THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 AN ARGUMENT FOR 
 
 THE JUDICIAL SETTLEMENT OF 
 
 INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES
 
 BY THE SAME AUTHOR 
 
 The Meaning of Education The Macmillan Co., 
 1898 xii + 230pp. .... $1.00 
 
 True and False Democracy The Macmillan Co., 
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 The American as He Is The Macmillan Co., 1908 
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 Philosophy Columbia University Press, 1911 vii + 
 51 pp $1.00 
 
 Why Should We Change Our Form of Govern- 
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 159 PP 75 cents
 
 THE 
 INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 AN ARGUMENT FOR 
 
 THE JUDICIAL SETTLEMENT OF 
 
 INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES 
 
 BY 
 
 NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER 
 
 PRESIDENT OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND LETTERS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 1912
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 Published September, 1912
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 JX 
 
 TO THAT LARGE AND GROWING COMPANY 
 OF MEN AND WOMEN WHO, IN EUROPE, 
 ASIA, AFRICA, AND THE TWO AMERICAS, 
 ARE WORKING TO HASTEN THE COMING 
 OF THE DAY WHEN JUSTICE SHALL TAKE 
 THE PLACE OF FORCE IN THE SETTLEMENT 
 OF DIFFERENCES BETWEEN NATIONS 
 
 1049999
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THE substitution of justice for force in set- 
 tling the differences that arise between nations 
 has become a question of practical politics. 
 This is due in part to the almost unbearable 
 burden of the world's armaments and to the 
 obstacle which their cost offers to carrying out 
 policies of constructive statesmanship in solv- 
 ing the new social and political problems that 
 have arisen everywhere. It is due in part, 
 also, to the growing moral sensitiveness of men. 
 Long after theft and murder had ceased to be 
 respectable as between individuals they were 
 regarded with equanimity, and even with es- 
 teem, as between nations, for the reason that 
 they were thought in some way to contribute 
 to a high and lofty patriotism. Groups of men 
 bearing a common name were once believed to 
 have, and are still sometimes believed to have, 
 a superior mission in the world which justifies 
 them in the use of force in their dealings with 
 other peoples. The advance of civilization 
 vii
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 through rapine and slaughter is even now a 
 theme on which orators and poets like to dwell. 
 Time and time again, no doubt, it has been 
 necessary or unavoidable that human beings 
 should kill each other, but the mere killing is 
 not anything in which to glory. 
 
 With the rise in the world of a real public 
 opinion, with the spread of information and of 
 opportunity for the education of the whole peo- 
 ple, with the growth of travel and of commerce, 
 with migration on a large scale from one part 
 of the world to another, and with the wider 
 spread of a knowledge of foreign languages, a 
 new condition of national interdependence and 
 interpenetration has been brought about. This 
 makes war increasingly difficult and increas- 
 ingly repulsive, and it disposes men to work 
 more vigorously for the creation of those in- 
 stitutions, civil and political, which extend the 
 area over which the principles of justice are 
 made applicable and enforceable. 
 
 Independent courts of justice protecting the 
 individual from the invasion of his guaranteed 
 constitutional rights, whether by other individ- 
 uals or by agencies of government itself, are 
 the epoch-marking contribution of the United
 
 PREFACE ix 
 
 States to political science. A judiciary made 
 dependent on changes of popular temper or on 
 varying, often contradictory, manifestations of 
 popular will, would become a mere administra- 
 tive device under the control and direction of 
 the executive power of the moment. 
 
 The striking service performed by an inde- 
 pendent judiciary in the United States indi- 
 cates that an independent judiciary will offer 
 the best solution of the problems, international 
 in character, that arise out of international 
 business and international rivalries. National 
 policies will always be settled, and properly 
 so, in accordance with a nation's own gov- 
 ernmental forms and processes. International 
 claims and international conflicts, when, as is 
 usually the case, they are justiciable in char- 
 acter, should, at this stage of the world's his- 
 tory, go automatically to an independent in- 
 ternational court clothed with full authority 
 to do justice. The decrees of such a court 
 would be enforced by the moral power of the 
 civilized nations of the earth. 
 
 The establishment of an independent inter- 
 national court of justice to hear and to decide 
 causes between nations will not make war im-
 
 x PREFACE 
 
 possible. The brute elements in man must 
 be wholly eliminated and passion must be en- 
 tirely subordinated to reason before that end 
 can be reached. But the existence of an inter- 
 national court of weight, dignity, and authority 
 may easily prevent many wars and go far to- 
 ward removing the causes out of which wars so 
 often grow. 
 
 Standing behind this court, however, there 
 must be on the part of the great nations of the 
 earth a disposition to submit to its decrees and 
 a willingness to co-operate in enforcing them. 
 There must be a state of public opinion which 
 regards other peoples not as rivals to be an- 
 tagonized, but as friends to work with in the 
 accomplishment of a common purpose. To 
 create such a public opinion there must first 
 be developed among statesmen, journalists, and 
 men of affairs a true international mind. 
 
 The addresses here printed are an endeavor 
 to contribute to that end. 
 
 NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, 
 June 15, 1912
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I THE PROGRESS OF REAL INTERNATION- 
 ALISM i 
 
 II THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS AND PUBLIC 
 
 OPINION 19 
 
 III ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? . 45 
 
 IV THE EDUCATION OF THE WORLD FOR 
 
 PEACE 67 
 
 V THE INTERNATIONAL MIND .... 95 
 INDEX . . . 115
 
 I 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF REAL INTERNA- 
 TIONALISM
 
 Opening Address as Chairman of the Lake Mohonk Con- 
 ference on International Arbitration, May 22, 1907
 
 THE PROGRESS OF REAL INTERNA- 
 TIONALISM 
 
 This Conference reassembles at an auspi- 
 cious moment. Our country is still ringing 
 with the echoes of the lofty sentiments and 
 noble ideals which found expression before 
 thousands of attentive auditors at the National 
 Arbitration and Peace Congress held in New 
 York a month ago. High officers of govern- 
 ment and leaders of public opinion at home 
 and abroad there united in giving voice to sen- 
 timents which mean, if they mean anything, 
 that a new era is dawning in the moral history 
 of mankind. Moreover, before another month 
 has passed, the representatives of more than 
 two score nations will assemble at The Hague 
 to constitute a second International Conference 
 called in the interest of international peace. 
 Whether we look backward or forward, there- 
 fore, we see only signs of good omen. 
 
 The nations of the earth are faced by prob- 
 lems of amazing complexity and difficulty.
 
 4 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 The spread of democracy, while it has greatly 
 complicated these problems and enlarged their 
 scope, has also hastened the day of their satis- 
 factory and beneficent solution. 
 
 Unless all signs fail, we are entering upon a 
 period which may be described fittingly as one 
 of internationalism. For long centuries the 
 peoples of the earth have been obeying the 
 deep impulse to build themselves into nations. 
 Groups of men marked out by origin, by com- 
 mon characteristics, and by language, for liv- 
 ing together under one form of government 
 and within one political boundary, have grown 
 into nations. These nations have, each in its 
 own way, established constitutional govern- 
 ment, or seem about to do so. With consti- 
 tutional government has gone hand in hand 
 the conception of the reign of law and the 
 dominance of justice. The reign of law and 
 the dominance of justice mean that might 
 shall not be permitted to seize the place of 
 right, and that no individual shall be allowed 
 to enact his own claims and ambitions into 
 law or decree. These must be submitted in 
 formal and stated fashion to a tribunal con- 
 stituted for the purpose. No nation in which
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 5 
 
 this conception of law and justice did not pre- 
 vail could be counted for a moment among 
 civilized peoples. 
 
 This intra-national development is a happy 
 augury for the international era which is open- 
 ing. It is not too much to believe, that while 
 certain differences between individual relations 
 and disputes and international relations and 
 disputes must be admitted, yet the analogy 
 between them is sufficiently close to make us 
 full of hope that what has been accomplished 
 intra-nationally may not be long delayed in 
 coming internationally. 
 
 Like an individual, a nation has a mind and 
 a conscience, and it has them in a very real 
 sense. As politicians and statesmen have long 
 since found out, the terms Puritan conscience 
 in America, nonconformist conscience in Eng- 
 land, French spirit and German idealism on 
 the Continent, are not names for empty ab- 
 stractions, but they stand in each case for 
 what is terribly real. One of the chief prob- 
 lems of our time is to bring the nations' minds 
 and the nations' consciences to bear on the 
 moral problems involved in international re- 
 lations. This is a step in the moral education
 
 6 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 of the world. It carries with it no necessary 
 criticism upon what has gone before and no 
 aspersion upon what now exists, any more than 
 the full fruit reflects discredit upon the seed 
 from which it sprang. The more perfect and 
 complete morality of the future is itself to be 
 the product of the incomplete and imperfect, 
 but always improving, morality of the past 
 and of the present. 
 
 It is a mistake in history and an error in 
 ethics to apply the standards and ideals of one 
 period to the deeds and accomplishments of 
 an earlier one. When we are asked to point 
 out how we would have settled the War of the 
 Roses, the Thirty- Years' War, the war between 
 Parliament and the Stuart King, the French 
 Revolution, the Napoleonic struggles, or the 
 American Civil War, by arbitration or by judi- 
 cial methods, the answer is that the question 
 is quite irrelevant. Whether mankind could 
 have settled the problems involved in all of 
 those contests, or in any one of them, without 
 the use of force and the shedding of blood, I 
 very much doubt; but then man was an earlier 
 and a cruder being than he is to-day. More- 
 over, the nations and their forms of govern-
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM ^ 
 
 ment were then only in the making, and there 
 is no possible parallel with present conditions. 
 The crucial question is not, will our standards 
 and ideals apply backward, but will they not 
 apply forward? Can we do better than to use 
 the fine phrase of our own Lowell, and resolve 
 not to 
 
 Attempt the Future's portal, with the Past's blood- 
 rusted key? 
 
 The student of history and of nature, and still 
 more the student of philosophy, realizes the 
 implications of the process of evolution. Our 
 political systems, our ethical standards, and 
 our moral aspirations, are a development and 
 are in development to-day. We need not pass 
 unfavorable judgment upon those who have 
 gone before in insisting that we shall endeavor 
 to refrain from adopting methods which they 
 often employed. We simply say that we have 
 discovered and are prepared to apply newer and 
 better and more efficient methods than theirs 
 were. We do not say that they should have 
 applied our methods, for we dare not assert 
 that the time had then come when such appli- 
 cation was possible; but we do say, with the
 
 8 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 strongest emphasis, that we shall sacrifice no 
 jot or tittle of our present moral insights or of 
 our present intellectual convictions in facing 
 the international problems of to-morrow. 
 
 Joubert, of whom both Sainte-Beuve and 
 Matthew Arnold have written so charmingly, 
 finely said : " Force and Right are the governors 
 of this world; Force till Right is ready." Right 
 is ready in this twentieth century to claim her 
 kingdom, and she asks Force to step down from 
 the throne it has so long occupied that it 
 may serve from this time on, not as Right's 
 substitute, but as Right's ally. 
 
 There are good and earnest men who now and 
 then express the fear that righteousness and 
 peace may somehow or other come into con- 
 flict. This judgment appears to me to be based 
 upon a study of the conditions that have pre- 
 vailed in the past, rather than upon an appre- 
 ciation of the forces that are indicated to rule 
 the future. Not every judgment of a judicial 
 tribunal, however learned and disinterested its 
 members, brings complete satisfaction to both 
 litigants, or even to y the public at large; yet 
 the overwhelming majority of judicial decisions 
 are equitable and do give satisfaction to the
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 9 
 
 public. Cannot the same be said of the judicial 
 settlement of differences between litigants when 
 those litigants are nations instead of individuals? 
 Or, if it cannot be said, then what assurance 
 have we, if force be resorted to, that the cause 
 of righteousness will prevail in the struggle? 
 Will not "God be on the side of the heaviest 
 battalions," as Voltaire cynically suggested? 
 If so, then the cause of righteousness will not 
 be advanced by going to war, unless it can be 
 supposed to be advanced by the mere struggle 
 on its behalf. But if this be true, why should 
 the struggle on behalf of righteousness take the 
 brute form of physical exertion, rather than the 
 truly human form of moral endeavor? The 
 truth is that fighting is an animal appetite, and, 
 excuse it as we may, moral beings must treat it 
 as they treat other animal appetites and sub- 
 ject it to rational control. 
 
 It is difficult, therefore, to see what real 
 ground there is for supposing that righteousness 
 and peace can come into conflict when those 
 who seek righteousness are moral persons. If 
 they are not moral persons, collective or indi- 
 vidual, then what concept can they possibly 
 have of righteousness? So long as human na-
 
 io THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 ture remains human, the several nations will 
 each require their systems of police, and the 
 world at large will require an international po- 
 lice; but this international police, while con- 
 stituted of armies and navies, will, when it 
 comes, be constituted in a way and from a point 
 of view quite different from armies and navies 
 maintained for offensive war. 
 
 The splendid accomplishment of this Confer- 
 ence during all the years of its existence has 
 been the arousing and directing of public opin- 
 ion. The National Arbitration and Peace Con- 
 gress in New York gave strong impetus to this 
 work. I feel it not too much to say that that 
 Congress, in a single week, carried us forward 
 quite half a century toward the time when 
 higher conceptions of international justice shall 
 prevail. A public opinion which, in the person 
 of 10,000 or more of its most responsible rep- 
 resentatives, could participate with joy and sat- 
 isfaction in the discussions in New York, will 
 not fail to make itself heard in the council cham- 
 bers of governments, nor will the aroused public 
 opinion of the United States be without large 
 influence in Europe. While we Americans have 
 not always been careful to conserve the sources
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM n 
 
 of our best influence upon our European con- 
 temporaries, nevertheless it remains true that 
 American public opinion, because of its detach- 
 ment from older animosities, struggles, and am- 
 bitions, and because of its essentially democratic 
 basis, is hearkened to by monarchs, by parlia- 
 ments, and by unofficial citizens who speak 
 other tongues than ours. 
 
 American public opinion will gain in influence 
 abroad if its positive recommendations in regard 
 to the attainment of international justice are 
 both sagacious and reasonable. We must avoid 
 encumbering our program with non-essentials 
 and we must not fail to observe a due sense of 
 proportion in what we recommend. 
 
 Speaking for myself, I should wholly avoid 
 at the present time the question of disarma- 
 ment. Nations and governments have a vary- 
 ing sense of responsibility for order within and 
 for safety without their boundaries. Disarma- 
 ment will never come by pressure from with- 
 out a nation, but only by pressure from within. 
 If justice is established between nations, peace 
 will follow as a matter of course. The reign of 
 peace will cause armaments to atrophy from 
 disuse. Disarmament will follow peace as an 
 effect, not precede it as a cause.
 
 12 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 Yet, while passing disarmament by, we may 
 profitably urge the wisdom of formal inter- 
 national consideration of the possibility of re- 
 stricting the farther growth of the great armies 
 and navies of the world, without impairing the 
 efficiency of those that exist. The present 
 British Government has taken a most praise- 
 worthy stand in this regard. 
 
 From the forthcoming Hague Conference we 
 should ask, I think, chiefly two things, and if 
 both of them should be given us, a long step 
 forward would be taken. 
 
 i. We should ask that the Permanent Hague 
 Court be transformed from a semi-diplomatic 
 into a truly judicial tribunal. We should ask 
 that judges be substituted for arbitrators. We 
 wish to see a permanent international court 
 which, like our United States Supreme Court, 
 will have a status, a procedure, traditions, and 
 precedents of its own. We wish to see interna- 
 tional law declared and established as well as 
 individual differences composed. 
 
 The present Hague Court is in reality only an 
 eligible list from which two litigants may choose 
 those to whom they will submit their cause. In 
 its stead I should like to see a permanent body 
 of judges chosen for long terms or for life, paid
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 13 
 
 suitable salaries, and as independent of the na- 
 tions from which they are chosen as members 
 of the United States Supreme Court are of the 
 President who appoints or the Senate which 
 confirms them. 
 
 Some concern is expressed as to how the find- 
 ings of this court would be enforced. Are we 
 not justified in believing that the moral sense of 
 the civilized world would enforce them in ninety- 
 nine cases out of a hundred ? For the extreme 
 hundredth case of disobedience an international 
 police would be needed. That, however, many 
 of us regard as a remote possibility. 
 
 2. We should ask that the Hague Conference, 
 now assembling for the second time at the call 
 of a monarch, be made to assemble automat- 
 ically hereafter at regular intervals, say once in 
 four or five years. So important an assembling 
 of the nations should be independent of the will 
 of any one ruler, executive, or parliament. The 
 Third Pan-American Conference made provision 
 for the periodic assembling hereafter of repre- 
 sentatives appointed by all the American gov- 
 ernments. The second Hague Conference should 
 take similar action in its sphere. 
 
 These, then, I hold to be the most important
 
 i 4 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 and most practical steps to be urged upon the 
 second Hague Conference: (i) to substitute a 
 truly judicial for a semi-diplomatic interna- 
 tional tribunal; and (2) to provide for the re- 
 assembling of the Conference itself at stated 
 intervals. 
 
 If it be argued that such a permanent judicial 
 tribunal, if established, would find no business 
 to transact, let it be remembered, at least by 
 Americans, that the members of the United 
 States Supreme Court were first appointed on 
 September 26, 1789; that the Court first or- 
 ganized on February i, 1790, and that for a full 
 year it adjourned because there was no business 
 on its calendar. In a few years, the United 
 States Supreme Court had become one of the 
 busiest official bodies in the world. Moreover, 
 if such a court were given power to pass judi- 
 cially upon international claims, its docket 
 would soon be full. 
 
 In the stated reassembling of the Hague 
 Conference lies the germ of the international 
 parliament which will one day come into being. 
 
 There is another aspect of international re- 
 lations in time of war which has not attracted 
 the attention it deserves. The suggestion that
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 15 
 
 neutrality should extend to financial assistance 
 has been brought forward by men who are in 
 no sense unpractical. It appears to have been 
 an early conception of so practical a nation- 
 builder as Cecil Rhodes. Quite independently, 
 Mr. James Speyer, whose experience as an in- 
 ternational financier is very large, made the 
 same suggestion two years ago. His exact 
 language was as follows: 
 
 "It does not seem a wild flight of imagi- 
 nation to suggest that the signatory powers 
 might agree to maintain in future, what for 
 want of a better term might be called financial 
 neutrality. In case two powers went to war 
 without first submitting their grievances and 
 differences to arbitration, as provided by the 
 Hague Protocol, why should not the other 
 powers bind themselves not to assist either of 
 the belligerents financially, but to see to it that 
 strict neutrality was preserved by their citi- 
 zens? Rich nations with an extended com- 
 merce are vitally concerned in maintaining 
 peace, and if no financial assistance could be 
 obtained from the outside, few nations would, 
 in the face of the most effective neutrality of 
 the other powers, incur the peril of bankruptcy,
 
 16 THE PROGRESS OF 
 
 and the inevitable wars of the future would at 
 least be shortened." 
 
 In one form or another this proposal has re- 
 ceived the support of Mr. Bryan, who spoke 
 of it at the Arbitration and Peace Congress 
 in New York, and of Secretary Straus, who 
 referred to it in his recent address before the 
 meeting of the International Law Society at 
 Washington. With the support of names such 
 as these this proposal takes on distinct im- 
 portance and offers itself as worthy of se- 
 rious consideration with a view to determining 
 how it could be carried into practical opera- 
 tion. 
 
 One other matter concerns Americans alone. 
 Each time an important international con- 
 ference is to be held, the appointing power 
 searches the country over for the most com- 
 petent and effective representatives of Ameri- 
 can interests and of American opinion. Why 
 should we not constitute a body of permanent 
 representatives at such international confer- 
 ences out of the distinguished men who, as 
 President of the United States or as Secretary 
 of State, have directed for a time the foreign 
 policy of the nation? Those who have been
 
 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 17 
 
 incumbents of these high offices are men who 
 have enjoyed public confidence and esteem in 
 the highest degree, and their service has placed 
 them beyond the reach of party animosity or 
 party feeling. These experienced statesmen, 
 officially constituted as international conferees 
 on behalf of the United States, and in receipt 
 of an appropriate salary fixed by law, would 
 bring to their task both unusual equipment and 
 unusual experience. Such use of those who 
 had rendered distinguished service to the na- 
 tion as Chief Executive or as Secretary of 
 State would be in every respect fitting. 
 
 Every portent is favorable for the policies 
 in which we believe and which we urge. The 
 civilized world is at peace and there is no ruler 
 and no party bent on disturbing that peace. 
 The more powerful nations are presided over 
 by governments or monarchs whose faces are 
 turned toward the light. Our own President 
 and his Cabinet, the Government of the day 
 in Great Britain, the President of the French 
 Republic and his official advisers, the German 
 Emperor, and the Emperor of Austria-Hungary, 
 are alike devoted to the economic and moral 
 uplifting of their people and to the avoid-
 
 i8 REAL INTERNATIONALISM 
 
 ance of war and strife. The German Emperor, 
 against whom criticisms are sometimes leveled, 
 is, I dare assert with confidence, a convinced 
 believer in the policies of peace and their un- 
 told advantage to the great people at whose 
 head he stands. Indeed, no responsible ruler 
 is likely, so far as the signs of the moment go, 
 to be responsible for breaking the world's peace. 
 If that peace is to be broken, it will be bro- 
 ken, I think, by the irresponsible, the reckless, 
 and the untamed. At this stage of the world's 
 history, we must all unite to hold these ele- 
 ments of the population in check. The world 
 has come of age, and, as Archbishop Temple 
 wrote nearly half a century ago, "We are now 
 men, governed by principles, if governed at all, 
 and cannot rely any longer on the impulses of 
 youth or the discipline of childhood.'*
 
 II 
 
 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS AND 
 PUBLIC OPINION
 
 Opening Address as Chairman of the Lake Mohonk Con- 
 ference on International Arbitration, May 19, 1909
 
 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS AND 
 PUBLIC OPINION 
 
 Two years ago when I last had the honor 
 of addressing this Conference as its presiding 
 officer, we were all looking forward with con- 
 fidence and high anticipation to the second 
 Hague Conference, then soon to assemble. We 
 were much concerned with the program of 
 business to be laid before that Conference, 
 and with the forms of agreement or declara- 
 tion which we hoped would there be decided 
 upon. In particular, emphasis was laid upon 
 the desire, widely entertained by right think- 
 ing men, that the second Hague Conference 
 should take the steps necessary to build up 
 a truly judicial international tribunal, by the 
 side of or in succession to the semi-diplomatic 
 tribunal which had been the fruit of the first 
 conference at the Hague; and that the Con- 
 ference should, itself, provide for its reassem- 
 bling at stated intervals thereafter, without 
 waiting for the specific call or invitation of any
 
 22 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 monarch or national executive. The history 
 of the second Hague Conference is still fresh 
 in our minds. Although not everything was 
 done that we had hoped for, yet when the cloud 
 of discussion lifted, we could plainly see that 
 long steps in advance had been taken, and that 
 there was coming to be a more fundamental 
 and far-reaching agreement among the nations 
 as to what was wise and practicable in the 
 steady substitution of the rule of justice for the 
 rule of force among men. 
 
 To-day, however, the most optimistic ob- 
 server of the movement of public opinion in the 
 world, and the most stoutly convinced advo- 
 cate of international justice, must confess him- 
 self perplexed, if not amazed, by some of the 
 striking phenomena which meet his view. Ex- 
 penditure for naval armaments is everywhere 
 growing by leaps and bounds. 
 
 Edmund Burke said that he did not know 
 the method of drawing up an indictment 
 against a whole people; but perhaps it may be 
 easier to detect some of the signs of emotional 
 insanity than to draw an indictment for crime. 
 The storm center of the world's weather to- 
 day is to be found in the condition of mind
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 23 
 
 of a large portion of the English people. The 
 nation which, for generations, has contributed 
 so powerfully to the world's progress in all that 
 relates to the spread of the rule of law, to the 
 peaceful development of commerce and indus- 
 try, to the advancement of letters and science, 
 and to the spread of humanitarian ideas, ap- 
 pears to be possessed for the moment it can 
 only be for the moment with the evil spirit 
 of militarism. It is hard to reconcile the ex- 
 cited and exaggerated utterances of responsible 
 statesmen in Parliament and on the platform; 
 the loud beating of drums and the sounding of 
 alarums in the public press, even in that por- 
 tion of it most given to sobriety of judgment; 
 and the flocking of the populace to view a taw- 
 dry and highly sensational drama of less than 
 third-rate importance for the sake of its con- 
 tribution to their mental obsession by hob- 
 goblins and the ghosts of national enemies and 
 invaders, with the traditional temperament of 
 a nation that has acclaimed the work of How- 
 ard, Wilberforce, and Shaftesbury, whose pub- 
 lic life was so long dominated by the lofty per- 
 sonality of William Ewart Gladstone, and of 
 which the real heroes to-day are the John Mil-
 
 24 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 ton and the Charles Darwin whose anniver- 
 saries are just now celebrated with so much 
 sincerity and genuine appreciation. 
 
 What has happened ? If an opinion may be 
 ventured by an observer whose friendliness 
 amounts to real affection, and who is in high 
 degree jealous of the repute of the English peo- 
 ple and of their place in the van of the world's 
 civilization, it is that this lamentable outburst 
 is attendant upon a readjustment of relative 
 position and importance among the nations of 
 the earth, due to economic and intellectual 
 causes, which readjustment is interpreted in 
 England, unconsciously of course, in terms of 
 the politics of the first Napoleon rather than 
 in terms of the politics of the industrial and 
 intelligent democracies of the twentieth cen- 
 tury. Germany is steadily gaining in impor- 
 tance in the world, and England is in turn los- 
 ing some of her long-standing relative primacy. 
 The causes are easy to discover, and are in no 
 just sense provocative of war or strife. In- 
 deed, it is highly probable that war, if it should 
 come with all its awful consequences, would 
 only hasten the change it was entered upon to 
 prevent.
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 25 
 
 It must not be forgotten that while there has 
 long existed in Europe a German people, yet 
 the German nation as such is a creation of very 
 recent date. With the substantial completion 
 of German political unity after the Franco- 
 Prussian war, there began an internal develop- 
 ment in Germany even more significant and 
 more far-reaching in its effects than that which 
 was called into existence by the trumpet voice 
 of Fichte, after the disastrous defeat of the 
 Prussian army by Napoleon at Jena, and which 
 was guided by the hands of Stein and Harden- 
 berg. This later development has been funda- 
 mentally economic and educational in char- 
 acter, and has been directed with great skill 
 toward the development of the nation's foreign 
 commerce, the husbanding of its own natural 
 resources, and the comfort and health of the 
 masses of its rapidly growing population. 
 
 Within a short generation the pressure of 
 German competition has been severely felt in 
 the trade and commerce of every part of the 
 world. The two most splendid fleets engaged 
 in the Atlantic carrying trade fly the German 
 flag. Along either coast of South America, in 
 the waters of China and Japan, in the ports of
 
 26 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 the Mediterranean, and on the trade routes to 
 India and Australia, the German flag has be- 
 come almost as familiar as the English. The 
 intensive application of the discoveries of theo- 
 retical science to industrial processes has made 
 Germany, in a sense, the world's chief teacher 
 in its great international school of industry and 
 commerce. With this over-sea trade expan- 
 sion has gone the building of a German navy. 
 It appears to be the building of this navy which 
 has so excited many of the English people. For 
 the moment we are not treated to the well-worn 
 paradox that the larger a nation's navy the less 
 likely it is to be used in combat and the more 
 certain is the peace of the world. The old Adam 
 asserts himself long enough to complain, in this 
 case at least, that if a navy is building in Ger- 
 many it must be intended for offensive use; 
 and against whom could the Germans possibly 
 intend to use a navy except against England? 
 Their neighbors, the French and the Russians, 
 they could readily, and with less risk, overrun 
 with their great army. The United States is 
 too far away to enter into the problem as a 
 factor of any real importance. Therefore, the 
 inference is drawn that the navy must be in-
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 27 
 
 tended for an attack upon England. It is worth 
 while noting that, on this theory, the German 
 navy now building appears to be the first of 
 modern navies intended for military uses. It 
 alone of all the world's navies, however large, 
 however costly, is not a messenger of peace! 
 
 One must needs ask, then, what reason is to 
 be found in the nature of the German people, 
 in the declarations of their responsible rulers, or 
 in the political relations between Germany and 
 any other nation, for the belief that the German 
 navy alone, among all modern navies, is build- 
 ing for a warlike purpose? Those of us who 
 feel that the business of navy-building is being 
 greatly overdone, and that it cannot for a mo- 
 ment be reconciled with sound public policy, or 
 with the increasingly insistent demand for social 
 improvements and reforms, may well wish that 
 the German naval program were much more 
 restricted than it is and that some of the un- 
 official sayings and hopes concerning it were not 
 expressed at all. But, waiving that point for 
 the moment, what ground is there for the sus- 
 picion which is so widespread in England against 
 Germany, and for the imputation to Germany 
 of evil intentions toward England? Speaking
 
 28 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 for myself, and making full use of such oppor- 
 tunities for accurate information as I have had, 
 I say with entire sincerity that I do not believe 
 there is any ground whatever for those sus- 
 picions or for those imputations. Nor, what is 
 much more important, has adequate ground for 
 those suspicions and imputations been given by 
 any responsible person. 
 
 Are we to believe, for example, that the whole 
 public life in both Germany and England is 
 part of an opera bouffe, and that all the public 
 declarations of responsible leaders of opinion in 
 both countries are meaningless or untrue? Are 
 the increasingly numerous international visits 
 of municipal officials, of clergymen, of teachers, 
 of trades unionists, of newspaper men, as well as 
 the cordial and intimate reception given them 
 by their hosts, all a sham and a pretense? Have 
 all these men daggers in their hands and subtle 
 poisons in their pockets ? Are we to assume that 
 there is no truth or frankness or decency left 
 in the world ? Are nations in the twentieth cen- 
 tury, and nations that represent the most in 
 modern civilization at that, so lost to shame that 
 they fall upon each other's necks and grasp each 
 other's hands and swear eternal fealty as con-
 
 29 
 
 ditions precedent to making an unannounced 
 attack upon each other during a fog? Even 
 the public morality of the sixteenth century 
 would have revolted at that. The whole idea 
 is too preposterous for words, and it is the duty 
 of the thoughtful and sincere friends of the Eng- 
 lish people, in this country and in every country, 
 to use every effort to bring them to see the un- 
 reasonableness, to use no stronger term, of the 
 attitude toward Germany which they are at 
 present made to assume by many of their 
 spokesmen. 
 
 But, says the objector, England is an island 
 nation. Unless she commands the sea abso- 
 lutely her national existence is in danger; any 
 strong navy in hands that may become un- 
 friendly threatens her safety. Therefore she 
 is justified in being suspicious of any nation that 
 builds a big navy. That formula has been 
 repeated so often that almost everybody be- 
 lieves it. There was a time when it was probably 
 and within limits true. One cannot but wonder, 
 however, whether it is unequivocally true any 
 longer. In the first place, national existence 
 does not now depend upon military and naval 
 force. Italy is safe; so are Holland and For-
 
 30 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 tugal, Mexico and Canada. Then, the possi- 
 bilities of aerial navigation alone, with the re- 
 sulting power of attacking a population or a 
 fleet huddled beneath a cloud of monsters 
 travelling through the air and willing to risk 
 their own existence and the lives of their occu- 
 pants for the opportunity to approach near 
 enough to enable a vital injury to be inflicted 
 upon another people, to say nothing of the en- 
 ginery of electricity, have changed the sig- 
 nificance of the word "island." Although an 
 island remains, as heretofore, a body of land en- 
 tirely surrounded by water, yet that surround- 
 ing water is no longer to be the only avenue of 
 approach to it, its possessions and its inhabit- 
 ants. Even if we speak in the most approved 
 language of militarism itself, it is apparent that 
 a fleet a mile wide will not long protect England 
 from attack or invasion, or from starvation, if 
 the attacking or invading party is in command 
 of the full resources of modern science and 
 modern industry. But if justice be substituted 
 for force, England will always be safe; her 
 achievements for the past thousand years have 
 made that certain. 
 
 The greatest present obstacle to the limita-
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 31 
 
 tion of the armaments under the weight of 
 which the world is staggering toward bank- 
 ruptcy; the greatest obstacle to carrying for- 
 ward those social and economic reforms for 
 which every nation is crying out, that its pop- 
 ulation may be better housed, the public health 
 more completely protected, and the burden of 
 unemployment lifted from the backs of the wage- 
 earning classes, appears to many to be the in- 
 sistence by England on what is called the two- 
 power naval standard. So long as the British 
 Empire circles the globe and so long as its ships 
 and its goods are to be found in every port, the 
 British navy will, by common consent, be ex- 
 pected to be much larger and more powerful 
 than that of any other nation. Neither in 
 France nor in Germany nor in Japan nor in 
 America would that proposition be disputed. 
 Even the two-power standard might not bring 
 poverty and distress and wasteful expenditure 
 to other nations if naval armaments were limited 
 by agreement or were diminishing in strength. 
 But, insisted upon in an era of rapidly increasing 
 armaments, in this day of Dreadnoughts, the 
 two-power standard leads, and must inevitably 
 lead, to huge programs of naval construction
 
 32 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 in every nation where the patriotism and good 
 sense of the people do not put a stop to this 
 modern form of madness. The practical sense 
 of the world is against it; only so-called expert 
 theories are on its side. 
 
 Under the prodding of alarmists in Parlia- 
 ment and the press, a Liberal ministry has been 
 compelled to say that it would propose and sup- 
 port measures for naval aggrandizement and 
 expenditure based upon the principle that the 
 fighting strength of the British navy must be 
 kept always one-tenth greater than the sum 
 total of the fighting strength of the two next 
 most powerful navies in the world. At first it 
 was even proposed to include the navy of the 
 United States in making this computation. 
 Later that position was fortunately retreated 
 from. But it will be observed that in computing 
 the so-called two-power standard, the English 
 jingoes count as contingent enemies the French 
 and the Japanese, with both of whom their 
 nation is in closest alliance, and also the Rus- 
 sians, with whom the English are now on terms 
 of cordial friendship. In other words, unless 
 all such treaties of alliance and comity are a 
 fraud and a sham, these nations at least should
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 33 
 
 be omitted from the reckoning. This would 
 leave no important navy save that of Germany 
 to be counted in possible opposition. For this 
 reason, it is just now alike the interest and the 
 highest opportunity for service of America and 
 of the world to bring about the substitution of 
 cordial friendship between England and Ger- 
 many for the suspicion and distrust which so 
 widely prevail. When this is done, a long step 
 toward an international agreement for the limi- 
 tation of armaments will have been taken; new 
 progress can then be made in the organization 
 of the world on those very principles for which 
 the English themselves have time-long stood, 
 and for whose development and application they 
 have made such stupendous sacrifices and per- 
 formed such herculean service. 
 
 If America were substituted for England, it 
 would be difficult to see how any responsible 
 statesman who had read the majority and mi- 
 nority reports recently laid before Parliament 
 by the Poor Law Commission, could for one 
 moment turn aside from the stern duty of na- 
 tional protection against economic, educational, 
 and social evils at home, to follow the will- 
 o'-the-wisp of national protection against a
 
 34 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 non-existent foreign enemy. England to-day, 
 in her own interest, needs to know Germany 
 better; to learn from Germany, to study with 
 care her schools and universities, her system 
 of workingman's insurance, of old age pen- 
 sions, of accident insurance, of sanitary and 
 tenement house inspection and reform, and all 
 her other great social undertakings, rather than 
 to spend time and energy and an impoverished 
 people's money in the vain task of preparing, 
 by monumental expenditure and waste, to 
 meet a condition of international enmity which 
 has only an imaginary existence. It is the 
 plain duty of the friends of both England and 
 Germany and what right-minded man is not 
 the warm friend and admirer of both these 
 splendid peoples? to exert every possible in- 
 fluence to promote a better understanding of 
 each of these peoples by the other, a fuller ap- 
 preciation of the services of each to modern 
 civilization, and to point out the folly, not to 
 speak of the wickedness, of permitting the seeds 
 of discord to be sown between them by any 
 element in the population of either. 
 
 I like to think that the real England and the 
 real Germany found voice on the occasion of
 
 35 
 
 a charming incident which it was my privilege 
 to witness in September of last year. At the 
 close of the impressive meeting of the Inter- 
 parliamentary Union, held in Berlin, the Ger- 
 man Imperial Chancellor offered the gracious 
 and bountiful hospitality of his official resi- 
 dence to the hundreds of representatives of 
 foreign parliamentary bodies then gathered in 
 the German capital. Standing under the 
 spreading trees of his own great gardens, sur- 
 rounded by the leaders of German scholarship 
 and of German political thought, Prince von 
 Billow was approached by more than two score 
 members of the British Parliament, with Lord 
 Weardale at their head. In a few impressive, 
 eloquent, and low-spoken sentences Lord Wear- 
 dale expressed to the Chancellor what he be- 
 lieved to be the real feeling of England toward 
 Germany, and what he felt should be the real 
 relationship to exist between the two govern- 
 ments and the two peoples. In words equally 
 cordial and quite as eloquent, Prince von Billow 
 responded to Lord Weardale with complete 
 sympathy and without reserve. The incident 
 made a deep impression upon the small group 
 who witnessed it. It was over in a few min-
 
 36 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 utes. It received no record in the public press, 
 but in my memory it remains as a weighty, and 
 I hope as a final, refutation of the widespread 
 impression that England and Germany are at 
 bottom hostile, and are drifting inevitably 
 toward the maelstrom of an armed conflict. 
 What could more surely lead to conviction of 
 high crimes and misdemeanors at the bar of 
 history than for two culture-peoples, with po- 
 litical and intellectual traditions in their en- 
 tirety unequaled in the world's history, in this 
 twentieth century to tear each other to pieces 
 like infuriated gladiators in a bloody arena? 
 The very thought is revolting, and the mere 
 suggestion of it ought to dismay the civilized 
 world. 
 
 The aim of all rational and practicable ac- 
 tivity for the permanent establishment of the 
 world's peace, and for the promotion of justice, 
 is and must always be the education of the 
 world's public opinion. Governments, however 
 popular and however powerful, have ceased to 
 dominate; everywhere public opinion domi- 
 nates governments. As never before, public 
 opinion is concerning itself with the solution
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 37 
 
 of grave economic and social questions which 
 must be solved aright if the great masses of the 
 world's population are to share comfort and 
 happiness. A nation's credit means the gen- 
 eral belief in its ability to pay in the future. 
 That nation which persistently turns away 
 from the consideration of those economic and 
 social questions upon which the productive 
 power of its population must in last resort de- 
 pend, limits and eventually destroys its own 
 credit. That nation which insists, in response 
 to cries more or less inarticulate and to formu- 
 las more or less outworn, upon spending the 
 treasure taken from its population in taxes 
 upon useless and wasteful armaments, hastens 
 its day of doom, for it impairs its credit or ulti- 
 mate borrowing capacity in a double way. It 
 not only expends unproductively and waste- 
 fully vast sums of the nation's taxes, but it sub- 
 stitutes this unproductive and wasteful expen- 
 diture for an expenditure of equal amount, 
 which might well be both productive and up- 
 lifting. The alternative to press upon the at- 
 tention of mankind is that of huge armaments 
 or social and economic improvement. The 
 world cannot have both. There is a limit to
 
 38 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 man's capacity to yield up taxes for public use. 
 Economic consumption is now heavily taxed 
 everywhere. Accumulated wealth is being 
 sought out in its hiding places, and is con- 
 stantly being loaded with a heavier burden. 
 All this cannot go on forever. The world must 
 choose between pinning its faith to the symbols 
 of a splendid barbarism and devoting its energies 
 to the tasks of an enlightened civilization. 
 
 Despite everything, the political organiza- 
 tion of the world in the interest of peace and 
 justice proceeds apace. The movement is as 
 sure as that of an Alpine glacier, and it has now 
 become much more easily perceptible. 
 
 There is to be established at The Hague be- 
 yond any question, either by the next Hague 
 Conference or before it convenes by the lead- 
 ing nations of the world, acting along the lines 
 of the principles adopted at the second Hague 
 Conference two years ago, a high court of in- 
 ternational justice. It is as clearly indicated as 
 anything can be that that court is to become 
 the supreme court of the nations of the world. 
 
 The Interparliamentary Union, which has 
 within a few weeks adopted a permanent form of
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 39 
 
 organization, and chosen a permanent secretary, 
 whose headquarters are eventually to be in the 
 Peace Palace at The Hague itself an occurrence 
 of the greatest public importance which has, to 
 my knowledge, received absolutely no mention 
 in the press now attracts to its membership 
 representatives of almost every parliamentary 
 body in existence. At the last meeting of the 
 Interparliamentary Union, held in Berlin, the 
 Parliament of Japan, the Russian Duma, and 
 the newly organized Turkish Parliament, were 
 all represented. By their side sat impressive 
 delegations from the Parliaments of England, 
 of France, of Germany, of Austria-Hungary, 
 of Italy, of Belgium, of the Netherlands, and 
 of the Scandinavian nations, as well as eight or 
 ten representatives of the American Congress. 
 In this Interparliamentary Union, which has 
 now passed through its preliminary or experi- 
 mental stage, lies the germ of a coming fed- 
 eration of the world's legislatures which will be 
 established in the not distant future, and whose 
 powers and functions, if not precisely defined 
 at first, will grow naturally from consultation 
 to that authority of which wisdom and justice 
 can never be divested. Each year that the rep-
 
 40 TEE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 resentatives of a national parliament sit side 
 by side with the representatives of the parlia- 
 ments of other nations, look their colleagues 
 in the face, and discuss with them freely and 
 frankly important matters of international con- 
 cern, it will become more difficult for them to 
 go back and vote a declaration of war against 
 the men from whose consultation room they 
 have but just come. Among honest men, fa- 
 miliarity breeds confidence, not contempt. 
 
 Where, then, in this coming political or- 
 ganization of the world, is the international 
 executive power to be found? Granting that 
 we have at The Hague an international court; 
 granting that we have sitting, now at one na- 
 tional capital and now at another, what may 
 be called a consultative international parlia- 
 ment, in what direction is the executive au- 
 thority to be looked for? The answer to this 
 vitally important question has been indicated 
 by no less an authority than Senator Root, in 
 his address before the American Society of 
 International Law, more than a year ago. Mr. 
 Root then referred to the fact that because 
 there is an apparent absence of sanction for 
 the enforcement of the rules of international
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 41 
 
 law, great authorities have denied that those 
 rules are entitled to be classed as law at all. He 
 pointed out that this apparent inability to exe- 
 cute in the field of international politics a rule 
 agreed upon as law, seems to many minds to 
 render quite futile the further discussion of the 
 political organization of the world. Mr. Root, 
 however, had too practical as well as too pro- 
 found a mind to rest content with any such 
 lame and impotent conclusion. He went on 
 to show, as he readily could, that nations day 
 by day yield to arguments which have no com- 
 pulsion behind them, and that as a result of 
 such argument they are constantly changing 
 policies, modifying conduct, and offering redress 
 for injuries. Why is this? Because, as Mr. 
 Root pointed out, the public opinion of the 
 world is the true international executive. No 
 law, not even municipal law, can long be effect- 
 ive without a supporting public opinion. It 
 may take its place upon the statute book, all 
 constitutional and legislative requirements hav- 
 ing been carefully complied with; yet it may 
 and does remain a dead letter unless public 
 opinion cares enough about it, believes enough 
 in it, to vitalize it and to make it real.
 
 42 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 In this same direction lies the highest hope 
 of civilization. What the world's public opin- 
 ion demands of nations or of international con- 
 ferences, it will get. What the world's public 
 opinion is determined to enforce, will be en- 
 forced. The occasional brawler and disturber 
 of the peace in international life will one day 
 be treated as is the occasional brawler and 
 disturber of the peace in the streets of a great 
 city. The aim of this Conference, and of every 
 gathering of like character, must insistently 
 and persistently be the education of the public 
 opinion of the civilized world. 
 
 The world is being politically organized while 
 we are talking about it, and wondering how it 
 is to be done and when it is to come to pass. 
 Little by little the steps are taken, now in the 
 formulation of a treaty, now in the instructions 
 given to representatives at an international con- 
 ference, now in the new state of mind brought 
 about by the participation in international gath- 
 erings and the closer study of international 
 problems, until one day the world will be sur- 
 prised to find how far it has traveled by these 
 successive short steps. We need not look for
 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION 43 
 
 any great revolutionary or evolutionary move- 
 ments that will come suddenly. A revolution- 
 ary movement would not be desirable, and evo- 
 lutionary movements do not come in that way. 
 Slowly, here a little, there a little, line upon line, 
 and precept upon precept, will the high ethical 
 and political ideals of civilized man assert them- 
 selves and take on such forms as may be neces- 
 sary to their fullest accomplishment. 
 
 We Americans have a peculiar responsibility 
 toward the political organization of the world. 
 Whether we recognize it or not we are univer- 
 sally looked to, if not to lead in this undertak- 
 ing, at least to contribute powerfully toward it. 
 Our professions and our principles are in accord 
 with the highest hopes of mankind. We owe 
 it to ourselves, to our reputation, and to our in- 
 fluence, that we do not by our conduct belie 
 those principles and those professions; that we 
 do not permit selfish interests to stir up among 
 us international strife and ill-feeling; that we 
 do not permit the noisy boisterousness of irre- 
 sponsible youth, however old in years or how- 
 ever high in place, to lead us into extravagant 
 expenditure foi armies and navies; and that, 
 most of all, we shall cultivate at home and in
 
 44 THE WORLD'S ARMAMENTS 
 
 our every relation, national and international, 
 that spirit of justice which we urge so valiantly 
 upon others. Si vis pacem, para pacem!
 
 Ill 
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS?
 
 Opening Address as Chairman of the Lake Mohonk Con- 
 ference on International Arbitration, May 18, 1910
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? 
 
 No well-informed observer is likely to deny 
 that the cause which this Conference is assem- 
 bled to promote has made important progress 
 during the past year. The several striking in- 
 cidents which mark that progress including, 
 in particular, the identic circular note of Sec- 
 retary Knox bearing date October 18, 1909, 
 proposing the investment of the International 
 Prize Court with the functions of a court of 
 arbitral justice, and the hearty approval which 
 the proposal has met; the public declaration of 
 President Taft, made in New York on March 
 22, 1910, that there are no questions involving 
 the honor or the interests of a civilized nation 
 which it may not with propriety submit to 
 judicial determination; the action of the Con- 
 gress in making an appropriation for the Bureau 
 of the Interparliamentary Union for the Pro- 
 motion of International Arbitration, thus com- 
 mitting the United States Government officially 
 to that admirable undertaking; and, finally, 
 
 47
 
 48 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 the forthcoming submission to the arbitral tri- 
 bunal at The Hague of the century-old contro- 
 versy between Great Britain and the United 
 States as to the Newfoundland fisheries all 
 these are encouraging in high degree. To those 
 who are impatient for the attainment of our 
 ideal we can only say that progress toward it 
 is steadily making and that the chief forces 
 now at work in the world, political, economic, 
 and ethical, are co-operating with us to bring 
 about its attainment. To those who fear that 
 we may make progress too fast and that some 
 measure of national security will be sacrificed 
 in pushing forward to establish international 
 justice, we can only say that justice is itself 
 the one real and continuing ground of security 
 for both men and nations, and that heretofore 
 in the history of mankind the devil has always 
 been able to take care of his own cause without 
 the necessary aid and comfort of the forces in 
 the world that are aiming at the overthrow of 
 the rule of any power but right. 
 
 The chief danger that we practical persons 
 run in our endeavor to accomplish a practical 
 end in a practical way against the opposition 
 of the dreams and illusions of theorists who,
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? 49 
 
 groping as in a fog, assume that mankind must 
 be forever ruled by brute force and cruelty and 
 lust for power and for gain, is that we may fail 
 to recognize that the cause of international jus- 
 tice rests upon and is part of a complete philoso- 
 phy of life. It cannot be advocated or conceived 
 as something that stands apart from and in no 
 relation to our modes of thinking and acting, 
 whether as individuals or as nations, in respect 
 to all interests and to all problems. To some it 
 may appear to make our task more difficult, to 
 others it may seem to make it more easy, when 
 we say that this task is nothing less than part 
 and parcel of the moral education and regener- 
 ation of mankind. To suppose that men and 
 women into whose intellectual and moral in- 
 struction and upbuilding have gone the glories 
 of the world's philosophy and art and poetry 
 and religion, into whose lives have been poured 
 for two thousand years the precepts and the 
 inspiration of the Christian religion, over whose 
 daily conduct have been thrown since the days 
 of Draco and of Solon the restraints of law and 
 of consideration for the rights and property of 
 others to suppose that these men and women, 
 when gathered together in groups called nations,
 
 50 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 speaking a common language called a mother 
 tongue and owing allegiance to a definite set of 
 political institutions called a government, are, 
 when matters of dispute and difficulty and doubt 
 arise, to fly at each other's throats, to burn, to 
 ravage, to kill, in the hope of somehow estab- 
 lishing thereby truth and right and justice, is 
 to suppose the universe to be stood upon its 
 apex, to suppose the onward sweep of human 
 progress to be toward bestiality and bedlam, 
 and to suppose the teachings of religion and of 
 morals, the inspiration of poetry, of painting, 
 and of song, to be to the end that we may be 
 made ready for new acts of valorous ferocity 
 and carnage. Who, I pray you, are the dream- 
 ers, who are the theorists those who appeal to 
 the rule of justice or those who appeal to the 
 rule of brute force? 
 
 Let us not be mistaken about all this. Men 
 who are themselves preying upon the public 
 interest from private station or from public 
 office are not going to be the first to urge the 
 cause of international justice. The men who 
 cannot succeed in holding in check their own 
 tempers, their own lusts, and their own greed, 
 are not going to cry out for the establishment
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? 51 
 
 of an international court of arbitration. We 
 have set out in this undertaking now perfectly 
 certain of accomplishment at a date no longer 
 remote without the aid and comfort of those 
 elements of the world's population. Moreover, 
 we are not likely to gain much assistance from 
 the cynical observer of his kind whose faith is 
 not adequate to the entire observation of his- 
 tory and of men. His keen vision and quick 
 wit see readily enough the bad and selfish side 
 of public and of private life, and he contents 
 himself with a jeer and a sneer at those who pro- 
 pose to turn that life inside out. 
 
 Some of these elements are elements of in- 
 difference, some are elements of active opposi- 
 tion. To those who represent the element of 
 indifference I cheerfully accord the most power- 
 ful place among the opponents and obstacles of 
 our program. Those who are in active oppo- 
 sition need not detain us long. The assump- 
 tions which are their grotesque substitutes for 
 argument and the fallacies which they hug to 
 their several bosoms as illustrations of perfect 
 logic, are too easily confuted to make them dan- 
 gerous. Not many men have courage enough 
 to go through the world shouting that war is
 
 52 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 a virtue and should be actively promoted 
 by all moral and upright men. The few who 
 do so live in a world of sentiment and false 
 emotions; they do not know or face the real 
 facts. It is to the everlasting glory and honor 
 of the world's greatest soldiers in modern times 
 that they have always put peace above war and 
 that they have done their best, by ability and 
 courage and skill, to bring to a prompt end the 
 wars in which they found themselves engaged 
 in order that the blessings of peace might once 
 more be spread over the land. There is no one 
 who so appreciates the significance of the judi- 
 cial settlement of international differences as 
 the brave soldier or sailor who, at his country's 
 command, has done his best to settle those dif- 
 ferences by display or exercise of force. 
 
 There is one other type of citizen who must 
 be mentioned, because the type is numerous, 
 influential, and important. This is the type 
 which holds the view that, of course, interna- 
 tional arbitration is a thing greatly to be de- 
 sired; of course, we must all hope for the day 
 when that at present distant, impracticable, and 
 wholly praiseworthy ideal shall be reached; but 
 that, until that day which is probably to be
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 53 
 
 the Greek Kalends we must continue to tax 
 our great modern industrial nations, struggling 
 as they are under the burdens of popular edu- 
 cation and of economic and social betterment, 
 in order that death-dealing instrumentalities 
 may be increased and multiplied and the several 
 nations thereby protected from invasion and 
 attack. This procedure, so the curious argu- 
 ment runs, is to hasten the coming of interna- 
 tional arbitration and to promote it. Civilized 
 men, it appears, are to be shot or starved into 
 agreeing to arbitrate. 
 
 This point of view requires for adequate treat- 
 ment, not the arguments of a logician, but the 
 pencil of a Tenniel or the caustic wit of a Mr. 
 Dooley. Look at the situation in the world 
 to-day as this type of man presents it to us. Of 
 course, the United States is a peaceful nation; 
 of course, Great Britain is a peaceful nation; 
 of course, Germany and France and Japan 
 are peaceful nations; but therefore, because 
 they propose to attack nobody they must so 
 strengthen their defences, so multiply their 
 navies and increase their armies, that nobody 
 can successfully attack them. Who, pray, is 
 left to attack these peaceful and law-abiding
 
 54 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 nations if, as we are assured by everybody 
 both leaders of governments, the moulders of 
 public opinion, and the substantially unanimous 
 press of the world they do not propose to at- 
 tack each other, unless it be an army of white 
 bears from the newly-discovered North Pole or 
 a procession of elephants and camelopards from 
 the jungles of Central Africa ? The gullibility of 
 mankind was never more conclusively demon- 
 strated than by the widespread acceptance of 
 this huge joke, which, unlike most other jokes, 
 has to be paid for at a literally stupendous price. 
 Children must go untaught, sanitary inspection 
 and regulation must go unprovided, better work- 
 ingmen's dwellings must be postponed, provi- 
 sions for recreation and enlightenment must 
 be put off, conditions accompanying labor, pov- 
 erty, and old age must go indefinitely without 
 amelioration, in order that in this twentieth 
 century men and nations, who, looking in the 
 glass, call themselves intelligent and practical, 
 may support, maintain, and propagate this 
 stupendous joke! Either the whole world is 
 being deluded by a witticism of cosmic propor- 
 tions or some important persons are conspiring 
 to tell an awful lie.
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? 55 
 
 I am one of those who look for the simplest 
 motives in explanation of action or of conduct. 
 My impression is that somebody makes some- 
 thing by reason of the huge expenditures in 
 preparation for war. Have you ever noticed 
 that about the time that the appropriations for 
 military purposes are under consideration in the 
 Congress, in the House of Commons, in the 
 Chamber of Deputies, or in the Reichstag, or 
 just before such a time, hostilities are always on 
 the point of breaking out in two or three parts 
 of the world at once? Just at these times war 
 prophets begin to see visions and to dream 
 dreams, and the poor, gullible people rush off 
 to their cyclone cellars and shout timorously to 
 their representatives to vote at once and as 
 much as possible in order that great ships and 
 guns and forts may be built to protect them from 
 their fears. We have done of late some help- 
 ful and illuminating legislative inquiry in this 
 country. It might be worth while to have the 
 same sort of ability that has so brilliantly ex- 
 posed to our repelled and astonished gaze other 
 forms of political chicanery and graft, make 
 some measurement of the sincerity and disin- 
 terestedness of the lively type of patriotism
 
 56 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 which accompanies these military and naval de- 
 bates the world over. Is the propelling motive 
 for them to be found in economics or in psy- 
 chology? My strong impression is that while 
 both of those admirable sciences are represented 
 in the make-up of that propelling motive, eco- 
 nomics is not always the less important of the 
 two. 
 
 Patriotism is a noble and a lofty virtue, but 
 it is worth while always to remember the sa- 
 gacious observation of Dr. Johnson, which Bos- 
 well so faithfully reports. "Patriotism hav- 
 ing become one of our topics," says Boswell, 
 "Johnson suddenly uttered in a strong, deter- 
 mined tone, an apothegm at which many will 
 start : ' Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoun- 
 drel." ! "But let it be considered," continues 
 Boswell, "that he did not mean a real and gen- 
 erous love of our country, but that pretended 
 patriotism which so many in all ages and coun- 
 tries have made a cloak for self-interest." 
 
 What is needed is to leave off deluding our- 
 selves with phrases, with shams, and with false 
 historical analogies and to look the facts as they 
 are in the face. Not everything that we wish 
 l BosweU's "Life of Johnson" (Oxford, 1906), I, 583.
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 57 
 
 for will be accomplished at once or suddenly. 
 Moral regeneration is an even slower and more 
 difficult process than intellectual upbuilding; 
 but custom and habit are powerful allies and 
 the world's imagination is fast becoming accus- 
 tomed to the judicial settlement of international 
 differences. The Supreme Court of the United 
 States, whose opinions are so often luminous 
 with sound political philosophy, has declared 
 that "the right to sue and defend in the courts 
 is the alternative of force. In an organized so- 
 ciety it is the right conservative of all other 
 rights and lies at the foundation of orderly gov- 
 ernment. It is one of the highest and most 
 essential privileges of citizenship and must be 
 allowed by each State to the citizens of all other 
 States to the precise extent that it is allowed 
 to its own citizens." 2 In making this statement 
 of fundamental principle, the Supreme Court 
 had in mind the rights of individuals and the 
 States which are bound together in our Union. 
 But what is there in that statement of fun- 
 damental principle which may not logically, 
 ethically, and practically be applied to the 
 rights of nations, great and small, bound to- 
 
 8 "United States Reports," 207: 148.
 
 58 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 gather by treaties and interdependences of every 
 kind into a great world commonwealth? 
 
 The harder we press our adversaries and 
 critics on this point the less satisfactory do their 
 answers become. To say that men have always, 
 as a last resort, settled their differences and diffi- 
 culties by force and that therefore they will 
 always continue to do so, is simply silly. To 
 say that a nation's honor must be defended by 
 the blood of her citizens if need be, is quite 
 meaningless, for such a nation, although pro- 
 foundly right in its contention, might be de- 
 feated by superior force exerted on behalf of 
 a wrong and unjust view. What becomes of 
 national honor then? It would appear that a 
 nation's honor can only be entrusted either to 
 the operations of the established principles of 
 justice or to a force so overwhelming that no 
 adversary could stand against it. This is in- 
 deed the dilemma which confronts the civilized 
 world to-day: either the judicial settlement of 
 international differences must be accepted as a 
 universal principle or the world must become 
 a series of armed camps sucking up like a vam- 
 pire, in vain and competitive expenditure, the 
 very blood of the people's economic and polit-
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 59 
 
 ical life. The one road leads to civilization, to 
 international comity, to concord, and to peace; 
 the other leads back to barbarism, to discord, 
 to contention, and to war. Which will mankind 
 choose as a permanent policy? From which 
 vantage-point will appeal be made to the sober 
 judgment of history? From that of justice or 
 from that of armed force ? 
 
 There are those, mostly philosophers of the 
 closet sort, who could never be induced to ex- 
 pose themselves to the physical dangers of war, 
 who pretend to believe that unless we have fre- 
 quent and destructive wars the population of 
 the world will not be held sufficiently in check, 
 and that, sooner or later, the earth's spaces will 
 be crowded by peaceful, but undesirable, per- 
 sons for whose activities there is no adequate 
 room. One may or may not be disposed to deal 
 seriously with this contention; I am not so 
 disposed. 
 
 There still remain those who fear that with- 
 out conflict there will be no proper training- 
 school for the sterner virtues of mankind and 
 that courage, bravery, and patriotism will 
 atrophy unless exercised from time to time in 
 war and conflict. A very interesting essay
 
 60 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 might be written on this topic and on the dis- 
 cipline and encouragement which the sterner 
 virtues receive in the daily round of domestic, 
 business, and personal life as well as in the 
 thousand and one acts of helpfulness and gener- 
 osity and sacrifice by which the sweetest, as well 
 as the strongest, characters in this world are 
 made. It is hard to listen with patience to 
 the rattling rhetoric of him who would trace 
 back the sterner virtues to mere brute instincts 
 and who would strive to hold them there. The 
 teachings of religion and of morals have left 
 quite untouched any man who can seriously 
 suppose that without practice in the exercise 
 of brute force there can be no strength. 
 
 One of the earliest questions recorded in his- 
 tory is the petulant query of Cain, "Am I my 
 brother's keeper?" On the answer to this ques- 
 tion all civilization depends. If man is not his 
 brother's keeper, if he may slay and rob and 
 ravage at will for his own advantage, whether 
 that be personal or national, then civilization 
 becomes quite impossible. It is vain to attempt 
 to divert us by analogies drawn from the past 
 history of the race. Mankind has been climbing 
 upward and neither standing on a level nor go-
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 61 
 
 ing down hill. Acts, policies, and events which 
 are easily explainable and in large part de- 
 fensible in other days and under other condi- 
 tions are neither explainable nor defensible now. 
 The twentieth century cannot afford to receive 
 its lessons in morals, whether personal or na- 
 tional, from the fifteenth or the sixteenth. We 
 are our brothers' keepers and they are ours. 
 The whole world has become a brotherhood of 
 fellow-citizens. The barriers of language are 
 slowly breaking down; wars of religion are al- 
 most unheard of; distance in space and time 
 has been practically annihilated by steam and 
 electricity; trade is as easy to-day between 
 New York and Calcutta or between London 
 and Hong Kong as it once was between two 
 neighboring shops in the bazaars of Damascus 
 on either side of the street called straight. What 
 possible reason is there why the fundamental 
 principles which civilization applies to the set- 
 tlement of differences between individuals can- 
 not now be applied to the settlement of differ- 
 ences between nations? 
 
 We may well take satisfaction in the contri- 
 bution which our government has made in re-
 
 62 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 cent years toward the progress of the movement 
 for the judicial settlement of international dif- 
 ferences. Hand in hand with these contribu- 
 tions there should go, however, the resultant 
 refusal farther to increase and expand arma- 
 ments on land and sea, and a more complete 
 control over the provocative and annoying ex- 
 pressions of opinion in regard to other nations 
 and other forms of government than our own. 
 Let me add a final word or two as to each 
 of these matters. There is a broad distinction 
 between proposals for disarmament and pro- 
 posals for the limitation of armaments. When 
 a nation like the United States, holding the 
 views which its people profess and which its 
 government constantly voices, has, as it now has, 
 a navy and the nucleus of an army entirely ade- 
 quate for purposes of defence, a stop should be 
 put to the farther increase of armaments. It 
 is urged in opposition that no nation can afford 
 to take this step alone and that until an inter- 
 national agreement for the limitation of arma- 
 ments is arrived at, each great nation must press 
 forward, at whatever cost, to multiply the pro- 
 visions for its armed forces. However plausible 
 this argument may be when addressed to a Eu-
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 63 
 
 ropean nation, it fails entirely when addressed 
 to the United States. If the best way to resume 
 was to resume and we learned by experience 
 in 1879 that it was then the best way to limit 
 armaments is to limit them. In this policy the 
 United States has not only nothing to lose, but 
 everything to gain, by leading the way. It is no 
 small satisfaction to point out that increasing 
 support for this view is to be found in the public 
 opinion of the country, reflected both in the de- 
 bates and votes in the Congress as well as in the 
 more influential portion of the newspaper press. 
 There remains the matter of what may be 
 called petulant and teasing criticism on the 
 platform and in the press of the acts and poli- 
 cies of nations other than our own. A good 
 many nations and peoples have, in the history of 
 the world, assumed for themselves an attitude 
 of superiority toward their fellows, and have 
 shaped their beliefs and their practices accord- 
 ingly. It will not be generally thought, I fancy, 
 that the historic results of this course of con- 
 duct have been either fortunate or happy. The 
 fair, as well as the wise, method to pursue in 
 criticism and comment upon happenings else- 
 where is to assume an intelligent purpose, a
 
 64 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 good will, and a lofty motive on the part of the 
 foreigner, until the contrary is definitely proven. 
 An attitude of international disdain is not be- 
 coming to statesmen, to journalists, or to pri- 
 vate citizens. The history of civilization might 
 be written in terms of man's progress from fear 
 to faith. As he has ceased to fear his neighbors 
 and as he has come to have trust in them, he 
 has been able to build up institutions that have 
 lasted. Just as the individual has substituted 
 faith in his fellow-man for fear of him, so 
 nations may well divest themselves of fear in 
 favor of faith in the other nations of the world. 
 The United States has done so much to edu- 
 cate world opinion in the past century and a 
 half that we may well be ambitious for it to do 
 still more. We have shown that to all appear- 
 ances a federal form of government, extended 
 over a wide area and embracing many competing 
 and sometimes conflicting interests, is practi- 
 cable, and that it can survive even the severe 
 shock of civil war. We have shown that under 
 the guidance of a written Constitution, judicially 
 interpreted, there is room for national growth 
 and expansion, for stupendous economic de- 
 velopment, for absorption into the body politic
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 65 
 
 of large numbers of foreign born, and for the 
 preservation of civil liberty over a considerable 
 period of time. Suppose now that during the 
 next few decades it might be given to us to lead 
 the way in demonstrating to the world that 
 great sovereign nations, like federated states, 
 may^live and grow and do business together in 
 harmony and unity, without strife or armed con- 
 flict, through the habit of submitting to judicial 
 determination all questions of difference as they 
 may arise, the judicial decree when made to be 
 supported and enforced after the fashion in 
 which judicial decrees are everywhere supported 
 and enforced by intelligent public opinion and 
 by an international and neutral police. Might 
 we not then be justified in believing that the 
 place of our beloved country in history was 
 secure ? 
 
 What more splendid foundation could there 
 be upon which to build an enduring monument 
 to the American people than their guarantee 
 and preservation of civil liberty together with 
 national development at home, and their lead- 
 ership in establishing the world's peace together 
 with international development all around the 
 globe? Dare we leave anything undone to put
 
 66 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS ? 
 
 our own land in the place of highest honor by 
 reason of its contribution to the establishment 
 of the world's peace and order and happiness 
 through the rule of justice a rule accepted 
 because it is just and bowed down to because it 
 is right? What picture of glory and of honor 
 has the advocate of brute force to offer us in 
 exchange for this? 
 
 The great movement in which we are en- 
 gaged is all part and parcel of a new way of 
 life. It means that we must enter with fulness 
 of appreciation into the activities and interests 
 of peoples other than ourselves; that we must 
 always and everywhere emulate the best they 
 have to teach us and shun the worst; that we 
 must answer in no uncertain tones that we are 
 our brothers' keepers; and that, as with men 
 so with nations, the path of justice, of integ- 
 rity, and of fair dealing is the true path of 
 honor. Let us see to it that we Americans 
 tread steadily in it.
 
 IV 
 
 THE EDUCATION OF THE WORLD 
 FOR PEACE
 
 Opening Address as Chairman of the Lake Mohonk Con- 
 ference on International Arbitration, May 24, 1911
 
 THE EDUCATION OF THE WORLD 
 FOR PEACE 
 
 The reassembling of this Conference for its 
 seventeenth annual session takes place at a mo- 
 ment and under circumstances when our feel- 
 ings of exhilaration and enthusiasm run high. 
 Never before has the mind of the world been so 
 occupied with the problems of substituting law 
 for war, peace with righteousness for triumph 
 after slaughter, the victories of right and reason- 
 ableness for those of might and brute force. It 
 begins to look as if the stone of Sisyphus that 
 has so often been rolled with toil and tribulation 
 almost to the top of the hill, only to break loose 
 and roll again to the bottom, is now in a fair 
 way to be carried quite to the summit. The 
 long years of patient argument and exhortation 
 and of painstaking instruction of public opinion 
 in this and other countries are bearing fruit in 
 full measure. In response to imperative de- 
 mands of public opinion, responsible govern- 
 ments and cabinet ministers are just now dili- 
 gently busying themselves with plans which but 
 
 69
 
 70 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 a short time ago were derided as impractical and 
 visionary. Even the genial cynic, whom, like 
 the poor, we have always with us, is quiescent 
 for the moment. But a new adversary has been 
 lured from his lurking place. Arguments are 
 now making, in publications not wholly given 
 over to humorous writing, that war and the 
 preparations for war must not be harshly and 
 rudely interfered with by the establishment of 
 international courts of justice, because these 
 wars are part of the divine order of the universe. 
 This is certainly important, if true. We used 
 to be told that war was essential for the devel- 
 opment of the highest moral qualities; we are 
 now assured that it is part of a true religious 
 faith as well. Surely, in this sublime conten- 
 tion lack of humor has done its worst! The 
 establishment of peace through justice and of 
 international good will through international 
 friendship, must be making great strides when 
 its adversaries are willing to appear in so ridic- 
 ulous a guise. 
 
 A'clever observer of his kind said not long ago 
 that whenever some occupation was discovered 
 making for the peace of the world that was as 
 profitable as is the preparation for war, then the
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 71 
 
 age of militarism would be over. This state- 
 ment touches upon a very profound and far- 
 reaching truth to which I ventured to allude in 
 this place a year ago. This truth is one that 
 must be seriously reckoned with. We have now 
 reached a point where, unparalleled enthusiasm 
 having been aroused for a rational and orderly 
 development of civilization through the co- 
 operation of the various nations of the earth, 
 it remains to clinch that enthusiasm and to 
 transform it into established policy by proving 
 to all men that militarism does not pay and that 
 peace is profitable. We must meet the money- 
 changers at the doors of their own counting- 
 houses. Just so long as the great mass of man- 
 kind believe that military and naval rivalry 
 between civilized nations creates and protects 
 trade, develops and assures commerce, and gives 
 prestige and power to peoples otherwise weak, 
 just so long will the mass of mankind be unwill- 
 ing to compel their governments to recede from 
 militaristic policies, whatever may be their vocal 
 professions as to peace and arbitration and as 
 to good will and friendship between men of 
 different tongues and of different blood. 
 The fact of the matter is that these widely
 
 72 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 held beliefs as to the relation between arma- 
 ments and trade are wholly fallacious, and rep- 
 resent the survival of a state of opinion and a 
 state of fact which have been superseded for at 
 least a generation. These fallacious beliefs are 
 now the point in the wall of opposition to the 
 establishment of peace through justice, at which 
 sharp and concentrated attack should be di- 
 rected. Overthrow these and there will not be 
 much opposition left which is not essentially 
 evil in its intent. 
 
 Fortunately, by reason of the great benefac- 
 tion of Mr. Carnegie, the world now has in its 
 possession a powerful engine for the accomplish- 
 ment of precisely this end. The establishment 
 of the Carnegie Endowment for International 
 Peace marks an epoch, in that it furnishes the 
 organization and the means for a sustained and 
 systematic effort to reach and to convince the 
 public opinion of the world by scientific argu- 
 ment and exposition. Talk about the evils of 
 war there has been in plenty; we are now ready 
 and anxious for something more constructive. 
 
 The Trustees of the Endowment have taken 
 a broad and statesmanlike view of its aims and
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 73 
 
 purposes. While they do not overlook the 
 value of the work of propaganda and intend 
 to aid in carrying it on, they believe that the 
 time has come when the resources of modern 
 scientific method and of modern scholarship 
 should be brought to bear upon the problem 
 of international relations. They believe that 
 the leading jurists and economists of the world 
 should be set at work in the service of 
 humanity to ascertain just what have been and 
 are the legal and economic incidents of war, 
 and just what are the legal and economic ad- 
 vantages to follow upon the organization of 
 the world into a single group of friendly and 
 co-operating nations bound together by the tie 
 of a judicial system resting upon the moral 
 consciousness of mankind, from whose findings 
 there can be no successful appeal. The plans 
 of the Trustees have been formulated with 
 these ends in view. 
 
 It has been determined by the Trustees of 
 the Carnegie Endowment to organize the un- 
 dertaking committed to their charge as a great 
 institution for research and public education 
 and to carry on its work in three parts or divi- 
 sions, a Division of International Law, a Di-
 
 74 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 vision of Economics and History, and a Division 
 of Intercourse and Education. Otherwise stated, 
 these three Divisions will represent the juristic, 
 the economic, and, broadly speaking, the edu- 
 cational aspects of the problem before the 
 Trustees, which is to hasten the abolition of 
 international war by the erection of an inter- 
 national judicial system competent to hear and 
 to determine all questions of difference arising 
 between nations. 
 
 The Division of International Law will be 
 under the direction of Professor James Brown 
 Scott, whose services at the Department of 
 State, at the second Hague Conference, and in 
 connection with the American Society and 
 Journal of International Law, are too well 
 known to need specific enumeration. This 
 Division will promote the development of inter- 
 national law, and by study, by conferences, by 
 aiding negotiations, and by publication, it 
 will assist in bringing about such a progressive 
 development of the rules of international law 
 as will enable them to meet with constantly 
 growing adequacy the needs of the nations of 
 the world in their juristic relations toward each 
 other. It will not be sufficient, however, to
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 75 
 
 bring the principles and rules of international 
 law to the notice of the people of various na- 
 tions; the rights and duties that are implied 
 in these principles and rules, and that follow 
 from them, must also be clearly and effectively 
 taught. Furthermore, this Division of the En- 
 dowment will aim constantly to inculcate the 
 belief that intercourse between nations should 
 be based upon a correct and definite idea of 
 international justice. To the perfecting and 
 clarifying of the fundamental conception of 
 international justice, this Division will assidu- 
 ously devote itself. 
 
 All this study and activity have for their 
 object to hasten the day when the principles 
 and rules of international law will be so clearly 
 apprehended and so satisfactory that the settle- 
 ment of international differences and disputes 
 in accordance with their terms will become the 
 unvarying practice of civilized nations. 
 
 For this purpose the Endowment will asso- 
 ciate with Dr. Scott a consultative board com- 
 posed of some of the most distinguished inter- 
 national lawyers in the world. The point of 
 view of each great nation will be represented 
 in their councils, and the results to be arrived
 
 76 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 at will be the joint work of jurists of every 
 school and of every language. It is not too much 
 to hope that by the influence of these scholars 
 the international law of the future will prove 
 to be without the division between the law of 
 peace and the law of war which is now charac- 
 teristic of it. The method which obtains in 
 the domain of municipal law affords a model 
 and an example for the method to be applied 
 in the field of international law. We need, first, 
 an agreement as to the fundamental principles 
 which should regulate the rights and duties of 
 nations in their mutual intercourse, which prin- 
 ciples would then form the substantive law of 
 nations. The means and instrumentalities pro- 
 vided to enforce a right or to redress a wrong 
 would indicate the natural and normal pro- 
 cedure to be followed in international discussion 
 and litigation. It would then appear that for 
 the maintenance of rights and for the redress 
 of wrongs between nations there are, first, the 
 legal remedies, and, secondly, the resort to vio- 
 lence and force. In this way the rules of war 
 would cease to form a part of the substantive 
 law of nations; they would be classed together 
 with the peaceable remedies and after them as
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 77 
 
 one of the possible means of enforcing rights 
 and redressing wrongs. The text-books of in- 
 ternational law would no longer put war on an 
 equality with peace, but would relegate it to 
 its appropriately subordinate place in the con- 
 sideration of questions of procedure. 
 
 The Hague Conference has solemnly declared 
 that the maintenance of peace is the supreme 
 duty of nations. For the execution of this su- 
 preme duty adequate means must be provided. 
 If they are at hand they should be strengthened; 
 if they are not at hand they must be brought 
 into existence. A study of the struggle in the 
 history of Europe between self-redress and the 
 judicial settlement of private disputes, and of 
 the steps by which private warfare was abolished 
 and civil actions were made determinable by 
 courts of law, will help to convince the nations 
 of the world that the very measures which they 
 have taken within their several borders to do 
 away with self-redress and to establish domestic 
 peace and order, are precisely those which will 
 establish order and justice and assure peace 
 between the nations themselves. This whole 
 process is one of legal evolution. 
 
 The second Division of the work of the Car-
 
 78 TEE EDUCATION OF 
 
 negie Endowment will be the Division of Eco- 
 nomics and History. It will be under the direc- 
 tion of Professor John Bates Clark, of Columbia 
 University, whose leading place among Eng- 
 lish-speaking economists is gladly recognized 
 everywhere. The work of this Division, like 
 that of the Division of International Law, will 
 be scientific and scholarly in character, in or- 
 ganization, and in method. Like the Division 
 of International Law, the Division of Econom- 
 ics and History will aim at the education of 
 public opinion and at the formulation of con- 
 clusions that may serve for the guidance of 
 governmental policy. With Professor Clark 
 will be associated a score of the world's leading 
 economists. England, Germany, France, Italy, 
 Austria, Hungary, Switzerland, Holland, Den- 
 mark, Japan, the Argentine Republic, and other 
 nations will have a voice and a part in formu- 
 lating the problems to whose solution this Divi- 
 sion will address itself, and in working out the 
 solutions of those problems. The results ar- 
 rived at in this case, as in the case of the Divi- 
 sion of International Law, will not be those im- 
 posed upon the judgment of one people by the 
 scholars and economists of another, but they
 
 TEE WORLD FOR PEACE 79 
 
 will be those that are reached by co-operation 
 between economists of a dozen nations. 
 
 It will be the business of this Division of the 
 work of the Endowment to study the economic 
 causes and effects of war; the effect upon the 
 public opinion of nations and upon international 
 good will, of retaliatory, discriminatory, and 
 preferential tariffs; the economic aspects of the 
 present huge expenditures for military purposes; 
 and the relation between military expenditures 
 and international well-being and the world-wide 
 program for social improvement and reform 
 which is held in waiting through lack of means 
 for its execution. 
 
 The highest expectations may confidently be 
 entertained as to the practical results to follow 
 from the successful prosecution of economic 
 studies such as these. Mankind has never yet 
 learned to appreciate the dislocation which war 
 necessarily produces in the economic processes 
 of production, distribution, exchange, and con- 
 sumption all over the world. A war between 
 two nations is not confined in its effects to the 
 combatants. The interests of neutral powers 
 are involved in some degree. Articles for which 
 there is no market in time of peace are called
 
 8o THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 for in large amounts in time of war; the proc- 
 esses of production are diverted from their nor- 
 mal channels or are artificially stimulated in 
 abnormal ways; exchange is alternately dimin- 
 ished and accelerated; the markets of the world 
 are disarranged; and in every direction are to 
 be found evidences of war's ravages and evil 
 consequences. Mankind must be taught to 
 look upon war as a pathological phenomenon; 
 to seek in the economic and social life of men 
 and nations for its most active causes; and to 
 look farther and deeper in that same economic 
 and social life for modes of preventing war and 
 for allowing the economic activities of man- 
 kind to go forward unhindered and unhampered 
 in their mighty task of laying the basis for an 
 increasingly higher and nobler civilization. 
 
 The work of this Division of the Endowment 
 may well result, within a measurable period, in 
 broadening the study and the teaching of po- 
 litical economy everywhere. Moreover, it will 
 help to bring about a new conception of history, 
 and to establish new tests of effectiveness in 
 the teaching of it. We shall gain from these 
 studies a new standard in the measurement of 
 human values, and the children of the genera-
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 81 
 
 tions that are to come will have an opportunity 
 to learn more fully than has yet been possible 
 of the high significance of the scientific and phil- 
 osophic development of mankind, of his artistic 
 and literary achievements, of his moral and so- 
 cial advances, of his industrial and commercial 
 undertakings; in fact, of all those things which 
 we justly think of as entering into a true con- 
 ception of civilization. 
 
 In these two Divisions those of International 
 Law and of Economics and History the En- 
 dowment will, under the leadership and guid- 
 ance of trained scholars of the first rank, seek 
 to make constant and influential contributions 
 to human knowledge with a view to so instruct- 
 ing public opinion as to hasten the day when 
 judicial process will everywhere be substituted 
 for force in the settlement of international dif- 
 ferences and misunderstandings. 
 
 There remains a third and important division 
 of the work of the Endowment the Division 
 of Intercourse and Education the director for 
 which has not yet been announced. It will be 
 the function of this Division to supplement the 
 work of the two Divisions, which may be called, 
 perhaps, the scientific ones, by carrying forward
 
 8a THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 vigorously, and in co-operation with existing 
 agencies, the educational work of propaganda, 
 of international hospitality, and of promoting 
 international friendship. Among the tasks of 
 this Division will be to diffuse information and 
 to educate public opinion regarding the causes, 
 nature, and effects of war, and the means for 
 its prevention and avoidance; to establish a 
 better understanding of international rights and 
 duties and a more perfect sense of international 
 justice among the inhabitants of civilized na- 
 tions; to cultivate friendly feelings between the 
 inhabitants of different countries, and to in- 
 crease the knowledge and understanding of each 
 other of the several nations; to promote a gen- 
 eral acceptance of peaceable methods in the 
 settlement of international disputes; and to 
 maintain, promote, and assist such establish- 
 ments, organizations, associations, and agencies 
 as shall be deemed necessary or useful in the 
 accomplishment of the purposes for which the 
 Endowment exists. In other words, this Di- 
 vision will make practical application of the 
 teachings and findings of the Divisions of Inter- 
 national Law and of Economics and History. 
 It can hardly be doubted that the men at
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 83 
 
 the head of these three important Divisions of 
 the work of the Endowment, with their imme- 
 diate associates and colleagues in this and other 
 countries, will speedily come to form a veri- 
 table Faculty of Peace, and that the world will 
 look to them more and more for instruction 
 and for inspiration alike. No such broad and 
 philosophic conception of international relations 
 has ever before been put forward as that which 
 the Trustees of the Endowment have formulated 
 and made their own. The conception itself and 
 the admirable plans made for its development 
 and application open a new era in the history 
 of the world. 
 
 To such great and nobly conceived tasks as 
 these the Trustees of the Carnegie Endowment 
 for International Peace have set their hands. 
 Every true lover of his kind will wish them 
 success in their stupendous undertaking, and 
 will offer them earnest and hearty support 
 toward its accomplishment. 
 
 The organization of an international judicial 
 system goes steadily on. The auspicious settle- 
 ment of the differences between Great Britain 
 and the United States in regard to the New-
 
 84 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 foundland Fisheries, by their submission to the 
 International Court of Arbitration at The 
 Hague, was at once a long step forward in 
 international practice and an example which 
 has not been without its effect upon the public 
 opinion of other nations. It must not be for- 
 gotten that an International Court of Prize was 
 created by the second Hague Conference, and 
 that the same body, composed of accredited 
 representatives from forty-four different na- 
 tions, recommended the establishment of an 
 International Court of Arbitral Justice. So 
 soon as these two Courts shall be put into 
 operation at The Hague a permanent inter- 
 national judiciary will have been created, one 
 capable of hearing and deciding any and every 
 controversy of a justiciable character which may 
 arise between nations either in time of peace 
 or because of the existence of a state of war. 
 
 The convention for the establishment of the 
 International Court of Prize has been approved 
 by thirty-four nations. Despite this fact, the 
 Court has not yet been instituted. Various 
 objections have been made to its institution as 
 planned, and to overcome these objections no 
 little time, patience, and diplomatic skill have
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 85 
 
 been necessary. It is common knowledge that 
 Great Britain objected to that article of the 
 convention establishing the International Court 
 of Prize which gave to the Court the power to 
 determine, as well as to administer, the law 
 where the principle of law applicable to the facts 
 as found had not yet been formulated by inter- 
 national practice or imposed upon the Court 
 by convention. Great Britain did not wish to 
 invest the International Court of Prize with law- 
 making functions, and therefore postponed its 
 acceptance of the convention until an agree- 
 ment had been had upon the principles of law 
 which the tribunal was to administer. Upon 
 the invitation of the Government of Great 
 Britain, representatives of the leading naval 
 powers assembled in London from December 
 4, 1908, to February 26, 1909, and agreed upon 
 the so-called Declaration of London, the pur- 
 pose of which is to furnish the proposed tri- 
 bunal with the law which as the International 
 Court of Prize it is to administer. In this way 
 the objection of Great Britain has been met. 
 
 On the other hand, the United States objected 
 to those provisions of this same convention 
 which gave to the proposed tribunal the attri-
 
 86 TEE EDUCATION OF 
 
 butes of a court of appeal, and under which a 
 judgment of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States might be subject to review at its hands. 
 This objection, which must be considered in 
 large part sentimental, drew its force from the 
 fact that under the Constitution there is but 
 one Supreme Court, and that an appeal from 
 its findings to an International Court at The 
 Hague would seem to take away some of the 
 powers which the Supreme Court possesses and 
 of which Americans are so justly proud. This 
 objection is, as has been said, in large measure 
 sentimental, because the International Court 
 of Prize is to be, not a national, but an interna- 
 tional institution, and the Constitution applies, 
 of course, to a court within the United States 
 and not to one without the country. Neverthe- 
 less, an alternative form of procedure has been 
 proposed, which meets the objections offered 
 on behalf of the United States and which, em- 
 bodied in the form of an additional protocol, has 
 been approved by the signatories of the original 
 Convention. By the terms of this additional 
 protocol, any nation which feels itself precluded 
 from following, for constitutional reasons, the 
 procedure originally proposed for the Interna-
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 87 
 
 tional Court of Prize, is placed in a position 
 where recourse to that Court can only be exer- 
 cised against it in the form of an action in dam- 
 ages for the injury caused by an alleged illegal 
 capture. 
 
 On February 15, 1911, the Senate of the 
 United States approved both the original Con- 
 vention as to the International Court of Prize 
 and the additional protocol. Ratifications of 
 both instruments by the various signatories will 
 doubtless be deposited at The Hague during the 
 present year, and the International Court of 
 Prize will then become an accomplished fact. 
 
 Great as are the advantages of an Inter- 
 national Court of Prize, the fact must not be 
 overlooked that the very existence of such an 
 institution presupposes war; for its purpose is 
 to decide controversies arising because of alleged 
 illegal captures in time of war. The Interna- 
 tional Court of Arbitral Justice, on the other 
 hand, has for its purpose the settlement of con- 
 troversies and differences which arise in time 
 of peace, and which, when settled and deter- 
 mined, may avert hostility and war. It will be 
 remembered that at the second Hague Confer- 
 ence the proposal of the United States in regard
 
 88 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 to the establishment of this Court was accepted 
 in principle, and that a draft convention was 
 adopted regulating its organization, jurisdiction, 
 and procedure; but that the definitive con- 
 stitution of the Court was not agreed upon 
 because the Conference failed to hit upon a 
 method of selecting the judges that was ac- 
 ceptable to all of the nations represented. 
 
 The Government of the United States has 
 been at work, through appropriate diplomatic 
 channels, upon the problem of bringing about 
 the establishment of this Court, and it is with 
 no small satisfaction that I am enabled to say 
 that the progress which is making in the con- 
 sideration of this matter indicates that it will 
 be brought to a favorable conclusion in the near 
 future. At this Conference one year ago, the 
 Secretary of State authorized the announcement 
 that he had reason to believe that the Inter- 
 national Court of Arbitral Justice would be 
 instituted before the time set for the meeting 
 of the third Hague Conference. It is now pos- 
 sible to say, again with the knowledge and ap- 
 proval of the Secretary of State, that the prog- 
 ress made during the past year has been so 
 marked that in all likelihood such a Court,
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 89 
 
 created by general agreement, will be erected 
 at The Hague even earlier than seemed prob- 
 able a year ago. 
 
 Both war and peace, therefore, are soon to 
 have their courts the International Court of 
 Prize and the International Court of Arbitral 
 Justice. There can be no reasonable doubt that 
 one of the results of the latter will very soon be 
 to make the former a monument to an order of 
 things that is past. 
 
 The nations are still struggling with the prob- 
 lem of inflated armaments, and no sensible prog- 
 ress has been made toward gaining relief from 
 their burdens. Those who believe, with this 
 Conference, in the efficacy of international 
 courts for the settlement of international dif- 
 ferences, are inclined to feel that these great 
 armaments may well be left to tumble over, 
 one of these days, of their own unnecessary 
 weight. When, as we have recently seen, the 
 successful and popular battleship of a few 
 years ago is only useful as a target for the 
 marksmen of to-day, the future of excessive 
 armaments may be viewed with comparative 
 serenity.
 
 90 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 The widespread persistence of the mistaken 
 notion that in some way big navies protect and 
 develop commerce is responsible for much of 
 the present national loss and waste. The last 
 blow would be dealt to this notion if the other 
 great powers would consent to join the United 
 States in writing into international law the prin- 
 ciple that private property at sea shall be free 
 of capture and seizure in time of war. Prey- 
 ing upon private property, and its confiscation, 
 have long been forbidden in wars conducted on 
 land; why should they be permitted longer to 
 exist when war is carried on at sea? Who is 
 to gain by the continuance of this now barbar- 
 ous practice? 
 
 It is a sign of great promise that at the last 
 regular meeting of the Council of the London 
 Chamber of Commerce no less a person than 
 Lord Avebury moved "that, in the opinion of 
 this Chamber, private property at sea should 
 be declared free of capture and seizure." The 
 motion was carefully discussed and then adopted 
 by a unanimous vote. The conflict here is be- 
 tween admiralties and the commercial and finan- 
 cial forces of the nations. The admiralties of 
 the world must be compelled to give way on this
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 91 
 
 point where they have not already done so 
 to the reasonable demands of those whose prop- 
 erty is subjected to loss and damage by per- 
 sistence in the present unhappy and uncivilized 
 policy, to say nothing of the demands made by 
 those who take still higher moral and public 
 grounds. As Mr. Hirst, Editor of the London 
 Economist^ so forcibly wrote a short time since 
 "This policy of commerce destruction is really 
 moribund and obsolete. If practised between 
 two great commercial nations it would raise 
 such an outcry and involve such injustices that 
 I feel sure it would be dropped by mutual con- 
 sent at an early stage of hostilities. Neverthe- 
 less, the maintenance of the right is highly mis- 
 chievous, because it is a prime incentive to 
 armaments in time of peace and a prime cause 
 of oppressive taxation. Statesmen and journal- 
 ists found most of their arguments for increased 
 expenditure on armaments upon the necessity 
 for protecting commerce. To a greater or less 
 extent they know that their plea is fraudulent, 
 but it serves the purpose." 
 
 When the Senate of the United States refused, 
 fourteen years ago, to ratify the proposed arbi-
 
 92 THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 tration treaty with England negotiated by Sec- 
 retary Olney and Sir Julian Pauncefote, and 
 transmitted with the earnest approval of Presi- 
 dent Cleveland, there was deep disappointment. 
 At that time forty-three Senators voted for 
 ratification and twenty-six against. The treaty, 
 therefore, failed to receive the two-thirds ma- 
 jority required by the Constitution. A change 
 of three votes from the negative to the affirma- 
 tive side of the question would have ratified a 
 treaty, the first article of which provided for 
 the submission to arbitration of all questions 
 in difference between the high contracting par- 
 ties which they might fail to adjust by diplo- 
 matic negotiation. The disappointment at the 
 rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote treaty was as 
 pronounced in Great Britain as it was in the 
 United States. The London Spectator thought 
 that the rejection of the treaty was due to the 
 element of our population that likes a fight and 
 a flourish, that hates moderation and sobriety 
 and prudence, and that cannot tolerate the no- 
 tion of the fate of the country being in the hands 
 of clergymen and professors, of lawyers and phi- 
 lanthropists. However that may be, the treaty 
 was rejected, and not until the present time
 
 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 93 
 
 has any successful attempt been made to re- 
 new the undertaking then interrupted. Presi- 
 dent Taft's direct, unequivocal, and emphatic 
 declaration as to the scope of international arbi- 
 tration, and in particular as to the wisdom of 
 an international arbitration treaty with Great 
 Britain, has aroused the greatest enthusiasm on 
 both sides of the Atlantic. The reception of his 
 words in Great Britain has been, so far as one 
 can judge, quite unexampled. Every element 
 of the population and the leaders of all shades 
 of political opinion have joined together in an 
 enthusiastic reception of the President's splen- 
 did declaration. It is understood that an arbi- 
 tration treaty with Great Britain, making no res- 
 ervations as to the subjects of difference which 
 are to be submitted for judicial determination 
 in accordance with its terms, is soon to be sub- 
 mitted to the Senate for ratification. It is also 
 understood that the preliminary negotiations 
 have been conducted with such discretion and 
 tact, and with such full knowledge on the part 
 of the Senate, that prompt and substantially 
 unanimous ratification of such a treaty is as- 
 sured. 
 
 Surely then, some American poet should feel
 
 94 THE WORLD FOR PEACE 
 
 the inspiration to provide our Republic with a 
 Peace Hymn that would stir and move and in- 
 spire as did Julia Ward Howe's fine " Battle 
 Hymn of the Republic " at the outbreak of the 
 terrible struggle between the States. Nations, 
 like individuals, are powerfully moved by ex- 
 ample and by precedent. A treaty of the kind 
 proposed between two powers of the first class 
 will not long stand alone. Its beneficent in- 
 fluence will call other similar treaties into being, 
 and the peaceful organization of the world 
 through judicial process will have taken an- 
 other long stride forward. Every such stride 
 forward is a new triumph for reasonableness.
 
 V 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND
 
 Opening Address as Chairman of the Lake Mohonk Con- 
 ference on International Arbitration, May 15, 1912
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 At the time of our gathering one year ago it 
 was natural and almost inevitable that a note 
 of congratulation and happy augury should be 
 sounded. All the signs both at home and abroad 
 seemed propitious, and those who had labored 
 so long and so earnestly to promote the cause 
 of international justice and international peace 
 could reasonably feel that substantial progress 
 toward the goal of their hopes had been made. 
 To-day we meet in a somewhat different at- 
 mosphere. Many of us find ourselves troubled 
 by doubts and harassed by disappointment. 
 Within sixty days after the Conference of 1911 
 had risen, two of the greatest, most powerful, 
 and most enlightened nations known to history 
 were widely believed to be on the verge of armed 
 conflict about something which nobody was able 
 to understand or to explain. The newspaper 
 press of the world was filled with the most terri- 
 fying alarms. Charges and countercharges, sus- 
 
 97
 
 98 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 picions and countersuspicions, were heralded all 
 round the globe and the hearts of the lovers of 
 peace with justice sank within them. All at 
 once modern civilization seemed bankrupt, and 
 the western world suddenly appeared as if ap- 
 proaching a cataclysm. Nevertheless, the oft- 
 predicted contest did not take place. Strong, 
 brave, enlightened men were at the helm of 
 state and they conducted their grave business 
 with so much discretion, with so much tact, and 
 with so much genuine statesmanship that the 
 threatened danger was averted. Let us sin- 
 cerely hope that it was averted forever. 
 
 It would be a pleasant task to tell in this 
 company, if it were permissible, the detailed 
 story of last summer's fateful work for war, and 
 of what may well prove to have been last sum- 
 mer's epoch-making work for peace. 
 
 It is easy to run with the crowd and to follow 
 the example of that French revolutionary who, 
 hearing the noise and the roar of the street, cried 
 out "There go the people; I must follow them, 
 for I am their leader." But to stand with 
 patience and self-control in a post of high re- 
 sponsibility when a strong current of public 
 opinion goes sweeping by, careless of conse-
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 99 
 
 quences and unrestrained in its expression of 
 feeling, is the mark of a real man. This Con- 
 ference should hold in everlasting honor the 
 German Emperor and the responsible statesmen 
 of France, Germany, and Great Britain, who 
 solved the difficulties and allayed the dangers 
 of the summer of 1911 without permitting 
 the precipitation of a colossal and devastating 
 war. The Nobel Prize might appropriately be 
 awarded to some one of those who then kept 
 the doors of the Temple of Janus shut when 
 mighty pressure was exerted to force them 
 open. 
 
 The world is not likely to know until many 
 years have passed and until the chief partici- 
 pants in the international business of last sum- 
 mer are dead and gone, just how grave the cri- 
 sis was, just how trivial and how sordid were 
 the causes that led to that crisis, and just how 
 bravely and how honorably that crisis was met 
 and averted by responsible statesmen. 
 
 The consideration by the Senate of the United 
 States of the projected treaties of general arbi- 
 tration with Great Britain and with France 
 came to a rather lame. and impotent conclusion. 
 The debate, fortunately conducted in open ses-
 
 ioo THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 sion, revealed the fact that not all the members 
 of the Senate have any real grasp of our inter- 
 national relations or any genuine appreciation of 
 our international responsibilities. It is fair to 
 say that a very large majority of the Senate 
 approached the consideration of these treaties 
 with entire good will and with favorable mind. 
 Some Senators appeared, however, to be so little 
 accustomed to the study of international busi- 
 ness and to reflecting upon the relation of treat- 
 ies like these to the movement of the best opin- 
 ion throughout the world, that they were easily 
 led to give weight to obstacles and difficulties 
 that were either irrelevant or wholly unimpor- 
 tant. As was to be expected, while the treaties 
 were under discussion the boisterous elements 
 of our population, those that love to talk of war 
 and to threaten it as well as to decry peace and 
 to poke fun at it, were heard from under not 
 incompetent leadership. 
 
 A yet more unhappy and discouraging event 
 was the breaking out of armed hostilities be- 
 tween Italy and Turkey, two powers signatory 
 to The Hague Conventions of 1899, without any 
 recourse being had to the provisions of those
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 101 
 
 Conventions which would, it may with certainty 
 be said, have made a subsequent resort to arms 
 either impossible or ridiculous. 
 
 These events of the past year serve to illus- 
 trate once more the real difficulties which con- 
 front us, and to set the problem of obtaining 
 peace through justice in a yet clearer light. We 
 must learn to bring to the consideration of 
 public business in its international aspects what 
 I may call the international mind, and the in- 
 ternational mind is still rarely to be found in 
 high places. That the international mind is 
 not inconsistent with sincere and devoted pa- 
 triotism is clearly shown by the history of the 
 great Liberal statesmen of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury who had to deal with the making of Europe 
 as we know it. If Lord Palmerston had the 
 international mind not at all, surely Mr. Glad- 
 stone had it in high degree. The late Marquis 
 of Salisbury, whom no one ever accused of lack- 
 ing devotion to national policies and purposes, 
 had it also, although a Tory of the Tories. 
 Cavour certainly had it, as did Thiers. Lord 
 Morley has it, and so has his colleague Lord 
 Haldane. The late Senator Hoar had it when
 
 102 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 on a somewhat important occasion he expressed 
 the hope that he should never so act as to 
 place his country's interests above his country's 
 honor. It was the possession of this interna- 
 tional mind that gave to the brilliant adminis- 
 trations of Secretary Hay and Secretary Root 
 their distinction and their success. The lack of 
 it has marked other administrations of foreign 
 affairs, both in the United States and in Euro- 
 pean countries, either with failure or with con- 
 tinuing and strident friction. 
 
 What is this international mind, and how are 
 we to seek for it and to gain it as a possession 
 of our own and of our country? The interna- 
 tional mind is nothing else than that habit of 
 thinking of foreign relations and business, and 
 that habit of dealing with them, which regard 
 the several nations of the civilized world as 
 friendly and co-operating equals in aiding the 
 progress of civilization, in developing commerce 
 and industry, and in spreading enlightenment 
 and culture throughout the world. It is as 
 inconsistent with the international mind to 
 attempt to steal some other nation's territory 
 as it would be inconsistent with the principles 
 of ordinary morality to attempt to steal some
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 103 
 
 other individual's purse. Magnitude does not 
 justify us in dispensing with morals. 
 
 When Secretary Hay said that American di- 
 plomacy had but two controlling maxims, the 
 golden rule and the open door, he spoke with 
 an international mind. The policy of swagger, 
 that of swinging sticks either big or little, and 
 that of threatening to double or treble the mili- 
 tary armaments and preparations of some other 
 nation, are not compatible with the possession 
 of an international mind. We are still a long 
 way from the millennium, no doubt, and the 
 lion and the lamb are not yet likely to lie down 
 side by side with entire restraint of appetite on 
 the part of the lion or with entire assurance on 
 the part of the lamb. Nevertheless, we might 
 as well be making progress, or trying to make 
 it, and not allow ourselves to sit forever help- 
 less under the blighting domination of the brute 
 instincts of mankind, with all their unscrupu- 
 lousness, their fierce cruelty and their passion- 
 ate clamor. 
 
 In striving to gain the international mind, it 
 is necessary first of all to learn to measure other 
 peoples and other civilizations than ours from 
 their own point of view and by their own stand-
 
 104 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 ards rather than by our own. Human knowl- 
 edge has not yet been able to master and to 
 explain the meaning of the profound differences 
 of race or those extraordinary traits which, 
 when grouped together, appear to constitute 
 national character. What we do know is that 
 there is plainly place in the world for numerous 
 races, for many nationalities, and, therefore, for 
 different points of view and for different an- 
 gles of reflection. The really vital question is 
 whether the time has yet come, and if not what 
 can we do to hasten its coming, when races and 
 nationalities are able to cease preying upon and 
 oppressing one another, and to live together as 
 fellow-sharers in a world's civilization ? In other 
 words, the vital question is how far the funda- 
 mental principles of morality that as individuals 
 we so ardently profess, have really taken hold 
 of us in our corporate capacity. There are still 
 current, and apparently popular, many phrases 
 and political cries which indicate that we have 
 no very profound faith in the dominance of 
 moral principles, and no very clear ethical con- 
 viction as to our own national duty. Here in 
 the United States it is the easiest thing possi- 
 ble for some public man or some newspaper to
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 105 
 
 arouse suspicion and ill-feeling against Japan, 
 against Mexico, against England, or against 
 Germany by inventing a few facts and then 
 adequately emphasizing them. In not a few 
 of the unpleasant international discussions of 
 the past few years, the people of the United 
 States have been the chief offenders. We are 
 given to looking with far too much leniency 
 upon a braggadocio and a bravado which ape 
 true courage and genuine patriotism, as well as 
 upon those wearisome platitudes which are a 
 convenient refuge for those who refuse to learn 
 to think. 
 
 It is astonishing how even men of the highest 
 intelligence and the largest responsibility will 
 be swept off their feet in regard to international 
 matters at some moment of strong national feel- 
 ing, or on the occasion of some incident which 
 appeals powerfully to the sentiments or to the 
 passions of the people. At the very moment 
 when the nation most needs the guidance of its 
 sober-minded leaders of opinion, that guidance 
 is likely to be found wanting. 
 
 Mr. Charles Francis Adams in a paper on the 
 Trent Affair which he read before the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society in November last,
 
 106 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 has given a very illuminating example of hap- 
 penings of this kind. In that paper Mr. Adams 
 has made both a valuable addition to our his- 
 torical knowledge, and also an acute and pene- 
 trating study of the psychology of international 
 politics. He points out that probably at no 
 time in the earlier history of the United States 
 had the American people been so completely 
 carried away by feeling, losing for the moment 
 possession of their senses, as during the weeks 
 which immediately followed the seizure of 
 Mason and Slidell. Not only were the people 
 swept off their feet, but men of light and lead- 
 ing, jurists, constitutional lawyers, and men of 
 state joined in a violent and passionate cry 
 which time and reflection have shown to be 
 absolutely without justification. The situation 
 in England was quite as serious. John Bright 
 in writing at the time to Charles Sumner on 
 this subject, spoke of the sensation which had 
 been caused in Great Britain by taking the 
 Southern commissioners from an English ship, 
 and added that "the ignorant and passionate 
 and 'Rule Britannia' class are angry and inso- 
 lent as usual." One who wishes to know how 
 difficult it is to acquire the international mind
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 107 
 
 and to sustain it in the presence of a great wave 
 of national feeling, has only to read this im- 
 portant paper by Mr. Adams. He will then see 
 how true it is, as Chancellor von Bethmann- 
 Hollweg said to the Reichstag a few days 
 ago, that wars are not planned and brought 
 about in these days by governments, but 
 noisy and fanatical minorities drive nations 
 into wars. 
 
 We Americans need the international mind as 
 much as any people ever needed it. We shall 
 never be able to do justice to our better selves 
 or to take our true part in the modern world 
 until we acquire it. We must learn to sup- 
 press rather than to exalt those who en- 
 deavor, whether through ignorance, selfishness, 
 or malice, to stir up among us antagonism to 
 other nations and to other peoples. If we are 
 to take the place which many of us have 
 fondly hoped America would take, at the very 
 forefront of the movement for the establish- 
 ment of a world peace based upon even- 
 handed justice, we must first learn to rule our 
 tongues and to turn deaf ears to those who, 
 from time to time, endeavor to lead us away 
 from the path of international rectitude and in-
 
 io8 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 ternational honor with false cries of a pseudo- 
 patriotism. 
 
 Let me offer, from the recent Senate debate 
 on the treaties of general arbitration, an ex- 
 ample or two of the notions that must be re- 
 moved from the minds of important men before 
 we can make much progress with our cause and 
 before we can gain the international mind. 
 
 On March 5 last, Senator Heyburn of Idaho 
 told the Senate this: "There never has been a 
 time in the history of the world when any prog- 
 ress was made through peaceful agreements. I 
 repeat it, there has been no time in the history 
 of the world when progress toward civilization 
 or a higher condition of mankind was made by 
 a contract or agreement. Every advance step 
 toward what we term civilization to-day has 
 been the result of war. A rule that has been 
 tried out through so great a period of time is 
 entitled to some respect. It ought not to be 
 brushed aside by the novice in political or public 
 affairs. . . . We grow philanthropic, we grow 
 sentimental I had almost said maudlin over 
 the brotherhood of man. No nation ever existed 
 fifteen minutes based upon the brotherhood of 
 man; no community ever did."
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 109 
 
 These are doughty assertions. By the terms 
 of the Constitution of the United States the 
 eminent Senator who spoke them cannot be 
 questioned for them in any other place. Where, 
 however, a question would be unconstitutional, 
 a gesture of wonder and perhaps one even bor- 
 dering on inquiry may be permissible! Do these 
 strongly expressed opinions really represent 
 with accuracy and truth the teachings of his- 
 tory? One must wonder just a little whether 
 the Senator from Idaho had recently had time 
 to refresh his knowledge of the history of civil- 
 ization and of European diplomacy. Obviously 
 the possession of what I have called an inter- 
 national mind is quite incompatible with opin- 
 ions such as these. 
 
 Two days later, while participating in the 
 same debate, Senator Hitchcock of Nebraska 
 expressed somewhat peremptorily the convic- 
 tion that the forces behind the pending treaty 
 of arbitration with Great Britain did not really 
 find their chief interest in arbitration at all, but 
 rather in bringing about an alliance between 
 Great Britain and the United States. The 
 learned Senator did not stop to indicate how 
 an identical treaty with France and a proposed
 
 no THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 treaty of similar form with Germany could be 
 reconciled with this notion of an alliance. He 
 was, nevertheless, very determined in regard to 
 the matter, and concluded his speech with the 
 declaration that the purpose of the pending 
 treaties was "to make a false union, a real alli- 
 ance between the United States and Great 
 Britain." If Senator Hitchcock occupied a less 
 exalted position than that of a Senator of the 
 United States, a private citizen might perhaps 
 be permitted to exclaim, "In the name of the 
 Prophet, Bosh!" 
 
 The notion that a treaty, by the terms of 
 which two nations engage to submit any dif- 
 ferences which may arise between them to ju- 
 dicial determination, is in some way equivalent 
 to a political alliance, is one of the most curious 
 that now finds lodgment either in the senatorial 
 or in the public mind. Some time ago in speak- 
 ing of this phase of the matter I offered the sug- 
 gestion that anyone who could mistake an arbi- 
 tration treaty for an alliance might be expected 
 to confuse a lawsuit with a marriage. For this 
 I was suitably rebuked by having it pointed out 
 to me that I did not understand the point of 
 view of those who held this opinion. I was
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND in 
 
 forced to accept the rebuke in humble silence, 
 for I knew that it was true; I certainly do not 
 understand the point of view of those who con- 
 found an arbitration treaty with a political alli- 
 ance. If anybody does understand that point 
 of view I hope that at an appropriate time he 
 will make it clear to the rest of us. 
 
 There is a curious and interesting interdepen- 
 dence between reasonableness and sanity in the 
 conduct of domestic politics on the one hand, 
 and kindly feeling and generous sympathy in 
 our attitude toward foreign relations on the 
 other. A nation that is either intellectually, 
 morally, or politically turbulent, is not in any 
 position to assume leadership in the develop- 
 ment of international affairs on a peace-loving 
 and orderly basis. The political braggart at 
 home is the political bully abroad. Unfortu- 
 nately, our contemporary American public life 
 offers illustrations in abundance of the un- 
 happy effects of constantly carrying on politi- 
 cal discussion, both on the platform and in the 
 press, with the manners of the prize ring and 
 the language of the lunatic asylum. A large 
 part of the American public has become so 
 accustomed to highly seasoned political food
 
 H2 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 that it is no longer satisfied with a merely nu- 
 tritious political diet. We Americans must be 
 content to wait until the present unhappy tide 
 of turbulence and bad manners has ebbed be- 
 fore we can venture to lay claim once more to 
 a place of leadership in the development of con- 
 structive international policies. Reform of in- 
 ternational procedure, like charity, begins at 
 home. 
 
 Most of all, we must do our best to lift po- 
 litical discussion, both national and interna- 
 tional, up out of the mire of personality and 
 unseemly controversies between individuals and 
 private interests on to the high ground of prin- 
 ciple. It is not fashionable just now in some 
 influential quarters to have any fixed principles. 
 There are those who think it becoming to court 
 the favor of the populace by inquring of them, 
 as did the frightened peasants of Louis XI, 
 "Sire, what are our opinions?" There are 
 others who appear to emulate the example of 
 Artemus Ward who, when asked what were his 
 principles, replied: "I have no principles; I am 
 in the show business." 
 
 It ; is in the highest degree important that 
 upon all this sort of thing we should turn our
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 113 
 
 backs. Political progress, whether national or 
 international, must depend upon trust in the 
 better instincts of the people, and cannot rest 
 upon their appetites and their passions, their 
 envies and their animosities. A vast majority 
 of the people of the United States are God- 
 fearing, law-abiding, devoted to liberty and 
 order, and sincerely desirous of promoting the 
 common welfare. Unhappily, political exploiters 
 and promoters frequently keep up such a din 
 and so skilfully organize the adventurous ele- 
 ments of the population that real public opinion, 
 our true national character, and the genuine 
 public will are often quite in the background. 
 From time to time we are ruled and represented 
 by the noisy and well-organized majorities of 
 minorities, and whenever this happens we slide 
 backward in political dignity and political wis- 
 dom. When the people as a whole grasp these 
 facts, as they surely will, they will assert them- 
 selves with no uncertain voice, and our nation 
 will once more put its feet in the path of per- 
 manent progress. The moment that sober rea- 
 son resumes its rule, our cause will be secure. 
 Human progress cannot be held long in check 
 by selfish endeavor, and both at home and
 
 H4 THE INTERNATIONAL MIND 
 
 abroad we may look forward with confidence 
 and abundant hope to the coming of the day 
 when justice shall rule, and when a lasting 
 peace, based upon justice, shall set free all 
 man's resources for man's uplifting.
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 Adams, C. F., on the Trent Affair, 
 105-7 
 
 Aerial navigation in war, 30 
 
 American public opinion, Influence of, 
 abroad, 10-11 
 
 Americans and political organization 
 of the world, 43-44; should lead in 
 establishing the world's peace, 65- 
 66; chief offenders in unpleasant 
 international discussions, 105; need 
 the international mind, 107 
 
 Arbitration and Peace Congress, 
 National, at New York, 3, 10, 16 
 
 Arbitration, international, The op- 
 ponents of, 50-54 
 
 Arbitration, Treaties of, between 
 United States and Great Britain, 
 01-94 
 
 Arbitration treaty confounded with 
 political alliance, 109-11 
 
 ARE WE OUR BROTHERS' KEEPERS? 
 47-66 
 
 Armaments, Expenditure for naval, 
 22; obstacle to limitation of, 30-33; 
 taxes wasted on, 37-38, 53; United 
 States should stop increase of, 62- 
 63; and trade, 71-72; the problem 
 of inflated, 89, 103 
 
 Annies and navies, Restricting the 
 growth of, 12 
 
 Avebury, Lord, on seizure of private 
 property at sea, 90 
 
 Battle-ship used as a target, 89 
 Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor von, 
 
 on causes of wars, 107 
 Bright, John, on the Trent Affair, 106 
 British Government, The, and the 
 restriction of armaments, 12; de- 
 voted to peace, 17-18 
 
 Brotherhood of man, 108 
 Brotherhood of the world, 61 
 BROTHERS' KEEPERS, ARI WE OUR? 
 
 47-66 
 
 Billow, Prince von, and Lord Wear- 
 dale, at Berlin, 35-36 
 
 Captures, Alleged illegal, in time of 
 war, 87 
 
 Carnegie Endowment for Interna- 
 tional Peace, the, Aims and purposes 
 of, 72-73; organization of, 73-74; 
 Division of International Law, 74- 
 77; Division of Economics and 
 History, 78-81; Division of Inter- 
 course and Education, 81-82; tasks 
 set by, 83 
 
 Carrying trade, German competition 
 in the, 25-26 
 
 Civilization, Development of, 71; a 
 higher and nobler, 80-81; the na- 
 tions and, 102, 104; Senator Hey- 
 burn on, 108 
 
 Clark, John Bates, head of Division 
 of Economics and History, 78 
 
 Cleveland, Grover, approved Olney- 
 Pauncefote treaty, ga 
 
 Commerce not developed by navies, 
 71, oo; destruction of, in time of 
 war, 00-91 
 
 Conferees, American international, 16- 
 17 
 
 Congress, Appropriation by, for Bureau 
 for Promotion of International Ar- 
 bitration, 47 
 
 Court of arbitral justice, A, 47 
 
 Courts, Right to sue and defend in the, 
 the alternative of force, 57 
 
 Credit, A nation's, 37-38 
 
 Criticism of other nations, 63-64 
 
 117
 
 n8 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Declaration of London, The, 85 
 
 Democracy, Spread of, 4 
 
 Differences, Judicial settlement of, 8- 
 9; under principles of international 
 law, 75 
 
 Diplomacy, American, Two maxims 
 of, 103 
 
 Disarmament, The question of, 11-12, 
 62 
 
 Domestic politics and foreign rela- 
 tions, in 
 
 Dreamers and theorists, Who are the, 
 48-50 
 
 Economic and social questions, Neglect 
 of, 37-38 
 
 Economics and History, Division of, 
 of the Carnegie Endowment, 78- 
 81; aims of, 78; subjects of study, 
 79-80; results looked for, 80-81 
 
 Economist, The London, on commerce 
 destruction, 91 
 
 Economists, Co-operation of, under 
 the Carnegie Endowment, 78-79 
 
 EDUCATION OF THE WORU> FOR PEACE, 
 69-94 
 
 England, jealous of Germany's world 
 importance, 24; attitude of, to- 
 wards Germany, preposterous, 26- 
 29; reasons for a big navy in, 29- 
 32; restoration of friendship of, 
 with Germany, 33-34 
 
 English people, Signs of emotional in- 
 sanity in the, 22-24 
 
 Enmity, International, imaginary, 34 
 
 Executive authority, Public opinion 
 the true international, 40-42 
 
 Faculty of Peace, A veritable, 83 
 Fear, Man's progress from, to faith, 64 
 Federation of the world's legislatures, 
 
 A coming, 39-40 
 Fighting an animal appetite, 9 
 Financial neutrality, Importance of, 
 
 14-16; James Speyer on, 15-16 
 Force, Use of, 6, 9; and right, 8, 6g; 
 substitution of rule of justice for 
 rule of, 22; nations not under rule 
 of, 49-50; United States Supreme 
 Court on the alternative of, 57 
 
 France, a peaceful nation, must arm, 
 53; treaty of arbitration with, re- 
 jected, 99-100 
 
 French spirit, The, 5 
 
 German idealism, 5 
 
 German navy, Excitement in England 
 over the, 26-29 
 
 Germany gaining in importance in the 
 world, 24; foreign commerce of, 25- 
 26; navy of, 26-27; belief in war- 
 like purpose of, against England, 
 preposterous, 27-29; friendship of, 
 with England should be restored, 
 33-34; friendly incident at Berlin, 
 35-36; a peaceful nation, must arm, 
 53; war scare of 1911 in, 97-99; 
 honor due Emperor and statesmen 
 of, 99; suspicion against, easily 
 aroused, 105 
 
 Gladstone, W. E., a dominant power, 
 23; had the international mind, 101 
 
 Government, A federal form of, proved 
 practicable, 64-65 
 
 Government, The foundation of or- 
 derly, 57 
 
 Governments dominated by public 
 opinion, 36-37 
 
 Graft in expenditures for war prepa- 
 rations, 55-56, 70 
 
 Great Britain, Objection of, to Inter- 
 national Court of Prize, 85; treaty 
 of arbitration with, 91-93; war 
 scare of 1911 in, 97-99; rejection of 
 arbitration treaty with, by United 
 States Senate, 99-100; Senator 
 Hitchcock's fear of an alliance with, 
 109-10 
 
 Gullibility of mankind, 54 
 
 Hague, The, A permanent internation- 
 al judiciary at, 84 
 
 Hague Conference, Second Inter- 
 national, 3; two things asked from 
 the, 12-14; should assemble at 
 stated intervals, 13, 14; results of 
 the, 21-22, 84; on the maintenance 
 of peace, 77; failure of International 
 Court of Arbitral Justice at, 87-89 
 
 Hague Conference, The third, 88
 
 INDEX 
 
 119 
 
 Hague Conventions ignored by Italy 
 and Turkey, 100-1 
 
 Hague Court, Change of the, to a 
 truly judicial tribunal, 12-14, 21; 
 enforcing findings of, 13; to be es- 
 tablished, 38 
 
 Hague Protocol, The, 15 
 
 Hay, John, had the international 
 mind, 102; on American diplomacy, 
 103 
 
 Heyburn, Senator, of Idaho, on peace- 
 ful agreements, 108; has not an in- 
 ternational mind, 109 
 
 Hirst, Mr., on commerce destruction, 
 
 t 
 
 History, A new conception of, 80-81 
 Hitchcock, Senator, of Nebraska, 
 
 feared an alliance with Great Britain, 
 
 109-10 
 
 Ill-feeling and suspicion easily aroused, 
 105 
 
 Improvement, Social and economic, 
 vs. armaments, 37 
 
 Intercourse and Education, Division 
 of, of Carnegie Endowment, 81-82 
 
 International court, A permanent, 
 wanted, 12, 14, 27; to be established 
 38; executive authority for, 40-42 
 
 International Court of Arbitral Jus- 
 tice, 84; purpose of, 87; progress 
 toward establishment of, 88-89 
 
 International Court of Arbitration, 
 Submission of Newfoundland fish- 
 eries question to the, 48, 83-84 
 
 International era, An, opening, 5 
 
 International justice, American pub- 
 lic opinion and, n; perfecting the 
 fundamental conception of, 75 
 
 International law, A court for de- 
 claring and establishing, wanted, 12; 
 the true executive of, 40-42; Divi- 
 sion of, of the Carnegie Endow- 
 ment, 74-77, 81; progressive de- 
 velopment of rules of, 74-75; 
 establishment of fundamental prin- 
 cipes of, 75-76 
 
 INTERNATIONAL MIND, THE, 97-114; 
 examples of the, 101; what it is, 
 102; how gained, 103-5; Ameri- 
 cans need, 107 
 
 International parliament, The germ 
 of an, 14 
 
 International Prize Court to be a court 
 of arbitral justice, 47; created by 
 second Hague Conference, 84; 
 objections to the, 85-87; presup- 
 poses war, 87, 89 
 
 International relations, 5; in time of 
 war, 14-16; aims of the Carnegie 
 Endowment toward, 73, 79, 82-83 
 
 INTERNATIONALISM, THE PROGRESS OF 
 REAL, 3-18 
 
 Interparliamentary Union at Berlin, 
 35; permanent organization of, and 
 results, 38-42; delegations at the, 
 39; appropriation by Congress for 
 Bureau of, 47 
 
 Island, Change in significance of word, 
 30 
 
 Italy and Turkey, War between, ico-i 
 
 Joubert on Force and Right, 8 
 
 Judicial decisions, Majority of, equi- 
 table, 8-9 
 
 Judicial determination of questions of 
 national honor or interests, 47; 
 progress of movement for, 57, 62, 
 74, 77, 82, 83 
 
 Justice, Dominance of, 4-5; substi- 
 tution of rule of, for rule of force, 22, 
 30; spirit of, to be cultivated, 43- 
 44; the real ground of security for 
 men and nations, 48; the path of, 
 the path of honor, 66; opposition to 
 peace through, 72; shall rule, 114 
 
 Justice, International, 48; part of a 
 complete philosophy of life, 49; in- 
 difference and opposition to, 50-54; 
 or armed force, 58-59; inculcation 
 of belief in, 75, 82 
 
 Knox, P. C., Identic circular note of, 
 47 
 
 Lake Mohonk Conference, 1007, 3; 
 accomplishment of the, to; of 1009, 
 21; aim of the, 42; of 1910, 47; of 
 1911, 68, 89, 97; of 1912, 97, 99 
 
 Law, see International law 
 
 Legislative inquiry into military and 
 naval appropriations needed, 55-56
 
 I2O 
 
 INDEX 
 
 London Chamber of Commerce, on 
 seizure of private property at sea, 
 90 
 
 Man, Mark of a real, 98-99 
 
 Mason and Slidell, 106 
 
 Might and right, 4, 8, 69 
 
 Militarism, Evil spirit of, among the 
 English, 23; less profitable than 
 peace, 71; expenditures for, 79 
 
 Minorities, Fanatical, drive nations 
 into wars, 107; rule of majority of, 
 3 
 
 Moral education of the world, 5-6; 
 our task, 49 
 
 Morality of the future, The, 6; prin- 
 ciples of, in the body corporate, 104 
 
 Nation, Mind and conscience of a, 5; 
 a turbulent, HI 
 
 National character, What constitutes, 
 104; kept in the background, 113 
 
 National duty, Our, 104-5, 107, 112- 
 14 
 
 National existence not dependent upon 
 military and naval force, 29-30 
 
 National honor, False arguments for 
 defense of, by force, 58-59 
 
 Nationalities, A place in the world for 
 many, 104 
 
 Nations, Growth of, 4, 6-7; as liti- 
 gants, 9; most powerful, at peace, 
 17; influence of public opinion on, 
 41-42; not under rule of brute force, 
 49-50; at peace must prepare for 
 war, 53-54; fundamental principle 
 of rights of, 57-58; criticism of 
 other, 63-64; faith in vs. fear of 
 other, 64; should submit differences 
 to judicial determination, 65; to be 
 instructed in their juristic relations 
 toward each other, 74-75, 76, 82; 
 co-operation of, for civilization, 71; 
 in a judicial system, 73; mainten- 
 ance of peace the supreme duty of, 
 77; moved by example and prece- 
 dent, 94; friendly and co-operating 
 equals, 102 
 
 Naval standard, The two-power, of 
 England, 31-33 
 
 Neutrality, see Financial neutrality 
 Newfoundland fisheries question sub- 
 mitted to the Hague arbitral tri- 
 bunal, 48; settlement of, 83-84 
 Nobel Prize, Candidates for the, 99 
 
 Olney-Pauncefote treaty, The, 91-92 
 
 Patriotism, Economics and, 55-56 
 
 Peace, Activity for the world's, 36, 
 66, 69-70; maintenance of, the su- 
 preme duty of nations, 77; epoch- 
 making work for, 98; obtaining, 
 through justice, 101; America 
 should lead movement for, 107 
 
 Peace, The law of, and the law of na- 
 tions, 76-77 
 
 Peace and justice, Political organiza- 
 tion for, 38; rule of, shall come, 114 
 
 Police, An international, 10, 13 
 
 Political discussion, Debasement of, 
 111-112; elevation of, needed, 112- 
 14 
 
 Political economy, Broadening the 
 study and teaching of, 78-80 
 
 Political organization of the world, 33, 
 38-42; evolutionary, 43; responsi- 
 bility of Americans toward the, 43- 
 44 
 
 Political progress, 113-14 
 
 Principles, Fixed, not fashionable, 112 
 
 Private property at sea should be free 
 from capture, 00-91 
 
 PROGRESS or REAL INTERNATIONAL- 
 ISM, 3-18 
 
 PUBLIC OPINION, THE WORLD'S ARMA- 
 MENTS AND, 21-44 
 
 Public opinion, Education of the 
 world's, 36-37, 69; the true inter- 
 national executive authority, 40- 
 42, 65; the power of, 41-42, 69-70; 
 influence of the United States on 
 the world's, 10-11, 64-66; in eco- 
 nomics and history, 78, 81; excit- 
 ability of, 105-6 
 
 Relations and disputes, Individual 
 and international, 5 
 
 Rhodes, Cecil, and financial neutral- 
 ity, 15
 
 INDEX 
 
 121 
 
 Right, Might and, 4, 69; Joubert on 
 
 Force and, 8 
 Rights and duties implied in principles 
 
 and rules of international law to be 
 
 taught, 75; maintenance of, 76-77; 
 
 a better understanding of, 82 
 Root, Elihu, on public opinion as the 
 
 true international executive, 40-41; 
 
 has the international mind, 102 
 
 Scott, James Brown, head of Division 
 of International Law, 74; consulta- 
 tive board associated with, 75-76 
 
 Self-redress and judicial settlement, 77 
 
 Senators of United States, Some, ig- 
 norant of international business, 100 
 
 Spectator, The London, on rejection of 
 the Olney-Pauncefote treaty by the 
 United States Senate, 92 
 
 Speyer, James, on financial neutrality, 
 15-16 
 
 Statesmanship, Examples of genuine, 
 98-99 
 
 Straus, O. S., and financial neutrality, 
 16 
 
 Taft, President, on questions involv- 
 ing national honor and interests, 47; 
 on an arbitration treaty with Great 
 Britain, 93 
 
 Tariffs, Effects of, 79 
 
 Taxes wasted on armaments, 37-38 
 
 Temple, Archbishop, on principles, 18 
 
 Theorists and dreamers, Who are the, 
 48-50 
 
 Trent Affair, Charles Francis Adams 
 on the, 105-7 
 
 Turkey and Italy, War between, loo-i 
 
 United States, Contribution of, to- 
 ward judicial settlement of inter- 
 national differences, 61-63; in- 
 fluence of, on world opinion, 64-65; 
 should lead in establishing the 
 world's peace, 65-66 
 
 United States Senate approved the 
 International Court of Prize, 87; 
 refused to ratify Olney-Pauncefote 
 treaty, 91-93 
 
 United States Supreme Court, The, 
 13, 14; on the right to sue and de- 
 fend in the courts, 57; objection of, 
 to International Court of Prize, 85- 
 87 
 
 Virtues, The sterner, exercised by war 
 and conflict, 59-60 
 
 Visits, International, between Ger- 
 many and England, 28-29 
 
 War, international, Abolition of, 74 
 War, Legal and economic incidents of, 
 to be studied, 73; the rules of, and 
 the law of nations, 76-77; economic 
 causes and effects of, 79-80, 82; 
 fateful work for, 97-98; boisterous 
 talk of, 100 
 
 Ward, Artemus, on principles, 112 
 Wars part of the divine order, 70 
 Weardale, Lord, and members of Par- 
 liament meet von Billow at Berlin, 
 35-36 
 
 William II, German Emperor, favors 
 world peace, 17-18; honor due to, 
 
 09 
 
 WORLD'S ARMAMENTS, THE, AND PUB- 
 LIC OPINION, 21-44
 
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