 17 219 17 140 56 56 67 58 58 98 99 102 107 103 112 114 116 119 119 120 123 133 138 139 112 148 151 156 163 170 209 209 226 228 255 37 47 48 67 67 6S 68 71 71 1 N I> E X. 29? P.vGK Portuguese, annuls of the . . 72 — Tuticorin under the . . 73 — date of their establishment in Tuti- corin . . . . . . 75 Porus or Pandion . . . . . . 16 Potigai, the mountain . . . . 6 Powney, Mr. George, Collector . . 164 — the first Resident in Travancore, App. . . 262 Proctor, Mr. George, the first civil officer appointed to Tinnevelly . . 143 — dissatisfaction with .. .. .. 145 — ordered to leave . . . . . . 147 Ptolemv, the Geographer .. .. 18 Puckle, Mr. R. K., Note .. . . 54 — coins, App. . . . . . . • • 287 Puli Dfivar, his fort . . . . . . 96 — his character .. ..114 — his dealings with Mahfuz Khan . . 114 — Yusuf and the . . . . . . 125 — a military guard sent to occupy the fort of 160 Punnaikkayal . . 37 — demolition of the Dutch factory at. 145 — Xavier's letter to Francis Mancias at . . 234 — Criminalis supposed to have died at. 236 Puraaaa. or Epic poems . . . . 1 — lists of kings in the Madura . . 27 — Tiruvilaivadal . . . . . . 27 — Sthala 32 — Tiruttondar 32 Purattaya-nadu, App. .. ..251 Puthugudi, stone implements near . . 4 — anicut . . . . . . . . 66 QuatremSre . . . . . . . . 37 Quilon — " eras " .. .. ..64 Quilon, attack on the troops at, App. . 265 — the brothers of the rebellious Dewan of Travancore hanged at, App. .. 268 R. Raghuvamsa, Tamraparnl in the . . 7 Rais of Ma' bar . . 34 Raja-tarangini, of Cevlon, Note . . 1 Raja Hukumat Ram ' .. .. 126,140 Raja Palaiyam, Major Flint retires to. Rajendra Chola . . — his victory over Ahava-malla — temple to . . . . — various shapes of his name Rama, Bharata's behaviour to . . Ramanuja, the great Vaishnava teacher — his date — his flight to Dvftrasamudra — founder of a school of Hindu Theo- sophy, App. R&m&yana. date of the Tamil 134 27 28 29 31 154 29 30 43 277 28 Paof. Ramnad, Zemindari of . . 56 — Raja of . . 93 — note on its separation from Tinne- velly 231 — the Maravas of . . . . 42 — epidemic in, App. . . . . . . 272 RamSSvararn, in the island of Paumben. 21 Rashiduddin, the Muhammadan histo- rian . . . . . . . . 32 Rayar, Krishna . . . . . . . . 48 Renter, the, his oppressions . . . . 107 Rice, his Mvsore inscriptions . . . . 44 Robert de Nobili .. .. 71,233 Rumbold, Lieutenant .. .. ..115 s. Sadag6par Antadi Safdar Ali Saha-dgva, one of the Panda va brothers Salivahana Samara Kolahala Sandracottus (Chandragupta) Sankaralingani Pillai Sankaranaiyanarkovil . . — cantonment at — Major Sheppard at . . " Seilan," the island of Seleucus Nicator Selvamarudur, a place near Edeyen- goody, visited by Mr. Hanbury, App. . Sembagatavi tlrtham Seringapatam, troops set free by the taking of Seshavarna Deva, founder of the sepa- rate dynasty of Sivagangai Settur, abandonment of — troubles at Setupati, the, the Poligar of Ramnad. . Shaik Jumaluddin Shanars, the, from Ceylon . . . . — commencement of the Christianiza- tion of — first convert among Shangoonny Menon, P., his history of Travancore, App. Shattoor (Settur, not Sattur) . . Shencottah, the Travancorians proceed to their own country through the pass of . . • • — particulars respecting, App. Shepherd, Lieutenant Sheppard, Major ShfermadSvi (Cheran-ma-dfivi), atone implements near " Sherewele," the " Murdoss "and Singhalese, accounts . . . ■ . . — the, their intercourse with the Pa Q - dyas . . . . • • • • • • Siruvayal, the village of the Marudu 3 . — burning of Sitheath (Sittuttu ?) Sivagangai, Zemindari of — transfer of the war to 38 30 87 13 64 27 15 165 95 137 196 40 15 271 9 179 210 136 162 59 33 4 246 246 251 136 123 270 06 196 4 21u 30 13 214 216 134 66 209 298 INDEX. Page Sivagangai, description of .. ..211 — the people of . . . . ..211 — usurpation in .. .. ..211 — reasons for Kattaboma's taking refuge in . . . . . . .214 — ■ conditions offered to the rulers of . . 211 Sivagiri, abandonment of . . ..136 — expedition against . . . . . . 140 — attack on . . . . . . ..151 — Maxwell's expedition against the Poligar of .. .. .. .. 161 — rebellious conduct of the Poligar's son at . . . . . . . . 165 Sivarama Talaivan . . . . . . 144 Sivattaiya Nayaka .. .. ..173 — capture of . . . . . . . . 223 Solen, the, of the Greeks . . . . 10 — the river . . . . . . ..17 Sonagarpattanam . . . . 37 Sorandai .. .. .. .. ..117 Spalding, Lieutenant . . . . . . 204 Srivilliputtur, palace at . . . . 61 — Yusuf Khan and troops at . . ..110 — • self-sacrifice of a Brahman at ..113 — capture of Sivattaiya near . . . . 223 — epidemic in, App. . . . . . . 272 — the translation of the Mahabharata at, App 278 Srivaikuntham, inscriptions at . . 53 — Flint marches from . . . . . . 133 — defence of . . . . . . ..199 — plundered by Kattaboma's people . . 163 Srl-Vlra Bavivarma . . . . . . 67 Sfl-vaikuntham, App. . . . . . . 279 Stevenson, Major .. .. .. 162 Sthala Puiana of Madura . . . . 27 Strabo 17 Stuart, Mr. A.J. 59 — his account of the Poligars and their system of Kaval . . . . ..105 — his account of the Zemindars of the present time . . . . . . 105 Subrahmanya Pillai, his guilt and sen- tence . . . . . . ..185 Sulivan, Mr. John 147 Sundara Pandya, sources of informa- tion about . . . . . . 32 — his zeal against the Jainas . . . . 32 — the last name in the list . . 32 — his war with his brother . . 33 — his Muhammadan Ministers . . 34 — his brothers . . . . . . 35 — his date still a desideratum . . 35 Sundara Pandya Nayaka hanged at Gopalpuram .. .. ..183 Suppa Nayaka, head of the Panjalam- kurichi Poligars during two rebel- lions .. .. .. ..173 Sin -jjuddin . . . . . . 34 Suttamalli, anient . . . . 66 Swartz, his visit . . . . 155, 244 T. TaUi, a fishing village, Note . . ..70 — Jesuits in . . .. . . . . 243 Tahivankottai, the side of the Govern- ment taken by the Poligar of . . 179 Page Talikota 49 Tamraparni, the, the great river of Tinnevelly . . . . . . . . 5 — attraction of the . . . . . . 5 — description of the . . . . . . 5 — origin of the . . . . . . . . 6 — in Indian literature . , . . . . 7 — Lassen's reference to the . . . . 7 — in the Mahabharata . . . . . . 7 — in the Baghuvamsa . . . . . . 7 — sacred bathing places on the . . 7 — falls of the . . . . . . . . 8 — mouth of the . . . . . . 9 — meaning and origin of the name . . 9 — Greek name for the . . . . 10 — the chanks near the mouth of the . . 11 — anicuts on the . . . . . . 63 Taprobane, Ceylon . . . . . . 11 Taylor, his Historical Manuscripts . . 42 Tembavani, the, Beschi's poem .. 238 Tenkarai, App. . . . . . . 277 Tenkasi, inscription at . . . . . . 53 — ancient fort of . . . . . . 54 — cinnamon cultivation extended to . . 160 Ten-Pandi, meaning of . . . . 3 Tentirupferai, App. . . . . . . 287 Tinnevelly, originally a portion of Madura . . . . . . . . 3 — earliest inhabitants of . . . . 4 — Korkai, the first settlement of civil- ised men in . . . . . . 9 — in the Rara&yana . . . . . . 15 — Greek trade with the coast of . . 22 — Canarese traces in . . . . . . 44 — Royal representatives in . . 60 — the Portuguese on the coast of . . 67 — town of . . . . . . 88 — always a place of importance . . 88 — meaning of .. .. .. ..88 — first help rendered by the East India Company to the Nawab's Govern- ment in . . . . . . 91 — Pollams, proclamation by the Collector to all Poligars, &c, within the 180 — first English expedition into .. 91 — the first Englishman in .. .. 91 — Colonel Fullarton's description of . . 106 <— productiveness of .. .. .. 1q7 — bad government neutralises its advantages .. .. .. ..107 — financial value of — revenue administration by the Nawab in — burning of the cutcherry at 126, — meditated cession of ■ — first Collector of — Colonel Fullarton's march into — its political position prior to the commencement of the last Poligar wars — note on the separation of Ramnad from . . — inscriptions in, App. — floods and pestilential fever in, App. — sepulchral urns in, App. Tippu Sultan — his designs — fears of 111 125 139 142 144 149 170 231 251 271 279 89 89 158 INDEX. 299 Jtage Tippu, his proposals, App. .. ..261 Tirancourchy (Tarankurichi) .. ..116 Tiruvadi Desam . . . . 65 Tirukurungudi .. .. .. ..132 — fort, erected by Sivarama .. ..144 — the large bell at, App. .. .. 251 Tirumalai N&yaka .. .. ..60 buildings erected by . . 61 Tirumangalam .. .. .. .. 153 Tiruppuvanam, in the Madura District. 30 Thuttondar, Purauam Tiruvalluvar, the author of the Kural, App. 277 Tiruvilaiyadal, Purana . . . . 27 Tittarappa Mudali 125 — Mr. Torin's endeavours to induce him to refund the ta xes . . . . 1 60 Tondi, the Bay of, or Palk Strait ... 21 — small naval war in .. .. ..215 Tondiman, country of .. .. ..128 Torin, Mr. 66 — Collector under the Assumption . . 159 — his opinion of the results of Fullar- ton's lenity .. .. .. 160 Travancore, proposals of . . . . 121 — retirement of the troops from . . 132 — its possessions in Tinnevelly, App. . . 251 — insurrection in, App. . . . . 262 — king of . . . . . . 26 — power of the king of . . 67 — designs of the Nayakas on 70 — Xavier's appeal to the king of 69 — army . . . . . . . . 97 — troops retii'e .. .. ..97 — troops . . . . . . ..120 — alliance of Yusuf and the king of . . 120 Trevandrum, march of the army towards, App. . . . . . 268 — events at, App. . . . . . . 268 Trichendur, the temple at . . . . 18 Trichinopoly . . . . . . 36 — Chanda Saheb at . . . . . , 85 — Mahrattas at . . . . . . . . 86 — a rival embassy to, App. . . . . 254 Trimolipa (Tirumalaiyappa) Mudali . . 145 Tundi or Kadal-tundi, a sea-port town on the Western Coast, Note . . 216 Tunga-bhadrft, the banks of the Pampft or . . . . . . . . . . 45 Turnbull, Mr., a surveyor .. ..54 Tuticorin, under the Portuguese . . 73 — date of the establishment of the Portuguese in . . . , 75 — meaning of the name of . . 75 — harbour . . . . . . 75 — first reliable notices of . . 76 — governor of . . . . 76 — taken by the " Badages " .. .. 77 — later notices of . . . . 78 — taken by the Dutch 78 — under the Dutch . . . . 78 — population of . . . . 79 — appearance of . . . . 79 — dates relating to . . . . 83 — during the Poligar war .. ..83 — Mr. Groves at 83 — in 1801 84 — at present . . . . . . 84 — capture of . . . . ..Ill Page Tuticorin, complaints of the Paravas at .. .. .. .. .. 145 — given up .. .. .. .. 155 — minor rebels sent to . . . . 222, 235 u. Udaiya Deva, the family title of the Sivagangai Poligar .. ..210 Udaya M&rt&nda Varma, who reigned from 1537-1560 70 — App. 252 Umai . . . . 206 ITttumalai, the Poligar at . . . . 165 V. Vadagherr y ( Vadagarai) .. ..116 Vadakankulam, congregation founded by Brandolini at . . . . . . 240 — the Jesuits in . . . . . . 243 Vadugarpatti . . . . . . . . 24 1 Vadugas . . . . . . 62, 69 . . 79 .. 135 ..153 Vaipar — forsaken by the enemy Vakeels, the (Note 1) Valuti-kal, " the Pandya king's way " " Note .. ' 25 Vallabha Dfiva 53 Vanatirtham, one of the falls of the Tainraparni Vangaru-Tirumalai Vanniyan caste Varaha-mihira, Brihat-Samhita, one of the works of Varma, Kshatriya title Vanatirtham, one of the falls of the Tamraparni Varthema, Barbosa and Vasco da Gama, the Rote'iro of — his information Vasudevanallur, attack on — Ensign Foulsum's attempt to relieve it from the Poligars Vedalai, Antonio said to have died at . . Vsdiarolukkam Vellai Marudu Vellalas, the Vejjaru, the river, the northern boun- dary of the Pandya country Velur, the forts of Chandragiri and . . Vembar . . — baptisms in Vesey, Captain Vettri-Verkai Vijaya „ 11, 12, — his marriage Vijaya-Nagara, the kingdom of — names of — origin of — list of the kings of . . — Dr. Burnell's list of the kings of . . — overthrow of — supremacy of — on. tin of the intervention of 85 105 26 70 8 37 37 67 136 133 235 241 208 4 21 48 68 236 193 13 13 14 42 45 45 46 46 49 54 55 300 I X D T. X. Page i Vijaya-Nagara .. .. .. ..61 — Rayas of . . . . . . . . 70 | — Collectors of the taxes at 69 i Vijayaranga-Chokka-natha . . . . 85 < Vikrama Pandi 53, 70 — Pandya 27 Virach&liyam, a tamil work . . . . 31 Viramaha-muni, title of Beschi . . 241 Vira Narasimha Rayar , . . . 48 Yirapandiyanpattanam . . 78 Vira Pandya 27 — his palace at Kalacadu, App. . . 251 Vira Pandya Kattaboma .. ..172 Vira-Pandya-puram . . . . 27 Virappa Nayaka . . . • 33, 60 Viraraghava Mudaliar . . . . 60 Vira-sekhara, the king of Tan j ore . . 55 Virupakshi Poligar 210 Vishnu Varddhana . . . . 43 Visvanatha Nayaka .. .. ..55 — his policy . . . . . . 56 — his plan of conciliation . . . . 57 w. Walter Elliott, Sir, a coin belonging to 27 Warangal . . . . . . . . 45 Washinelore (Vasudfivanallur) .. 122 Wassaf , the Muhammadan historian . . 32 — his account . . . . . . 39 Welsh, General, his account of the last Poligar war . . . . ..194 — his error .. .. .. ..199 — ■ his estimate of the Poligars . . 209 — his account of the taking of the Travancore Lines, App. . . . . 267 Wheeler, Lieutenant . . . . . . 144 Wilks, General . . . . . . . . 44 Page Wilson, Professor, his anticipations . , 228 Wood, Colonel, in command at Trichi- nopoly .. .. .. ..138 Woodoocaud (Orkadu) .. .. ..162 Xavier, The " Badages "of . . — his appeal to the king of Travan- core . . — his efforts for the relief of his people — his authority . . — his arrival and work — estimate of — visits from village to village — his administration . . — his successor's death — the period after T. Yajur Veda Yaksha, demon princess Yudhishtira, son of Kunti Yule, Colonel Yusuf Khan, Muhammad See under Muhammad Yusuf Khan. Z. Zeilan (Ceylon), the island of Zemindar of Ettaiyftpuram — of Uttumalai — of Singampatti — of Orkad Zemindaries, number of oa 69 77 77 232 233 233 234 234 235 65 14 7 38 64 73 49 106 106 106 105 RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT RETUKN ^ Q2 Majn Ljbrary ALL BOOKS 1 -month loans UY BE RECALLED AH tk 7 DAYS ^tt&&&&~~ A . T n, h loans ^ be recced by W^; nrior to due dole LrtTERUBKAni ■' P"F a^JTAMPED BELOW nqv Q7" WPP I L MM "i - ,i)Niv. OF CAL-1F. BERK O^OTC^t--^-- — r- rt.i IMTFP' iP-gV ^HJ-LQAN >P TTTTT^T — - '•A/LiZii- UNIV. OF CALU' ., BER-<- FEB 9 ZOO? ■ " ' n , 77 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DD 6, 40m 10 / / BERKELEY, CA 94720 ]$ i06~6£