AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 iiugene E. Trussing
 
 3755 8
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 
 DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE 
 OF HIS COUNTRY, 
 
 AND 
 
 FIRST PRESIDENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 COMPILED 
 UNDER THE INSPECTION OF 
 
 THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON, 
 
 FROM 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS 
 
 p BEOJJEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE, AND NOW IN POSSESSION 
 
 OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, 
 
 AN INTRODUCTION, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES PLANTED BY THE ENGLISH 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA, 
 
 FROM THEIR SETTLEMENT 
 TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THAT WAR WHICH TERMINATED IN THEIR 
 
 INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 BY JOHN MARSHALL. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 PHILADELPHIA.- 
 
 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY C. P. WAYNE. 
 1804.
 
 DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO WIT. 
 ********* BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirteenth day of 
 * February, in the twenty-eighth year of the Independence 
 | SEAL. J O f the United States of America, CALEB P. WAYNE, 
 #*###**** of the said District, hath deposited in this office the 
 Title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Pro- 
 prietor, in the words following, to wit:.... 
 
 " The Life of George Washington, Commander in Chief of the 
 ' American Forces, during the War which established the Indepen- 
 ' dence of his country, and First President of the United States.... 
 ' Compiled under the inspection of the Honourable Bushrod Wash- 
 ' ington, from original papers bequeathed to him by his deceased 
 ' Relative, and now in possession of the author. To which is pre- 
 ' h'xed, an Introduction, containing a compendious View of the 
 ' Colonies planted by the English on the Continent of North Ame- 
 ' rica, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which 
 ' terminated in their Independence. By JOHN MARSHALL." 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States 
 entituled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the 
 copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of 
 such copies during the times therein mentioned.... And also to the 
 Act intituled " An act Supplementary to an Act intituled " An act 
 for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, 
 charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies 
 during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits 
 thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical 
 and other prints." 
 
 D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the 
 District of Pennsylvania.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth cf mr. Washington. ...His mission to the French on 
 the Ohio.. ..Appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment 
 of regular troops.. ..Surprises monsieur Jumonville.... 
 Capitulation of fort Necessity. ...Is appointed aid-du -camp 
 to general Bracklock... .Defeat and death of that general.... 
 Is appointed to the command of a regiment.. ..Extreme 
 distress of the frontiers, and exertions of colonel 
 Washington to augment the regular force of the 
 colony. ...General Forbes undertakes the expedition 
 against fort du Quesne... .Defeat of major Grant. ...Fort 
 du Quesne evacuated by the French, and taken posses- 
 sion of by the English. ...Resignation and marriage of 
 colonel Washington. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Opinions on the supremacy of parliament, and its right 
 to tax the colonies....The stamp act.. ..Congress as- 
 semble at New York.. ..Violence in the great toAvns.... 
 Change of the administration. ...Stamp act repealed.... 
 Opposition to the mutiny act.... Act imposing duties on 
 tea, &c. resisted in America.. ..The assembly of Mas- 
 sachussetts address letters to several members of the 
 administration in England.... Petition to the king.. ..Cir- 
 cular letters to the colonial assemblies. ...Letter from 
 the earl of Hillsborough.... Assembly of Massachussetts 
 
 -
 
 VJ CONTENTS. 
 
 dissolved. ...Seizure of the sloop Liberty.... A convention 
 assembles at Faneuil Hall. ...Moderation of its proceed- 
 ings. ...TAVO British regiments arrive at Boston. ...Reso- 
 lutions of the house of burgesses of Virginia.. ..The 
 governor dissolves the assembly....The members form 
 and sign a non-importation association....Measures ge- 
 nerally taken against the importation of British manu- 
 factures. ...General court again convened in Massachus- 
 setts....Its proceedings... .Is prorogued. ...Administration 
 resolve on a repeal of all the duties except that on tea.... 
 Circular letter of the earl of Hillsborough... .New York 
 recedes in part from the non-importation agreement.... 
 The example generally followed.. ..Riot in Boston.... 
 Trial and acquittal of captain Preston. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Insurrection in North Carolina.. ..Dissatisfaction of Mas- 
 sachussetts... .Corresponding committees appointed.... 
 Governor Hutchinson's correspondence with the admi- 
 nistration sent over by doctor Franklin.. ..The assembly 
 petition for the removal of the governor and lieutenant 
 governor.. ..Hutchinson is succeeded by general Gage 
 ....Measures to enforce the execution of the act con- 
 cerning duties.. ..Ferment excited in America. ...The tea 
 is thrown into the sea at Boston.. ..Measures of parlia- 
 ment.... General enthusiasm in America. ...A general 
 congress is proposed. ...General Gage arrives in Boston 
 ....Troops stationed on Boston neck.. ..New counsellors 
 and judges.. ..Obliged to resign. ...Boston neck fortified 
 ....Military stores seized by general Gage. ...Prepara- 
 tions for defence in Massachusetts.... King's speech in 
 parliament. ...Proceedings of that body. ...Battle of Lex- 
 ington....Vote of Massachusetts for raising men.... 
 Meeting of congress. ...Proceedings of that body..^,, 
 Transactions in Virginia.... Provincial congress of South 
 Carolina....Battle of Breed's hill.
 
 CONTENTS. vlj 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Colonel Washington appointed commander in chief of the 
 American forces. ...Arrives at Cambridge. ...Strength 
 and disposition of the two armies.... Deficiency of the 
 Americans in arms andammunition....Falmouth burnt.... 
 Success of the American cruisers. ...Distress of the Bri- 
 tish from the want of fresh provisions.. ..Difficulty of 
 re-inlisting the army. ...Plans for attacking Boston.... 
 Possession taken of the heights of Dorchester.. ..Boston 
 evacuated. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Invasion of Canada meditated.. ..The Americans enter 
 that province.. ..Siege of St. Johns.... Capture of fort 
 Chamble5....Carleton defeated atLongueisle....St.Johns 
 capitulates... .Montreal surrenders.... Arnold's expedition 
 by the way of the Kennebec....He arrives before Quebec 
 ....And retires to Point Aux Trembles.. ..Montgomery 
 lays siege to Quebec. ...Unsuccessful attack on that place 
 ....Death of Montgomery....Blockade of Quebec conti- 
 nued....General Thomas takes command of the army.... 
 The blockade of Quebec is raised.. ..General Sullivan 
 takes the command.. ..Battle of the Three Rivers.... 
 Canada evacuated. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Transactions in Virginia.. ..Action at the Great Bridge.... 
 Norfolk evacuated... .And burnt... .Transactions of North 
 Carolina.. ..Action at Moore's creek bridge. ...Invasion 
 of South Carolina.. ..British fleet repulsed at fort Moul- 
 trie.... Transactions in New York.. ..Measures leading to 
 Independence. ...Independence declared. 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Lord and sir William Howe arrive before New York.... 
 Circular letter of lord Howe. ...State of the American 
 army.. ..The enemy land in force on Long island.... 
 Battle of Brooklyn and evacuation of Long island.... 
 Fruitless negotiations.. .,New York evacuated.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Skirmish on the heights of Haerlem....The enemy land 
 at Frogs' neck.. ..The American army evacuates York 
 island, except fort Washington. ...Both armies move 
 towards the White Plains. ...Battle of the White Plains.... 
 The British army returns to King's bridge, and gene- 
 ral Washington with a part of his army crosses the 
 North river.. ..The lines of fort Washington carried by 
 the enemy, and the garrison made prisoners. ...Evacu- 
 ation of fort Lee. ...Weakness of the American army.... 
 Ineffectual attempts to raise the militia. ...General Wash- 
 ington retreats through Jersey. ...Capture of general 
 Lee. ...General Washington crosses the Delaware.... 
 Danger of Philadelphia. ...The British go into winter 
 quarters. ...Battle of Trenton. ...Of Princeton.. ..Firmness 
 of Congress'.'
 
 LIFE 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth of mr. Washington. ...His mission to the French on 
 the Ohio.... Appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment 
 of regular troops. ...Surprises monsieur Jumonville.... 
 Capitulation of fortNecessity....Is appointed aid -du -camp 
 to generalBradclock... .Defeat and death of that general.... 
 Is appointed to the command of a regiment. ...Extreme 
 distress of the frontiers, and exertions of colonel 
 Washington to augment the regular forces of the 
 colony. ...General Forbes undertakes the expedition 
 against fort du Quesne... .Defeat of major Grant.. ..Fort 
 du Quesne evacuated by the French, and taken posses- 
 sion of by the English. ...Resignation and marriage of 
 colonel Washington. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, the third son 
 
 of Augustine Washington, was born in Virginia, Birth of mr. 
 
 ' Washington. 
 
 at Bridges creek, in the county of Westmoreland, 
 on the 22d of February 1732. He was the 
 great grandson of John Washington, a gentle- 
 man of a very respectable family in the north 
 of England, who had emigrated about the year 
 1657, and settled on the place where young 
 mr. Washington was born. 
 
 VOL. II. B-<
 
 2 "THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. Very early in life, the cast of his genius dis- 
 1732. closed itself. The war in which his country 
 was then engaged against France and Spain, 
 first kindled those latent sparks, which after- 
 wards blazed with equal splendour and advan- 
 tage, and at the age of fifteen, he urged so 
 pressingly to be permitted to enter into the 
 British navy, that the place of a midshipman 
 was obtained for him. The interference of a 
 timid and affectionate mother, suspended for a 
 time the commencement of his military course. 
 He lost his father at the age of ten years, and 
 received what was denominated an English 
 education, a term which excludes the acquisi- 
 tion of other languages than our own. As his 
 patrimonial estate was by no means considerable, 
 his youth was employed in useful industry; and 
 in the practice of his profession as a surveyor, 
 he had an opportunity of acquiring that informa- 
 tion respecting vacant lands, and of forming 
 those opinions concerning their future value, 
 which afterwards greatly contributed to the in- 
 crease of his private fortune. 
 
 It is strong evidence of the opinion entertained 
 of his capacity that, when not more than nine- 
 teen years of age, and at a time when the militia 
 were to be trained for actual service, he was ap- 
 pointed one of the adjutants general of Virginia, 
 with the rank of major. The duties annexed 
 to this office were performed by him for a very 
 short time.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 The plan formed by France for connecting CHAP, i. 
 her extensive dominions in America by uniting 1753. 
 Canada with Louisiana, now began to develop 
 itself. Possession was taken of a tract of coun- 
 try then deemed to be within the province of 
 Virginia, and a line of posts was commenced 
 from the lakes to the Ohio. The attention of 
 mr. Dinwiddie, the lieutenant governor of that 
 province, was attracted by these supposed 
 encroachments, and he deemed it his duty to 
 demand, in the name of the king his master, 
 that they should desist from the prosecution of 
 designs which violated, as he thought, the 
 treaties between the two crowns. A proper 
 person was to be selected for the performance 
 of this duty, which, at that time, was very 
 properly believed to be a very arduous one. 
 A great part of the country through which the 
 envoy was to pass, was almost entirely unex- 
 plored, and inhabited only by Indians, many 
 of whom were hostile to the English, and others 
 
 of doubtful attachment. While the dangers 
 
 / 
 
 and fatigues of the journey deterred from un- 
 dertaking it those, who did not extend their 
 views to the future scenes to be exhibited in 
 that country, or who did not wish to be actors 
 in them ; they seem to have furnished motives 
 to mr. Washington for desiring to be employed 
 in this hazardous service, and he engaged in it 
 with the utmost alacrity. 
 B 2
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. r. He commenced his journey from Williams- 
 1753. burg, the day on w r hich he was commissioned, 
 and arrived on the 14th of November at Wills' 
 creek, then the extreme frontier settlement of 
 English. Guides were there engaged to 
 conduct him over the Alleghany mountains, the 
 passage of which, at that season of the year, 
 began to be extremely difficult. After sur- 
 mounting considerable impediments from the 
 snow and high waters, he reached the mouth 
 of Turtle creek, on the Monongahela, on the 
 22d, where he learned from an Indian trader, 
 that the French general was dead, and that the 
 major part of the army had retired into winter 
 quarters. Pursuing his route, he examined 
 the country with a military eye, and selected 
 the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany 
 rivers, the place where fort du Quesne, now 
 Fort Pitt, was afterwards erected by the French, 
 as an advantageous and commanding position, 
 which it would be advisable to take possession 
 of immediately, and to fortify. 
 
 After employing a few days among the Indians 
 in that neighbourhood, and procuring some of 
 their chiefs, whose fidelity he took the most 
 judicious means for securing, to accompany 
 him ; he ascended the Alleghany river ; and at 
 the mouth of French creek, found the first fort 
 occupied by the troops of France. Proceeding 
 further up the creek to another fort, he was re- 
 ceived by monsieur le Gardeur de St. Pierre,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 
 
 the commanding officer on the Ohio, to whom CHAP, i. 
 he delivered the letter of mr. Dinwiddie, and 1754. 
 having received an answer from him, returned 
 with infinite fatigue, and much danger from the 
 hostile Indians, to Williamsburg. The exer- January is. 
 tions made by mr. Washington on this occasion, 
 the perseverance with which he surmounted the 
 difficulties of the journey, and the judgment 
 displayed in his conduct towards the Indians, 
 raised him very much in the public opinion, as 
 well as in that of the lieutenant governor. His 
 journal,* drawn up for the inspection of mr. 
 Dinwiddie, was published, and generally con- 
 sidered -as strongly evidencing the solidity of 
 his judgment, and the fortitude of his mind. 
 As the answer from the commandant of the 
 French forces on the Ohio, indicated no dispo- 
 sition to withdraw from that country, it was 
 deemed necessary to make some preparations to 
 maintain the right asserted over it by the British 
 crown, and the assembly of Virginia determined 
 to authorize the governor, with the advice of 
 council, to raise a regiment for that purpose, 
 to consist of three hundred men. The command 
 of this regiment was given to a mr. Fry, a 
 gentleman supposed to be well acquainted with Appointed 
 
 11 lieutenant 
 
 the western country, and major Washington ^ n / 
 was appointed lieutenant colonel. Extremely 
 
 of regular 
 troops. 
 
 See JVb?e, No. /. at the end of the volume.
 
 (5 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. solicitous to be engaged as early as possible in 
 1754. active service, and to be usefully employed, 
 he obtained permission, about the beginning of 
 April, to march with two companies in advance 
 of the other troops, to the Great Meadows. 
 By this measure he expected to protect the 
 country, to make himself more perfectly ac- 
 quainted with it, as well as with the situations 
 and designs of the enemy ; and to preserve the 
 friendship of the savages. Immediately after 
 his arrival at that place, he was visited by some 
 friendly Indians, who informed him that the 
 French had dispossessed a party of workmen 
 employed by the Ohio company to erect a fort 
 on the south eastern branch of the Ohio, 
 and were themselves then engaged in com- 
 pleting a fortification at the confluence of 
 the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers; and 
 that a detachment from that place was then on 
 its march towards the Great Meadows. Open 
 hostilities had not yet commenced, but the 
 country was considered as invaded, and several 
 circumstances were related contributing to the 
 opinion that this party was approaching with 
 hostile views. Among others it was stated that 
 they had left the path some distance, and had 
 encamped for the night in a bottom, in a secret, 
 retired situation, as if to secure concealment. 
 The Indians offering themselves as guides, 
 colonel Washington set out in a dark rainy
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 7 
 
 night, in the course of which he surrounded CHAP, i. 
 and completely surprised the French encamp- 1754. 
 ment, which was but a few miles west of the surprises 
 
 monsieur 
 
 Great Meadows. About day break his troops Jviiie. 
 fired, and rushed upon the French, who imme- 
 diately surrendered. One man only escaped, 
 and a mr. Jumonville the commanding officer 
 of the party, was the only person killed. 
 
 The residue of the regiment was now on its 
 way to join the detachment advanced in their 
 front. On the march, colonel Fry died at 
 Patterson's creek, and the command devolved 
 on colonel Washington. Their junction was 
 effected at the Great Meadows, soon after 
 which two independent companies of regulars 
 arrived at the same place, the one from South 
 Carolina, and the other from New York, making 
 in the whole, (for the Virginia regiment was 
 not complete) somewhat less than four hundred 
 effective men. The regular captains objected to 
 being commanded by a provincial officer, but, 
 under existing circumstances, the dispute about 
 rank was waved for the moment, and the com- 
 mand rested with colonel Washington. A 
 small stockade afterwards called fort Neces- 
 sity, was erected at the Great Meadows, for 
 the purpose of securing the provisions and 
 horses, after which the troops commenced their 
 march towards fort du Quesne, with the inten- 
 tion of dislodging the French from that place. 
 They had proceeded to the westernmost foot of
 
 g THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. the Laurel hill, about thirteen miles from 
 1754. fort Necessity, when intelligence was received 
 which terminated their march. They were 
 there met by some friendly Indians who inform- 
 ed them that the enemy was- rapidly advancing 
 as numerous as the pigeons in the woods. 
 Among those who brought this information, 
 was a very trusty chief, who had left the fort 
 on the Ohio, only two days before, where he 
 had seen a considerable re-enforcement arrive, 
 and had heard the intention declared of march- 
 ing immediately to attack the English, with 
 a corps composed of eight hundred French, 
 and four hundred Indians. This intelligence 
 was corroborated, by the information already 
 received from deserters, who had come in a 
 few days before, and had assured them that a 
 re-enforcement was expected. The troops had 
 been without bread for six days, and had but 
 a very small supply of meat. The enemy could 
 approach within five miles of their position by 
 water, and might either pass them by a road 
 leading through the country some distance from 
 them, so as to cut off all supplies, and starve 
 them into a surrender; or fight them with a 
 
 superiority of three to one. 
 
 J"" e 23 - In this hazardous situation, a council of 
 war was called, and the officers unanimously 
 advised that they should retire to the fort at the 
 Great Meadows, where the two .roads united, 
 and the country would not easily admit the pas-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 9 
 
 sage of an enemy without being- perceived. CHAP, i. 
 At that place it was intended to remain until re- 1754. 
 enforcements of men, and supplies of provisions 
 
 should arrive. 
 
 In pursuance of this advice, colonel Wash- J^x 2 - 
 ington retreated to fort Necessity, and began 
 a ditch around the stockade. Before it was 
 completed, the enemy, supposed to amount to 
 fifteen hundred men, under the command of 
 monsieur de Villier, appeared and immedi- 1 ' hinl - 
 ately commenced a furious attack upon the 
 fort, where they were received with great in- 
 trepidity. The Americans fought partly within 
 the stockade, and partly in the surrounding 
 ditch which was nearly filled with mud and 
 water. Colonel Washington in person conti- 
 nued die whole day on the outside of the fort, 
 encouraging the soldiers by his countenance 
 and example. The enemy fought under cover 
 of the trees and high grass, with which the 
 country abounds. The engagement was con- 
 tinued with great resolution from ten in the 
 morning until dark, when monsieur de Villier, capitulation 
 
 ' of fort 
 
 demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitu- Necessit y- 
 
 lation. The proposals first made were rejected; 
 
 but in the course of the night, articles were Fourth - _ 
 signed, by which the fort was surrendered, on 
 condition that, its garrison should be allowed 
 the honours of war; should be permitted to 
 retain their arms and baggage; and to march 
 without molestation into the inhabited parts of 
 
 VOL. II. C
 
 - i( j THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. Virginia. The capitulation being in French, 
 1754. a language not understood by colonel Wash- 
 ington, or any of his party, and drawn up in 
 the night under circumstances not admitting 
 delay ; contains an expression which was at 
 the time untruly translated by the interpreter, 
 advantage of which has been since taken by the 
 enemies of that gentleman, to imply an admis- 
 sion on his part, that the officer killed in the 
 action preceding the attack on the fort, was 
 assassinated. 
 
 An account of the transaction was published 
 by monsieur de Villier, which drew from colo- 
 nel Washington a letter to a friend, completely 
 disproving a calumny which, though entirely 
 discredited at the time, was revived at a sub- 
 sequent period, when circumstances, well un- 
 derstood, at the date of the transaction, might 
 be supposed to be forgotten.* 
 
 The whole loss sustained by the Americans 
 in this affair, is not ascertained. From a return 
 made on the ninth of July at Wills' creek, it 
 appears that the killed and wounded of the 
 Virginia regiment amounted to fifty-eight ; but 
 the loss of the two independent companies is not 
 stated. It was conjectured that, on the part 
 of the enemy, about two hundred were killed 
 and wounded, and it is probable that this con- 
 jecture does not greatly err. 
 
 * See J\ r ote y Ao. II. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. j 
 
 Notwithstanding the stipulation that the CHAP. i. 
 troops should be unmolested on their march, 1754. 
 heavy complaints were made of their being 
 plundered and maltreated by the Indians. The 
 cause of their complaints was perhaps unavoid- 
 able ; for it was always found extremely difficult 
 to secure, on the part of these troublesome 
 allies and formidable enemies, an observance 
 of engagements. 
 
 Great credit was given to colonel Washington 
 by his countrymen, for the courage displayed 
 on this occasion; and the legislature were so 
 satisfied with the "conduct of the party, as to 
 vote their thanks* to him and the officers 
 under his command. They also gave three 
 hundred pistoles to be distributed among the 
 
 * To the vote of thanks, the officers made the following 
 reply : 
 
 " We the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly 
 sensible of the particular mark of distinction with which 
 you have honoured us, in returning your thanks for our 
 behaviour in the late action ; and cannot help testifying 
 our grateful acknowledgments, for your " high sense" of 
 what we shall always esteem a duty to our country and the 
 best of kings. 
 
 Favoured with your regard, we shall zealously endea- 
 vour to deserve your applause, and by our future actions, 
 strive to convince the worshipful house of burgesses, how 
 much we esteem their approbation, and as it ought to be, 
 regard it as the voice of our country. 
 
 Signed for the whole corps, 
 
 GEO: WASHINGTON." 
 
 c 2
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 soldiers engaged in the action, as a reward for 
 their bravery. 
 
 The regiment returned to Winchester to be 
 recruited, and the companies expected from 
 North Carolina and Maryland having arrived, 
 governor Dinwiddie, without attending to the 
 condition or number of the forces, ordered 
 them, on the advice of council, immediately 
 to march over the Alleghany mountains, either 
 to dispossess the French of their fort, or to 
 build one in some proper place in the country. 
 
 The little army in Virginia, which was placed 
 under the command of colonel Innes from North 
 August. Carolina, did not, as now re-enforced, exceed 
 half the number of the enemy, and was unpro- 
 vided with the means of moving, or with those 
 supplies for a winter campaign, which are so 
 particularly necessary in the severe climate 
 where they were about to act. With as little 
 consideration, directions were given for the 
 immediate completion of the regiment, without 
 furnishing a single shilling with which to recruit 
 a man. Although Virginia had long basked in 
 the sunshine of peace, It seems difficult to 
 account for such inconsiderate and ill judged 
 _2_ measures. Colonel Washington remonstrated 
 strongly against these orders, but prepared, as 
 far as possible, to execute them. The assembly, 
 however, having risen in a few days, without 
 making any provision whatever for the further 
 prosecution of the war, this wild t expedition was 
 for the present relinquished.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 
 
 After the season for action was over, the CHAP, i. 
 Virginia regiment was reduced to independent 1754. 
 companies; and in the course of the winter, 
 orders were received for settling the rank of 
 the officers of his majesty's forces when joined, 
 or serving with the provincial forces in North 
 America ; which directed, that all officers com- 
 missioned by the king, or by his general 
 commanding in chief in North America, should! 
 take rank of all officers commissioned by the 
 governors of the respective provinces. And 
 further, that the general and field officers of 
 the provincial troops, should have no rank 
 when serving with the general and field officers 
 commissioned by the crown; but that all cap- 
 tains, and other inferior officers of the royal 
 troops, should take rank over provincial officers 
 of the same grade, having senior commissions. 
 
 Though his original attachment to a military 
 life had been rather increased by the applauses 
 bestowed on his first essay in arms, colonel 
 Washington possessed too entirely the proud 
 and punctilious feelings of a soldier, to submit 
 to a degradation so humiliating as this. Pro- 
 fessing his unabated inclination to continue in 
 the service, he retired indignantly from it, and 
 answered the various letters which he received 
 pressing him still to hold his commission, with 
 assurances that, he would serve with pleasure 
 when he should be enabled to do so without 
 dishonour.
 
 14 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. His eldest brother mr. Lawrence Washington, 
 1754. who had been engaged in the expedition against 
 Carthagena, had lately died, and left him a con- 
 siderable estate on the Potowmack, which, in 
 compliment to the admiral who commanded 
 the fleet engaged in that enterprise, by whom 
 he had been particularly noticed, he had called 
 Mount Vernon. To this delightful spot, colonel 
 Washington now withdrew, resolving to devote 
 all his future attention to the avocations of pri- 
 vate life. This resolution was not long main- 
 tained. 
 
 1755. General Braddock being informed of his 
 
 merit, his knowledge of the country which 
 
 was to be the theatre of action, and his motives 
 
 for retiring from the service,.... motives, which 
 
 that officer could not disapprove ; gratified his 
 
 desire to make one campaign under a person 
 
 supposed to possess some knowledge of the 
 
 art of war, by inviting him to enter into his 
 
 is appointed family as a volunteer aid-de-camp. This invi- 
 
 aid-Ue-camp * 
 
 BrSdock. tation, colonel Washington readily accepted, 
 stipulating only for permission to employ him- 
 self in the arrangement of his private affairs, 
 until the general should be on his march, and 
 that he might return to them, when the active 
 
 part of the campaign should be over. 
 
 Colonel Washington joined general Brad- 
 dock immediately after his departure from 
 Alexandria, and proceeded with him to Wills' 
 creek, afterwards called fort Cumberland, where
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. J[5 
 
 the army was detained, waiting for waggons, CHAP.I. 
 horses, and proper supplies of provisions, until 1755. 
 about the 12th of June. From his knowledge 
 of the service to be performed, he very early 
 suggested the propriety of using, to a consider- 
 able extent, pack horses instead of waggons, 
 
 for the baggage of the army. This advice was J^- 
 at first rejected; but soon after the commence- 
 ment of the march, its propriety became too 
 obvious to be longer neglected, and considerable 
 changes were made in this respect. 
 
 The army consisted of two British regiments, 
 with a few corps of provincials. On the third Fifteenth. 
 day after it had moved from its ground, and had 
 marched but a little more than ten miles from 
 fort Cumberland, colonel Washington was 
 seized with a raging fever, which absolutely 
 disabled him from riding on horseback. Per- 
 sisting, however, in his refusal to remain 
 behind the troops, he was conveyed with them 
 in a covered waggon. General Braddock, who 
 found the difficulties of the march, arising from 
 the badness of the roads, and his long train 
 of waggons, infinitely greater than had been 
 expected, still continued privately to consult 
 colonel Washington respecting the measures 
 it would now be most proper to pursue. Re- 
 taining his first impressions on the manner of 
 conducting the march, he strenuously urged the 
 general to leave his heavy artillery and baggage 
 behind, with the rear division of the army, to
 
 Q THE LIFE OF 
 
 HAP, i. follow by slow and easy marches j* and to press 
 1755. forward himself as expeditiously as possible to 
 fort clu Quesne, with a chosen body of troops, 
 some pieces of light artillery, and stores of ab- 
 solute and immediate necessity. The reasons 
 urged by him in support of this advice were, 
 that, according- to all their intelligence, the 
 French were at present weak on the Ohio, but 
 hourly expected re-enforcements ; that during 
 the present excessive drought, those re-en- 
 forcements could not arrive with the necessary 
 quantity of provisions, and other supplies, be- 
 cause the river La.Boeuf, on which they must 
 necessarily be brought to Venango, did not 
 then aiford water enough to admit of their por- 
 ...; tage down it. By a rapid movement therefore, 
 it was extremely probable, that the fort might 
 be reached with a sufficient force to carry it 
 before the arrival of the looked for aid ; but if 
 this measure was not; adopted, such were the 
 delays attendant on the march of the whole 
 army, that rains, sufficient to raise the waters 
 might reasonably be counted on, and the whole 
 force of the French would probably be collected 
 for their reception; a circumstance, which 
 ~W might render the success of the expedition ex- 
 : tremely doubtful. 
 
 This advice, accorded well with the temper 
 of the commander in chief, and it was deter- 
 mined in a council held at the Little Meadows, 
 that; twelve hundred men selected from the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 
 
 different corps, to be commanded by general CHAP, i. 
 Braddock in person, accompanied by sir Peter 1755. 
 Halket, now acting as a brigadier, the lieu- 
 tenant colonels, Gage, and Burton, and by major 
 Spark, should advance with the utmost expedi- 
 tion against fort du Quesne. They were to 
 take with them only such waggons as the train 
 would absolutely require, and to carry their 
 provisions and necessary baggage on horses. 
 Dunbar and major Chapman, were to remain 
 with the residue of the two regiments and all 
 the heavy baggage. 
 
 This select corps commenced its march with J me 19. 
 only thirty carriages, including ammunition 
 waggons, and these strongly horsed. The hopes, 
 however, which had been entertained of the 
 celerity of its movements, were not fulfilled. 
 "I found," said colonel Washington, in a 
 letter written during the march, to his brother, 
 " that instead of pushing on with vigour, with- 
 out regarding a little rough road, they were 
 halting to level every mole hill, and to erect 
 bridges over every brook." By these means, 
 they employed four days in reaching the great 
 crossings of the Yohogany, only nineteen miles 
 from the Little Meadows. 
 
 Here, the situation of colonel Washington, 
 and the medicines which had been .administered 
 to him, rendered it indispensable : for him to 
 stop. The physician declared that his life would 
 be endangered by continuing with the army, 
 
 VOL. II. D
 
 18 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. and general Braddock ordered him, absolutely, 
 1755. to remain at this camp, with a small guard left 
 for his protection, until the arrival of colonel 
 Dunbar. These orders he very reluctantly 
 obeyed, having first obtained from the general 
 his solemn promise, that means should be used 
 to bring him up with the detachment in front, 
 
 before it reached fort du Quesne. 
 
 J ul y 8 The day before the action of the Mononga- 
 hela, he rejoined the general in a covered 
 waggon; an account of which has been given 
 in the preceding volume. Though very weak, 
 he immediately entered on the duties of his 
 station. 
 
 In a very short time after the action had 
 commenced, he was the only aid remaining 
 alive and unwounded. On him alone devolved, 
 in an engagement with marksmen who selected 
 officers, and especially those on horse back, 
 for their objects, the whole duty of carrying 
 the orders of the commander in chief. Under 
 these difficult circumstances, he manifested 
 that coolness, that self possession, and fearless- 
 ness of danger which ever distinguished him, 
 and which are so necessary to the character of 
 a consummate soldier. He had two horses 
 killed under him, and four balls through his 
 coat ; but to the astonishment of all, escaped 
 unhurt, while every other officer on horseback 
 \vas either killed or wounded. " I expected
 
 i of that 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19 
 
 every moment," says an eye witness,* " to CHAP. i. 
 see him fall." His duty and situation exposed 1755. 
 him to every danger. Nothing but the super- 
 intending care of Providence could have saved 
 him from the fate of all around him." 
 
 At lensrth, after an action of near three hours Defeat ana 
 
 death of 
 
 general Braddock, under whom three horse ssen-*i. 
 had been killed, received a mortal wound, and 
 his troops gave way in all directions. The 
 efforts made to rally them were ineffectual, 
 until they had crossed the Monongahela, when 
 being no longer pursued by the enemy, for the 
 Indians were stopped by the plunder, they 
 halted, and were again formed. The general 
 was brought off in a small tumbril by colonel 
 Washington, captain Stewart of his guards, 
 and his servant. Colonel Washington was 
 immediately dispatched to Dunbar's camp, to 
 have some comfortable provisions prepared for 
 the defeated army, which place, he reached 
 the next evening, and was soon followed by 
 the remnant of the troops. On their arrival, 
 all the stores, except those necessary for im- 
 mediate use, were destroyed. General Brad- 
 dock died at this place, and colonel Dunbar, a 
 short time afterwards, marched the remaining August. 
 regular troops to Philadelphia, to go into what 
 he termed winter quarters. 
 
 * Doctor Craik. 
 D2
 
 20 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. Colonel Washington was greatly disappointed 
 1755. and disgusted wiih the conduct of the regular 
 troops on this occasion. In his letter to lieu- 
 tenant governor Dinwiddie, giving an account 
 of the action, he says, "they were struck with 
 such an inconceivable panic, that nothing but 
 confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed 
 among them. The officers in general behaved 
 with incomparable bravery, for which they 
 greatly suffered, there being upwards of sixty 
 killed and wounded, a large proportion out of 
 what we had." 
 
 " The Virginia companies behaved like men, 
 and died like soldiers; for I believe, out of 
 three companies on the ground that day, scarce 
 thirty men were left alive. Captain Peronny 
 and all his officers, down to a corporal, were 
 killed. Captain Poulson had almost as hard 
 a fate, for only one of his escaped. In short, 
 the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops, 
 (so called) exposed those who were inclined to 
 do their duty, to almost certain death ; and at 
 length, in spite of every effort to the contrary, 
 they broke, and ran as sheep before hounds, 
 leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, 
 baggage, and in short every thing a prey to the 
 enemy ; and when we endeavoured to rally 
 them, in hopes of regaining the ground, and 
 what we had left upon it, it was with as little 
 success as if we had attempted to have stopped 
 . the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivulets
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21 
 
 with our feet; for they would break by in spite CHAP, i. 
 of every effort to prevent it."* 1755. 
 
 Colonel Washington had for some time been 
 considered as the pride and ornament of Vir- 
 ginia, in the military line, and his reputation 
 grew with every occasion for exertion which 
 presented itself. His conduct in this battle was 
 universally extolled, and the common opinion 
 of his countrymen was, that, had his advice 
 been pursued, the destruction of the day had 
 been avoided. The assembly, which was in 
 session when the intelligence of this defeat, and 
 of the abandonment of the colony by colonel 
 Dunbar, was received, felt the necessity of levy- 
 ing troops for their defence ; and it was deter- 
 mined to raise a regiment to consist of sixteen August. 
 companies. The command of this regiment is appointed 
 was offered to colonel Washington, who was command of 
 
 a regiment. 
 
 also designated in his commission, as the com- 
 mander in chief of all the forces raised and to 
 
 * In another letter he says " we have been beaten, 
 shamefully beaten.. ..shamefully beaten by a handful of 
 men, who only intended to molest and disturb our march I 
 Victory was their smallest expectation ! But see the won-' 
 derous works of Providence, the uncertainty of human 
 things ! We, but a few moments before, believed out- 
 numbers almost equal to the force of Canada ; they, only 
 expected to annoy us. Yet contrary to all expectation, and 
 human probability, and even to the common course of 
 things, we were totally defeated, and have sustained the 
 loss of every thing."
 
 22 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. be raised in the colony of Virginia, and had the 
 1755. uncommon privilege of naming his own field 
 officers. 
 
 Retaining still his prepossessions in favour of 
 4 a military life, and believing that he might now 
 re-enter the service Avithout disgrace, he cheer- 
 fully accepted the appointment offered him by 
 his country. 
 
 Having made all the necessary arrangements 
 for the recruiting service, he set out himself 
 to visit the posts, and organize the remaining 
 troops of Virginia, who were dispersed in small 
 parties over an extensive frontier. These posts 
 were put in the best state of defence they would 
 admit of, particularly by tutting down and re- 
 moving the trees which might cover an enemy 
 attacking them. Having performed this duty 
 he set out for Williamsburg, in order to ar- 
 range with the lieutenant governor, the future 
 plan of operations ; and to impress, as well on 
 him, as on the leading men of the colony, the 
 vast importance of devising proper means to 
 retain the few Indians, not yet detached from 
 the interest of the English by the French ; 
 the necessity of a more effectual militia law ; 
 and of an act to establish a complete system of 
 martial law among the troops in the regular 
 service. While on the way he was overtaken 
 below Fredericksburg by an express, with the 
 intelligence, that a large number of French and 
 Indians, divided as was their custom, into
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23 
 
 several parties, had broke up the back settle- CHAP, i. 
 ments; were murdering and capturing men, 1755. 
 women, and children ; burning their houses, 
 and destroying their crops. The troops sta- 
 tioned among them for their protection, were 
 unequal to that duty ; and, instead of being 
 able to afford the aid expected from them, were 
 themselves blocked up in their forts. 
 
 Colonel Washington hastened back to Win- Extreme 
 
 . distress of 
 
 , Chester, where he found the utmost confusion ^e frontiers 
 
 and exertions 
 
 ' and alarm prevailing. He endeavoured to raise JsSJU 
 the militia, and to lead them immediately e a ^ 
 
 ., i ,. .1 forces of the 
 
 1 against the enemy ; but more attentive to their colony. 
 particular situation, than the general danger, 
 they could not be prevailed on to leave their 
 families. The back inhabitants, instead of 
 assembling in arms, and obtaining safety by 
 meeting the enemy, fled into the lower counr 
 try, and increased the general terror. In this 
 state of things, he endeavoured to collect and 
 arm the men who had abandoned their houses, 
 and to remove their wives and children to a dis- 
 tance from the scene of desolation and carnage 
 exhibited on the frontiers ; he gave too, the 
 most pressing orders to the new appointed 
 officers, of whose inattention to duty he greatly 
 complained, to hasten their recruits ; and di- 
 rected the county lieutenants, below the Blue 
 Ridge, to order their militia immediately to 
 Winchester ; but before these orders could be 
 executed, the party which had done so much
 
 24 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. mischief, and excited such alarm, recrossed 
 
 1755. the Alleghany mountains with impunity. The 
 commander in chief, who was under the ne- 
 cessity of attending personally to every depart- 
 ment, was for some time incessantly employed 
 in making the most judicious disposition of the 
 recruits for the protection of the country, in 
 obtaining for them the necessary supplies, and 
 in establishing the general principles of disci- 
 pline, especially the necessity of an exact 
 obedience to orders. 
 
 1756. Early in the ensuing spring, the enemy in- 
 Apri1 ' vited by the success of the preceding year, made 
 
 another irruption into the inhabited country, 
 and did great mischief. The number of troops 
 on the regular establishment was totally insuf- 
 ficient for the protection of the frontier, and it 
 was found impracticable to obtain effective 
 service from the militia. The Indians divided 
 into small parties, concealed themselves with 
 so much dexterity, as seldom to be perceived 
 until the blow was struck. These murders 
 were frequently committed in the very neigh- 
 bourhood of the forts, and the detachments from 
 the garrisons, which were employed in scouring 
 the country were generally eluded, or attacked 
 to advantage. In one of these skirmishes, im- 
 mediately in the neighbourhood of a stockade, 
 the Americans were totally routed, and captain 
 Mercer killed. Such was the confidence of the 
 enemy, that the smaller forts were very fre-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25 
 
 quently assaulted, and they had repeated skir- CHAP, i. 
 mishes * with such scouting parties, as they 1756. 
 fell in with. The people either abandoned the 
 country, or attempted to secure themselves in 
 small stockade forts, where they were in great 
 distress for provisions, arms, and ammunition; 
 were often surrounded and sometimes cut off. 
 With this state of things, colonel Washington 
 was deeply affected. "I see their situation," 
 said he, in a letter to the lieutenant governor, 
 "I know their danger, and participate their 
 sufferings, without having it in my power to 
 give them further relief than uncertain promises. 
 In short, I see inevitable destruction in so clear 
 a light, that, unless vigorous measures are 
 taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance 
 sent from below ; the poor inhabitants now in 
 forts must unavoidably fall, while the remainder 
 are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine, 
 the melancholy situation of the people, the little 
 prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous 
 
 * Tn one of these skirmishes, mr. Donville, an ensign 
 in the French service was killed, and in his pocket were 
 found the orders given him by Dumas, the commandant 
 on the Ohio, in which he was directed to pass fort Cum- 
 berland, to harass the convoys, and, if possible, to burn 
 the magazines at Conogagees. To the honour of Dumas, 
 particular instructions were given, to restrain the Indians 
 as far as should be in his power, from murdering those 
 who should fall into their hands. Unfortunately, obedi- 
 ence to such orders could seldom be enforced. 
 
 VOL. II. E
 
 2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. abuses cast upon the officers in general, which 
 1756. is reflecting on me in particular, for suffering 
 misconduct of such extraordinary kind, and the 
 distant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation 
 in the service ; cause me to lament the hour 
 that gave me a commission, and would induce 
 me, at any other time than this of imminent 
 danger, to resign, without one hesitating mo- 
 ment, a command, from which I never expect 
 to reap either honour or benefit: but on the 
 contrary, have^almost an absolute certainty of 
 incurring displeasure below, while the murder 
 of helpless families may be laid to my account 
 here. 
 
 " The supplicating tears of the women, and 
 moving petitions of the men, melt me with such 
 deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know 
 my own mind, I could offer myself a willing 
 sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided 
 that would contribute to the people's ease." 
 
 Colonel Washington had been prevented from 
 taking post at fort Cumberland, (the extreme 
 position towards the enemy held by the Ameri- 
 cans, where the largest number of troops were 
 stationed,) by an unfortunate and extraordinary 
 difficulty, growing out of an obscurity in the 
 royal orders, respecting the relative rank of 
 officers commissioned by the king, and those 
 commissioned by his governor. A captain 
 Dag worthy, who was at that place, and of the 
 former description, insisted on taking the com- 
 mand, although it had been committed to lieu-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2' 
 
 tenant colonel Stevens, and, on the same prin- CHAP. i. 
 ciple contested the rank of colonel Washington 1756. 
 also. He was at this distressing time at Win- 
 Chester, where there -were public stores to a 
 considerable amount, with only about fifty meu 
 to guard them. A council of war was called to 
 determine, whether he should, at the head of this 
 small body, march to some of the nearest forts, 
 and Smiting with their petty garrisons, risk an 
 action with the enemy; or wait until the militia 
 could be raised. It was unanimously advised 
 to continue at Winchester, to protect the public 
 stores, and the inhabitants of that place. Lord 
 Fairfax, who commanded the militia of that and 
 the adjacent counties, had ordered them to hrs 
 assistance; but they were slow in turning out; 
 and he complained that three days unremitting 
 exertion in Frederick could only produce twenty 
 men. 
 
 The incompetency of the military force to the 
 defence of the country had become so obvious, 
 that the assembly determined to augment the 
 regiment to fifteen hundred men, by adding to 
 the number of privates in each company: and 
 as it had become apparently impracticable to 
 complete it by voluntary enlistment, orders 
 were given to draft the men required, out of the 
 militia, and that the drafts should serve until the 
 following December. 
 
 Colonel Washington urged strongly on the 
 house of burgesses, in a letter addressed to 
 
 E 2
 
 28 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. their speaker, the necessity of increasing the 
 1756. regiment still further to two thousand men, a 
 less number than which, could not possibly, in 
 his opinion, be sufficient to cover the very 
 extensive frontier of Virginia, if the present 
 defensive system should be adhered to; and he 
 expressed his apprehensions, that without 
 artillery and engineers, or assistance from 
 Britain, or the neighbouring colonies, they 
 would be unable to act offensively, and to drive 
 the French from fort du Quesne, which was 
 said to be regularly fortified. To demonstrate 
 the truth of the proposition, that less than two 
 thousand men could afford no real protection 
 to the country, he drew a picture of their actual 
 situation, and stated the number of men which 
 would be necessary to garrison the chain of 
 forts, which must be indispensably kept up, so 
 long as the French maintained their position 
 on the Ohio. In making this statement, he 
 observed that, with the exception of a few 
 inhabitants, forted in on the south branch of 
 Potowmack, the north mountain near Win- 
 chester, had become the frontier; and that 
 without effectual aid, the inhabitants would even 
 pass the Blue Ridge. He also recommended a 
 fort at Winchester, and that the regiment should 
 be organized into two battalions, to consist of 
 ten companies of one hundred men each. His 
 propositions, except that for increasing the 
 regiment to two thousand men, were generally
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29 
 
 acceded to. In this letter, he observed, that CHAP, i. 
 the woods seemed "alive with French and 1756. 
 Indians," and again described so feelingly the 
 situation of the inhabitants, that the assembly 
 requested the governor, to order out half the 
 militia of the adjoining counties to their relief: 
 and the attorney general, (mr. Peyton Randolph) 
 formed a company of one hundred gentlemen, 
 who engaged as volunteers to make the cam- 
 paign. Ten well trained woodsmen, or Indians, 
 would have rendered more service. 
 
 The distress of the country increased. Win- 
 chester, as had been foreseen, became almost 
 the only settlement on the northern frontier 
 beyond the Blue Ridge; and fears were enter- 
 tained that the enemy would soon pass even 
 those mountains, and ravage the country below 
 them. Express after express was sent to hasten 
 the militia, but sent in vain. At length, laden 
 with plunder, prisoners, and scalps, the French 
 and their savage allies returned, about the last 
 of April, to fort du Quesne. 
 
 Some short time after the retreat of the enemy, 
 the militia appeared and strengthened the dif- 
 ferent posts. The country was now searched, 
 and the best dispositions made to repel another 
 invasion. The fort at Winchester was com- 
 menced which, in honour of the general, who 
 was ordered to take command of the British 
 troops in America, was called fort Loudoun; 
 and the perpetual remonstrances of colonel
 
 o THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.I Washington to the assembly, were at length so 
 1756. far successful, that the laws for the government 
 of its forces were rendered rather more efficient. 
 
 Instead of adopting in the first instance, that 
 military code which experience had matured, 
 occasional acts were made to remedy particular 
 evils as they occurred, in consequence of which 
 a state of insubordination was greatly protracted, 
 and the difficulties of the commanding officer 
 increased. Slight penalties were at first annexed 
 to very serious military offences, and when at 
 length an act was obtained to punish mutiny 
 and desertion with death, such crimes, as cow- 
 ardice in action, and sleeping on a post, were 
 pretermitted. It was left impossible to hold a 
 general court martial without an order from the 
 governor ; and the commanding officer was not 
 at liberty to make those arrangements which 
 his own observations suggested, but was 
 shackled by the control of those, who could 
 neither judge as correctly, nor be as well 
 informed as himself. 
 
 These errors of a government totally unused 
 to war, were gradually, but not entirely cor- 
 rected. 
 
 The militia were retained in service until 
 harvest, and then discharged. Successive in- 
 cursions into the country were made by small 
 predatory parties of French and Indians, who 
 murdered the defenceless wherever found, and 
 kept up a continual alarm. In Pennsylvania, 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 
 
 the inhabitants were driven as far as Carlisle : CHAP. i. 
 and in Maryland, Fredericktown on the eastern 1756. 
 side of the Blue Ridge became a frontier. 
 With all the exertions which had been made, 
 the Virginia regiment did not yet amount to one 
 thousand men, and with this small force, aided 
 occasionally by militia, colonel Washington was 
 to defend a frontier of near four hundred miles 
 in extent, and to complete a chain of forts which 
 might conduce to that object. He repeatedly 
 urged the necessity and propriety of abandoning 
 fort Cumberland, which was too far in advance 
 of the settlements, and too far north to be 
 useful ; while it required for its defence a larger 
 portion of his force than could be spared, with 
 a proper regard to the safety of other more ad- 
 vantageous positions. The governor, however, 
 thought it improper to abandon it, since it was 
 a king's fort ; and lord Loudoun, on being con- 
 sulted, gave the same opinion. 
 
 Among the subjects of extreme chagrin to 
 the commander of the Virginia troops, was the 
 practice of desertion. It had become very pre- 
 valent, and was in a considerable degree ascribed 
 to the too great, and ill judged parsimony of 
 the assembly. Only eight pence per day was 
 allowed to the soldiers, out of which two pence 
 were stopped for their cloaths. This pay was 
 inferior to what was allowed on every other part 
 of the continent; and as ought to have been 
 foreseen, great discontents were excited by a 
 distinction so very invidious. The remon-
 
 32 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. strances of the commanding officer, who pos- 
 1756. sessed great and deserved influence, at length, 
 in some degree corrected this mischief, and a 
 full suit of regimentals was allowed without 
 deducting its price from the daily pay of the 
 soldier. 
 
 This campaign furnishes no event which can 
 interest the reader, or adorn the page of history : 
 yet the duties of the officer, though minute, 
 were arduous; and the sufferings of the people, 
 beyond measure afflicting. It adds one to the 
 many evidences which have been afforded, of 1 " 
 the miseries to be suffered by those who defer 
 preparing the means of defence, until the mo- 
 ment when they ought to be efficiently used ; and 
 then, rely almost entirely on a force, neither 
 adequate to the danger, nor of equal continuance 
 with it. 
 
 It is also an interesting fact to those who know 
 the present situation of Virginia, and the active 
 force she could now employ, that so lately as 
 in the year 1756, the Blue Ridge had become 
 her frontier, and that she found immense diffi- 
 culty in completing a single regiment to protect 
 the inhabitants from the horrors of the scalping 
 knife, and the still greater horrors of being led 
 into captivity, by Indians, who too often inflicted 
 death by torture. 
 
 As soon as the main body of the enemy had 
 withdrawn from the settlements, a tour was 
 made by colonel Washington to the southwes- 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33 
 
 tern frontier, in order to examine in person the CHAP, i. 
 state of things in that quarter. There, as well 1756. 
 as to the north, continued incursions were made, 
 and murders committed; and there too, the 
 principal defence of the country was intrusted 
 to an ill regulated militia. The fatal conse- 
 quences of this system are thus stated by him 
 in a letter to the lieutenant governor. " The 
 inhabitants are so sensible of their danger if left 
 to the protection of these people, that not a man 
 will stay at his place. This I have from their 
 own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of 
 Augusta county. The militia are under such 
 bad order and discipline, that they will come 
 and go when and where they please, without 
 regarding time, their officers, or the safety of 
 the inhabitants : but consulting solely their own 
 inclinations. There should be, according to 
 your honour's orders, one third of the militia of 
 these parts on duty, at a time. Instead of that, 
 scarce one thirtieth is out. They are to be re- 
 lieved every month, and they are a great part 
 of that time marching to and from their stations ; 
 and they will not wait one day longer than the 
 limited time, whether relieved or not, however 
 urgent the necessity for their continuance may 
 be." Some instances of this and of gross mis- 
 behaviour were then enumerated, after which, 
 he pressed the necessity of increasing the num.- 
 ber of regulars to two thousand men. 
 
 VOL. II. F
 
 34 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. After returning from this tour to Winchester, 
 1756. he gave the lieutenant governor a statement of 
 the situation in which he found the country, 
 which ought not to be omitted. " From fort 
 Trial," said he, " on Smith's river, I returned 
 to fort William on the Catawba, where I met 
 colonel Buchanan with about thirty men, chiefly 
 officers, to conduct me up Jackson's river along 
 the range of forts. With this small company 
 of irregulars, with whom order, regularity, 
 circumspection, and vigilance, were matters of 
 derision and contempt; we set out, and by the 
 protection of Providence, reached Augusta 
 court house in seven days, without meeting the 
 enemy; otherwise, we must have been sacri- 
 ficed by the indiscretion of these whooping, 
 hallooing, gentlemen soldiers. This jaunt 
 afforded me great opportunity of seeing the bad 
 regulation of the militia, the disorderly pro- 
 ceedings of the garrisons, and the unhappy 
 circumstances of the inhabitants. 
 
 " First of the militia. The difficulty of col- 
 lecting them on any emergency whatever, I 
 have spoken of as grievous : and appeal to sad 
 experience both in this, and other countries, to 
 attest how great a disadvantage it is ; the enemy 
 having every opportunity to plunder, kill, and 
 escape, before they can afford any assistance. 
 And, not to mention the general expensiveness 
 of their service, I can instance several cases 
 where a captain, lieutenant, and, I may add,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 
 
 an ensiffn, with two or three sergeants, have CHAP, i. 
 gone upon duty with only six or eight men. 1756. 
 The proportion of expense in this case is so 
 unjust and obvious, that your honour cannot 
 want it to be proved. Then, these men when 
 raised, are to be continued only one month on 
 duty, half of which time is lost in marching 
 out and returning. Those from the adjacent 
 counties especially, must be on duty some time 
 before they reach their stations. By these 
 means, double sets of men are in pay at the 
 same time, and for the same service. 
 
 "Again. The waste of provisions they make 
 is unaccountable. No method, or order is 
 observed in serving it out to them, or in pur- 
 chasing it at the best rates; but quite the 
 reverse. Allowance to each man, as to other 
 soldiers, they look upon as the highest indig- 
 nity ; and would sooner starve than carry a few 
 days provisions on their backs for convenience, 
 but upon their march, when breakfast is wanted, 
 they knock down the first beef or other animal 
 they meet with, and after regaling upon it, 
 march on until dinner, when they take the same 
 method, and so for supper likewise, to the great 
 oppression of the people. Or if they chance to 
 impress cattle for provision, the valuation is 
 left to neighbours, who have themselves suf- 
 fered by those practices, and, despairing of 
 their pay, exact high prices. Thus the public 
 is imposed upon at all events. 
 
 F 2
 
 36 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. ' I might add, I believe, that for the want 
 1756. of proper laws to govern the militia, (for I can- 
 not ascribe it to any other cause) they are 
 obstinate, self-willed, perverse, of little or no 
 service to the people, and very burdensome to 
 the country. Every mean individual has his 
 own crude notion of things, and must under- 
 take to direct. If his advice is neglected, he 
 thinks himself slighted, abased, and injured, 
 and to redress his wrongs, will depart for his 
 home. 
 
 " These, sir, are literally matters of fact, 
 partly from persons of undoubted veracity, but 
 chiefly from my own observations. 
 
 " Secondly, concerning the garrisons. I 
 found them very weak from want of men, but 
 more so from indolence, and irregularity. I saw 
 none in a posture of defence, and few that might 
 not be surprised with the greatest ease. An 
 instance of this appeared at Dickenson's fort, 
 where the Indians ran down, caught several 
 children that were playing under the walls, and 
 had got to the gate before they were discovered. 
 Was not Vass's fort surprised, and a good many 
 souls lost in the same manner ? they keep no 
 guards but just when the enemy is about, and 
 they are under fearful apprehensions of them j 
 nor ever stir out of the forts, from the time they 
 reach them, until relieved at the expiration of 
 their month, at which time they march off, be 
 the consequence what it may. So that the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37 
 
 enemy may ravage the country and they not CHAP, i. 
 the wiser. Of the ammunition, they are as irse. 
 careless as of the provisions, firing it away fre- 
 quently at targets for wagers. On our journey, 
 as we approached one of the forts, we heard a 
 quick fire for several minutes ; and, concluding 
 certainly that they were attacked, we marched 
 in the best manner to their relief; but when we 
 r came up we found them diverting themselves 
 at marks. These men afford no assistance to 
 the unhappy settlers, driven from their planta- 
 tions, either in securing their harvests, or 
 gathering their corn. Of the many forts I 
 passed by there was but one or two where the 
 captain was at his post. They were generally 
 absent on their own business, and had given 
 leave to several of their men to be absent like- 
 wise ; yet these persons, I will venture to say, 
 will charge the country their full month's pay. 
 ' ' Thirdly. The wretched and unhappy situa- 
 tion of the inhabitants needs but a few words, 
 after a slight reflection on the preceding circum- 
 stances, which, without speedy redress, must 
 necessarily draw after them very melancholy 
 consequences. They are truly sensible of their 
 misery. They feel their insecurity while 
 depending upon militia, who are slow in co*hiing 
 to their assistance, indifferent about their pre- 
 servation, unwilling to continue, and regardless 
 of every thing but their own ease. In short, 
 they are so affected by approaching ruin, that the
 
 3Q THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. whole back country is in a general motion 
 1756. towards the southern colonies, and I expect that 
 scarce a family will inhabit Frederick, Hamp- 
 shire, or Augusta, in a little time. They peti- 
 tioned me in the most earnest manner for com- 
 panies of the regiment; but, alas, it is not in my 
 power to furnish them with any, without leaving 
 this dangerous quarter more exposed than they 
 are. I promised, at their particular request, to 
 address your honour and the assembly on their 
 behalf, and to solicit that a regular force may be 
 established in lieu of the militia and ranging 
 companies, which are of much less service, 
 and infinitely more expensive to the country.'* 
 Colonel Washington had become so sensible 
 of the absolute impracticability of defending 
 such an extensive frontier, as to be extremely 
 anxious to be enabled to act on the offensive. 
 His opinions now w^ere decided, that the people 
 of Virginia could only be protected by entering 
 the country of the enemy, by giving him em- 
 ployment at home, and removing, if possible, 
 the source of all their calamities, by driving 
 the French from fort du Quesne. While they 
 held that post, the great Indian force they were 
 enabled by their ascendancy over those people 
 to bring into action, would always put it in 
 their power to annoy, and infinitely to distress 
 the frontiers ; perhaps indeed to acquire the 
 possession of the whole country to the Blue 
 Ridge. It was now therefore the object nearest
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 
 
 his heart, to stimulate the assembly to such CHAP.I. 
 exertions, as would, with some aid from the 1756. 
 commander in chief of all his majesty's troops 
 in America, bring into the field a sufficient force, 
 to warrant an expedition against du Quesne. 
 
 " As defensive measures," he observed in a 
 letter to the lieutenant governor, " are evidently 
 insufficient for the security and safety of the 
 country, I hope no arguments are necessary to 
 evince the necessity of altering them to a vigor- 
 ous offensive war, in order to remove the cause." 
 But in the event that the assembly should still 
 indulge that favourite scheme of protecting the 
 inhabitants by forts along the frontiers, he pre- 
 sented to the governor a plan which he recom- 
 mended for his approbation, and which in its 
 execution required two thousand men. These 
 were to be distributed in twenty-two forts, 
 extending from the river Mayo to the Potow- 
 
 mack, in a line of three hundred and sixty miles. 
 In a letter written about the same time to the 
 speaker of the assembly, he urged with great 
 force the objections to a reliance on the militia, 
 even if the present defensive system should be 
 persevered in ; but he gave his unequivocal 
 preference to more vigorous measures. " The 
 certainty of advantage," said he, "by an offen- 
 sive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any 
 doubt, much preferable to our defensive mea- 
 sures. To prove this to you, sir, requires, I 
 presume, no arguments. Our scattered force,
 
 40 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. so separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails 
 1756. little to stop the secret incursions of the savages. 
 We can only perhaps put them to flight, or 
 frighten them to some other part of the country, 
 which answers not the end proposed. Whereas, 
 had we strength enough to invade their lands, 
 and assault their towns, we should restrain them 
 from coming abroad, and leaving their families 
 exposed. We should then remove the principal 
 cause, and have stronger probability of suc- 
 cess; we should be free from the many alarms, 
 mischiefs, and murders, that now attend us; 
 we should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian 
 friends, and e:ain more esteem with them. In 
 
 o 
 
 short, could Pennsylvania and Maryland be 
 induced to join us in an expedition of this 
 nature, and to petition his excellency lord 
 Loudoun for a small train of artillery with 
 some engineers, we should then be able, in all 
 human probability, to subdue the terror of fort 
 du Quesrie, retrieve our character with the 
 Indians, and restore peace to our unhappy 
 frontiers." 
 
 In the apprehension, however, that this 
 favourite scheme would not be adopted, he 
 recommended by a variety of arguments and 
 observations, manifesting its propriety, the 
 same plan of defence which had been submitted 
 to the lieutenant governor. 
 
 The total inability of colonel Washington to 
 act offensively against the enemy, or even to.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 
 
 afford protection to the frontiers of Virginia, was CHAP, i. 
 not the only distressing and vexatious circum- 1756. 
 stance attending his situation. The lieutenant 
 governor, to whose commands he was in every 
 minute circumstance subjected, and who seems 
 to have been a weak, obstinate, and rude man, 
 without just conceptions of the situation or real 
 interests of the colony, frequently deranged 
 his systems by orders which could not be 
 'executed without considerable hazard and in- 
 convenience. He could not always restrain his 
 chagrin on such occasions, and on one of them, 
 he observed in a letter to an intimate friend, 
 and a very influential character, " whence it 
 arises, or why, I am truly ignorant, but my 
 strongest representations of matters relative 
 to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded 
 as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and 
 measures, as partial and selfish ; and all my 
 sincerest endeavours for the service of my 
 country, perverted to the worst purposes. My 
 orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain. To 
 day approved, to-morrow condemned; left to 
 act and proceed at hazard ; accountable for the 
 consequences, and blamed without the benefit 
 of defence. If you can think my situation 
 capable of exciting the smallest degree of 
 envy, or of affording the least satisfaction, 
 the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain 
 notions very different from the reality of the 
 case. However, I am determined to bear up 
 
 VOL. II. G
 
 42 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. under all these embarrassments, some time 
 1756. longer, in the hope of better regulations under 
 lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future 
 fate of Virginia." 
 
 Not long after this letter was written, lord 
 Loudoun arrived in Virginia, and in addition 
 to his character as commander in chief, he 
 was clothed with the highest civil authority, 
 having been appointed governor of the colony. 
 A complimentary address from the regiment, 
 stating their pleasure at his arrival and appoint- 
 ment, and the readiness with which they would 
 execute his commands, was presented to him; 
 and a very comprehensive statement of the 
 situation of the colony in a military point of 
 view, and of the regiment in particular, was 
 drawn up and submitted to him by colonel 
 Washington. In this, he enumerated the errors 
 which had prevented the completion of his 
 regiment, showed the insufficiency of the 
 militia, and demonstrated the superiority of an 
 offensive over the defensive systems which 
 had been pursued. After stating the particular 
 situation of the forts, he proceeded-to say, " it 
 will evidently appear from the whole tenor of my 
 conduct, but more especially from my reiterated 
 representations, how strongly I have urged the 
 governor and assembly to pursue different 
 measures, and laboured to convince them by 
 all the reasoning I was capable of offering, of 
 the impossibility of covering so extensive a
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 
 
 frontier from Indian incursions, without more CHAP, i. 
 force than Virginia can maintain. I have 1757. 
 endeavoured to demonstrate that it would 
 require fewer men to remove the cause, than 
 to prevent the effects while the cause exists." 
 
 Proceeding then to state the services of his 
 regiment, he added, that under the disadvan- 
 tageous restraints which had been enumerated, 
 .he must be permitted to observe, that the 
 regiment had not been inactive. " On the 
 contrary," he said, " it has performed a vast 
 deal of work, and has been very alert in defend- 
 ing the people, which will appear by observing, 
 that notwithstanding we are more contiguous 
 to the French and their Indian allies, and more 
 exposed to their frequent incursions than any 
 of the neighbouring colonies ; we have not 
 lost half the inhabitants which others have 
 done, but considerably more soldiers in their 
 defence. For, in the course of this campaign, 
 since March I mean, as we have had but one 
 constant campaign, one continued scene of 
 action since we .first entered the service, our 
 troops have been engaged in upwards of twenty 
 skirmishes, and we have had near one hundred 
 men killed and wounded." 
 
 After condemning the ill judged economy 
 shown in raising men, he proceeded thus to 
 describe the prevailing temper of the day, a 
 temper by no means peculiar to that particular 
 
 G 2
 
 44 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. era. " We are either insensible of danger 
 1757. until it breaks upon our heads ; or else, through 
 mistaken notions of economy, evade the 
 expense until the blow is struck, and then run 
 into an extreme of raising militia. These, after 
 an age as it were, is spent in assembling them, 
 come up, make a noise for a time, oppress the 
 inhabitants, and then return, leaving the fron- 
 tiers unguarded as before. This is still our 
 reliance, notwithstanding former experience 
 convinces us, if reason did not, that the French 
 and Indians are watching the opportunity when 
 we shall be lulled into fatal security, and un- 
 prepared to resist an attack, to invade the coun- 
 try, and by ravaging one part, terrify another ; 
 that they retreat when our militia assemble, and 
 repeat the stroke as soon as they are dispersed; 
 that they send down parties in the intermediate 
 time to discover our motions, procure intelli- 
 gence, and sometimes to divert the troops. 
 Such an invasion we may expect in March, if 
 measures to prevent it are neglected as they 
 hitherto have been." 
 
 This statement was probably presented by 
 colonel Washington in person, who was per- 
 mitted, during the winter, to visit lord Loudoun 
 in Philadelphia, where that nobleman met the 
 governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and 
 North Carolina, and the lieutenant governor of 
 Virginia, in order to consult with them on the 
 measures to be taken in their respective pro-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 
 
 vinces, for the ensuing campaign. He was, CHAP. i. 
 however, disappointed in his favourite hope of 1757. 
 being enabled to act offensively against theFrench 
 on the Ohio. Lord Loudoun had determined to 
 direct all his efforts against the enemy in the 
 northern parts of the continent, and to leave in 
 aid of the middle and southern colonies only 
 twelve hundred men. Instead of receiving 
 assistance, Virginia was required to send four 
 hundred men to the aid of South Carolina: yet 
 colonel Washington continued indefatigable in 
 his endeavours to impress on mr. Dinwiddie, 
 and on the assembly, the importance of reviving 
 and properly modifying their military code, 
 which had now expired, of making a more 
 efficient militia law, and of increasing their 
 number of regular troops. 
 
 So far from succeeding on the last subject, 
 he had the mortification to witness a measure 
 which completely crushed his hopes of an 
 efficient regular force. Being unable to com- 
 plete the regiment according to its late estab- 
 lishment by voluntary enlistment, the assembly wi^ 
 changed its organization, and reduced it to ten 
 companies, each to consist of one hundred men: 
 yet his anxious wishes continued to be directed 
 towards fort du Quesne, which he very justly- 
 considered as the source, from whence had 
 flowed all the miseries with which his distressed 
 country had been deluged. He still laboured 
 to impress on the officer commanding the British
 
 (J THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. troops, opinions he deemed so essential to the 
 1757. proper conduct of the war, as well as the safety 
 of his own country. In a letter written about this 
 time to colonel Stanwix, who commanded in 
 M ay 2 8. the middle colonies, he says, " you will excuse 
 ~ me, sir, for saying, that I think there never 
 was, and perhaps never again will be, so favour- 
 able an opportunity as the present, for reducing 
 fort du Quesne. Several prisoners have made 
 their escape from the Ohio this spring, and 
 agree in their accounts that there are but three 
 hundred men left in the garrison ; and I do not 
 conceive that the French are so strong in Canada, 
 as to re-enforce this place, and defend them- 
 selves at home, this campaign : surely then, this 
 is too precious an opportunity to be lost." 
 
 But mr. Pitt, although minister from No- 
 vember 1756 to April 1757, did not yet 
 direct the councils of Britain, and the spirit of 
 enterprise and heroism had not yet animated her 
 generals. The campaign to the north was 
 inglorious ; and to the westward, nothing was 
 even attempted which might relieve the middle 
 colonies. 
 
 The pressure on Canada did not equal the 
 hopes which had been entertained on that sub- 
 ject, and consequently its effects were not such 
 as to prevent the French from re-enforcing their 
 June, forts on the Ohio. Some prisoners taken in a 
 skirmish on Turtle creek, gave the information 
 that the garrison of fort du Quesne now con-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 
 
 sisted of six hundred French and three hundred CHAP, i. 
 Indians. 1757. 
 
 Large bodies of savages, independent of the 
 garrison, were in the service of France, and in 
 the course of this campaign, once more spread 
 desolation and murder over the wkole country 
 west of the Blue Ridge. The utmost possible 
 exertions were made by the Virginia regiment 
 to protect the inhabitants, but it was impossible. 
 The force was inadequate to the object, and it 
 became every day more and more apparent, 
 that this defensive mode of conducting the war, 
 by covering an immense frontier with a small 
 scattered regular force, and occasional aid from 
 the militia, was most injudiciously chosen. 
 Vast numbers of the people were killed, and 
 the parties sent out to fight the enemy were 
 often overpowered. " I exert every means," 
 says colonel Washington, to governor Din- 
 widdie, " to protect a much distressed country, 
 but it is a task too arduous ! to think of de- October &. 
 fending a frontier of more than three hundred 
 and fifty miles extent, as ours is, with only 
 seven hundred men is vain and idle; especially 
 when that frontier lies more contiguous to the 
 enemy than any other. 
 
 " I am, and have for a long time been, fully 
 convinced that, if we continue to pursue a de- 
 fensive plan, the country must be inevitably 
 lost."
 
 48 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. In another letter to the lieutenant governor, 
 1757. he says, " the raising a company of rangers, 
 
 October 24. or augmenting our strength in some other 
 manner is so far necessary that, without it, the 
 remaining inhabitants of this once fertile and po- 
 pulous valley, will scarcely be detained at their 
 dwellings until the spring. And if there is 
 no expedition to the westward then, nor a force 
 more considerable than Virginia can support, 
 posted on our frontiers; if we still adhere for 
 the next campaign to our destructive defensive 
 schemes ; there will not, I dare affirm, be one 
 soul living on this side the Blue Ridge the 
 ensuing autumn, if we except the troops in 
 garrison, and a few inhabitants of this town, who 
 may shelter themselves under the protection of 
 this fort. This I know to be the immovable 
 determination of all the settlers of this country." 
 In a letter to the speaker of the assembly, 
 he gave the same opinion, and added, " I do 
 not know on whom these miserable undone 
 people are to rely for protection. If the assem- 
 bly are to give it to them, it is time that mea- 
 sures were, at least, concerting, and not when 
 they ought to be going into execution, as has 
 always been the case. If they are to seek it 
 from the commander in chief, it is time their 
 condition was made known to them. For 
 I cannot forbear repeating again, that while we 
 pursue defensive measures, we pursue inevitable 
 ruin : the loss of the country being the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 
 
 inevitable and fatal consequence of them. CHAP.I. 
 There will be no end to our troubles while we 1757. 
 follow this plan, and every year will increase 
 our expense. It is not possible for me to con- 
 vey a just sense of the posture of our affairs ; 
 it would be vanity to attempt it. I therefore 
 content myself with entreating you to use your 
 influence to prevent such delays as we have 
 hitherto met with, if you think this affair 
 depends on the assembly; if you think the 
 assembly have done all in their power, and that 
 recourse must be had elsewhere, I am deter- 
 mined, as I will neither spare cost or pains, to 
 apply to colonel Stanwix who commands on 
 this quarter, with whom I am acquainted, and 
 from whom I have received several kind and 
 affectionate letters, for leave to wait on him 
 with an account of our circumstances. Through 
 this means perhaps, we may be able to draw a 
 little of lord Loudoun's attention to the preser- 
 vation of these colonies." Again writing to 
 the lieutenant governor, he says, "the last 
 alarm occasioned a great many of the inhabi- 
 tants of this country to go off. Vast numbers 
 are still moving. I fear that in a short time, 
 this very valuable valley will be in a great 
 measure depopulated. I am quite at a loss to 
 devise what further steps to take, and how to 
 obviate so great a misfortune, as I have hitherto 
 neglected nothing in the compass of my power. 
 It is very evident that nothing but vigorous 
 
 VOL. II. H
 
 50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. T. offensive measures, next campaign, can save 
 1757. the country, at least all west of the Blue Ridge, 
 from inevitable desolation." 
 
 It was impossible for colonel Washington, 
 zealous as he was in the service of his country, 
 and ambitious as he was of military fame, to 
 observe the errors committed in the conduct 
 of the war, without censuring and complaining 
 of them. These errors were not confined to 
 the arrangements respecting the military force 
 of the colony. The Cherokees and Catawba 
 Indians had hitherto remained faithful to the 
 English, and it was extremely desirable to 
 engage the warriors of those tribes heartily in 
 their service. Yet so miserably was this 
 business conducted that, though a considerable 
 expense w r as incurred, very little assistance 
 was obtained, and very great disgust excited 
 among them. The freedom with which colonel 
 Washington censured the measures adopted, 
 gave offence to the governor, who considered 
 these censures as manifesting a want of respect 
 for himself. He sometimes coarsely termed 
 them impertinent, and at others charged him 
 with looseness in his information, and inatten- 
 tion to his duty. On one of these occasions, 
 August 27. colonel Washington thus concluded a letter of 
 detail; "Nothing remarkable has happened, 
 and therefore I have nothing to add. I must 
 beg leave, however, before I conclude, to 
 observe, in justification of my own conduct,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51 
 
 that it is with pleasure I receive reproof when CHAP, i. 
 reproof is due, because no person can be 1757. 
 readier to accuse me than I am to acknowledge 
 an error, when I have committed it ; nor more 
 desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am 
 sensible of being guilty of one. But, on the 
 other hand, it is with concern I remark, that 
 my best endeavours lose their reward, and that 
 my conduct, although I have uniformly studied 
 to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does 
 not appear to you in a favourable point of light. 
 Otherwise, your honour would not have ac- 
 cused me of loose behaviour, and remissness of 
 duty, in matters where, I think, I have rather 
 exceeded, than fallen short of it. This, I think, 
 is evidently the case in speaking of Indian 
 affairs at all, after being instructed in very 
 express terms ''Not to have any concern with, 
 or management of Indian affairs.' This has 
 induced me to forbear mentioning the Indians 
 in my letters to your honour of late, and to 
 leave the misunderstanding which you speak 
 of, between mr. Alkin and them, to be related 
 by him." 
 
 Not long after this, he received a letter in- 
 forming him of some coarse calumny reflecting 
 on his veracity and his honour, which had been 
 circulated, and reported to the governor. A 
 copy of this letter he enclosed to mr. Dinwiddie, 
 and thus addressed him. " I should take it 
 infinitely kind if your honour would please to 
 H 2
 
 52 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. T. inform me, whether a report of this nature was 
 1757. ever made to you, and in that case who was 
 the author of it ? 
 
 " It is evident from a variety of circumstances 
 and especially from the change in your honour's 
 conduct towards me, that some person as well 
 inclined to detract, but better skilled in the 
 art of detraction than the author of the above 
 stupid scandal, has made free with my charac- 
 ter. For I cannot suppose that malice so 
 absurd, so barefaced, so diametrically opposite 
 to truth ; to common policy ; and in short to 
 every thing but villainy, as the above is, could 
 impress you with so ill an opinion of my 
 honour and honesty. 
 
 "If it be possible that colonel ; for my 
 
 belief is staggered; not being conscious of hav- 
 ing given the least cause to anyone, much less to 
 that gentleman, to reflect so grossly; I say if it 
 
 be possible that could descend so low, 
 
 as to be the propagator of this story ; he must 
 either be .vastly ignorant of the state of affairs 
 in this county at that time, or else, he must 
 suppose that the whole body of inhabitants had 
 combined with me in executing the deceitful 
 fraud. Or why did they, almost to a man, for- 
 sake their dwellings in the greatest terror and 
 confusion? and while one half of them sought 
 shelter in paltry forts, (of their own building) 
 the other should flee to the adjacent counties
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53 
 
 for refuge; numbers of them even to Carolina: CHAP, i. 
 from whence they have never returned? 1757. 
 
 " These are facts well known; but not better 
 known, than that these wretched people, while 
 they lay pent up in forts destitute of the com- 
 mon supports of life, (having in their precipitate 
 flight forgotten, or were unable rather to secure 
 any kind of necessaries) did dispatch messen- 
 gers of their own (thinking I had not represented 
 their miseries in the piteous manner they de- 
 served) with addresses to your honour and the 
 assembly, praying relief. And did I ever send 
 any alarming account, without sending also the 
 original papers (or the copies) which gave rise 
 to it? 
 
 " That I have foibles, and perhaps many of 
 them, I shall not deny ; I should esteem myself, 
 as the world also would, vain and empty, were 
 I to arrogate perfection. 
 
 " Knowledge in military matters is to be ac- 
 quired by practice and experience only, and if 
 I have erred, great allowance should be made 
 for my errors, for want of them; unless those 
 errors should appear to be wilful; and then I 
 conceive, it would be more generous to charge 
 me with my faults, and let me stand or fall, 
 according to evidence, than to stigmatize me 
 behind my back. 
 
 "It is uncertain in what light my services 
 may have appeared to your honour : but this I 
 know, and it is the highest consolation I am
 
 54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. capable of feeling, that no man that ever was 
 1757. employed in a public capacity, has endeavoured 
 to discharge the trust reposed in him, with 
 greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's 
 interest, than I have done : and if there is any 
 person living, who can say with justice that I 
 have offered any intentional wrong to the public, 
 I will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious 
 punishment that an injured people ought to 
 inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have 
 my character arraigned, and my actions con- 
 demned without a hearing. 
 
 " I must therefore again beg in more plain^ 
 
 and in very earnest terms, to know if has 
 
 taken the liberty of representing my conduct to 
 your honour with such ungentlemanly freedom 
 as the letter implies ? your condescension herein 
 \vill be acknowledged a singular favour." 
 
 In a letter some short time after this, to the 
 lieutenant governor, he says, " I do not know 
 that I ever gave your honour cause to suspect 
 me of ingratitude, a crime I detest, and would 
 most carefully avoid. If an open disinterested 
 behaviour carries offence, I may have offended, 
 for I have all along laid it down as a maxim to re- 
 present facts freely and impartially, but not more 
 so to others than to you, sir. If instances of my 
 ungrateful behaviour had been particularized, 
 I would have answered them. But I have 
 long been convinced that my actions and their 
 motives have been maliciously aggravated."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 
 
 In this letter he solicited (as the lieutenant CHAP.I. 
 governor was to leave the province in No vein- 1757. 
 ber) permission to come to Williamsburgh, 
 since he had some accounts to settle which he 
 was desirous of adjusting. This permission, 
 the governor refused in abrupt and disobliging 
 terms, telling him, that he had frequently been 
 indulged, and ought not now to ask for leave 
 of absence. 
 
 In answer to this letter, colonel Washington, 
 after stating the immovable determination of 
 the inhabitants to leave the country unless more 
 efficiently protected, added, "to give a more 
 succinct account of their affairs than I could in 
 writing was the principal, among many other 
 reasons, that induced me to ask leave to come 
 down. It was not to enjoy a party of pleasure 
 that I asked leave of absence, I have been 
 indulged with few of those, winter or sum- 
 mer." 
 
 Mr. Dinwiddie soon afterwards took leave 
 of Virginia, and the government devolved on 
 mr. Blair, the president of the council. Between 
 him and the commander of the colonial forces, 
 the utmost cordiality continued to exist. 
 
 After the close of this campaign, lordLoudoun 
 returned to England, and general Abercrombie 
 succeeded to the command of the army. The General 
 department of the middle and southern provinces fakes e th^ dcT 
 
 . . i T- *i i expedition 
 
 was committed to general lorbes, and, to the against fort 
 
 P . duQuesne. 
 
 inexpressible gratification of colonel Wash-
 
 56 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. ington, an expedition against fort du Quesne 
 1758. was determined on. 
 
 Finding there was no probability of being 
 placed on a permanent establishment, he had 
 for some time past meditated a resignation of 
 his commission ; but the prospect of more active 
 service, now determined him to hold it for the 
 ensuing campaign. 
 
 The high estimation in which he was held 
 by the officers who had served with him under 
 general Braddock, several of whom were now 
 in the army of general Forbes, led him to hope, 
 that he should be in some degree distinguished 
 by the commander in chief, and placed in 
 situations which would enable him to render 
 essential service to his country, and at the same 
 time, to reap those laurels for which he had 
 always panted. 
 
 He urged strongly an early campaign, and 
 among other motives to induce the utmost 
 possible activity, he stated, that by delay they 
 would lose a body of friendly Indians, who had 
 collected at Winchester, during the month of 
 April, to the amount of seven hundred men, 
 and would, he apprehended, return to their 
 homes, if they did not perceive a prospect of 
 being soon employed. " In that event" he 
 added " no words can tell how much they will 
 be missed." 
 
 Long before the troops assembled, a very 
 large body of French and Indians broke into
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57 
 
 the country and the wretched inhabitants were CHAP, i. 
 again exposed to the miseries which they had 1758. 
 so often experienced. The county of Augusta 
 was ravaged, and about sixty persons murdered. 
 The attempts made to intercept those who com- 
 mitted the mischief, were unsuccessful, and 
 they recrossed the Alleghany with their plunder, 
 prisoners, and scalps. 
 
 At length orders were received to assemble Ma >' M - 
 the regiment at Winchester, and be in readi- 
 \\ess to march in fifteen days ; in consequence 
 of which, the recruiting parties were called in, 
 and colonel Washington made a journey to 
 Williamsburg, to obtain arms, ammunition and 
 clothing for his troops ; as well as money to 
 enable them to move. It is strange that, at 
 this late season, these preparations were yet 
 to be made ; and it is not less strange, that the 
 task should have been imposed on colonel 
 Washington, of urging the necessity of allowing 
 to his regiment, which had performed so much 
 severe duty, the same pay which was allowed 
 to a second regiment voted the last session of 
 assembly only for this campaign, and to be 
 commanded by colonel Bird. 
 
 The apprehensions which had been enter- 
 tained of the impracticability of detaining 
 the Indians, unless the campaign could be 
 commenced early in the season, were well 
 founded. Before a junction of the troops had 
 been made, these savages became impatient 
 
 VOL. ii. i
 
 : 58 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. to return to their homes ; and, finding that the 
 1758. expedition would yet be delayed a considerable 
 time, they left the army with promises to rejoin 
 it in the proper season. So sensible was colonel 
 Washington of their importance, in the country 
 through which the troops were to be conducted, 
 that he strongly urged general Forbesto dispatch 
 a confidential person to the Cherokee towns, 
 in order to cultivate their good will, and to 
 prevail on them to join him on his march. This 
 he considered as very practicable, since he 
 understood the general designed to move by 
 slow and cautious steps, and to establish posts 
 at certain intervals for the reception of stores, 
 and as a cover in the event of being compelled 
 to retreat. In support of this opinion, he 
 stated to general Forbes his conviction that, 
 in the country through which they were to pass, 
 numbers would not secure victory. On the 
 contrary, he was persuaded, that an unwieldy 
 body of troops, covering its convoys, might 
 be successfully attacked on its march, and 
 penetrated at various points, by light unincum- 
 bered parties. 
 
 june 24. Iii pursuance of the orders which had been 
 received, the Virginia troops moved in detach- 
 ments from Winchester to fort Cumberland, 
 where they assembled early in July, and were 
 employed in opening a road to Raystown, 
 where colonel Bouquet was stationed. As they 
 were continually harassed by small parties of the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5( 
 
 enemy, it was in contemplation to send a strong CHAP, i. 
 detachment over the Alleghany mountains, irss. 
 for the purpose of giving them employment at 
 home. This plan was laid aside in conformity 
 with the advice of colonel Washington, who 
 observed, that unquestionably a very large 
 force must now be collected at fort du Quesne, 
 and that a strong detachment could not move, 
 without such a quantity of provisions, as would 
 
 -. prevent a secret march ; in consequence of 
 \vhich, the enemy would meet them in full force, 
 and probably defeat them. He advised rather 
 to harass them with small parties, principally 
 of Indians, and this advice was pursued. 
 
 It had been considered as certain, that the Ju i y . 
 army would march by Braddock's road which 
 was well known, and required very few repairs. 
 Late in July, colonel Washington had the 
 mortification to receive a letter from colonel 
 Bouquet, asking an interview with him, in order 
 to consult on opening a new road from Rays- 
 town, and requesting his opinion on that route. 
 " I shall," says he, in -answer to this letter, 
 " most cheerfully work on any road, pursue 
 any route, or enter upon any service, that the 
 general or yourself may think me usefully 
 employed in, or qualified for; and shall never 
 have a will of my own, when a duty is required 
 of me. But since you desire me to speak my 
 
 . sentiments freely, permit me to observe that, 
 after having conversed with all the guides, and 
 
 i 2
 
 50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. having been informed by others acquainted with 
 1758. the country, I am convinced that a road, to be 
 compared with general Braddock's, or indeed 
 that will be fit for transportation even by pack- 
 horses, cannot be made. I own I have no 
 predilection for the route you have in contem- 
 plation for me." 
 
 A few days after this letter, he had an inter- 
 view with colonel Bouquet, whom he found 
 decided in favour of opening the new road. 
 After their separation, colonel Washington, with 
 his permission, addressed to him a letter to be 
 laid before general Forbes, then indisposed at 
 Carlisle, in which he stated his reasons against 
 this measure. 
 
 Several years past, he said, the Pennsylva- 
 nians and Virginians had opened a trade with 
 the Indians on the Ohio, and had endeavoured 
 to obviate the inconveniencies arising from the 
 excessive badness of the route. The Indians 
 had been hired to explore the country and find 
 the best way ; the result of w r hich had been, 
 that the preference had been universally given 
 to the path by Wills' creek, and the Pennsyl- 
 vanians themselves had adopted it. It had 
 been opened by the Ohio company in 1753, 
 and repaired by the troops under his command 
 in 1754 as far as Gist's plantation, beyond the 
 Great Meadows. In 1755 it had been widened 
 and put in good order by general Braddock, 
 and could easily be made fit for immediate use.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 
 
 A road which had been so long opened, so well CHAP, i. 
 and so often repaired, must be superior to a 1758. 
 new road, admitting the ground to be equal. 
 But the great and decisive objection to this new 
 route was the want of time to open it. So much 
 time must be consumed in surmounting the 
 vast difficulties opposed by almost impassable 
 mountains, covered with rocks and woods, as 
 would blast their otherwise well-founded hopes 
 of striking, this season, the long wished for and 
 important blow. Its being deferred to another 
 year, would, he was morally certain, be pro- 
 . ductive of the most destructive consequences 
 to the middle and southern colonies, who 
 had now made a noble effort towards ending 
 the calamities under which they had so long 
 groaned by granting supplies beyond their 
 abilities. These funds would in a few months be 
 exhausted, and the troops disbanded. Their in- 
 ability, added to the discouragement occasioned 
 by such a disappointment, might prevent their 
 making a similar effort for another season ; and 
 experience evinced, that expense and numbers 
 must be increased in proportion to their delay. 
 The southern Indians had, from their ill 
 success and inactivity, long viewed them with 
 contempt, and had already committed hostilities 
 on their frontiers. They waited only the result 
 of the present campaign, to unmask themselves 
 completely, and such an addition to the strength
 
 62 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. of the enemy, might terminate in the destruc- 
 1758. tion of the colonies. 
 
 The flattering accounts of the forage on the 
 Raystown road, could not but be exaggerated. 
 It was agreed by all unprejudiced men acquainted 
 with the country, that the mountains on that 
 road were still more inaccessible than on general 
 Braddock's. They were barren on both roads, 
 and between them, were rich valleys affording 
 great quantities of grass. 
 
 The objection made to Braddock's road on 
 account of the high waters was not well founded. 
 The Yohogany, which was the most rapid and 
 soonest filled, he had himself crossed with a 
 body of troops, after more than thirty days of 
 almost constant rain. The Monongahela might 
 be avoided, if necessary, by passing a defile. 
 
 The objections to the numerous defiles on 
 general Braddock's road were equally applicable 
 to the other road. 
 
 The difference in distance was extremely 
 inconsiderable, and the advantage gained in 
 that respect, would admit of no comparison 
 with the disadvantage of being compelled to 
 " open a new road, one hundred miles, over 
 almost inaccessible mountains. Should this be 
 attempted, he feared, they would be able to 
 do nothing more than to fortify some post on 
 the other side the mountains, and prepare for 
 another campaign. This he prayed Heaven to 
 avert, unless it should really be found imprac-
 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 
 
 ticable during the present to prosecute with CHAP. i. 
 prudence the enterprise now in hand. 1753. 
 
 He was also opposed to the scheme which 
 had been suggested, of dividing the army and 
 marching by the two different routes. 
 
 He objected to this measure, first, because 
 it divided their strength, and put it absolutely 
 out of the power of the columns to support each 
 other on the march, since there neither was, 
 nor could be, any communication between the 
 roads. 
 
 Secondly. If the divisions should set out at 
 the same time, and should make no deposits on 
 the way, that, marching by the road from Rays- 
 town must arrive first, because unincumbered 
 with waggons ; and, if the enemy should be in 
 force, would be exposed even in their entrench- 
 ments to insult and hazard. If the enemy 
 should not be strong enough for this, the whole 
 body would have but little to fear from them 
 in whatever manner, or by whatever road they 
 might march. 
 
 Thirdly. If the division escorting the convoy 
 should be directed to march first, they would 
 risk almost every thing, and be ruined if any 
 accident should befal the artillery and military 
 stores : and 
 
 Lastly. If they should advance on both 
 roads by deposits, they must double their 
 number of guards over the mountains, and 
 distress themselves by victualling them at the
 
 64 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. i. places of deposit. In addition to which, they 
 1758. must lose the proposed advantage of stealing a 
 inarch on the enemy. 
 
 Having stated these objections to the plan in 
 contemplation, he then recommended an order 
 of mar oh by Braddock's road, which would 
 bring the whole army before fort du Quesne in 
 thirty-four days, with a supply of provisions 
 for eighty -six days. 
 
 He at the same time addressed a letter to 
 major Halket, aid of general Forbes, in which 
 Aug^t 2. he says, " I am just returned from a conference 
 held with colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed 
 I think I may say unalterably fixed to lead you 
 a new way to the Ohio, through a road every 
 inch of which is to be cut, at this advanced 
 season, when we have scarcely time left to 
 tread the beaten track, universally confessed 
 to be the best passage through the mountains. 
 
 " If colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point 
 with the general, all is lost ! all is lost indeed ! 
 our enterprise is ruined, and we shall be 
 stopped at the Laurel hill this winter.... but not 
 to gather laurels.... except of the kind which 
 cover the mountains. The southern Indians 
 will turn against us, and these colonies will be 
 desolated by such an accession to the enemy's 
 strength. These must be the consequences of 
 a miscarriage ; and a miscarriage, the almost 
 necessary consequence of an attempt to march 
 the army by this mute."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 
 
 Colonel Washington's remonstrances and CHAP.I. 
 arguments were, however, unavailing, and the 1758. 
 new route was resolved on. His chagrin, at this 
 measure and the delays resulting from it, was 
 extreme, and was expressed in most anxious 
 letters to mr. Fauquier, then governor of 
 Virginia, and to the speaker of the house of 
 burgesses. 
 
 To the speaker, from fort Cumberland, he 
 I says "we are still encamped here, very sickly Se P tember2 - 
 v and dispirited at the prospect before us. That 
 appearance of glory which we once had in 
 view.... that hope that laudable ambition of 
 serving our country, and meriting its applause, 
 are now no more ; all is dwindled into ease, 
 sloth, and fatal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, 
 if the ways of men in power, like certain ways 
 of Providence, are not inscrutable. But we who 
 view the actions of great men at a distance, 
 can only form conjectures agreeably to a limited 
 perception; and, being ignorant of the compre- 
 hensive schemes which may be in contempla- 
 tion, might mistake egregiously in judging of 
 things from appearances, or by the lump. 
 Yet every f..l will have his notions will 
 prattle and talk away ; and why may not I ? 
 we seem then, in my opinion, to act under 
 the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of 
 our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, 
 is tempered with something....! do not care to 
 give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle 
 
 ' VOL. ii. K
 
 66 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. can bring this campaign to a happy issue. ' ' He 
 1755. then recapitulated the arguments he had urged 
 against attempting a new road, and added, " but 
 I spoke all unavailingly. The road was imme- 
 diately begun, and since then, from one to two 
 thousand men have constantly wrought on it. 
 By the last accounts I have received, they had 
 cut it to the foot of the Laurel hill, about thirty 
 five miles, and I suppose by this time, fifteen 
 hundred men have taken post about ten miles 
 further, at a place called Loyal Hanna, where 
 our next fort is to be constructed. 
 
 " We have certain intelligence that the 
 French strength at fort du Quesne did not 
 exceed eight hundred men, the thirteenth 
 ultimo, including about three or four hundred 
 Indians. See how our time has been mispent 
 ....behold how the golden opportunity is lost.... 
 perhaps, never more to be regained ! how is 
 it to be accounted for ? can general Forbes 
 have orders for this ? impossible. Will then 
 our injured country pass by such abuses ? I 
 hope not : rather let a full representation of 
 the matter go to his majesty: let him know 
 how grossly his glory and interests, and the 
 public money have been prostituted." 
 
 Colonel Washington was soon afterwards 
 ordered to Raystown, before which time, 
 major Grant had been detached from the 
 advanced post at Royal Hanna, with a, select 
 corps of eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67 
 
 country about fort clu Quesne. In the night CHAP, i. 
 he reached a hill near the fort, where he posted 1758. 
 his men in different columns, and sent forward 
 a party for the purpose of discovery. They 
 burnt a log house near the walls and returned. 
 Next morning, major Grant detached major 
 Lewis of colonel Washington's regiment, with 
 a baggage guard, two miles into his rear; ar-cl 
 sent an engineer with a covering party, within 
 full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works. 
 
 \In the mean time, he ordered the reveille to be 
 beaten in different places. This parade drew 
 out the enemy in great force, and an obstinate 
 engagement ensued. As soon as the action 
 commenced, major Lewis left captain Bullett 
 of colonel Washington's regiment, with about 
 fifty Virginians to guard the baggage, and 
 advanced with the utmost speed to support 
 major Grant. The English were defeated with Defeat of 
 considerable loss, and both major Grant and'"' 
 major Lewis taken prisoners. In this action 
 the Virginians behaved most gallantly, and 
 evidenced the spirit with which they had been 
 trained. Out of eight officers, five were killed, 
 a sixth \voundecl, and a seventh taken prisoner. 
 Captain Bullett, who defended the baggage with 
 great resolution, and contributed to save the 
 remnant of the detachment, was the only officer 
 who escaped unhurt. Out of one hundred and 
 sixty-six men, sixty-two were killed on the 
 spot, and two wounded. This conduct on the 
 
 K2
 
 68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. part of his regiment reflected high honour on 
 1758. their commander as well as on themselves, and 
 he received on the occasion, the compliments 
 of the general. The total loss in this action 
 xvas two hundred and seventy-three killed, and 
 forty-two wounded. 
 
 It was at length determined that the main 
 body of the army should move from Raystown, 
 and the general called on the colonels of regi- 
 ments, each, to submit to his consideration, a 
 plan for his march. That proposed by colonel 
 Washington has been preserved, and appears/ 
 to have been judiciously formed. 
 
 They reached the camp at Loyal Hanna, 
 through a road said to be indescribably bad, 
 about the fifth of November, where, as had 
 been predicted, a council of war determined, 
 that it was un advisable to proceed further this 
 campaign. It would have been almost impossi- 
 ble to have wintered an army in that position. 
 They must have retreated from the cold inhos- 
 pitable wilderness into which they had pene- 
 trated, or have suffered immensely ; perhaps 
 have perished. Fortunately, some prisoners 
 were taken, who informed them of the extreme 
 distress of the fort. The garrison deriving no 
 support from Canada was weak ; was in great 
 want of provision, and had been deserted by 
 the Indians. These encouraging circumstances 
 changed the resolution which had been taken, 
 and determined the general to prosecute the 
 expedition.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. gg 
 
 Colonel Washington was advanced in front, CHAP, i. 
 and with infinite labour, superintended the 1758. 
 opening the way for the main body of the army. 
 In this manner they moved forward with slow* 1 ^^ 
 
 Quesne 
 
 and painful steps, until they reached fort du^^J^ 
 Quesne, of which they took peaceable posses- J^LS 
 sion, the enemy having on the preceding night, EngLh he 
 after evacuating and setting it on fire, pro- Novem. 25. 
 ceeded down the Ohio in their boats. 
 
 It is evident, that the capture of this place, 
 \so all important to the middle and southern 
 provinces, was entirely to be attributed to the 
 British fleet, which had intercepted a consider- 
 able part of the re-enforcements designed by 
 France for her colonies, and to the success of 
 the English and American arms to the north, 
 which rendered it impossible for the French in 
 Canada to support it; and which very much 
 weakened their influence over the Indians. 
 Without the aid of these causes, the extraordi- 
 nary and unaccountable delays of the campaign 
 must have defeated its object. 
 
 The works were repaired, and the new fort 
 was distinguished by the title of fort Pitt, the 
 name of the great minister, who, now with so 
 much vigour and talents governed the nation. 
 
 Colonel Washington, having furnished two 
 hundred men from his regiment as a garrison, 
 marched to Winchester, from which place he 
 set out soon afterwards to attend the assembly, 
 of which he had been elected a member by the 
 county of Frederick, while at fort Cumberland.
 
 70 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, i. The removal of the French from the Ohio, 
 1758. produced, in a great degree, a cessation of 
 Indian hostility. His country was now relieved 
 from the danger with which it had been threat- 
 ened. The great object for which alone, after 
 perceiving that he should not be placed on 
 the permanent establishment, he had continued 
 in the service, was now accomplished. His 
 health was much impaired, and his domestic 
 affairs required his attention. 
 
 Impelled by these and other motives of a 
 
 private nature, he determined to withdraw fronV 
 
 a service, which he believed he might now quit 
 
 without dishonour; and, about the close of the 
 
 Resignation year, he resigned his commission as colonel of 
 
 ot coionei the first Virginia reariment, and commander in 
 
 Washington. 
 
 chief of all the troops raised in the colony. 
 
 The officers whom he had commanded were 
 greatly attached to him, and manifested their 
 esteem for him, and their regret at parting with 
 him, by a very affectionate address,* expressive 
 of the very high opinion they entertained both 
 of his military and private character. 
 
 This opinion was not confined to the officers 
 of his regiment. It was common to Virginia, 
 and had been adopted by the British officers 
 with whom he served. The duties he per- 
 formed, though not splendid, were arduous ; 
 and were executed with zeal and with judg- 
 
 * See Note, No. III. at t/ie end of the -vchnne.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71 
 
 ment. The exact discipline he established in CHAP, i. 
 his regiment, when the temper of Virginia was irss. 
 extremely hostile to discipline, does credit to 
 his military character; and the gallantry they 
 displayed whenever called into action, manifests 
 the spirit infused into them by their commander. 
 The difficulties of his situation, while unable 
 to cover the frontiers from the 'French and 
 Indians, who were spreading death and deso- 
 lation in every quarter, were certainly great; 
 l and no better evidence of his exertions, under 
 Vthese distressing circumstances, can be given, 
 than the undiminished confidence still placed 
 in him by those he was unable to protect. 
 
 The efforts to which he perpetually stimulated 
 his country, for the purpose of obtaining pos- 
 session of the Ohio ; the system for the conduct 
 of the war, which he continually recommended; 
 the vigorous and active measures always advo- 
 cated by him in his opinions to those by whom 
 he was commanded ; manifest an ardent and an 
 enterprising mind, tempered by judgment, 
 and quickly improved by experience. 
 
 Not long after his resignation, he was mar- 
 ried to the widow of mr. Custis, a young lady, 
 to whom he had been for some time strongly 
 attached, and who, to a large fortune and a 
 fine person, added those amiable accomplish- 
 ments which ensure domestic happiness, and 
 fill with silent, but unceasing felicity, the quiet 
 scenes of private life.
 
 72 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Opinions on the supremacy of parliament, and its right 
 to tax the colonies. ...The stamp act.. ..Congress as- 
 semble at New York.. ..Violence in the great towns.... 
 Change of the administration... .Stamp act repealed.... 
 Opposition to the mutiny act.. ..Act imposing duties on 
 tea, &c. resisted in America. ...The assembly of Mas- 
 sachussetts address letters to several members of the 
 administration in England. ...Petition to the king.. ..Cir- 
 cular letters to the colonial assemblies. ...Letter from 
 the earl of Hillsborough. ...Assembly of Massachusetts 
 dissolved. ...Seizure of the sloop Liberty.. ..A convention^ 
 assembles at Faneuil Hall... .Moderation of its proceed/ 
 ings.. ..Two British regiments arrive at Boston. ...Reso- 
 lutions of the house of burgesses of Virginia.. ..The 
 governor dissolves the assembly. ...The members form 
 and sign a non-importation association.. ..Measures ge- 
 nerally taken against the importation of British manu- 
 factures...^ eneral court again convened in Massachus- 
 setts....Its proceedings. ...Is prorogued.. ..Administration 
 resolve on a repeal of all the duties except that on tea.... 
 Circular letter of the earl of Hillsborough.. ..New York 
 recedes in part from the non-importation agreement.... 
 The example generally followed. ...Riot in Boston.... 
 Trial and acquittal of captain Preston. 
 
 1763. AT no period of time, was the attachment 
 of the colonists to the mother country more 
 strong, or more general, than at present.* 
 The war just concluded had very deeply inte- 
 rested every part of the continent. Every 
 
 * After the expulsion of the French from Canada, a 
 considerable degree of ill humour was manifested in 
 Massachusetts with respect to the manner in which the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 
 
 olony had been engaged in it, and every CHAP, n. 
 
 olony had felt its ravages. The part taken ires. 
 
 it by Indian auxiliaries had greatly increased 
 its horrors, and had added to the joy produced 
 in every bosom by its successful termination. 
 The union of that vast tract of country, which 
 extends from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, 
 and from the gulf of Mexico to the north pole, 
 under one common sovereign, was deemed a 
 certain guarantee of future peace, and an 
 effectual security against the return of those 
 bloody scenes, from the sufferings of which, 
 no condition in life could afford an exemption. 
 This state of things so long and so anxiously 
 wished for by British America, had at length 
 been effected by the union of British and 
 American valour. They had co-operated in the 
 
 laws of trade were executed. A question was agitated 
 in the court in which the colony took a very deep interest. 
 A custom-house officer applied for what was termed " a 
 writ of assistance," which was an authority to search any 
 house whatever for dutiable articles suspected to be 
 concealed in it. The right to grant special warrants was 
 never contested, but this grant of a general warrant was 
 deemed contrary to the principles of liberty, and was 
 thought an engine of oppression equally useless and 
 vexatious, which would enable every petty officer of the 
 customs to gratify his resentments by harassing the most 
 respectable men in the province. The ill temper excited 
 on this occasion was shewn by a reduction of the salaries 
 of the judges, but no diminution of attachment to the 
 mother country appears to have been produced by it. 
 VOL. II. L
 
 . 
 
 74 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. ii. same service, their blood had mingled in the 
 ires, same plains; and the object pursued was com- 
 mon to both people. 
 
 While the British nation was endeared to the 
 American heart by this community of danger, 
 and identity of interest, the brilliant achieve- 
 ments of the war had exalted to enthusiasm, 
 their admiration of British valour. They were 
 proud of the land of their ancestors, and gloried 
 in their descent from Englishmen! But this 
 sentiment of admiration was not confined to the f 
 military character of the nation. A full portion . 
 of it was bestowed on their political institutions ; ' 
 and while the excellence of the English consti- 
 tution was a rich theme of declamation in 
 America, every man believed himself entitled to 
 a large share of its advantages; nor could he 
 admit that, by crossing the Atlantic, his ances- 
 tors had relinquished the essential rights of 
 British subjects. 
 
 opinions The degree of authority which might right- 
 supremacy of fully be exercised by the mother country over 
 
 parliament, 
 
 wtex s the ght ner colonies, had never been accurately defined. 
 
 colonies. j n B r ft a i n) ft j^d always been asserted, that 
 parliament possessed the power of binding 
 them in all cases whatsoever. In America, at 
 different times and in different colonies, various 
 opinions had been entertained on this subject. 
 In New England, originally settled by repub- 
 licans, and during the depression of the regal 
 government the favourite of the English na- 
 
 \ 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 
 
 tion, habits of independence had nourished the CHAP, n. 
 theory, that the colonial assemblies possessed 1763. 
 all the powers of legislation not surrendered by 
 compact, that the Americans were subjects of 
 the British crown, but not of the nation ; and 
 were bound by no laws, to which their repre- 
 sentatives had not assented. From this high 
 ground they had been compelled reluctantly to 
 recede. The judges being generally appointed 
 by the governors with the advice of council, 
 had determined that the colonies were bound 
 by acts of parliament which concerned them, 
 
 \ and which were expressly extended to them ; 
 
 4 and we have seen the general court of 
 Massachussetts, on a late occasion, explicitly 
 recognising the same principle. This had, 
 perhaps, become the opinion of many of the 
 best informed men in the province; but the 
 doctrine seems still to have been extensively 
 maintained, that acts of parliament possessed 
 only an external obligation ; that they could 
 regulate commerce, but not the interior affairs 
 of the colonies. 
 
 In the year 1692, immediately after the re- 
 ceipt of their new charter, granted by William 
 and Mary, the legislature of Massachussetts had 
 passed an act, denying most explicitly the right 
 of any authority, other than that of the general 
 court, to impose on the colony any tax whatever ; 
 and also asserting those principles of national 
 liberty, which are found in magna charta. 
 L 2
 
 76 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. Not long afterwards, the legislature of New 
 1763. York , probably with a view only to the authority 
 claimed by the governor, and not to that of 
 the mother country, passed an act similar to 
 that of Massachussetts, in which its own 
 supremacy, not only in matters of taxation, 
 but of general legislation, is expressly asserted. 
 Both these acts, however, were disapproved 
 in England, and the parliament asserted its 
 authority by a law passed in 1696, declaring 
 "that all laws, bye-laws, usages, and customs, 
 which shall be in practice in any of the plantations 
 repugnant to any law made or to be made in this , 
 kingdom relative to the said plantations, shall * 
 
 be void and of none effect." And three years 
 afterwards, an act was passed for the trial of 
 pirates in America, in which is to be found the 
 following very extraordinary clause. " Be it 
 further declared, that if any of the governors, 
 or any person or persons in authority there, 
 shall refuse to yield obedience to this act, such 
 refusal is hereby declared to be a forfeiture 
 of all and every the charters granted for the 
 government and propriety of such plantations." 
 
 The English statute book furnishes many 
 instances in which the legislative power of 
 parliament over the colonies was exercised so 
 as to make regulations completely internal; 
 and in no instance, that is recollected, was 
 their authority openly controverted. 
 
 In the middle and southern provinces, no 
 question respecting the supremacy of parliament
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 
 
 in matters of general legislation, ever existed. CHAP, n. 
 The authority of such of their acts of internal 1763. 
 regulation, as were made for America, as well 
 as of those for the regulation of commerce, 
 even by the imposition of duties, provided 
 those duties were imposed for the purposes of 
 regulation, had been at all times admitted. 
 But even these colonies, however they might 
 acknowledge the supremacy of parliament in 
 other respects, denied the right of that body 
 ' to tax them internally. 
 
 Their submission to the act for establishing a 
 \general post office, which was passed so early 
 |as the year 1710, and which raised a revenue on 
 'the carriage of letters, was thought no derelic- 
 tion of this principle, because they never viewed 
 it in the light of a tax, but rather as a compensa- 
 tion paid for a service rendered, of which every 
 person was at liberty to avail himself, or to 
 decline. And all the duties on trade were 
 understood to be imposed rather with a view 
 to prevent foreign commerce, than to raise a 
 revenue. Perhaps the legality of such acts 
 was the less questioned, because they were 
 not. rigorously executed, and their violation 
 was sometimes designedly overlooked.* A 
 
 * Sir Robert Walpole, when prime minister of England, 
 is said to have declared " that it was necessary to pass 
 over some irregularities in the trade of the colonies with 
 Europe. For by encouraging them to an extensive
 
 78 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. scheme for taxing the colonies by authority of 
 1763. parliament had been formed so early as the 
 year 1739, and recommended to government 
 by a club of American merchants, at the head 
 of whom was sir William Keith, governor of 
 Pennsylvania. It was proposed to raise a body 
 of regulars, to be stationed along the western 
 frontier of the British settlements, for the pro- 
 tection of the Indian traders; the expense of 
 which establishment was to be paid with monies 
 arising from a duty on stamped paper and parch- 
 ment in all the colonies, to be imposed byi 
 parliament. This plan, however, was not/ 
 countenanced by the then minister, and it 
 seems never to have been seriously taken up 
 by the government until the year 1754, when 
 a war, in which every part of the empire was 
 deeply concerned, was about to commence. 
 Some of the colonies themselves, appear then 
 
 growing foreign commerce, he was convinced, that if 
 they should gain 7,500,000, full /,250,000 of their gains 
 would, within two years, be brought into his majesty's 
 exchequer by the labour and produce of Great Britain 
 consumed in America, a demand for which would increase 
 with their wealth." The same able statesman, when urged 
 to establish a system of internal taxation in the colonies, 
 replied with a smile, " that he would leave that to some 
 of his successors, who should have more courage, and 
 less attachment to commerce than himself." Confining 
 them to the use of British manufactures was, he thought, 
 " taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution 
 and to that of Great Britain."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79 
 
 to have wished, that a mode could be adopted CHAP, n. 
 which should combine their exertions, and 1763. 
 equitably apportion their expenses in the com- 
 mon cause. The attention of the minister was 
 then turned to a plan of taxation by authority 
 of parliament; and it will be recollected that 
 a system was devised and recommended by 
 him, as a substitute for the articles of union 
 digested and agreed on by the convention at 
 Albany. The temper and opinions of the 
 colonists on this subject, which means were 
 } used to ascertain; the impolicy of irritating 
 ithem at a crisis which required all the exer- 
 ^/tions they were capable of making; furnished 
 motives sufficient to induce a suspension, for 
 the present, of a measure so delicate and dan- 
 gerous; but it seems not to have been totally 
 abandoned. Of the right of parliament, as the 
 supreme authority of the nation, to tax as well 
 as govern the colonies, those who guided the 
 councils of Britain seem not to have enter- 
 tained a doubt; and the language of men in 
 power, on more than one occasion through the 
 war, indicated a disposition to put this right in 
 practice, when the termination of hostilities 
 should render it less dangerous to do so. The 
 conduct of some of the colonies, especially 
 those in which a proprietary government was 
 established, in failing to furnish in time the 
 aids required of them, contributed to foster this 
 disposition. This total opposition of opinion,
 
 80 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, n. on a subject the most interesting to the human 
 1763. heart, was now about to produce a system of 
 measures which tore asunder all the bonds of 
 relationship and affection which had for ages 
 subsisted, and planted almost inextinguishable 
 hatred in bosoms where the warmest friendship 
 had so long been cultivated. 
 
 The unexampled expenses of the war rendered 
 unavoidable a great addition to the regular and 
 usual taxes of the nation. Considerable diffi- 
 culty was found in searching out new sources 
 of revenue, and great opposition was made to ' 
 every tax proposed. Thus embarrassed, the i 
 attention.of administration was directed to the \ 
 American continent. The system which had 
 been laid aside was renewed, and on the motion 
 of mr. Grenville, the first commissioner of the 
 treasury, a resolution passed without much 
 debate, importing that it would be proper to 
 impose certain stamp duties in the colonies and 
 plantations, for the purpose of raising a revenue 
 in America, payable into the British exchequer. 
 This resolution was not carried into immediate 
 effect, and was only declaratory of an intention 
 to be executed the ensuing year. 
 
 At the same time other resolutions passed, 
 laying new duties on the trade of the colonies, 
 which being iii the form of commercial regu- 
 lations were not generally contested on the 
 ground of right, though they were imposed 
 expressly for the purpose of raising revenue* 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81 
 
 The colonies had been long in the habit of CHAP.H. 
 submitting to duties laid by parliament on their 1764. 
 trade, and had not generally distinguished 
 between those which were imposed for the mere 
 purpose of regulating commerce, and this, 
 which being also designed to raise a revenue, 
 was, in truth, to every purpose, a real tax. 
 It is therefore probable that this system, if 
 unconnected with the act for raising a revenue 
 internally, might have been carried into opera- 
 tion without exciting any general combination 
 of the colonies against it. Great disgust, 
 however, was occasioned by the increase of the 
 duties, by the new regulations which were 
 made, and by the manner in which those regu- 
 lations were to be executed. The gainful com- 
 merce so long clandestinely carried on with the 
 French and Spanish colonies, in the progress 
 of which an evasion of the duties imposed by 
 law had been overlooked by the government, 
 was now to be very rigorously suppressed by 
 taxes amounting to a prohibition of any fair 
 trade, the exact collection of which was to 
 be enforced by measures not much less offen- 
 sive in themselves, than on account of the 
 object to be effected by them. 
 
 Completely to prevent smuggling, all the 
 officers in the sea service, w r ho were on the 
 American station, were converted into revenue 
 officers, and directed to take the custom house 
 oaths. Being unacquainted with the custom- 
 
 VOL. n. M
 
 2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. ii. house laws and usages, many vexatious seizures 
 1764. were made, for which no redress could be 
 obtained but in England. The penalties and 
 forfeitures too, accruing under the act, as if the 
 usual authorities could not be trusted, were 
 made recoverable in any court of vice admiralty 
 in the colonies. It will readily be conceived, 
 how much more odious a law, made to effect 
 an odious object, must have been rendered by 
 such provisions as these. 
 
 Whatever might have been the fate of the 
 commercial regulations, the resolution con- 
 cerning the duties on stamps excited a great 
 and general ferment in America. The right of \ 
 parliament to impose taxes on the colonies, for 
 the purpose of raising a revenue, became the 
 subject of universal conversation, and was 
 almost universally denied. Petitions to the 
 king, and memorials to both houses of parlia- 
 ment, against the measure, were transmitted 
 by several of the* provincial assemblies to the 
 board of trade in England, to be presented 
 immediately to his majesty; and to parliament, 
 when that body should again be convened.* 
 june. The house of representatives of Massachusetts 
 instructed their agent to use his utmost endea- 
 
 * These petitions, as well as one from the merchants 
 trading to America, were not received by parliament, it 
 being alleged to be contrary to order to receive petitions 
 against money-bills.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 
 
 vours to obtain a repeal of the late act respecting CHAP, it. 
 duties, and to prevent the passage of the stamp 1764. 
 act, or any other act levying taxes or imposi- 
 tions of any kind on the American provinces. 
 A committee was appointed to act in the recess 
 of the general court, with instructions to cor- 
 respond with the legislatures of the respective 
 colonies, to communicate to them the instruc- 
 tions given to their agent, and, to solicit 
 their concurrence in similar measures. These 
 legislative proceedings were in many places 
 seconded by associations, entered into by 
 individuals, for diminishing the use of British 
 manufactures. 
 
 . Perceiving the opposition to be encountered 
 by adhering to the vote of the last session, 
 the administration informed the agents of the 
 colonies in London, that, if they would pro- 
 pose any other mode of raising the sum ' 
 required,* their proposition would be accepted, 
 and the stamp duty laid aside. The agents 
 replied, that they were not authorized to pro- 
 pose any substitute, but were ordered to oppose 
 the bill, when it should be brought into the 
 house, by petitions questioning the right 
 claimed by parliament to tax the colonies. 
 The controversy was now placed on ground 
 which seemed to admit of no compromise. 
 
 * lOOjOOO/. Sterling. 
 M 2
 
 84 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. IT. The right of taxation was as peremptorily 
 1765. denied by one party, as it was asserted by the 
 
 March 10. other. Determined to persevere in the system 
 he had adopted, and believing successful resis- 
 tance to be absolutely impossible, mr. Grenville 
 brought into parliament his celebrated act for 
 imposing stamp duties in America, and it 
 passed both houses by very great majorities, 
 but not without animated debate. So little 
 weight does the human mind allow to arguments 
 the most conclusive, when directed against the 
 existence of power in ourselves, that general 
 Conway stood alone, in denying the right 
 claimed by the British legislature. He alone* 
 had the courage to stem the torrent of public 
 opinion, and with magnanimous firmness to 
 protest against their right to give away the 
 money of those, who were not represented in 
 that body." 
 
 The arguments of the minority, on this 
 interesting occasion, were unusually ardent. 
 The claim of England was declared "to be 
 diametrically opposite to the letter and spirit of 
 their constitution, which has established as a 
 fundamental axiom, that taxation and repre- 
 sentation are inseparable from each other; and, 
 
 * Mr. Pitt was not in the house ; and mr. Ingersoll in 
 his letter states that alderman Beckford joined general 
 Conway. , 
 
 a Belsham,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 
 
 that as the colonies were not, and from local CHAP. n. 
 and political obstacles could not be, repre- 1755. 
 sented in the British parliament, it would be 
 the very essence of tyranny to attempt to 
 exercise an authority over them, which from 
 its nature must inevitably lead to gross abuse. 
 For when Great Britain should be in full pos- 
 session of the power now contended for, could 
 it be imagined that parliament would not rather 
 vote away the money of the colonists, than of 
 themselves and their own constituents ?" 
 
 The measure was treated, not only as tyran- 
 Y nical, but as unnecessary also. America, it 
 f was said, " had never been deficient in contri- 
 buting her full proportion towards the expenses 
 of the wars, in which, conjointly with England, 
 she had been involved; and that, in the course 
 of the last memorable contest, large sums had 
 been repeatedly voted, as an indemnification 
 to the colonies, for exertions allowed to be dis- 
 proportionate to their means and resources."* 
 Mr. Grenville had concluded a long argument 
 in favour of the bill with saying "these chil- 
 dren of our own planting, nourished by our 
 
 * Parliament had granted at different times to the 
 American colonies, by way of reimbursement for their 
 extraordinary expenses in the course of the last war, the 
 sum of 1,03 1,666 /. 13s. 4d. sterling. And the colonists 
 are said to have lost in the course of the war nearly thirty 
 thousand of their young men.
 
 86 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. IT. indulgence until they are grown to a good 
 1765. degree of strength and opulence, and protected 
 by our arms, will they grudge to contribute 
 their mite to relieve us from the heavy load of 
 national expense, which we lie under?" In 
 answer to this observation, colonel Barre, in- 
 dignantly and eloquently exclaimed, "Children 
 planted by your care!" "No! your oppression 
 planted them in America. They fled from your 
 tyranny into a then uncultivated land, where 
 they were exposed to all the hardships to which 
 human nature is liable, and among others, to 
 the savage cruelty of the enemy of the country, 
 a people the most subtle, and, I will take 
 upon me to say, the most terrible that ever 
 inhabited any part of God's earth. And yet, 
 actuated by principles of true English liberty, 
 they met all these hardships with pleasure, 
 compared with those they suffered in their own 
 country from those who should have been their 
 friends. " They nourished by your indulgence!" 
 "No ! they grew by your neglect. When you be- 
 gan to care about them, that care was exercised 
 in sending persons to rule over them, who were 
 the deputies of some deputy sent to spy out 
 their liberty, to misrepresent their actions, and 
 to prey upon them:.... men, whose behaviour, 
 on many occasions, has caused the blood of 
 those sons of liberty to recoil within them :.... 
 men promoted to the highest seats of justice, 
 some of whom were glad, by going to a foreign
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 
 
 country, to escape being brought to the bar of CHAP.H. 
 justice in their own. " They protected by your ires. 
 arms?" They have nobly taken up arms in 
 your defence,; have exerted their valour, amidst 
 their constant and laborious industry, for the 
 defence of a country, the interior of which, 
 while its frontiers were drenched in blood, has 
 yielded all its little savings to your enlargement. 
 Believe me.... remember , I this day told' you so; 
 the same spirit 'which actuated that people at first ^ 
 still continues with them:.... but prudence for- 
 bids me to explain myself further. God knows, 
 I do not at this time speak from party heat. 
 However superior to me, in general knowledge 
 and experience, any one here may be, I claim 
 to know more of America, having seen and 
 been conversant in that country. The people 
 there are as truly loyal, I believe, as any subjects 
 the king has; but a people jealous of their 
 liberties, and who will vindicate them if they 
 
 should be violated but the subject is delicate 
 
 ....I will say no more." 
 
 The passage of this act, the operation of 
 which was to commence on the first of 
 November, excited throughout the colonies 
 
 the most serious and universal alarm. It was 
 
 
 
 believed sincerely to wound vitally the consti- 
 tution of the country, and to destroy the most 
 sacred principles of liberty. Combinations 
 against its execution were every where formed ; 
 and the utmost exertions were used to render as 
 diffusive as possible, a knowledge of the per-
 
 88 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP- " nicious consequences which must flow from 
 1765. admitting that America could be taxed by a 
 legislature in which she was not represented. 
 
 The assembly of Virginia was in session 
 when the intelligence was .received. The 
 subject was taken up, and, by a small majority, 
 May 39. several resolutions which had been introduced 
 by mr. Henry, and seconded by mr. Johnson* 
 were agreed to, one of which asserts the exclu- 
 sive right of that assembly to lay taxes and 
 impositions on the inhabitants of that colony, 
 and that every attempt to vest such a power 
 elsewhere " is illegal, unconstitutional, and 
 unjust, and has a manifest tendency to destroy 
 British as well as American freedom." 
 
 On the passage of these resolutions the 
 governor dissolved the assembly, and writs for 
 new elections were issued. But so entirely did 
 the people take part with the opposition to the 
 scheme of taxation proposed by ministers, that 
 in almost every instance, the members who 
 had voted in favour of the resolutions, were 
 re-elected, while those who had voted against 
 them, were generally excluded in favour of 
 J une - candidates who entertained popular opinions. 
 
 The legislatures of several other colonies 
 passed resolutions similar to those of Virginia, 
 and the house of representatives of Massachus- 
 setts, contemplating a still more solemn and 
 
 * See Note, No. IV. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. g 
 
 effectual expression of the general sentiment, CHAP.H. 
 
 recommended a congress of deputies from all 1755. 
 the colonial assemblies, to meet at New York 
 the first tuesday in October, to consult together 
 on the present circumstances of the colonies, 
 and the difficulties to which they are, and 
 must be reduced by the operation of the acts 
 of parliament, for levying taxes on them. 
 Circular letters signed by the speaker, com- 
 municating this recommendation, were ad- 
 dressed to the several speakers of the respective 
 provincial assemblies, and wherever they were 
 in session, the recommendation was acted on. 
 New Hampshire alone, although joining in the 
 general opposition, declined sending members 
 to the congress ; and the legislatures of Virginia 
 and North Carolina were not in session. 
 
 In the mean time, the papers teemed with 
 the most animating exhortations to the people, 
 to unite in the defence of their liberty, and 
 property; and the stamp officers,* almost every 
 where, were compelled to resign. 
 
 * They were generally gentlemen of influence in the 
 several provinces, who were recommended by the colonial 
 agents;. ...so little did they expect the serious opposition, 
 made in America, to this measure. Mr. Gordon says, 
 that doctor Franklin advised mr. Ingersoll to accept the 
 appointment which was offered him, and added, at the 
 same time, " go home, and tell your countrymen to get 
 children as fast as they can;" plainly alluding to their 
 supposed present inability to resist the power of Britain. 
 
 VOL. II. N
 
 0etoW 
 
 PQ THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. n. At the time appointed, the commissioners 
 1765. from the assemblies of Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on the 
 Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, as- 
 sembled atNewYork; and Timothy Ruggles, esq. 
 of Massachusetts, having been chosen their 
 chairman, they proceeded on the important 
 objects for which they had convened. The 
 first measure of the congress was a declaration* 
 of the rights and grievances of the colonists. 
 This paper asserts them to be entitled to all the 
 rights and liberties of natural born subjects 
 within the kingdom of Great Britain ; among 
 the most essential of which, are, the exclusive 
 power to tax themselves, and the privilege of a 
 trial by jury. 
 
 The grievance most complained of w r as, the 
 act granting certain stamp duties and other 
 duties in the British colonies, the direct ten- 
 dency of which, they said, by taxing the 
 colonists without their consent, and by extend- 
 ing the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, was 
 to subvert their rights and liberties. 
 
 A petition to the king was also agreed on, 
 together with a memorial to each house of 
 parliament. 
 
 These papers were drawn with temper and 
 firmness. They express unequivocally, the 
 
 * See Note, No. V. at the end of the volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ql 
 
 attachment of the colonists to the mother CHAP. u. 
 country, and assert the rights they claim, in 1765. 
 the style of conviction. 
 
 In addition to these measures, congress 
 recommended to the several colonies to appoint 
 special agents, who should unite their utmost 
 endeavours in soliciting redress of grievances ; 
 and having directed their clerk to make out a 
 copy of their proceedings for each colony, they 
 adjourned. 
 
 To interest the people of England against 
 the measures of administration, associations 
 were formed, in every part of the continent, 
 for the encouragement of domestic manufac- 
 tures, and against the use of those imported 
 from Great Britain. To increase their quantity 
 of wool, they determined to kill no lambs, and 
 to use all the means in their power to multiply 
 their flocks of sheep. As a security against 
 the use of stamps, proceedings in the courts 
 of justice were suspended, and it was earnestly 
 recommended to settle all controversies by 
 arbitration. While this determined and sys- 
 tematic opposition was made by the thinking 
 part of the community, there were some riotous yioiepce 
 and disorderly meetings, especially in the large g re < ittowns 
 towns, which threatened serious consequences. 
 Many houses were destroyed, much property 
 injured, and several persons, highly respectable 
 in character and station, grossly abused. These 
 violences received no countenance from the 
 
 N 2
 
 92 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. ii. leading members of society, but it was extremely 
 1765. difficult to stimulate the mass of the people to 
 that vigorous and persevering opposition which 
 was deemed essential to the preservation of 
 American liberty, and yet to restrain all those 
 excesses which disgrace, and often defeat the 
 wisest measures. In Connecticut and New 
 York, originated an association of persons styl- 
 ing themselves the " sons of liberty," who 
 bound themselves, among other things, to 
 march to any part of the continent, at their own 
 expense, to support the British constitution in 
 America; by Avhich was expressly stated to be 
 understood, the prevention of any attempt 
 which might any where be made, to carry the 
 stamp act into operation. A corresponding 
 committee of these " sons of liberty" was 
 established, who addressed letters to certain 
 conspicuous characters throughout the colonies, 
 and contributed, very materially, to increase 
 the spirit of opposition, and perhaps, the tur- 
 bulence with w r hich it was in some places 
 attended. 
 
 change of While these transactions were takinsr place 
 
 the admi- O 
 
 lustration. m America, causes entirely unconnected with 
 the affairs of the colonies produced a total 
 revolution in the British cabinet. The Gren- 
 ville party was succeeded by an administration 
 unfriendly to a further prosecution of the plan 
 for taxing the colonies without their consent. 
 General Conway, now one of the principal
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93 
 
 secretaries of state, Addressed a circular letter CHAP, n. 
 to the respective governors of the colonies, in 1755. 
 which he disapproved, in mild terms, the violent September. 
 measures which had been adopted in America, ~ 
 and recommended to them, while they main- October. 
 tained the dignity of the crown and of parliament, 
 to observe a temperate and conciliatory con- 
 duct towards the colonists, and endeavour, by all 
 persuasive means, to restore the public peace. 
 
 Parliament was opened by a speech from the ires. 
 throne, in which his majesty declared " his 
 firm confidence in their wisdom and zeal, which 
 would, he doubted not, guide them to such 
 sound and prudent resolutions, as might tend 
 at once to preserve the constitutional rights of 
 the British legislature over the colonies, and 
 to restore to them that harmony and tranquillity, 
 which had lately been interrupted by disorders of 
 the most dangerous nature." 
 
 In the course of the debate in the house of 
 commons, on the motion for the address, mr. 
 Pitt in the most explicit terms, condemned the 
 act for collecting the stamp duties in America, 
 and declared his opinion to be, that parliament 
 had no right to tax the colonies. At the same 
 time he asserted " the authority of that kingdom 
 to be sovereign and supreme in every circum- 
 stance of government and legislation whatever. ' ' 
 He maintained the difficult proposition " that 
 taxation is no part of the governing or legislative 
 power ; but that taxes are a voluntary gift and
 
 94 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, it grant of the commons alo^e." He concluded 
 1766. a very able and very eloquent speech, by recom- 
 mending to the house " that the stamp act be 
 repealed, absolutely, totally and immediately." 
 The opinions, which had been maintained by 
 mr. Pitt, were very warmly opposed by the late 
 ministers headed by mr. Grenville. He said 
 " that the disturbances in America were grown 
 to tumults and riots ; he doubted, they bordered 
 on open rebellion ; and, if the doctrine he had 
 heard that day should be confirmed, he feared 
 they would lose that name, to take that of revo- 
 lution. The government over them being dis- 
 solved, a revolution" he said " would take 
 place in America." He contended that taxation 
 was a part of the sovereign power ; . . . . one branch 
 of the legislation; and had been exercised over 
 those who were not represented. He could not 
 comprehend the distinction between external 
 and internal taxation, and insisted that the 
 colonies ought to bear a part of the burdens, 
 occasioned by a war for their defence. 
 stamp act The existing: administration, however, con- 
 
 repealed. 
 
 curred in sentiment with mr. Pitt, and the act 
 
 March. 
 
 was repealed; but its repeal was accompanied 
 
 with a declaratory act, asserting the power and 
 right of Great Britain to bind the colonies in 
 all cases whatsoever. 
 
 The joy in America, on receivingintelligence 
 of this event, was unbounded. The assertion 
 of the abstract principle of right gave them but
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95 
 
 little concern, because they considered it merely CHAP, n. 
 as a salvo for the wounded pride of the nation, 1766. 
 and believed confidently that no future attempt 
 would be made to reduce it to practice. The 
 highest honours were every where conferred on 
 those parliamentary leaders, who had been active 
 in obtaining a repeal of the act ; and in Virginia, 
 an act passed the house of burgesses for erecting 
 a statue to his majesty, as an acknowledgment 
 of their high sense of his attention to the rights 
 and petitions of his people. With the repealing 
 and declaratory acts, came a circular letter from 
 secretary Con way, extolling " the moderation, 
 the forbearance, the unexampled lenity and 
 tenderness of parliament towards the colonies ;" 
 this signal display of which, he hoped, " could 
 not but dispose them to that return of cheerful 
 obedience to the laws and legislative authority 
 of Great Britain, .and to those sentiments of 
 respectful gratitude to the mother country, 
 which are the natural, and," he trusted, 
 " would be, the certain effects of so much grace 
 and condescension, so remarkably manifested 
 on the part of his majesty, and of the parlia- 
 ment." 
 
 Although the sentiment of joy, produced by 
 the repeal of the stamp act, was common to all 
 the colonies., the same temper did not prevail 
 in all of them. The commercial regulations 
 excited, in the northern trading towns, scarcely 
 less disgust than had been created by the stamp
 
 95 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. act itself: in addition to which, political parties 
 1766. had been formed, and had assumed a bitterness 
 in some of the colonies entirely unknown in 
 others, and the first measures of Massachussetts 
 and New York demonstrated, that the recon- 
 ciliation with the mother country was not yet 
 cordial. 
 
 The letter of secretary Conway, already 
 mentioned, enclosed also a resolution of parlia- 
 ment, declaring that those persons who had 
 suffered any injury or damage in consequence of 
 their assisting to execute the late act, ought to 
 be compensated by the colonies in which such 
 injuries were sustained. 
 
 The injuries complained of, had been prin- 
 cipally sustained in Massachussetts, and the 
 resolution of parliament was laid before the 
 _ general court of that province by governor 
 Bernard, in a speech, rather in the spirit of the 
 late, than of the present administration rather 
 calculated to irritate, than assuage the angry 
 passions which had lately been excited. The 
 house of representatives resented his manner 
 of addressing them, and appeared more dis- 
 posed to inquire into the riots, and to com- 
 pel those concerned in them to make indem- 
 nities, than to compensate the sufferers out of 
 the public purse. But after a second session, 
 and some intimation that parliament would 
 enforce its requisition, the desire of avoiding 
 further controversies with the government,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97 
 
 especially on a point which would unite the CHAP, n. 
 prejudices of all thinking men against them, 1766. 
 and the real detestation in which those dis- 
 graceful tumults were held, got the better of 
 their resentment against the governor, and an 
 act of pardon to the offenders, and of indemnity 
 to the sufferers, was passed ; but it was rejected 
 by the king, because the colonial assembly had December. 
 no power under their charter to pass an act of 
 general pardon but at the instance of the crown. 
 In New York, where general Gage was 
 expected with a considerable body of troops, 
 a message was transmitted by the governor to 
 the legislature, desiring their compliance with 
 an act of parliament called the mutiny act, 
 which required that the colony, in which any 
 of his majesty's forces might be stationed, 
 should provide for them barracks, and certain 
 necessaries in their quarters. The legislature 
 postponed the consideration of this message 
 until the troops had actually arrived, and then, 
 after a second message from the governor, 
 reluctantly and partially complied with the 
 requisitions of the act. 
 
 At a subsequent session, the governor brought p t I s ' tio " 
 the subject again before them, when they deter- mutiny act * 
 mined that the act of parliament could only be 
 construed to require that they should provide 
 necessaries for troops on a march, and not 
 while permanently stationed in their country, 
 because, on a contrary construction, the colony 
 
 VOL. II. O
 
 98 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. IT. might be grievously burdened by marching 
 1766. into it several regiments. 
 
 The reason assigned for not complying with 
 this act of parliament, seems to evidence the 
 opinion that it was rightfully obligatory : and 
 yet the requisitions of the mutiny act were 
 unquestionably a tax, and between the power 
 of parliament to levy a tax by its own authority, 
 and to levy a tax through the medium of the 
 colonial legislatures, they having no right to 
 refuse obedience to the act, no essential dis- 
 tinction can easily be drawn. It is strange that 
 such inaccurate ideas should then have pre- 
 vailed, in any part of the continent, concerning 
 the control which might rightfully be exer- 
 cised by the British parliament over the colo- 
 nies. 
 
 It was considered in England, as evidencing 
 a strong disposition on the part of ministers to 
 avoid all harsh measures, that this instance of 
 disobedience w r as punished with no positive 
 penalties; but, resisting all the violent propo- 
 sitions of those who contended that America 
 was in a state of absolute disorder and open 
 rebellion, they contented themselves with a 
 law prohibiting the governor, council, and 
 assembly of the province, from passing any 
 act until the requisition of parliament had been 
 in every respect complied with. 
 
 The persevering temper of Massachussetts 
 had not yet found its way to New York, and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 
 
 this measure produced the desired effect. The CHAP.IL 
 mutiny act was literally complied with. 1766. 
 
 Two companies of artillery, driven into the October. 
 harbour of Boston by stress of weather, ap- 
 plied to the governor for the necessary and 
 usual supplies. He laid the application before 
 his council who advised that, " in pursuance of 
 the act of parliament," the supplies required 
 should be furnished. They were furnished, 
 and the money, amounting to about sixty 
 pounds sterling, drawn from the treasury by 
 the authority of the executive. 
 
 The general court met soon after, and the 1767. 
 house of representatives, very early in the ses a "" ary ' 
 sion, sent a message to the governor, request- 
 ing to know whether any provision had been 
 made for his majesty's troops lately arrived in 
 their harbour, and by whom ? and whether he 
 had reason to expect the arrival of any more 
 troops to be quartered on that province ? 
 
 The governor in reply transmitted them the 
 journals of the council, with an account of the 
 expense incurred, and also informed them that 
 he had no reason to expect the arrival of any 
 additional body of troops. 
 
 The house expressed, in very pointed terms, 
 their disapprobation of the conduct of the 
 governor. "He had no right," they said, "on 
 the advice of council, to issue money out of 
 the treasury, but in conformity with such acts 
 as may, at the time, be in force within the 
 o 2
 
 100 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - " province ; and in the case of his exceeding his 
 1767. authority under the pressure of urgent necessity, 
 it was his duty to seize the first occasion for 
 laying the matter before that house. But parti- 
 cular umbrage was excited by the declaration, 
 that these steps had been taken in pursuance of 
 an act of parliament. After the repeal of the 
 stamp act, they were surprised to find that 
 this act, equally odious and unconstitutional, 
 should remain in force. They lamented the 
 entry of this reason for the advice of council 
 the more, as it was an unwarrantable and 
 unconstitutional step, which totally disabled 
 them from testifying the same cheerfulness 
 they had always shown in granting to his 
 majesty of their free accord, such aids as his 
 service has, from time to time, required." 
 
 February. Copies of these messages were transmitted 
 by governor Bernard to the ministry, in a 
 manner not calculated to render the communi- 
 cation less unpleasant. 
 
 The idea of raising a revenue in America was 
 highly favoured in England, especially by the 
 landed interest; and not even the weight of 
 administration could have obtained a repeal of 
 the stamp act, on the naked principle of right. 
 Few were hardy enough to question the 
 supremacy of parliament, and their having 
 receded from the practical assertion of their 
 power to tax the colonists, deeply wounded the 
 pride, and grated harshly on the feelings, not
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 101 
 
 only of the king, who was supposed to be still CHAP, n. 
 under the influence of the earl of Bute, but 1767. 
 of a considerable part of the nation. 
 
 The temper now discovered in some of the 
 colonies was by no means calculated to assuage 
 the wound which this measure had inflicted on 
 the haughty spirit of the rulers of that country, 
 and is supposed to have contributed, in no 
 small degree, to the revival of a system which 
 had been reluctantly abandoned. 
 
 Charles Townshend, chancellor of the ex- 
 chequer, in an administration formed by lord 
 Chatham, a man of splendid and versatile 
 talents, said boastingly, in the house of com- 
 mons, that he knew " how to draw a revenue 
 from the colonies, without giving them 
 offence. " b Mr. Grenville eagerly caught at 
 the declaration, and instantly urged this mi- 
 nister to pledge himself to bring forward the 
 measure at which he had hinted. A bill had J mie - 
 been decided on in the cabinet, during the 
 sickness and absence of lord Chatham, whose 
 infirmities had, for the time, impaired both 
 his talents and his influence, for imposing 
 certain duties on tea, glass, paper and painters' 
 colours imported into the colonies from Great 
 Britain. This bill was now brought into 
 parliament, and passed almost without oppo- 
 
 b Bdsham.
 
 102 THE LIF E OF 
 
 CHAP, n. sition. The taxes it imposed were appropriated, 
 1767. in the first instance, to the payment of the 
 salaries of the governors, judges, and other 
 officers of government. 
 
 The friends of America in England had 
 distinguished between internal and external 
 taxation; and the same distinction had also 
 been made in the colonies. As the power of 
 parliament to impose duties, for the purpose 
 of commercial regulations, had never been 
 doubted, it is possible that if the present mea- 
 sure had been adopted in the first instance, 
 it might, as well as the act laying a duty on 
 sugars, have been submitted to without ex- 
 amination. But the discussions to which the 
 stamp act had given birth, had greatly enlarged 
 the circle of political information in America, 
 and while they rendered more diffusive among 
 the colonists, a knowledge of their rights, had 
 inspired also a much more accurate mode of 
 thinking respecting them. 
 
 The present duties were plainly intended, 
 not to regulate commerce, but to raise a 
 revenue, which would be as certainly collected 
 from the colonists, as the duties on stamps 
 could have been. The principle of the two 
 measures was precisely the same. The mode 
 of attack indeed was varied, but the same 
 object was still pursued. Many of the Ameri- 
 cans were now too intelligent to be misguided 
 by the distinction between internal and external
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1Q3 
 
 taxation, or by the precedents quoted in support CHAP.H. 
 of the right contended for. This, they said, irer. 
 was plainly an internal tax, as the duties would 
 be unavoidably paid in the country; and if 
 external, yet it was imposed, not for the purpose 
 of regulating or restraining trade, but of raising 
 a revenue, It was considered as establishing 
 a precedent of taxation for the mere purpose 
 of revenue, which might afterwards be extended 
 at the discretion of parliament, and was spoken 
 of as the entering wedge, designed to make way 
 for impositions too heavy to be borne. The 
 appropriation of the money did not lessen the 
 odium of the tax. The colonial legislatures 
 considered the dependence of the governors i 
 and other officers, on them, for their salaries, 
 as the best security for their attending to the 
 interests, and cultivating the affections of the 
 provinces. c 
 
 With these sentiments concerning the act, it Actimposmg 
 was not stranere that a determination was made ^mbtS" 
 
 in America. 
 
 to oppose its execution : yet the idea of its un- 
 constitutionally was not taken up so suddenly 
 or so universally as had been witnessed in the 
 case of the stamp act. Many very able political 
 essays appeared in the papers, demonstrating 
 the violation contained in this law, of the 
 principles of the English constitution, and of 
 
 c Prior documents.
 
 104 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. ii. English liberty; and earnestly exhorting the 
 
 1767. people of America to take measures which 
 Avould defeat its operation. The effect of these 
 essays was gradual, but certain; and the public 
 judgment seemed at length convinced that the 
 same principle which had before been succes- 
 fully opposed was again approaching under a 
 different garb. 
 
 The general court of Massachussetts met in 
 December, and very early in the session, took 
 
 1768. under their consideration several acts of par- 
 
 January. 
 
 liament, which during the recess, had been 
 
 transmitted to the colony. They perceived 
 plainly that the claim to tax America was 
 revived, and they determined to oppose it with 
 all the means in their power. 
 
 The assembly A very elaborate letter was addressed to 
 
 of Massa- J 
 
 address 18 Demiis.de Bert, agent for the house of repre- 
 levlr'i* sentatives, in which are detailed, at great 
 
 members of . . 
 
 theadmini. length, and with much weight of argument, 
 
 stration in 
 
 England, ^j t j ie objections to be made to the late acts of 
 parliament. Letters signed by the speaker 
 were also addressed to the earl of Shelburne 
 and general Conway, secretaries of state; to 
 the marquis of Rockingham, lord Camden, the 
 earl of Chatham, and the lords commisioners of 
 the treasury. These letters, while they breathe 
 a spirit of ardent attachment to the British 
 constitution and the British nation, manifest 
 a perfect conviction that their complaints were 
 just: a conviction founded on an entire under- 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105 
 
 standing of the soundest political principles, CHAP. n. 
 which ought to have arrested the mad course ires. 
 now recommenced. 
 
 "Conscious of their own disposition," say 
 they to general Conway, " they rely upon that 
 candour which is a distinguished mark of your 
 character. And however they may have been 
 represented to his majesty's ministers as undu- 
 tiful, turbulent, and factious, your sentiments 
 are too generous to impute expressions of un- 
 easiness under the operation of any particular 
 acts of the British parliament to a peevish, or 
 discontented habit, much less to the want of a 
 due veneration for that august assembly. 
 
 " This house is at all times ready to recognise 
 his majesty's high court of parliament, the 
 supreme legislative power over the whole 
 empire. Its superintending authority, in all 
 cases consistent with the fundamental rules of 
 the constitution, is as clearly admitted by his 
 majesty's subjects iivthis province as by those 
 within the realm. Since the constitution of the 
 state, as it ought to be, is fixed; it is humbly 
 presumed that the subjects in every part of the 
 empire, however remote, have an equitable 
 claim to all the advantages of it." d 
 
 To the earl of Shelburne, after stating the 
 hardships encountered by their fathers, and 
 
 A Prior documents. 
 VOL. II. P
 
 1Q6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, u. their attachment to the mother country, they 
 1768. insist that the common law, as well as their 
 charter, gives them all the rights and liberties 
 of British subjects. 
 
 " The spirit of the law of nature and nations" 
 they proceed to say, " supposes that all the 
 free subjects of any kingdom, are entitled 
 equally to all the rights of the constitution; 
 for it appears unnatural and unreasonable to 
 affirm, that local, or any other circumstances, 
 can justly deprive any part of the subjects of 
 the same prince, of the full enjoyment of the 
 rights of that constitution, upon which the 
 government itself is formed, and by which 
 sovereignty and allegiance are ascertained and 
 limited. 
 
 " There are, my lord, fundamental rules of 
 the constitution which it is humbly presumed 
 neither the supreme legislative nor the supreme 
 executive can alter. In all free states the con- 
 stitution is fixed. It is from thence the legis- 
 lative derives its authority. Therefore it cannot 
 change the constitution without destroying 
 its own foundation. If then the constitution 
 of Great Britain is the common right of all 
 British subjects, it is humbly referred to your 
 lordship's judgment, whether the supreme 
 legislative of the empire may rightly leap the 
 . bounds of it, in the exercise of power over the 
 subjects in America, any more, than over those 
 in Britain.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1Q7 
 
 "It is the glory of the British constitution CHAP. n. 
 that it has its foundation in the laws of God 1768. 
 and nature. It is essentially a right that a man 
 shall quietly enjoy, and have the disposal of 
 his own property. This right is ingrafted into 
 the British constitution, and is familiar to the 
 American subjects; and your lordship will 
 judge whether any necessity can render it just 
 and equitable in the nature of things, that the 
 supreme legislative of the empire should impose 
 duties, subsidies, talliages, and taxes, internal 
 or external, for the sole purpose of raising a 
 revenue upon subjects that are not, and cannot 
 considering their local circumstances, by any 
 possibility be equally represented; and conse- 
 quently whose consent cannot be had in parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 " The security of right, and property, is the 
 great end of government: surely then, such 
 measures as tend to render right and property 
 precarious, tend to destroy both property and 
 government, for these must stand or fall 
 together. Property is admitted to have exist- 
 ence in the savage state of nature : and if it is 
 necessary for the support of savage life, it 
 becomes by no means less so in civil society. 
 The house entreats your lordship to consider 
 whether a colonist can be conceived to have 
 any property which he may call his own, if it 
 may be granted away by any other body with- 
 out his consent: and they submit to your 
 
 p 2
 
 108 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.H. lordship's judgment whether this was not 
 
 ires, actually done, when the act for granting to his 
 
 majesty certain duties on paper, glass, and other 
 
 articles, for the sole and express purpose of 
 
 raising a revenue in America, was made." 
 
 They conclude a very able course of rea- 
 soning on the question of the constitutional 
 right to tax America, with saying, "It is by 
 no means, my lord, a disposition in the house 
 to dispute the just authority of the supreme 
 legislative of the nation, that induces them thus 
 to address your lordship; but a warm sense 
 of loyalty to their prince, and, they humbly 
 apprehend, a just concern for their natural and 
 constitutional rights. They beg your lordship 
 would excuse their trespassing on your time 
 and attention to the great affairs of state ; they 
 apply to you as a friend to the rights of mankind, 
 and of British subjects. As Americans, they 
 implore your lordship's patronage, and beseech 
 you to represent their grievances to the king 
 our sovereign, and employ your happy influence 
 for their relief." 
 
 Arguments which would have appeared so 
 conclusive to Englishmen, if urged by them- 
 selves in support of their own rights, had but 
 little weight, when used to disprove the exist- 
 ence of their authority over others. The deep 
 and solemn tone of conviction, however, con- 
 veyed in all these letters, ought to have pro- 
 duced a certainty that the principles assumed
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109 
 
 in them, had made a strong impression, and CHAP, u. 
 would not lightly be abandoned. It ought to 1768. 
 have been foreseen that with such a people, so 
 determined, the conflict must be stern and 
 hazardous; and even if ultimate success might 
 be counted on, it was well worth the estimate, 
 whether the object would compensate the means 
 used in obtaining it. 
 
 A petition to the king was also agreed on, ^ e ti ^"" to 
 replete with professions of loyalty and attach 
 
 January 20. 
 
 ment to his person and family, but stating in 
 
 very explicit terms, the sense they entertained 
 of the acts against which they petitioned. 
 
 After the petition to the king had been Twei.ty.fim 
 voted, a day was appointed to take under consi- 
 deration, the propriety of addressing their sister 
 colonies, on a subject equally interesting to all. 
 After long and earnest debate, the motion for 
 the address was lost, in a house consisting of 
 eighty-two members:* but on a motion for 
 reconsidering the resolution which was made 
 on a subsequent day, in a house consisting of February .1. 
 the same number of members, it was carried 
 in the affirmative by a great majority; and by 
 an immediate subsequent resolve the first 
 resolution was erased. 
 
 A circular letter to the assemblies of the Eleventh. 
 respective colonies, stating the proceedings of 
 
 * The whole number of members was then one hundred 
 and ten.
 
 HO THE LIFE OF 
 
 (-'JAP. " the house of representatives of Mass achus setts 
 1768. was then agreed to; one copy of which was 
 !rttere a to presented to their governor, and another copy, 
 assembles, to prevent its being misrepresented, was trans- 
 mitted to their agent in London.* 
 
 To avoid what might give to these measures, 
 taken in defence of rights believed to be the 
 most clear and the most sacred, the appearance 
 of systematic opposition to the British govern- 
 ment, the house, soon after concluding their 
 circular letter, called up a requisition of the 
 governor to make a further provision for one 
 of the king's garrisons within the province ; 
 which without acknowledging the obligations 
 of the mutiny act, they of their free accord, 
 instantly complied with. Soon afterwards, the 
 governor prorogued the general court. This 
 measure was accompanied by an angry* speech, 
 but little calculated to diminish the resentments 
 of the house directed personally against him ; 
 resentments occasioned as well by the haughti- 
 ness of his manners, and a persuasion that he 
 had misrepresented, in his letters to ministers, 
 their conduct and opinions, as by the unpopular 
 course his station at present required him to 
 pursue. 
 
 The circular letter of the house of represen- 
 tatives of Massachussetts.was extremely well 
 
 * See Note, No. VI. at the end of the volume. 
 
 *
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. m 
 
 received in the other colonies. They generally CHAP, n. 
 approved the measures of opposition which had 1768. 
 been taken, and readily united in them. They too 
 petitioned the king against the obnoxious acts 
 of parliament, and instructed their several agents 
 to use all proper means to obtain their repeal. 
 Virginia transmitted to her sister colonies a 
 statement of her proceedings, and in the letter 
 to Massachussetts, communicating the repre- 
 sentation made by the house of burgesses to 
 parliament, they say, " that they do not affect 
 an independency of their parent kingdom, the 
 prosperity of which they are bound, to the 
 utmost of their abilities, to promote ; but 
 cheerfully acquiesce in the authority of parlia- 
 ment to make laws for preserving a necessary 
 dependence, and for regulating the trade of the 
 colonies : yet they cannot conceive, 'and humbly 
 insist it is not essential, to support a proper 
 relation between the mother country and colo- 
 nies transplanted from her, that she should 
 have a right to raise money from them without 
 their consent, and presume they do not aspire 
 to more than the rights of British subjects when 
 they assert, that no power on earth has a right 
 to impose taxes on the people, or take the 
 smallest portion of their property, without their 
 consent given by their representatives in parlia- 
 ment. This has ever been considered as the 
 chief pillar of the constitution; without this 
 support no man can be said to have the least
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. n. shadow of liberty: since they can have no pro- 
 1768. perty in that, which another can by right take 
 from them when he pleases, without their con- 
 sent."* 
 
 On the first intimation of the measures taken 
 by Massachusetts, the earl of Hillsborough,who 
 had been appointed, about the close of the year 
 1767, to the then newly created office of secre- 
 tary of state for the department of the colonies, 
 Letter from addressed a circular letter to the several srover- 
 
 the earl of 
 
 gh nors, to be laid by them before the assemblies 
 of their respective colonies, in which he treats 
 the circular letter of Massachussetts as being of 
 the most dangerous and factious tendency, calcu- 
 lated to inflame the minds of his majesty's good 
 
 * In this letter too, the house of burgesses, after re- 
 probating- the act imposing duties on glass, &c. express 
 their opinion concerning the mutiny act in the following 
 terms. u The act suspending the legislative power of New 
 York, they consider as still more alarming to the colonies, 
 though it has that single province in view. If parliament 
 can compel them to furnish a single article to the troops 
 sent over, they may, by the same rule, oblige them to 
 furnish clothes, arms, and every other necessary, even 
 the pay of the officers and soldiers ; a doctrine replete with 
 every mischief, and utterly subversive of all that's dear 
 and valuable; for what advantage can the people of the 
 colonies derive from their right of choosing their own re- 
 presentatives, if those representatives when chosen, be 
 not permitted to exercise their own judgments, be under 
 a necessity (on pain of being deprived of their legislative 
 authority) of enforcing the mandates of a. British parlia- 
 ment."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. U 
 
 subjects In the colonies, to promote an unwar- CHAP. n. 
 rantable combination, to excite and encourage an ires. 
 open opposition to and denial of the authority of 
 parliament, and to subvert the true principles 
 of the constitution ; and he endeavours to pre- 
 vail with them to treat with a proper resentment, 
 what he terms " such an unjustifiable attempt 
 to revive those distractions which have operated 
 so fatally to the prejudice of the colonies, and 
 of the mother country;" but in any event not 
 to take part with Massachussetts by approving 
 such proceedings. 
 
 Far from producing the desired effect, this 
 letter of the earl of Hillsborough rather served 
 to strengthen the determination of the colonies 
 to unite in their endeavours for the purpose of 
 obtaining a repeal of the laws so universally 
 detested ; and they declared that they could 
 not consider as an unwarrantable combination, 
 a concert of measures to give weight and 
 efficacy to their representations in support of 
 principles, they deemed essential to the pre- 
 servation of the British constitution, and of 
 British liberty. 
 
 It is probable that this letter was accompanied 
 with instructions to dissolve such assemblies as 
 should refuse to comply with its recommenda- 
 tion, as the assemblies were generally dissolved 
 on taking the same into consideration, and 
 declining to gratify the wish expressed by his 
 
 VOL. ir. Q
 
 114, THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, n. lordship respecting the conduct of their sister 
 ires, colony. 
 
 june 21. When the general court of Massachusetts 
 was again convened, governor Bernard laid 
 before the house of representatives an extract 
 of a letter from the earl of Hillsborough, com- 
 municating the great concern of his majesty, 
 that " a house, at the end of a session, should 
 have presumed to revert to and resolve upon a 
 measure of so inflammatory a nature, as that of 
 writing to the other colonies, on the subject of 
 their intended representations against some 
 late acts of parliament." After stating the 
 opinion, entertained by the crown, of this 
 measure, in terms similar to those used in his 
 circular letter, and expressing the opinion that 
 the resolutions were passed by surprise, and 
 against the sense of the assembly, he declares it 
 to be " the king's pleasure" that the governor 
 " should require of the house of representatives, 
 in his majesty's name, to rescind the resolution 
 which gave birth to the circular letter from 
 the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation 
 of and dissent from that rash and hasty pro- 
 ceeding." 
 
 This message unavoidably produced a con- 
 siderable degree of agitation ; but without 
 coming to any resolution on it, the house 
 requested the governor to lay before them the 
 whole of the letter of the earl of Hillsborough, 
 and also copies of such letters as had been
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^5 
 
 written by his excellency to that nobleman on CHAP. n. 
 the subject to which the message referred. ires. 
 
 The letters written by the governor were J!;;S24- 
 haughtily refused, but the residue of that from ~ 
 the earl of Hillsborough was laid before them. 
 That minister says, " if, notwithstanding the 
 apprehensions which may justly be entertained 
 of the ill consequence of a continuance of this 
 factious spirit, which seems to have influenced 
 the resolutions of the assembly at the conclu- 
 sion of the last session, the new assembly 
 should refuse to comply with his majesty's 
 reasonable expectation, it is the king's pleasure, 
 that you immediately dissolve them." 
 
 In a subsequent part of the letter, the 
 governor is assured that "a faithful discharge 
 of duty shall not operate to" his " prejudice, 
 or to the discontinuance of any necessary 
 establishments . ' ' 
 
 No immediate answer being returned to these June &. 
 communications, the governor pressed the 
 house to a decision on them ; adding, that he 
 could " not admit of a much longer delay 
 .^without considering it as an answer in the 
 negative." 
 
 The next day the house requested a recess, 
 that they might consult their constituents on 
 the requisition made in consequence of the 
 earl of Hillsborough's letter. This being 
 refused, a letter to the earl was reported and 
 agreed to by a majority of ninety-three to 
 Q.2
 
 116 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, it. thirteen, in which they say, " the house are 
 1768. humbly of opinion that a requisition from the 
 june 30. throne of this nature to a British house of 
 commons has been very unusual, perhaps 
 there has been no such precedent since the 
 revolution. If this be the case, some very 
 aggravated representations of this measure 
 must have been made to his majesty, to induce 
 him to require of this house, to rescind a 
 resolution of a former house, upon pain of 
 forfeiting their existence; for, my lord, the 
 house of representatives duly elected, are con- 
 stituted by the royal charter, the representative 
 body of his majesty's faithful commons of this 
 province in the general assembly." 
 
 They defend, in strong and manly, but 
 decent terms, their circular letter; and then 
 proceed to say, "an attempt, my lord, to im- 
 press the royal mind with a jealousy of his 
 faithful subjects, for which there are no just 
 grounds, is a crime of the most malignant 
 nature, as it tends to disturb and destroy that 
 mutual confidence between the prince and the 
 subject which is the only true basis of public 
 happiness and security. Your lordship, upon, 
 inquiry, may find that such base and wicked 
 attempts have been made." 
 
 After stating the inexpressible grief of the 
 people of the province, to find repeated cen- 
 sures falling on them " not from ministers of 
 state alone, but from majesty itself," and saying
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 that there was ' ' no evil in life which they felt CHAP. u. 
 more sensibly than the displeasure of their 1768. 
 sovereign," they state their proceedings rela- 
 tive to the circular letter, so as to show the 
 propriety and regularity of their conduct on 
 that subject; and say that " the house humbly 
 rely on the royal clemency, that to petition 
 his majesty will not be deemed by him to be 
 inconsistent with a respect to the British con- 
 stitution, as settled at the revolution by 
 William III. that to acquaint their fellow 
 subjects involved in the same distress, of their 
 having so done, in full hopes of success, even 
 if they had invited the union of all America in 
 one joint supplication, would not be discoun- 
 tenanced by our gracious sovereign, as a 
 measure of an inflammatory nature. e That 
 when your lordship shall in justice lay a true 
 state of these matters before his majesty, he 
 will no longer consider them as tending to 
 create unwarrantable combinations, or excite 
 an unjustifiable opposition to the constitutional 
 authority of parliament; that he will then truly 
 discern, who are of that desperate faction 
 which is continually disturbing the public 
 tranquillity; and that, while his arm is extended 
 for the protection of his distressed and injured 
 subjects, he will frown upon all those, who, 
 
 e Prior documents.
 
 HQ THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. IT. to gratify their own passions, have dared to 
 ires, attempt to deceive him." 
 
 The question was then put, whether the 
 house would rescind the resolution on which 
 their circular letter was founded ? and it passed 
 in the negative by a majority of ninety-two to 
 seventeen. 
 Assembly A letter to the governor was then prepared, 
 
 of Massa- ' 1_ r r 
 
 chussetts statins: their motives tor remsmsr to comply 
 
 dissolved. r ' 
 
 with the requisition to rescind their resolution, 
 
 immediately after receiving which they were 
 
 J u: y * prorogued, and the next day they were dissolved 
 by proclamation. 
 
 While the opposition was thus conducted by 
 the legislature with temperate firmness, and 
 with the use only of legitimate means, the 
 general irritation occasionally broke out in the 
 town of Boston in acts of violence, denoting 
 evidently that the body of the people, at least 
 in that place, were prepared for much stronger 
 measures than their representatives had pursued. 
 theTioo ' ^ ne se i zure of the sloop Liberty, belonging 
 Liberty. to mr ^ Hancock , by the collector and comptroller 
 of the customs, occasioned the assemblage of 
 a tumultuous mob, who beat the officers and 
 those who assisted them, took possession of a 
 boat belonging to the collector which they 
 burnt in triumph, and patrolled the streets for 
 a considerable length of time. The revenue 
 officers, fearing for their safety, took refuge, 
 first on board the Romney man of war, and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^ 
 
 afterwards fti castle William. After a consi- CHAP. H. 
 derable length of time had elapsed, the governor ires. 
 moved the council to take into consideration ^ 
 some measure for restoring vigour and firmness ~ 
 to government. To this application the council 
 made a reply, in which they state, " that the 
 disorders which happened were occasioned by 
 the violent and unprecedented manner in which 
 the sloop Liberty had been seized by the officers 
 of the customs." And the inhabitants of 
 Boston, in a justificatory memorial, supported 
 by affidavits, say, "the principal occasion of 
 the late tumults arose from the haughty conduct 
 of the commissioners and other officers ap- 
 pointed by them. The Romney man of war, 
 having moored before the town, intimidated 
 the coasting vessels bringing provisions, fire 
 wood, &c. committed many acts of violence 
 and outrage, and in particular, by cutting away 
 a vessel from mr. Hancock's wharf, detaining 
 her several days, without any legal proceeding 
 filed against her, &c. This irritated the people, 
 who patrolled the streets in a tumultuous 
 manner, broke several windows to the value 
 of about five pounds sterling, burnt a pleasure 
 boat belonging to the collector and then dis- 
 persed at about eleven o'clock at night." f 
 
 f Prior documents.
 
 120 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. A petition, presented to the governor by the 
 1768. inhabitants assembled in a town meeting a few 
 days after this event, praying the removal of the 
 Romney, after representing the grievances of 
 which the people complained, and the remon- 
 strances which had been transmitted to parlia- 
 ment, and the petitions to the throne, proceeds 
 to state that they had waited the effect of these 
 applications with the greatest attention to the 
 public peace, until they found themselves in- 
 vaded with an armed force, seizing, impressing, 
 and imprisoning the persons of their fellow 
 subjects, contrary to express acts of parliament. 
 
 Menaces, they said, had been thrown out 
 fit only for barbarians, which already affected 
 them in a most serious manner, and threatened 
 them with famine and desolation ; as all navi- 
 gation was obstructed, upon which alone their 
 whole support depended, and the town was, 
 at that crisis, in a situation nearly such as if 
 war was formally declared against it. 
 
 Although the people thus justified, or rather 
 excused this act of violence, the legislature did 
 , not think proper to aiford it their countenance. 
 A committee of both houses appointed to inquire 
 into the state of the province, after reprobating 
 in their report the circumstances attending the 
 seizure, to which they attribute the mob which 
 was collected, declare their utter abhorrence 
 and detestation of a procedure which they 
 pronounce to be very criminal; and desire the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 governor to direct the attorney general to pro- CHAP. u. 
 secute all persons concerned in the riot. They 1768. 
 also requested that a proclamation might be 
 issued, offering a reward to any person who 
 should make discoveries by which the rioters 
 or their abettors might be brought to condign 
 punishment. 
 
 This report, however, seems to have been 
 rather intended to save appearances, than to 
 have produced any real effect corresponding 
 with the sentiment it expressed. It was per- 
 fectly understood that no person would dare to 
 inform, or even to appear as a witness in any 
 prosecution which might be instituted by the 
 attorney general ; and as if completely to pre- 
 vent further proceedings, several persons, who 
 had been active in producing the riots, \vere 
 placed on the grand jury for the succeeding 
 term. Suits were afterwards instituted against 
 mr. Hancock and others, owners of the vessel 
 and cargo; but, as it was thought unsafe to 
 hazard the trial of them, they were never pro- 
 secuted to a final decision. g 
 
 This riot, which completely demonstrated 
 the impracticability of executing, by ordinary 
 means, the obnoxious laws which government 
 seemed determined to enforce, though it might 
 not occasion, certainly accelerated a measure, 
 
 s Minot. 
 VOX. II. R
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 which tended, in no inconsiderable degree, to 
 irritate still further the angry dispositions 
 already so prevalent in Boston. 
 
 Representations had already been made by 
 the governor to administration, stating the 
 necessity of stationing a military force in the 
 province for the protection of the officers 
 employed in collecting the revenue, and of the 
 magistrates in preserving the public peace ; and 
 orders to detach at least one regiment, on that 
 service, had already been given to general Gage, 
 who was directed to select for the command of 
 it, an officer, on whose prudence, resolution, 
 and integrity he could entirely rely. The 
 transactions respecting the seizure of the sloop 
 Liberty rendered any attempt to produce a 
 countermand of these orders entirely abortive, 
 and probably was the cause that two regiments 
 instead of one, were detached by general Gage. 
 
 Before the arrival of this military force, the 
 governor had used expressions intimating that 
 it might be expected -, in consequence of which 
 a committee of the inhabitants was deputed in 
 a town meeting to wait on his excellency, and 
 know on what the suspicions he had expressed 
 were founded, and also to pray him to convene 
 another general assembly. 
 
 The answer of the governor confirmed their 
 fears respecting a military force, though he 
 assured them that he had no official communi- 
 cation on the subject; and contained also the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123 
 
 information, that no other assembly could be CHAP, n. 
 convoked, until his majesty's commands for 1768. 
 that purpose should be received. 
 
 It seems to have been supposed that a disso- 
 lution of the assembly of Massachusetts would 
 dissolve also the opposition to the measures 
 of administration ; and that the people, having 
 no longer constitutional leaders, being no lon- 
 ger excited and conducted by their represen- 
 tatives, would gradually become quiet, and 
 return to, what was termed, their duty to 
 government. But the opinions expressed by 
 the house of representatives were the opinions 
 of the great body of the people, and had taken 
 too deep root to be so readily suppressed. 
 The most active and energetic part of society 
 had embraced them with enthusiasm and the 
 dissolution of the assembly only created a 
 necessity for devising others, perhaps more 
 efficient expedients; and hastened a mode of 
 conducting their opposition, which was after- 
 wards universally adopted. 
 S The answer of the governor to their message 
 being reported, the meeting immediately pro- 
 ceeded to resolve, " that to levy money within 
 that province by any other authority than that 
 of the general court, was a violation of the 
 royal charter, and of the undoubted natural 
 rights of British subjects. 
 
 That the freeholders and other inhabitants 
 of the town of Boston w r ould, at the peril of 
 
 R 2
 
 124 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, it. their lives and fortunes, take all legal and 
 1768. constitutional measures to defend all and 
 singular the rights, liberties, privileges, and 
 immunities, granted in their royal charter. 
 
 " That, as there was an apprehension in the 
 minds of many of an approaching war with 
 France, those inhabitants, who were not pro- 
 _vided with arms, should be requested duly 
 to observe the laws of the province, which 
 required that every householder should furnish 
 himself with a complete stand." 
 
 They further resolved, " that as the governor 
 did not think proper to call a general court for 
 the redress of their grievances, the town would 
 then make choice of a suitable number of 
 persons to act for them as a committee in a 
 convention, to be held at Faneuil hall in Boston 
 with such as might be sent to join them from 
 the several towns in the province." 
 
 These votes were, at the desire of the 
 meeting, communicated by the select men in a 
 circular letter to the other towns in the province 
 whicK were invited to concur in them, and to 
 elect committee men who should meet those 
 of Boston, in convention. 
 
 A convention The measure was very generally adopted, 
 i-aneuii haii. anc ] a convention assembled, which was re- 
 garded with all the respect that could have 
 been paid to a legitimate assembly. 
 
 The country in general, though united on 
 the great constitutional question of taxation,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125 
 
 was probably not exasperated to the same point CHAP, n. 
 with the people of Boston; and the convention i?68. 
 appears to have acted with unexpected mode- Moderation 
 ration. They disclaimed all pretensions to any pr<x 
 other character than that of mere individuals, 
 assembled by deputation from the towns to 
 consult and advise on such measures as might 
 tend to promote the peace and good order of 
 his majesty's subjects in the province, but 
 without power to pass any authoritative, or 
 governmental acts. 
 
 They petitioned the governor to assemble 
 the general court, and addressed a letter to the 
 agent for the province in England, stating the 
 character in which they met, and the motives 
 which brought them together. After express- 
 ing their opinions with temper and firmness, 
 on the subjects generally complained of, and 
 recommending to the people patience, and 
 regard to good order, they dissolved themselves 
 and returned to their respective homes. 
 
 The report that the two regiments were 
 ordered to Boston had spread through the 
 country, and some hints which had been thrown 
 out seem to have created an apprehension, that 
 the more violent part of the town would oppose 
 their landing, and precipitate the province into 
 a civil war. 
 
 The day before the convention rose, two 
 British regiments, commanded by colonel 
 Dalrymple, arrived under convoy in Nantasket
 
 126 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, n. road. The application of the governor to the 
 1768. council, to provide quarters for them in Boston, 
 sept. 23. had been rejected, because there were barracks 
 
 TWO British sufficient for their reception in the castle ; and 
 
 arrive at by act of parliament the British troops were to 
 
 Boston. * 
 
 be quartered no where else, until those barracks 
 should be full. But a report having prevailed 
 that the people about Boston were in a state of 
 open revolt, general Gage, who had originally 
 directed one regiment to be stationed in the 
 town, transmitted such orders as, combined 
 with the threats which had been uttered of 
 opposing the debarkation of the troops, induced 
 the commanding officer to determine to land 
 October i. both regiments in Boston. The fleet, therefore, 
 was put in motion, and took a station which 
 commanded the whole town. 1 ' The ships of 
 war lay with their broad sides towards the town, 
 with springs on their cables, and their guns 
 ready for firing on the place should any resist- 
 ance be attempted. These formidable prepa- 
 rations having been made, the troops began to 
 land about one o'clock in the afternoon under 
 cover of the cannon of their ships. This being 
 effected without experiencing any opposition, 
 they marched into the common with loaded 
 muskets and fixed bayonets, in all that military 
 pomp and parade which indeed are usual on 
 
 h Gazettes.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127 
 
 such occasions, but which were believed by CHAP. n. 
 the inhabitants to be then displayed for the ires. 
 purposes of intimidation or irritation. 
 
 The select men, as well as the council, 
 having refused to provide quarters in town for 
 the troops, the state house was, by order of the 
 governor, opened for their reception, and 
 they took possession of all the apartments 
 belonging to it, except that which was reserved 
 for the council ; and two field pieces with the 
 main guard were stationed just in its front. 
 The utmost indignation and disgust were 
 excited among the people at seeing the chamber 
 of their representatives .filled with regular 
 soldiers, their counsellors surrounded with 
 foreign troops, and their whole city exhibiting 
 the appearance of a garrisoned town. The 
 inhabitants complained too of being challenged 
 as they passed and repassed; and the devout 
 were disturbed by military music which often 
 offended their ears during divine service. 
 With the difference of manners between the 
 soldiers and the inhabitants of the town, and 
 the strong prejudices reciprocally entertained 
 against each other, it is not wonderful that 
 personal broils should frequently occur, and 
 that mutual antipathies already so strong should 
 be still further increased. 1 
 
 M'lUQt,
 
 128 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cHAp.n. While these measures were pursuing in 
 1768. America, every session of parliament was 
 opened with information from the king, that a 
 disposition to refuse obedience to the laws, 
 and to resist the authority of the supreme 
 legislature of the nation, still prevailed among 
 his misguided subjects in some of the colonies. 
 In the addresses answering the speeches from 
 the throne, both houses uniformly expressed 
 their abhorrence of the rebellious spirit mani- 
 fested in the colonies, and their approbation of 
 the measures taken by his majesty for the 
 restoration of order and good government. k 
 
 To give a more solemn expression to the 
 sense of parliament on, this subject, joint reso- 
 lutions* of both houses were at length entered 
 into, condemning in the strongest terms the 
 measures pursued by the Americans; and an 
 address was likewise agreed on, approving the 
 conduct of the crown, giving assurances of 
 effectual support to such further measures as 
 might be found necessary to maintain the civil 
 magistrates, in a due execution of the laws 
 within the province of Massachussetts Bay; 
 and beseeching him to direct the governor of 
 that colony to obtain and transmit to his majesty 
 information of all treasons committed in Mas- 
 sachussetts since the year 1767, with the names 
 
 k Minot. 
 * See JVb/r, .Mo. VII. at the end of the volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129 
 
 of the persons who had been most active in CHAP, n. 
 promoting such offences, that prosecutions 1768. 
 might be instituted against them .within the 
 realm, in pursuance of the statute of the 35th 
 of Henry VIII. 
 
 These threatening declarations, which seem 
 to have been particularly directed against Mas- 
 sachussetts Bay* in the hope that the other 
 provinces might be deterred from involving 
 themselves in her dangers, made no impression 
 on the colonists in any degree favourable to the 
 views of the mother country. Their resolution 
 to resist the exercise of the authority claimed 
 by Great Britain not only remained unshaken, 
 but manifested itself in a still more determined 
 form. 
 
 * These resolutions originated in the house of lords, 
 and passed both houses by immense majorities. In the 
 debate in the house of commons, mr. Barre commented 
 with grea't force on their being levelled particularly atMas- 
 sachussetts when the offence of resistance was common to 
 all the colonies. He said, " away with these partial re- 
 sentful trifles, calculated to irritate, and not to quell or 
 appease; inadequate to their purpose, unworthy of us 1 
 why will you endeavour to deceive yourselves and us ? 
 you know that it is not this place only which disputes 
 your right, but every part. They tell you that you have 
 no right from one end of the continent to the other. My 
 sentiments of this matter you well know. Consider well 
 what you are doing. Act openly and honestly. Tell 
 them, you will tax them ; and that they must slibmit. 
 Do not adopt this little, insidious, futile plan ; they will 
 despise you for it." 
 
 VOL. II. S
 
 130 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, n. Not long after these votes of the British par- 
 
 1769. liament, the assembly of Virginia was convened 
 
 May. by lord Botetourt, a nobleman of the most 
 
 conciliating and popular manners, who had 
 
 recently been appointed governor of that colony. 
 
 A copy of the proceedings having already been 
 
 received, the house took into their immediate 
 
 consideration the state of the colony, and passed 
 
 Resolutions unanimously several resolutions, asserting in 
 
 of the house ... , . . 
 
 of burgesses the most decisive terms, the exclusive narht 
 
 of Virginia. 
 
 of that assembly to impose taxes on the in- 
 habitants within his majesty's dominion of 
 Virginia, and their undoubted right to petition 
 for a redress of grievances, and to obtain a 
 concurrence of the other colonies in such 
 petitions. Alluding particularly to the joint 
 address of the two houses to the king, they 
 also resolved, that all persons charged with 
 the commission of anv offence within that 
 
 w 
 
 colony, were entitled to a trial before the tri- 
 bunals of the country, according to the fixed 
 and known course of proceeding therein, and 
 that to seize such persons and transport them 
 beyond sea for trial, derogated in a high degree 
 from the rights of British subjects, as thereby 
 the inestimable privilege of being tried by a 
 jury from the vicinage, as well as the liberty 
 of summoning and producing witnesses on 
 such trial, will be taken away from the party 
 accused.
 
 rm L 
 
 association. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 An address* to his majesty was also agreed CHAP. n. 
 on, which states in the style of loyalty and real 1769. 
 attachment to the crown, the deep conviction 
 of the house of burgesses of Virginia, that the 
 complaints of the colonists were well founded. 
 
 Intelligence of these proceedings ha vine; The governo 
 
 o dissolves the 
 
 reached the governor, he suddenly dissolved f assemblv - 
 the assembly, the members of which then con- 
 vened at a private house, and having chosen their 
 speaker, moderator, proceeded to form a non- 
 importing association, which war. signed by s fo 
 every person present ; and which, being recom- 
 mended by them to the people, was subscribed, 
 almost universally, throughout the province. 
 
 From the commencement of the controversy, 
 the opinion seems to have prevailed extensively 
 throughout the colonies, that the most effectual 
 means of succeeding in the struggle in which 
 they were engaged, were those, which would 
 interest the merchants and manufacturers of 
 Great Britain in their favour. Associations had 
 therefore been set on foot in Massachussetts, 
 as early as the beginning of May 1768, for the 
 
 * See Note, No. VIII. at the end of the -volume. 
 t The manner of dissolving this assembly was long 
 recollected in Virginia. The governor, suddenly appear- 
 ing, addressed them in these words : " mr. speaker, and 
 gentlemen of the house of burgesses, I have heard of 
 your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. You have 
 made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved 
 accordingly,!' 
 
 S2
 
 132 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. non-importation of goods from that country. 
 
 1769. The merchants of some of the trading; towns in 
 
 *' 
 
 the other colonies, especially those of Phila- 
 delphia, although perfectly according with their 
 countrymen in opposing the claims of the mother 
 country, refused at that time to concur in a 
 measure, which they deemed too strong for the 
 existing state of things, and it w r as, for the 
 moment, laid aside. But in the beginning of 
 August, it was resumed in Boston ; and the 
 merchants of that place generally entered into 
 an agreement, not to import from Great Britain 
 any articles whatever, except a few of the first 
 necessity, between the first of January 1769, 
 and the first of January 1770 ; and not to import 
 tea, glass, paper, or painters colours, until the 
 duties imposed on those articles should be taken 
 off. This agreement was soon afterwards 
 adopted in the town of Salem, the city of New 
 York, and the province of Connecticut; but was 
 not, however, generally entered into through the 
 colonies, until the resolutions and address of the 
 two houses of parliament, which have already 
 been mentioned, seemed to cut off the hope 
 that petitions and memorials would alone effect 
 the object for which they contended. The 
 proceedings of the house of burgesses of Vir- 
 ginia, which took place very soon after the in- 
 telligence of those resolutions and that address 
 had reached America, were, by order of the 
 house, transmitted by their speaker to the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133 
 
 speakers of the several assemblies throughout CHAP, n. 
 the continent. The occasion seemed, in the 1769. 
 opinion of the neighbouring colonies, to require 
 measures of greater energy than had heretofore 
 been adopted ; and an association, similar to that 
 which had been formed by their elder sister, 
 was entered into by Maryland, North, and South 
 Carolina. The inhabitants of Charleston went Measures 
 
 generally 
 
 so far as to break off all connexion with Rhode $%** 
 Island and Georgia, the inhabitants of which BrTthrfma, 
 colonies, they charged with having acted a nu 
 part most singularly infamous from the com- 
 mencement of the present glorious struggle for 
 the preservation of American rights. This 
 vigorous measure was probably not without its 
 influence, as those provinces soon afterwards 
 entered into the agreements which had now 
 
 ecome common throughout America. 
 
 In Portsmouth in New Hampshire, where 
 mr. Went worth, a very popular governor, pos- 
 sessed great influence, there was also discovered 
 a considerable degree of reluctance at adopting 
 this measure; but being threatened with a 
 suspension of their whole intercourse with the 
 other colonies, the merchants of that place 
 likewise, following the example so generally 
 set them, joined in an association similar to 
 that which had been elsewhere very generally 
 
 adopted. 
 
 All ranks and conditions of persons united 
 
 in giving effect to this agreement. The utmost 
 
 b,
 
 134 THE LIFE OF 
 
 C HAP. ii. exertions were used to improve the manufac- 
 1769. tares of the country; and the fair sex, laying 
 aside the late fashionable ornaments of England, 
 exulted, with patriotic pride, in appearing 
 dressed with the produce of their own looms. 
 Committees chosen by the people, superin- 
 tended every where the importations which 
 -were made, and the force of public opinion 
 secured, in a great degree, from violation, the 
 
 associations which had been formed. 
 
 June - The situation of that province rendering a 
 
 ^J 1 r c 1 < urt legislative grant of money necessary for the 
 
 sachiserts! 5 " purposes of government, the general court of 
 Massachusetts" was again convened. The 
 members of the former house of representatives 
 were generally re-elected, and brought with 
 them the temper which had 'occasioned their 
 
 ing s proceed " dissolution. Discovering no disposition to enter 
 on the business for which they were called^ 
 together, they immediately engaged in a con- 
 troversy with the governor,* concerning the 
 
 * This contest is thus stated by mr. Gordon. " The 
 general court being called together according to charter, 
 a committee from the house of representatives remon- 
 strated to his excellency, ' that an armament by sea and 
 land, investing this metropolis, (Boston) and a military 
 guard with cannon pointed at the door of the state house 
 where the assembly is held, afe inconsistent with that 
 dignity and freedom, with which they have a right to 
 deliberate, consult, and determine. They expect that 
 your excellency will, as his majesty's representative, give
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 5 
 
 removal of the ships of war from the harbour CHAP, n. 
 and troops from the town of Boston, which as 1769. 
 the representative of the crown, they insisted 
 on his power to do. 
 
 In the expectation that by removing the 
 general court from a place where the members 
 were, by the great influence of the metropolis, 
 excited to and supported in the system they 
 had adopted, they might be induced to enter 
 on the ordinary business of the country, the 
 governor adjourned them to meet at Cambridge. 
 
 Far from producing the intended effect, this 
 measure served to increase the existing irrita- 
 tion. The business recommended to them, 
 remained for some time unnoticed; their alter- 
 cations with the governor continued, and they 
 entered into several warm resolutions,* enlarg- 
 
 xffectual orders for the removal of the above-mentioned 
 forces by sea and land out of this port, and the gates of 
 this city, during the session of the said assembly.' The 
 governor returned for answer, ' gentlemen, I have no 
 authority over his majesty's ships in this port; or his 
 troops in this town.' A few days after receiving this 
 answer, the house, in a message to him, declared 'the 
 use of the military power to enforce the execution of the 
 laws, is, in the opinion of this house, inconsistent with 
 the spirit of a free constitution, and the very nature of 
 government. The military force is uncontrollable by any 
 authority in the province ; it is then a power without any 
 check here; and therefore it is so far absolute. What 
 privilege ! what security then is left to this house I" 
 
 Gordon's Hist. Am. War, vol. I. p. 259. 
 
 ^ See Aorc, J\'o. IX. at the end of the -volume.
 
 136 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, ii. ing the catalogue of grievances, and expressed 
 1769. in terms of infinitely greater exasperation, than 
 had heretofore appeared in the official acts of 
 any legislature on the continent. 
 
 Not long after the passage of these resolutions, 
 the house explicitly refused to make the pro- 
 vision required by the mutiny act for the 
 troops stationed in Massachussetts ; and this 
 being the object for which they were most 
 is prorogued, especially convened, they were prorogued until 
 the first of January. 
 
 The committees appointed to examine the 
 cargoes of vessels arriving from Great Britain, 
 in order to prevent any breach of the association , 
 went on to execute the trust reposed in them. 
 
 Votes of censure were passed on such as 
 refused to concur in that agreement, or violated 
 its principles, and the names of the offenders 
 were published in the newspapers, as enemies 
 to their country. In some cases, the good^ 
 imported in contravention of it were locked up 
 in warehouses, to prevent their being sold, and 
 in some few instances, they were reshipped 
 to Great Britain. 
 
 Not long after the strong resolutions, . \tfhich . 
 have been noticed, were agreed to by parlia- 
 ment, while their effect was unfolding itself in 
 every part of the American continent, a dispo- 
 sition more conciliatory than had heretofore' 
 been manifested, found its way m\o the. cabinet 
 at St. James's. The duke of prafton ua- 
 
 7
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 placed at the head of the administration, and CHAP.H. 
 supported with great earnestness, a proposition 1759. 
 for the repeal of all the duties imposed for the 4 tlministra - 
 
 tion resolve 
 
 purpose of raising a revenue in the colonies. ? 
 This moderate and judicious measure he was 
 
 duties except 
 that on tea. 
 
 unable completely to carry. It was thought 
 indispensable to the maintenance of the legis- 
 lative supremacy of Great Britain, to retain the 
 duty on some one article, and that on tea was 
 reserved while the others were relinquished. 
 
 Never perhaps did a great and wise nation 
 adopt a more ill judged measure than this. 
 The contest with America was plainly a contest 
 of principle, and had been conducted entirely 
 on principle, by both sides. The amount of 
 taxes proposed to be raised, was too inconsi- 
 derable to have been deemed, by either people, 
 of sufficient consequence to induce them to 
 hazard, on that account, the consequences 
 already produced. But the principle was, in 
 the opinion of both, of the utmost magnitude. 
 The measure now proposed for conciliation, 
 while it encouraged in the Americans the hope 
 that their cause was gaining strength in Britain 
 had no.;tendency to remove the ground of con- 
 test. Their opposition had been founded on 
 the conation, that the right to tax them was 
 vested exclusively in themselves ; and while 
 
 *.J 
 
 this measure was thought to evidence the effect 
 already produced by that opposition, it left in 
 
 VOL.- II. T
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. n. full force all the motives which originally pro- 
 
 1769. duced it. 
 
 circular In pursuance of this resolution of the cabinet, 
 
 the eari of a circular letter was written by the earl of 
 
 Hillsborough 
 
 Hillsborough to the different governors, in- 
 forming them " that it was the intention of 
 his majesty's ministers, to propose in the next 
 session of parliament, taking off the duties on 
 glass, paper, and painters colours, on conside- 
 ration of such duties having been laid contrary 
 to the true spirit of commerce ; and assuring 
 them that, at no time had they entertained the 
 design, to propose to parliament, to lay any 
 further taxes on America for the purpose of 
 raising a revenue." 
 
 This measure having been communicated in 
 letters from persons in England to their corres- 
 pondents in Massachusetts, and apprehensions 
 being entertained that an improper opinion 
 juiy 27. concerning its operation might be formed, a 
 meeting of the merchants and traders in Boston 
 was held, in which it was resolved, that the 
 partial repeal of the duties did not remove the 
 difficulties under which their trade laboured ; 
 was only calculated to relieve the manufacturers 
 of Great Britain; and that they would still' 
 rigidly adhere to their non-importation agree- 
 ment. 
 
 The communication which had been received 
 by the governors, from the earl of Hillsborough, 
 of the intended application to parliament for
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 9 
 
 the repeal of the duties on glass, paper, and CHAP, n. 
 painters colours, was made to the several legis- 1769. 
 latures as they convened, * in terms implying 
 an intention to renounce the imposition of any 
 future taxes on America. But this communi- 
 cation seems no where to have restored perfect 
 content. 
 
 The Virginia legislature was in session on 
 its arrival, and governor Botetourt laid it before 
 them. They voted, as a protest, manifesting 
 their dissatisfaction with it, a petition to the 
 king, asserting the rights they had heretofore 
 maintained; and as individuals, immediately 
 signed an association, in which they were 
 joined by several respectable merchants of the 
 country then met at Williamsburg, by which 
 they renewed their non-importation agreement 
 with respect to certain enumerated articles, not 
 of absolute necessity, and engage to continue 
 it until the duty on tea should be repealed. 
 
 * Lord Botetourt, in communicating the assurances of 
 ministers to the assembly of Virginia, added, " it is my 
 firm opinion that the plan which I have stated will take 
 place, and that it will never be departed from. I shall 
 exert every power with which I am, or ever may be le- 
 gally, invested, in order to obtain and maintain, for the 
 continent of America, that satisfaction, which I have been 
 authorized tp promise this day, by the confidential ser- 
 vants of our.gracious sovereign, who, to my certain know- 
 ledge, rates 'his honour so high, that he would rather part 
 with his crown, than preserve it with deceit* 
 T 2
 
 140 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. n. Yet several causes combined to render a 
 176$. general observance of the non- importation 
 agreement extremely difficult. The sacrifice 
 of interest made by the merchants was too 
 great to be continued, but under the influence 
 of very powerful motives. Suspicions were 
 entertained of each other in the same towns, 
 and committees to superintend the conduct of 
 importers, were charged with gross partiality 
 in permitting some persons to sell goods con- 
 trary to their engagement, while others, not 
 more culpable, were held up to the public as 
 enemies to their country. The different com- 
 mercial towns, too, watched each other with 
 no inconsiderable degree of jealousy, and 
 accusations were reciprocally made of infrac- 
 tions to a great extent, of the association they 
 had so solemnly pledged themselves to observe. 
 Letters purporting to be from England, were 
 ""published, stating that large orders for goods 
 had been received; and the inconvenience 
 resulting from even the partial interruption of 
 commerce which had taken place, and the want 
 of those British manufactures which the in- 
 habitants had been accustomed to use, began 
 to be severely and extensively felt. In Rhode 
 Island and Albany, it was determined to import 
 as usual, with the restriction only of such 
 articles as should be dutiable. On the remon- 
 strances of other commercial places, especially 
 of Boston, these resolutions w r ere changed, and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141 
 
 the hope was entertained, that the general C HAP - n. 
 system on which the colonies relied for success 1769. 
 in their opposition to the scheme of establishing 
 the right in Britain to tax them, would still be 
 adhered to. 
 
 These hopes were blasted by New York. 
 That town, at first determined to import as 
 usual, with the exception only of articles sub- 
 ject to the duty, provided the large commercial 
 towns of Boston and Philadelphia would accede 
 to the proposition. 
 
 These towns refused to depart from the non- 
 importation agreement, and strenuously urged 
 their brethren of New York to persevere with 
 them in the glorious struggle. On receiving 
 this answer, it was communicated to the people ; 
 and their opinion, on the question of rescinding 
 or adhering to the non-importation agreement, 
 was taken in their respective wards, when a New York 
 
 . . . recedes in 
 
 decided majoritv was found in favour of im-p, artfrom 
 
 J the non- 
 
 porting generally, with the single exception of ^"J, 1 ,"" 
 such articles as might be subject to duty. Ju j y 10- 
 This determination was immediately commu- ~ 
 nicated, and excited in New England and 
 Philadelphia the most lively chagrin. Their 
 remonstrances against it were, however, inef- The example 
 
 generally 
 
 fectual, and the agreement thus openly departed foHwc * 
 from in New York, was soon universally 
 abandoned. The association was now confined 
 to the single article of tea.
 
 142 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - " In justification of themselves, it was alleged 
 1769. by the people of New York, that the towns of 
 New England had not fairly observed their 
 engagements, and that the merchants of Albany 
 had been in the practice of receiving goods 
 from Quebec. 
 
 No sufficient evidence in support of these 
 assertions was ever adduced. But it is certain 
 that extreme difficulty attended a perseverance 
 in the plan which had been adopted. Indepen- 
 dent of the privations to which the associators 
 were exposed; of the great loss encountered by 
 the merchants, whose business was suspended; 
 it was not easy to surmount the obstacles which 
 opposed themselves to a continued union, in 
 the same measure, of rival towns, jealous of 
 the commercial prosperity of each other, and 
 conscious that if the agreement should be 
 evaded by others, ruin must be the fate of those 
 who should adhere to it. 
 
 irro. About this time a circumstance occurred, 
 which threatened, for the moment, effects the 
 
 most extensively serious. The two regiments 
 stationed in Boston to support, as was aid, 
 the execution of civil power, and preserve" the 
 peace of the town, could not fail to be VieVed 
 by the inhabitants with very prejudiced eyc*s. 
 Frequent quarrels arose between them, and at 
 length an affray took place in the night, near 
 the gates of their barracks, which brought out 
 captain Preston, the officer of the day, with a
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 
 
 part of the main guard between whom and CHAP, u. 
 some young men blows ensued ; on which they 1770. 
 fired and four of the people were killed. 
 
 The alarm bells were immediately rung, the 
 drums beat to arms, and an immense multitude 
 assembled, who, inflamed to madness by the 
 view of the dead bodies, were with some diffi- 
 culty restrained from rushing on the twenty- 
 ninth regiment, which was then drawn up under 
 arms in king street, by the exertions of the 
 lieutenant governor, who promised that the 
 laws should be enforced on the perpetrators of 
 the act, and by the efforts of several respectable 
 and influential individuals. They were pre- 
 vailed on to disperse, after the regiment had 
 been marched to the barracks. Captain Preston, 
 and the soldiers who had fired, were committed 
 to prison for trial ; and, on the next day, 
 upwards of four thousand persons assembled at 
 Faneuil hall, and addressed to the lieutenant 
 governor, a message, stating it to be " the 
 unanimous opinion of the meeting, that the 
 inhabitants and soldiers can no longer live 
 together in safety; that nothing can rationally 
 be expected to restore the peace of the town, 
 and prevent further blood and carnage, but the 
 immediate removal of the troops; and they, 
 therefore, most fervently prayed his honour, 
 that his power and influence might be exerted 
 for their instant removal.-'
 
 144 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - " In answer to this message, the lieutenant 
 1770. governor expressed his extreme sorrow at the 
 melancholy event which had taken place, and 
 declared that he had taken measures to have 
 the affair inquired into, and justice done. 
 That the military were not under his command 
 but received their orders from the general at 
 New York, which orders, it was not in his 
 power to countermand. That, on the applica- 
 tion of the council for the removal of the troops, 
 colonel Dalrymple their commanding officer, 
 had engaged that the twenty-ninth regiment, 
 which had been concerned in the affair, should 
 be marched to the castle, and there placed m 
 barracks, until further orders could be received 
 from the general; and that the main guard 
 should be removed, and the fourteenth regiment 
 so disposed of, and laid under such restraints, 
 that all occasions of future disturbance should 
 be removed. This answer was voted to be 
 unsatisfactory, and a committee was imme- 
 diately deputed to wait on the lieutenant 
 governor and inform him, that nothing less 
 
 could satisfy them than an immediate and total 
 
 'i'-- ' >v 
 removal of the troops. 
 
 '.''' 
 This vote was laid before the council, by 
 
 mr. Hutchinson, who had succeeded Bernard 
 in the government of the province. The coun- 
 cil declared themselves unanimously;. of opinion 
 " that it was absolutely necessary for his 
 majesty's service, the go&l orijer of the town,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145 
 
 and the peace of the province, that the troops CHAP. n. 
 should be immediately removed out of the 1770. 
 town of Boston." 
 
 This opinion and advice were made known 
 to colonel Dairy mple, who gave his honour, 
 that measures should be immediately taken for 
 their removal, and that no unnecessary delay 
 should be practised. Highly gratified with this 
 assurance, the meeting secured the tranquillity 
 of the town, by appointing a strong military 
 watch, and immediately dissolved. 
 
 This transaction was very differently related 
 by the different parties concerned in it. Mr. 
 Gordon, whose history was written when the 
 resentments of the moment had subsided, and 
 who appears to have carefully collected the 
 facts of the case, states it in such a manner, as 
 very nearly, if not entirely, to exculpate the 
 military characters concerned in it. It would 
 appear that an attack upon the soldiers, pro- 
 bably in the belief that only the loss of lives 
 could occasion their removal from the town, 
 had been premeditated; and that after being 
 lorig insulted with the grossest language, they 
 hve.re repeatedly assaulted by the mob, with 
 balls of ice and snow, and with sticks, before 
 they were induced to fire. This representation 
 receives strong support from the circumstances, 
 that captain Preston, after a very Ions: and Trial and 
 
 acquittal 
 
 public trial, was acquitted by a Boston jury; p^gj 
 and that of the: eight soldiers wljio were prose- 
 
 VOL. II. U
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. n. cuted, six were acquitted, and the remaining 
 1770. two found guilty, not of murder, but of man- 
 slaughter only. Mr. Quincy> and mr. John 
 Adams, two very eminent lawyers, and dis- 
 tinguished leaders of the patriotic party, con- 
 sented to defend captain Preston and the 
 soldiers; and by doing so, sustained no di- 
 minution of their influence. Yet this event 
 was very differently understood through the 
 colonies. It was generally believed to be a 
 massacre equally barbarous and unprovoked; 
 and increased, in no inconsiderable degree, the 
 detestation in which the soldiers, stationed 
 among -the people, were every where held.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Insurrection in North Carolina.. ..Dissatisfaction of Mas- 
 sachussetts... .Corresponding committees appointed.... 
 Governor Hutchinson's correspondence with the admi- 
 nistration sent over by doctor Franklin.. ..The assembly- 
 petition for the removal of the governor and lieutenant 
 governor.. ..Hutchinson is succeeded by general Gage 
 ....Measures to enforce the execution of the act con- 
 cerning duties.. ..Ferment excited in America. ...The tea 
 is thrown into the sea at Boston... .Measures of parlia- 
 ment.. ..General enthusiasm in America.... A general 
 congress is proposed. ...General Gage arrives in Boston 
 *.. Troops stationed on Boston neck.. ..New counsellors 
 and judges. ...Obliged to resign. ...Boston neck fortified 
 ....Military stores seized by general Gage. ...Prepara- 
 tions for defence in Massachusetts... .King's speech in 
 parliament.. ..Proceedings of that body. ...Battle of Lex- 
 ington.. ..Vote of Massachusetts for raising men.... 
 Meeting of congress. ...Proceedings of that body.... 
 Transactions in Virginia.. ..Provincial congress of South 
 Carolina.. ..Battle of Breeds hill. 
 
 IN the middle and southern colonies, the irrita- 1770. 
 tion against the mother country appears to have 
 subside^ ; in a considerable degree ; and no 
 disposition was manifested, to extend their 
 opposition further than to defeat the collection 
 of the revenue, by entirely preventing the 
 importation of tea. Their attention was a srood insurrection 
 
 r .0 in North 
 
 deal taken up by an insurrection in North CaroUna< 
 Carolina, where a number of ignorant people, 
 supposing themselves to be aggrieved by the
 
 148 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. fee bill, rose in arms for the purpose of shut- 
 1770. ting up the courts of justice, destroying all 
 officers of government, and all lawyers, and of 
 prostrating government itself. Governor Tryon 
 marched against them, and having, in a deci- 
 sive battle, totally defeated them, the insurrec- 
 tion was quelled, and order restored. 
 
 In Massachusetts, where very high opinions 
 of American rights had long been imbibed; and 
 where the doctrine, that the British parliament 
 could not rightfully legislate for the Americans 
 was already maintained as a corollary from the 
 
 Dissatisfac- proposition that the British parliament could 
 
 tion of Mas- , , . i i 
 
 saciiussettt. not tax them ; a gloomy discontent with the 
 existing state of things was every where mani- 
 fested. That the spirit of opposition lately 
 excited, seemed expiring, without having 
 established on a secure and solid basis the 
 rights they claimed, excited, in the bosoms of 
 that inflexible people, apprehensions of a much 
 more serious nature than would have been 
 created by any conflict with which they could 
 be threatened. This temper displayed itself 
 in all their proceedings. The legislature had 
 been removed from Boston, its usual place of 
 sitting, to Cambridge, where the governor 
 still continued to convene them. They remon- 
 strated against this, as an intolerable grievance, 
 and for two sessions refused to do business. 
 In one of these remonstrances, they insist on 
 the right of the people to appeal to Heaven in
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149 
 
 disputes between them and persons in power, CHAP, m. 
 when those in power shall abuse it. 1770. 
 
 When assembled in September, the general September. 
 court was informed by the governor, 'that his 
 majesty had ordered the provincial garrison in 
 the castle to be withdrawn, and regular troops 
 to succeed them. This they declared to be so 
 essential an alteration of their constitution, as 
 justly to alarm a free people. 
 
 From the commencement of the contest, correspond- 
 ing com- 
 
 Massachussetts appears to have deeply felt the 
 importance of uniting all the colonies in one 
 system of measures; and, in pursuance of this 
 favourite idea, a committee of correspondence 
 was at this session elected, to communicate 
 with such committees as might be appointed 
 by other colonies. Similar committees were 
 soon afterwards chosen by the different towns * 
 throughout the province, for the purpose of 
 corresponding with each other, and of express- 
 ing, in some degree officially, the sentiments 
 of the people. Their reciprocal communications 
 were well calculated to keep up the spirit, 
 which was general through the colony. The 
 example was afterwards followed by ether 
 colonies, and the utility of this institution be- 
 came apparent, when. a more active opposition 
 was rendered necessary. 
 
 * See Note) No. X. at the end of the volume.
 
 150 THE LIFE O F 
 
 CHAP - MI. Although the governor, judges, and other 
 1772. high colonial officers had been appointed by the 
 crown^ they had hitherto depended on the 
 provineial legislatures for their salaries ; and 
 this dependence had always been highly valued, 
 as giving to the colonies an important influence 
 on their conduct. It has been already seen, 
 how perseveringly this source of influence 
 was maintained by Massachussetts on a former 
 occasion. As a part of the new system, it had 
 been determined that the salaries of these officers 
 should be fixed by the crown, and paid without 
 the intervention of the legislature. This 
 measure was adopted in relation to all the royal 
 governments, and was communicated to the 
 general court of Massachussetts in May. It 
 gave high offence, and was declared by the 
 house of representatives to be an infraction of 
 the rights of the inhabitants, granted them by 
 charter.-* 
 
 * "A committee having been appointed to consider the 
 matter of the governor's support being provided for by the 
 king, reported and observed, 'that the king's. providing 
 for the support of the governor is a most dangerous inno- 
 vation. It is a measure whereby not only the right of the 
 general assembly of this province is rescinded, but the 
 highest indignity is thrown upon it. ^t is an infraction 
 of the charter' in a material point, Whereby a most im- 
 portant trust is wrested out of the hands of the general 
 assembly.' , And' the house, the same day, declared, by 
 a message to the governor, 'that the. making provision 
 for his excellency's support, independent of the grants
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 About this time a discovery was made, which CHAP, m. 
 very greatly increased the ill temper already so irrs. 
 prevalent throughout New England. Doctor 3^ 
 Franklin, the agent for several of the colonies, denceThh 
 and amoner others for Massachusetts, by some station sent 
 
 over by doc- 
 
 unknown means, obtained possession of the tor Fraiiklhi - 
 letters which had been addressed by governor 
 Hutchinson, and by lieutenant governor Oliver 
 to the department of state. These letters, many 
 of which were private, he transmitted to the 
 general court. They were obviously designed, 
 and well calculated to induce a perseverance on 
 the part of government, in the system which 
 had so greatly tended to alienate the affections 
 of the colonies. The opposition was represented 
 to be confined to a few factious turbulent men, 
 whose conduct was by no means generally 
 approved, and who had been emboldened by 
 the weakness of the means used to restrain them. 
 More vigorous measures \vere recommended, 
 and several specific propositions, peculiarly 
 offensive to the colony, were made, among 
 which wa.s the alteration of their charters, and 
 tfVe rendering the high officers dependent solely 
 on the crown for their salaries. 
 
 Inflamed by these letters, the assembly unan- 
 imously resolved " that their tendency and 
 
 and acts of the general assembly, and his excellency's 
 receiving the same, is an infraction upon the rights of 
 the inhabitants granted by the royal charter." 
 
 Gordon, vol. I. p. 310.
 
 152 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, in. design was to overthrow the constitution of the 
 1774. government, and to introduce arbitrary power 
 won fbr ly in to the province. ' ' At the same time, a petition 
 
 the removal , , i i j . . 
 
 ofthegover. to the km? was voted, praying him to remove 
 
 nor and *~ 
 
 lieutenant governor Hutchinson, and lieutenant srovernor 
 
 governor. o 
 
 Februa Oliver, forever, from the government of the 
 colony. This petition was transmitted to doctor 
 Franklin, and laid before the king in council, 
 where it was heard ; and in a few days the lords 
 of the council reported, " that the petition in 
 question was founded upon false and erroneous 
 allegations, and that the same is groundless, 
 vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only 
 for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit 
 of clamour and discontent in the provinces." 
 This report, his majesty was pleased to approve. 
 Hutchinson Governor Hutchinson, however, was soon 
 
 is succeeded 
 
 by Gage, afterwardsrcmoved, and general Gage appointed 
 to succeed him. 
 
 The fears entertained by Massachusetts, 
 that the spirit of opposition which had been 
 roused in the colonies might gradually subside 
 were not permitted to be of long continuance. 
 The determination of the colonies not to import 
 tea from England, had so lessened the demand 
 for that article, that a very considerable quan- 
 tity had accumulated in the . magazines of the 
 East India company. They urged the minister 
 to take off the import American duty of three 
 penc'e per pound, and offered,'3n lieu of it, to 
 pay double that sum on exportation. This fair
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153 
 
 opportunity for accommodation was rejected, CHAP - m - 
 and either as a mere indulgence to the com- 1774. 
 pany, or with the intent to give operation to 
 their revenue system in America, drawbacks j^!^* 
 were allowed on tea exported to the colonies, * thfact 
 and the duty on that article exported by the dutLT 11 " 1 
 company was entirely taken off. After these 
 encouragements had been held forth, the com- 
 pany, (not without some hesitation, and as is 
 understood, assurances from government that 
 they should in no event be permitted to sustain 
 a loss) proceeded to make shipments to the 
 colonies on their own account. Large quanti- 
 ties were consigned to agents in Boston, New- 
 York, Philadelphia, Charleston and other prin- 
 cipal places on the continent. 
 
 The crisis now approached ; and the conduct 
 of the colonies, in this precise point of time, 
 was to determine, whether they would submit 
 to be taxed by the British parliament, or meet 
 the consequences of a practical application, to 
 their situation, of the opinions they had main- 
 tained. If the tea should be landed it would 
 be sold, the duties would consequently be 
 paid, and the precedent for taxing them estab- 
 lished, the opposition to which would, it was 
 feared, become every day less and less. The 
 same sentiment on this subject appears to have 
 pervaded the whole continent at the s,ame 
 time. This ministerial plan of importation 
 was every where considered as a direct attack 
 
 VOL. II. X
 
 excited in 
 America. 
 
 154 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. on the liberties of the people of America, which 
 1774. it was the duty of all to oppose. A violent 
 
 Ferment ferment was every where excited ; the corres- 
 ponding committees were extremely active ; 
 and it was almost universally declared that 
 whoever should, directly or indirectly, coun- 
 tenance this dangerous invasion of their rights, 
 was an enemy to his country. The consignees 
 were generally compelled to relinquish their 
 appointments; and in most instances the ships 
 bringing the tea, were obliged to return with 
 it. 
 
 In Charleston after much opposition, the tea 
 was permitted to be landed, but was imme- 
 diately lodged in damp cellars, where it long 
 remained and was finally spoiled. 
 
 At Boston, the people in a meeting adopted 
 the spirited resolutions which had before been 
 entered into in Philadelphia, and appointed a 
 committee to wait on the consignees to request 
 their resignation. This request not being com- 
 plied with, another large meeting* assembled 
 
 * The language said by mr. Gordon to have been used 
 at this meeting proves many of the people of Boston to 
 have been already ripe for the revolution. To the more 
 cautious among the sons of liberty, who had expressed 
 some apprehensions lest they should push the matter too 
 far, and involve the town and colony in a quarrel with 
 Great Britain, others answered ; " It must come to a quar- 
 rel between Great Britain and the colony sooner or laterj 
 and if so, what can be a better time than the present.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155 
 
 at Faneuil hall, where it was voted with accla- CHAP, m. 
 mations " that the tea shall not be landed, that 1774. 
 no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent 
 back in the same bottoms. " With a foreboding 
 of the probable consequences of the measure 
 about to be adopted, and a wish that those con- 
 sequences should be seriously contemplated, a 
 leading member* thus addressed the meeting. 
 
 "It is not, mr. moderator, the spirit that 
 vapours within these walls that must stand us 
 in stead. The exertions of this day will call 
 forth events, which will make a very different 
 
 Hundreds of years may pass away before the parliament 
 will make such a number of acts in violation of the British 
 constitution, as it has done of late years, and by which it 
 has excited so formidable an opposition to the measures 
 of administration. Beside, the longer the contest is 
 delayed, the more administration will be strengthened. 
 Do not you observe how the government at home are 
 increasing their party here by sending over young fellows 
 to enjoy appointments, who marry into our best families 
 and so weaken the opposition ? By such like means, and 
 by multiplying posts and places, and giving them to their 
 own friends, or applying them to the corruption of their 
 antagonists, they will increase their own force faster, in 
 proportion, than the force of the country party will 
 increase by population. If then we must quarrel ere we 
 can have our rights secured, now is the most eligible 
 period. Our credit also is at stake ; we must venture, 
 and unless we do, we shall be discarded by the sons of 
 liberty in the other colonies, whose assistance we may 
 expect upon emergencies, in case they find us steady, 
 resolute, and faithful." 
 
 * Mr. Quincy. 
 X 2
 
 156 THE LIFE ^ 
 
 CHAP, in. spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever 
 17744 supposes, that shouts and hosannas will termi- 
 nate the trials of the day, entertains a childish 
 fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the 
 importance and value of the prize for which we 
 contend ; we must be equally ignorant of the 
 power of those who have combined against us ; 
 we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, 
 and insatiable revenge, which actuate our 
 enemies public and private, abroad, and in 
 our bosom* to hope that we shall end this con- 
 troversy without the sharpest, sharpest conflicts 
 ....to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, 
 popular harangues, popular acclamations, and 
 popular vapour, will vanquish our foes* Let 
 
 us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. 
 
 
 
 Let us weigh and consider, before we advance 
 to those measures, which must bring on the 
 most trying and terrible struggle this country 
 ever saw." 
 
 The question was again put and passed 
 without a negative. 
 
 Aware of the approaching danger, the captain 
 of the vessel was desirous of retiu ; $ing, >nd 
 applied to the governor for a clearance ; he$ 
 affecting a rigid regard to the letter of his duty> 
 declined giving one unless the vessel should be 
 properly qualified at the custom house. This 
 answer being reported to the meeting, it was 
 declared to be dissolved; and an immense crowd 
 repaired to the quay, where a number of the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157 
 
 most resolute, disguised like Mohawk Indians CHAP. UL 
 boarded the vessels, and in about two hours, 1774. 
 broke open three hundred and forty two chests ^'^ 
 of tea, and discharged their contents into the Bostoo.** 
 ocean. 
 
 These proceedings of the colonists were laid 
 before parliament in a message from the crown, 
 and a very high and general indignation was 
 excited in that body by the outrages stated to Measures of 
 
 ' parliament. 
 
 have been committed. They expressed, almost 
 
 J i March. 
 
 unanimously, their approbation of the measures 
 
 adopted by his majesty, and gave the most 
 explicit assurances that they would not fail to 
 exert every means in their power, effectually 
 to provide for the due execution of the laws 
 and to secure the dependence of the colonies 
 upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain. 
 The temper, both of the house and of the 
 nation^ was now entirely favourable to the high 
 handed system of coercion proposed by minis- 
 ters, and that temper was not permitted to pass 
 away without being employed to advantage. A 
 bill was soon brought in " for discontinuing the 
 lacling and shipping of goods, wares, and mer- 
 chandises.:^: Boston or the harbour thereof, and 
 for the removal of the custom house with its 
 dependencies to the town of Salem. " This bill 
 was to continue in force, not only until com- 
 pensation should be made to the East India 
 company for the damage sustained, but until 
 the king in council should declare himself
 
 158 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. satisfied as to the restoration of peace and good 
 1774. order in the town. It passed both houses with- 
 out a division, and almost without opposition. 
 Soon after this, a bill was brought in for better 
 regulating the government of the province of 
 Massachusetts Bay. By this act, the charter 
 was totally subverted, and the nomination of 
 counsellors, and of all magistrates and officers, 
 vested in the crown. The persons thus ap- 
 pointed were to hold their offices during the 
 royal pleasure. This bill also was carried 
 through both houses by great majorities, but 
 not without a vigorous opposition and an ani- 
 mated debate. 
 
 The next measure proposed, was a bill for 
 the impartial administration of justice in the 
 province of Massachusetts Bay. It provided 
 " that in case any person should be indicted, 
 in that province, for murder or any other capital 
 offence, and it should appear by information 
 given on oath to the governor, that the fact was 
 committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy 
 in suppressing riots, and that a fair trial could 
 not be had in the province, he should send;' -the 
 person so indicted to any other colony, or to 
 Great Britain to be tried." This act was to 
 continue in force four years, and was, as an 
 English writer observes, the counterpart of the 
 obsolete and tyrannical act of Henry VIII. 
 lately revived for the trial in Great Britain of 
 treasons committed in America.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159 
 
 A bill was also passed for quartering soldiers CHAP, m. 
 on the inhabitants, and the system was com- 1774. 
 pleted by an act for making more effectual pro- 
 vision for the government of the province of 
 Quebec. This bill extended the limits of that 
 province so as to include the territory between 
 the lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi ; and, 
 which was its most exceptionable feature, 
 established a legislative council to be appointed 
 by the crown. 
 
 Amidst these hostile measures, one single 
 conciliatory proposition was made. Mr. Rose 
 Fuller, member for Rye, moved that the house 
 resolve itself into a committee, to take into 
 consideration the duty on the importation of tea 
 into America, with a view to its repeal. This 
 motion was seconded by mr. Burke, and sup- 
 ported with all the powers of reasoning, and all 
 the splendor of eloquence, which he so eminently 
 possessed; but it was lost by a great majority. 
 The earl of Chatham, too, who had long been 
 indisposed, again made his appearance in the 
 house of lords. He could only have been drawn 
 . put by the strong sense he entertained of the 
 fatal importance of those measures into which 
 the nation was hurrying. But his efforts were 
 unavailing. Neither his weight of character, 
 his sound judgment which was yet unimpared, 
 nor his manly eloquence which even at this 
 late period of life, while his venerable frame 
 was enfeebled by disease, partook largely of
 
 160 THE LIFE op 
 
 CHAP, in. that fire and energy which in the vigour of his 
 1774. mid- day course gave him such commanding 
 influence over the human mind, could arrest 
 the hand of fate which seemed, with irresistible 
 force, to propel this lofty towering nation in a 
 system which terminated in its dismember- 
 ment. 
 
 It was expected, and this expectation was 
 encouraged by mr. Hutchinson then in England, 
 that by directing these measures of punishment 
 particularly against Boston, not only the union 
 of the colonies could be broken, but Massa- 
 chussetts herself would be divided, never was 
 expectation more completely disappointed. It 
 was perceived by all, that Boston was to be 
 punished for having resisted, only with more 
 violence, the principle which they had all 
 resisted; and that the object of the punishment 
 was to coerce obedience to principles, they 
 were yet determined to oppose. Every man 
 felt therefore that the cause of Boston was the 
 cause of all, that their destinies were indis- 
 solubly connected with those of that devoted 
 town, and that they must either submit to be 
 taxed by a parliament in which the \ \\erenot 
 and could not be represented, or s-ipport with 
 all the means "u^jr possessed, the!- brethren 
 who were doori?fjf to sustain the i/rst shock 
 of a power, which if successful *> re would 
 overwhelm them all. The nei< .g towns 
 
 disdained to avail themselves.^ Hje Calamities
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 inflicted on a sister in consequence of her exer- CHAP. m. 
 tions in the common cause. They clung to 1774. 
 her with increased affection ; and that spirit of 
 enthusiastic patriotism, which, for a time, General 
 
 enthusiasm 
 
 elevates the mind above all considerations of" 1 ^ 6 03 - 
 individual acquisition, became the ruling pas- 
 sion in the American bosom. 
 
 On receiving the first intelligence of the 
 Boston port bill, a meeting of the people of that Mu y 13 - 
 town was called. They were sensible that " the 
 sharpest, sharpest conflict " was indeed now 
 approaching, but seemed unawed by its terrors. 
 Far from seeking to shelter themselves by sub- 
 mission from the threatening storm, they grew 
 more determined ^.s it increased. 
 
 Resolutions were passed, expressing their 
 opinion of the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, 
 and cruelty of the act, from which they appealed 
 to God and the world; and also inviting the 
 other colonies to jom with them in an agreement 
 to stop all imports and exports to and from 
 Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, 
 until the act should be repealed, as the only 
 means remaining for the salvation of North 
 America aild her liberties. 
 
 It was not in Boston only that this spirit was 
 aroused. Addresses were soon received from 
 every part of the continent, expressing senti- 
 ments of sympathy in their sufferings^ exhorting 
 them to resolution and perseverance, andassur- 
 
 VOL. II. Y
 
 162 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, m. ing them that they .were considered as suffering 
 1774. in the common cause. 
 
 The legislature of Virginia was in session 
 when the first intelligence of the Boston port 
 bill reached that province. The house of 
 burgesses appointed the first of June ; the day 
 on which the bill was to commence in operation, 
 to be set apart for fasting, prayer, and humili- 
 ation, to implore the divine interposition to 
 avert the heavy calamity which threatened des- 
 truction to their civil rights, and the evils of a 
 civil war ; and to give one heart and one mind 
 to the people, firmly to oppose every invasion 
 of their liberties. Similar resolutions were 
 adopted almost every where, and the first of 
 June became throughout the old colonies, a day 
 of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, in the 
 course of which, sermons were universally 
 preached to the people, well calculated to 
 inspire them with the utmost horror against the 
 authors of the unjust suffering of their fellow 
 subjects in Boston. 
 
 In consequence of this measure the assembly 
 was dissolved ; but before their separation, an 
 association was entered into, signed by eighty- 
 nine members, in which they declared that an 
 attack on one colony to compel submission to 
 arbitrary taxes, is an attack on all British 
 America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, 
 unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied 
 in prevention. They therefore recommended
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153 
 
 to the committee of correspondence, to commu- CHAP.IU. 
 nicate with the several committees of the other 1774. 
 provinces, on the expediency of appointing 
 deputies from the different colonies to meet 
 annually in eeneral congress, and to deliberate A general 
 
 J congress is 
 
 on those general measures, which the united p ro ' losed - 
 interests of America might from time to time 
 render necessary. This measure had already 
 been proposed in town meetings in New York 
 and Boston. 
 
 While the people of Boston were yet em- 
 ployed in the first consultations which took 
 place on hearing of the bill directed particularly 
 asrainst their town, general Gasre, the successor General cage 
 
 t _ arrives in 
 
 of governor Hutchinson, arrived among them. B ston - 
 Notwithstanding the deep and solemn gloom 
 of the moment, he w r as received with those 
 external marks of decent respect which had 
 been usual, and which were supposed to belong- 
 to his station. 
 
 In a few days the general court assembled, 
 and had notice from the governor that, in pur- 
 suance of the late act of parliament, their place 
 of session would be changed, and that they 
 would be called together on the first of June at 
 Salem. To evade this measure they were 
 hurrying to complete the business before them 
 prior to that day, which being made known to 
 the governor, he hastily adjourned them to the 
 seventh of June then to meet at the place desig- 
 nated by his instructions. 
 Y 2
 
 164 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. Soon after assembling, the house of repre- 
 1774. sentatives, mindful of the importance of com- 
 jone?. bining the wisdom of America in one great and 
 common council, passed resolutions declaring 
 the expediency of a meeting of committees 
 from the several colonies for the purposes 
 therein specified, and appointing five gentlemen 
 as a committee on the part of Massachusetts. 
 
 The colonies from New Hampshire to South 
 Carolina inclusive, adopted this measure; and 
 where the legislatures were not in session, the 
 people either elected delegates who chose a 
 committee, or, in the first instance, elected a 
 committee to represent them in the general 
 congress. 
 
 The legislature of Massachussetts also passed 
 declaratory resolutions expressive of their sense 
 of the state of public affairs, and the designs of 
 government, in which they recommended to 
 the inhabitants of that province totally to re- 
 nounce the consumption of East India teas, and 
 as far as in them lay, to discontinue the use of 
 all goods imported from the East Indies and 
 Great Britain, until the public grievances of 
 America should be radically and totally re- 
 dressed. 
 
 The more fully to effect this essential purpose 
 it was again strongly recommended to give 
 every possible encouragement to American 
 manufactures. 
 
 The governor having obtained intelligence 
 of the manner in which the house was employed
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 sent his secretary, the day on which the com- CHAP. m 
 mittee reported their resolutions, with direc- 1774. 
 tions immediately to dissolve the assembly. 
 He found the doors shut, and being refused 
 admittance, read the order of dissolution aloud 
 on the stair case. 
 
 The day after the dissolution of the assembly, 
 the governor received an address from the prin- 
 cipal inhabitants of Salem, now become the 
 metropolis of the province, which does them 
 infinite honour, and marks the deep impression 
 ^ hich a sense of common danger had made. 
 They no longer considered themselves merely 
 as the inhabitants of Salem, but as Americans; 
 and they spurned advantages to be derived to 
 themselves from the distress inflicted on a sister 
 town for its patriotic zeal in a cause common 
 to all. 
 
 " We are deeply afflicted," say they, "with 
 the sense of our public calamities; but the 
 miseries that are now rapidly hastening on our 
 brethren in the capital of the province, greatly 
 excite our commiseration ; and we hope your 
 excellency will use your endeavours to prevent 
 a further accumulation of evils on that already 
 sorely distressed people. By shutting up the 
 port of Boston some imagine that the course 
 of trade might be turned hither, and to our 
 benefit; but nature, in the formation of our 
 harbour, forbids our becoming rivals in com- 
 merce with that convenient mart. And were
 
 165 THE LIFE P F 
 
 CHAP. in. it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of 
 
 1774. justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could 
 
 we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and 
 
 raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering 
 
 neighbours." 
 
 About this time rough draughts of the two 
 remaining bills relative to the province of 
 Massachusetts Bay, as well as that for quar- 
 tering troops in America, were received in 
 Boston, and circulated through the continent. 
 They served to confirm the \vavering, and to 
 render the moderate indignant, while the vio- 
 lent became still more so. 
 
 An agreement was framed by the committee 
 of correspondence at Boston, entitled, "a so- 
 lemn league and covenant," wherein the sub- 
 scribers bound themselves in the most solemn 
 manner, and in the presence of God, to suspend 
 all commercial intercourse with Great Britain 
 from the last day of the ensuing month of 
 August, until the Boston port bill and the 
 other late obnoxious laws, should be repealed. 
 They also bound themselves in the same man- 
 ner, not to consume, or purchase from any 
 other, any goods whatever, which arrived after 
 the specified time, and to break off all com- 
 merce, trade and dealings, with any who did, as 
 well as with the importers of such goods. 
 They renounced in the same manner all inter- 
 course and connexion with those, who should 
 refuse to subscribe to that covenant, or to bind
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. Igy 
 
 themselves by some similar agreement; and CHAP.HL 
 
 they annexed to the renunciation of intercourse, 1774. 
 the dangerous penalty of publishing to the 
 world the names of those who should refuse 
 this evidence of their attachment to the rights 
 and interests of their country. 
 
 General Gage published against this covenant 
 a strong proclamation, in which it was termed 
 " an unlawful, hostile, and traitorous combi- 
 nation, contrary to the allegiance due to the 
 king, destructive of the legal authority of par- 
 liament, and of the peace, good order, and 
 safety of the community." All persons were 
 warned against incurring the pains and penal- 
 ties, due to such dangerous offences; and all 
 magistrates charged to apprehend and secure 
 for trial such as should be in any manner guilty 
 of them. But the time when the proclamations 
 of governors were to be attended to had passed 
 away, and the penalties in the power of the 
 committee of correspondence were much more 
 dreaded than those which could be inflicted by 
 the civil magistrate. 
 
 In whatever province legislatures were con- 
 vened, or delegates assembled in convention, 
 resolutions were entered into, manifesting 
 indeed different degrees of resentment, but all 
 concurring in the same great leading principles. 
 It was every where declared that the cause of 
 Boston was the cause of all British America; 
 that the late acts, respecting that devoted town,
 
 168 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. were unjust, tyrannical, and unconstitutional ; 
 1774. that the opposition to this ministerial system 
 of oppression, ought to be universally and 
 perseveringly maintained, that all intercourse 
 with the parent state ought to be suspended, 
 and domestic manufactures encouraged ; and 
 that a general congress should be formed for 
 the purpose of uniting and guiding the councils, 
 and directing the efforts of North America. 
 
 The committees of correspondence selected 
 Philadelphia for the place, and the beginning 
 of September for the time, of the meeting of 
 this important council. 
 
 September. On the fourth of September, the delegates 
 from eleven provinces appeared at the place 
 appointed,* and the next day they assembled 
 at the carpenters hall, when Peyton Randolph, 
 late speaker of the house of burgesses of Vir- 
 ginia, was unanimously chosen president. 
 The respective credentials f of the members 
 
 * Those of North Carolina did not arrive until the 14th. 
 
 t The members of this congress were, generally, elected 
 by the authority of the colonial legislatures ; but in some 
 instances, a different system had been pursued. In New 
 Jersey and Maryland the elections were made by com- 
 mittees chosen in the several counties for that particular 
 purpose; and in New York, where the royal party was 
 very strong, and where it is probable that no legislative 
 act authorizing an election of members to represent that 
 colony in congress could have been obtained, the people 
 themselves assembled in those places where the spirit of 
 opposition to the claims of parliament prevailed, and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 were then read and approved ; and this august CHAP. ITT 
 and patriotic body, having determined that each 1774. 
 colony should have only one vote, whatever 
 might be the number of its deputies ; that their 
 deliberations should be with closed doors; and 
 that their proceedings, except such as they 
 might determine to publish, should be kept 
 inviolably secret; entered oft the solemn and 
 important duties assigned to them.* 
 
 Committees were appointed to state the 
 rights, claimed by the colonies, which had 
 been infringed by acts of the British parliament 
 passed since the year 1763 ; to prepare a petition 
 to the king, and addresses to the people of 
 Great Britain, to the inhabitants of the province 
 of Quebec, and to the twelve colonies repre- 
 sented in congress. 
 
 elected deputies who were very readily received into 
 congress. 
 
 The powers too, with which the representatives of the 
 several colonies were invested, were not only variously 
 expressed, but were of various extent. Most generally 
 they were authorized to consult and advise on the means 
 most proper to secure the liberties of the colonies, and to 
 restore the harmony formerly subsisting between them 
 and their mother country. In some instances, the powers 
 given appeared to contemplate only such measures as 
 would operate on the commercial connexion between the 
 two countries; in others the discretion of the deputies 
 was unlimited. 
 
 * See Nute^ No. XI. at the end of t/i% volume.
 
 170 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. m. Resolutions* of the county of Suffolk, in 
 1774. Massachusetts, of a very animated and com- 
 prehensive nature, and commending, among 
 other important subjects, a provincial congress, 
 and that the collectors of taxes and all officers 
 who have public monies in their hands, retain 
 the same until the civil government of the pro- 
 vince be placed upon a constitutional founda- 
 tion, or until it shall otherwise be ordered by 
 the provincial congress ; having been taken 
 into consideration, it was unanimously resolved, 
 
 September 10. " that this assembly deeply feels the suffering 
 of their countrymen in Massachusetts Bay 
 under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, 
 and oppressive acts of the British parliament, 
 that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom 
 and fortitude with which opposition to these 
 wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been 
 conducted, and they earnestly recommend to 
 their brethren, a perseverance in the same firm 
 and temperate conduct as expressed in the 
 resolutions determined upon, at a meeting of 
 the delegates for the county of Suffolk, on 
 tuesday the sixth instant; trusting that the 
 eifect of the united efforts of North America in 
 their behalf will carry such conviction to the 
 British nation, of the unwise, unjust, 
 ruinous policy of the present administratioi 
 
 * Sre Note, No. XII. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 as quickly to introduce better men and wiser CHAP, m. 
 measures." 1774. 
 
 It was also resolved unanimously " that con- 
 tributions from all the colonies, for supplying 
 the necessities, and alleviating the distresses 
 of our brethren at Boston, ought to be con- 
 tinued, in such manner, and so long, as their 
 occasions may require." 
 
 The merchants of the several colonies were September u. 
 requested not to send to Great Britain any orders 
 for goods, and to direct the execution of all 
 orders already sent, to be suspended until the 
 sense of congress, on the means to be taken for 
 the preservation of the liberties of America, 
 be made public. In a few days, resolutions 
 were entered into, suspending the importation of 
 goods from Great Britain or Ireland, or any of 
 their dependencies, and of their manufactures 
 from any place whatever, after the first day of 
 the succeeding December ; and against the 
 purchase, or use of such goods. It was also 
 determined that all exports to Great Britain, 
 Ireland, and the West Indies, should cease on 
 the 10th of September 1775, unless American 
 grievances should be redressed before that 
 time. An association corresponding with these 
 resolutions was then framed, and signed by 
 every member present. Never were laws more 
 faithfully observed than the resolves of congress 
 at this period, and their association M T as of 
 consequence universally adopted, 
 z 2
 
 172 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, in. Very early in the session, a declaration* of 
 1774. rights in the shape of resolves was agreed to., 
 which merits peculiar attention, because it 
 states precisely the ground now taken by 
 America, and evidences the terms on which a 
 satisfactory reconciliation was practicable. It 
 is observable that rights were, at this period, 
 asserted, which, in the' commencement of the 
 contest, were not generally maintained ; and 
 that, even now, the exclusive right of legis- 
 lation in the colonial legislatures, with the ex- 
 ception of acts of the British parliament, bona 
 fide made to regulate and restrain external 
 commerce, which from necessity were con- 
 sented to, was not unanimously averred. 
 
 The addresses prepared, the various papers 
 drawn up, and the measures recommended by 
 this congress, form their best eulogium, and 
 attest how judiciously a selection of character 
 had been made by the people, for the all- 
 interesting concerns intrusted to their care. 
 Affection to the mother country, an exalted 
 admiration of her national character, unwilling- 
 ness to separate from her, a knowledge of the 
 hazards and difficulties of the struggle to be 
 engaged in, mingled with an enthusiastic love 
 of liberty, and of country ; with a conviction 
 that all which can make life valuable was at 
 stake ; characterize their proceedings. 
 
 * See JVbtc, JVb. XIII. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^73 
 
 "When," say they in their address to the cHp.m. 
 people of Great Britain, " a nation led to great- 1774. 
 ness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of 
 all the glory, that heroism, munificence, and 
 humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrate- 
 ful task of forging chains for her friends and 
 children, and, instead of giving support to free- 
 dom turns advocate for slavery and oppression, 
 there is reason to suspect she has either ceased 
 to~be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in 
 the appointment of her rulers. 
 
 " In almost every age, in repeated conflicts; in 
 long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, 
 against many and powerful nations, against the 
 open assaults of enemies, and the more dange- 
 rous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants 
 of your island, your great and glorious ances- 
 tors, maintained their independence, and trans- 
 mitted the rights of men and the blessings of 
 liberty to you their posterity. 
 
 " Be not surprised therefore that we, who are 
 descended from the same common ancestors, 
 that we, whose forefathers participated in all 
 the rights, the liberties, and the constitution 
 you so justly boast of, and who have carefully 
 conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, gua- 
 ranteed by the plighted faith of government,' 
 and the most solemn compacts with British 
 sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to 
 men, who found their claims on no principles of 
 reason, and who prosecute them with a design, 
 that by having our lives and property in their
 
 174 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.JII. -power, they may with the greater facility cn- 
 1774. slave you." 
 
 After stating the serious condition of Ameri- 
 can affairs, and that not only the oppressions, 
 but the misrepresentations of their country, had 
 induced this address; after stating that they 
 claim to be as free as their fellow subjects in 
 Britain, they say " are not the proprietors of 
 the soil of Great Britain, lords of their own 
 property? can it be taken from them without 
 their consent? will they yield it to the arbitrary 
 disposal of any men or number of men whatever? 
 you know they will not. 
 
 " Why then are the proprietors of the soil of 
 America less lords of their property than you 
 are of yours, or why should they submit it to 
 the disposal of your parliament, or any other 
 parliament or council in the world, not of their 
 election ? can the intervention of the sea that 
 divides us cause disparity in rights, or can any 
 reason be given why English subjects, who 
 live three thousand miles from the royal palace 
 should enjoy less liberty than those who are 
 three hundred miles distant from it? 
 
 " Reason looks with indignation on such 
 distinctions, and freemen can never perceive 
 their propriety. 
 
 " At the conclusion of the late war.... a war 
 rendered glorious by the abilities and integrity 
 of a minister, to whose efforts the British em- 
 pire owes its safety and its fame; at the con- 
 clusion of this war, which was succeeded by
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 
 
 an inglorious peace, formed under the auspices CHAP, m. 
 of a minister, of principles, and of a family, 1774. 
 unfriendly to the protestant cause, and inimi- 
 cal to liberty; we say at this period, and under 
 the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving 
 your fellow subjects in America was concerted, 
 and has ever since been pertinaciously carrying 
 into execution." 
 
 The former relative situation of the two 
 countries is then stated, and they are reminded 
 of the loyalty and attachment of the colonies 
 to the common interests of the empire. The 
 transactions since the conclusion of the war are 
 passed in solemn review, and they add, " This 
 being a true state of facts, let us beseech you 
 to consider to what end they lead. 
 
 " Admit that the ministry, by the powers of 
 Britain, and the aid of our roman catholic 
 neighbours, should be able to carry the point 
 of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect 
 humiliation and slavery ; such an enterprise 
 would doubtless make some addition to your 
 national debt, which already presses down your 
 liberties, and fills you with pensioners and 
 placemen. We presume also that your com- 
 merce will somewhat be diminished. How- 
 ever, suppose you should prove victorious.... 
 in what condition will you then be ? what advan- 
 tages or what laurels will you reap from such 
 a conquest? may not a ministry ^yith the same 
 armies enslave you?"
 
 THE LI ^ E OF 
 
 CHAP. in. The resources which the subjugation of 
 1774. America would place in the hands of the crown 
 are then expatiated on, and the address pro- 
 ceeds, " we believe there is yet much virtue, 
 much justice, and much public spirit in the 
 English nation. To that justice we now appeal. 
 You have been told that we are seditious, im- 
 patient of government, and desirous of inde- 
 pendency. Be assured that these are not facts, 
 but calumnies. Permit us to be as free as 
 yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union 
 with you to be our greatest glory, and our 
 
 greatest happiness we shall ever be ready to 
 
 contribute all in our power to the welfare of the 
 empire.... we shall consider your enemies as 
 our enemies, and your interest as our own. 
 
 " But if you are determined that your minis- 
 ters shall wantonly sport with the rights of 
 mankind if neither the voice of justice, the 
 dictates of the law, the principles of the consti- 
 tution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can 
 restrain your hands from shedding human blood 
 in such an impious cause ; we must then tell 
 you that we will never submit to be hewers of 
 wood or drawers of water for any ministry or 
 nation in the world. 
 
 11 Place us in the same situation that we were 
 at the close of the last war, and our former 
 harmony will be restored." * 
 
 The committee which prepared this eloquent and 
 manly address, were mr. Lee, mr. Livingston and mr. Jay. 
 The composition has been generally attributed to mr. Jay.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177 
 
 The petition to the king states succinctly the CHAP.IH. 
 grievances complained of and then proceeds. 1774. 
 
 " Had our creator been pleased to give us 
 existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our 
 condition might have been mitigated by igno- 
 rance and habit. But thanks be to his adorable 
 goodness, we were born the heirs of freedom, 
 and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices 
 of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated 
 on the British throne, to rescue and secure a 
 pious and gallant nation from the popery and 
 despotism of a superstitious and inexorable 
 tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident, justly 
 rejoices that your title to the crown is thus 
 founded on the title of your people to liberty ; 
 and, therefore, we doubt not but your royal 
 wisdom must approve the sensibility that 
 teaches your subjects, anxiously to guard the 
 blessing they received from divine providence, 
 and thereby to prove the performance of that 
 compact, which elevated the illustrious house 
 of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now 
 possesses. 
 
 "The apprehensions of being degraded into a 
 state of servitude from the pre-eminent rank of 
 English freemen, while our -minds retain the 
 strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the 
 miseries preparing for us and for our posterity, 
 excites emotions in our breasts, which though 
 we cannot describe, we should not wish to con- 
 ceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, 
 
 VOL. ii. A a
 
 178 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. in the manner we do, silence would be disloy. 
 
 1774. alty. By giving this faithful information, we 
 
 do all in our power to promote the great objects 
 
 of your royal cares,.... the tranquillity .of your 
 
 government, and the welfare of your people. 
 
 " Duty to your majesty, and regard for the 
 preservation of ourselves and our posterity, the 
 primary obligations of nature and society, com- 
 mand us to intreat your royal attention;' and 
 as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction 
 of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the 
 language of .freemen cannot be displeasing. 
 Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall 
 on those designing and dangerous men, who 
 daringly interposing themselves between your 
 royal person and your faithful subjects, and for 
 several years past incessantly employed to dis- 
 solve- the bonds of society, by abusing your 
 majesty's authority, misrepresenting your 
 American subjects, and prosecuting the most 
 desperate and irritating projects of oppression, 
 have at length compelled us, by the force of 
 accumulated injuries, too severe to be any lon- 
 ger tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose 
 by our complaints. 
 
 " These sentiments are extorted from hearts, 
 that much more willingly would bleed in your 
 majesty's service. Yet so greatly have we 
 been misrepresented, that a necessity has been 
 alleged of taking our property from us with- 
 out our consent, " to defray the charge of the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON". 179 
 
 administration of justice, the support of civil CHAP.IU. 
 government, and the defence, protection and 1774. 
 security of the colonies." 
 
 After assuring his majesty of the untruth of 
 these allegations, they say, " yielding to no 
 British subjects in affectionate attachment to 
 your majesty's person, family and government, 
 we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing 
 that attachment, by those proofs that are honour- 
 able to the prince that receives them, and to 
 the people who give them, ever to resign it to 
 any body of men upon earth. 
 
 " We ask but for peace, liberty and safety. 
 We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, 
 nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in 
 our favour; your royal authority over us, and 
 our connexion with Great Britain, we shall 
 always carefully and zealously endeavour to 
 support and maintain." 
 
 After re-stating in a very affecting manner 
 the most essential grievances of which they 
 complain, and professing that their future jcon- 
 duct, if their apprehensions should be removed, 
 would prove them not unworthy of the regard 
 they had been accustomed, in their happier 
 days, to enjoy; for, appealing to that being 
 who searches thoroughly the hearts of his crea- 
 tures, they solemnly profess, that their coun- 
 cils have been influenced by no other motive 
 than a dread of impending destruction; they add,, 
 A a 2
 
 18(3 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. " Permit us, then, most gracious sovereign, 
 1774.. in the name of all your faithful people in Ame- 
 rica, with the utmost humility to implore you, 
 for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure 
 religion our enemies are undermining; for your 
 glory which can be advanced only by rendering 
 your subjects happy, and keeping them united; 
 for the interests of your family, depending on 
 an adherence to the principles that enthroned it ; 
 for the safety and welfare of your kingdom and 
 dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable 
 dangers and distresses; that your majesty, as 
 the loving father of your whole people, con- 
 nected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, 
 and blood, though dwelling in various countries, 
 will not suffer the transcendent relation, formed 
 by these ties, to be further violated, in uncer- 
 tain expectation of effects that, if attained, never 
 can compensate for the calamities, through 
 which they must be gained."* 
 
 The address to their constituent* is replete 
 with serious and temperate argument. In this 
 paper, the several causes which had led to the 
 existing state 'of things, were detailed more at 
 large, and much labour- was used thoroughly 
 to convince their judgments, that their liberties 
 
 * The committee which brought in this admirably well 
 drawn, and truly conciliatory address, were mr. Lee, mr. 
 John Adams, mr. Johnston, mr. Henry, and mr. Rutledge. 
 The original composition has been generally attributed to 
 mr. Lee.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 must be destroyed, and the security of their CHAP, m. 
 property and persons annihilated, bf submission 1774. 
 to the pretensions of Great Britain. Their 
 greatest object being to unite the people of 
 America, by demonstratingto them the sincerity 
 with which their leaders had sought for recon- 
 ciliation, on terms compatible with liberty; 
 the conduct of the colonists was contended to 
 have been uniformly moderate, and entirely 
 exempt fron\ blame, while the system of ad- 
 ministration was treated as equally dangerous 
 to them all, though it insidiously professed to 
 be particularly aimed at Massachusetts. They 
 stated the measures which had been adopted 
 by congress, and after having declared their 
 confidence, that the mode of commercial resis- 
 tance, which had been recommended, would 
 prove efficacious if persisted in with fidelity and 
 virtue, they concluded with saying, " your 
 own salvation, and that of your posterity, now 
 depends upon yourselves. You have already 
 shown that you entertain a proper jsense x of the 
 blessings you are striving to retain. Against 
 the temporary inconveniences you may suffer 
 from a stoppage of trade, you will weigh in the 
 opposite balance, the endless miseries you and 
 your descendants must endure, from an esta- 
 blished arbitrary power. You will not forget 
 the honour of your country, that must, from 
 your behaviour, take its title, in the estimation 
 of the world, to glory or to shame ; and you will,
 
 182 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. with the deepest attention, reflect, that if the 
 1774. peaceable rftode of opposition, recommended 
 by us, be broken and rendered ineffectual, as 
 your cruel and haughty ministerial enemies, 
 from a contemptuous opinion of your firmness, 
 insolently predict will be the case, you must 
 inevitably be reduced to choose, either a more 
 dangerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and 
 infamous submission. . 
 
 "Motives thus cogent, arising from the emer- 
 gency of your unhappy condition, must excite 
 your utmost diligence and zeal, to give all 
 possible strength and energy to the pacific 
 measures calculated for your relief. But we 
 think ourselves bound 'in duty to observe to 
 you, that the schemes agitated against the 
 colonies have been so conducted, as to render 
 it prudent that you should extend your views 
 to mournful events, and be in all respects pre- 
 pared for every contingency. A>ove all things, 
 we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of 
 spirit, penitence of heart, and amendment of 
 life, to humble yourselves, and implore the 
 favour of Almighty God ; and we fervent!} 
 beseech his divine goodness, to take you* into 
 his gracious protection."* 
 
 The letter to the people of Canada required 
 no inconsiderable degree of address. ' The vast 
 
 * Mr. Lee, mr. Livingston and mr. Jay were also the 
 committee that brought ia this address.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. ]83 
 
 extent of that province was by no means so CHAP, m. 
 alarming to them, as. to their neighbours ; and 1774. 
 it was not easy to persuade the French inhabi- 
 tants, who were by far the most numerous, 
 that the establishment of their religion, and 
 the partial restoration of their ancient juris- 
 prudence ; were acts of oppression which ought 
 to be resisted. This delicate subject was ma- 
 naged with considerable dexterity, and the 
 prejudices of the Canadians were assailed with 
 some success. 
 
 Letters were also addressed to the colonies 
 of St. Johns, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and the 
 Floridas, inviting them to unite with their 
 brethren in what was deemed the common 
 cause of all British America.* 
 
 Having completed the business before them, October as. 
 and recommended that another congress should 
 be held in Philadelphia on the 10th day of the 
 succeeding May, the house dissolved itself. 
 
 The t proceedings of congress were read 
 throughout America, with enthusiastic admi- 
 ration. Their recommendations were revered 
 as revelations, and obeyed as laws of the 
 highest obligation. It is true, that in some few 
 places, disaffection to the system of opposition 
 prevailed. Absolute unanimity did not, and 
 
 * These letters, as well as that to the inhabitants of 
 the province of Quebec, were prepared by mr. Gushing, 
 mr. Lee, and mr. Dickinson.
 
 184 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. could not be expected, to exist. But seldom 
 1774. have a whole people been more united on any 
 occasion ; and never did a more sincere and 
 perfect conviction, that every principle of 
 right was arranged with them, animate the 
 human bosom, than was now felt by the great 
 body of Americans. The people, generally, 
 made great efforts to arm and discipline them- 
 selves. Independent companies were every 
 \\ here formed of the most influential characters, 
 and the whole face of the country exhibited the 
 aspect of an approaching war. It, however, is 
 apparent from the measures adopted, that 
 although resistance* by force was contemplated 
 as a possible event, yet the hope, that the non- 
 importation of British goods would so exten- 
 sively interest the merchants and manufacturers 
 of that nation in their favour, as to obtain 
 thereby a repeal of the obnoxious acts, was 
 fondly cherished and adhered to? It is impos- 
 sible, otherwise, to account for the nqrj-impor- 
 tation agreement itself. Had war been consi- 
 dered as inevitable,' every principle of sound 
 policy would have demanded that imports 
 should have been encouraged, and the largest 
 possible stock of supplies for an army obtained. 
 Notwithstanding the liberal contributions, 
 made through the colonies, for the people of 
 Boston, the total stoppage of the trade of that 
 town produced infinite distress. It was, how- 
 ever, borne with exemplary fortitude, a fortitude
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 supported by the consoling reflection that they CHAP, m 
 were the objects of general sympathy and admi- 1774. 
 ration. The merchants, and other inhabitants 
 of the neighbouring town of Marblehead, one 
 of the places to be benefited by diverting from 
 the capital the trade of the province, generously 
 offered to the importers of Boston the free use 
 of their stores and wharves, and to attend the 
 lading and unlading their vessels without ex- 
 pense. They at the same time exhorted them 
 to persevere, with that patience and resolution 
 which had ever characterized them. 
 
 Soon after the entrance of general Gage into 
 his government, two regiments of foot, with a 
 small detachment of artillery and some cannon, 
 were landed at Boston, and encamped on the 
 common which lies within the peninsula on 
 which the town stands. They were gradually 
 re-enforced by several regiments from Ireland, 
 and from different parts of the continent. The Troops 
 
 stationed 
 
 dissatisfaction occasioned by the appearance of " c oston 
 these troops, was increased by placing a guard 
 on Boston neck, the narrow isthmus which 
 connects the peninsula with the continent. 
 
 This circumstance suggested a report, which 
 plainly manifested to the inhabitants of the 
 metropolis the temper of their neighbouring 
 brethren. It was said, that a regiment, sta- 
 tioned on the neck, had totally cut off the com- 
 munication of the town with the country, in 
 order to starve it into submission. On hearing 
 
 VOL. II. B b
 
 186 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. this report, the inhabitants of the adjacent 
 1774. county of Worcester assembled in arms, and 
 dispatched two messengers to inquire into the 
 fact, with assurances of immediate assistance, 
 should it be true. 
 
 With the laws relative to the province, 
 
 governor Gage received a list of thirty-two 
 
 New conn- new counsellors, of whom twenty-four, a suffi- 
 
 sellors and * 
 
 cient number to carry on the business of the 
 government, accepted the office, and entered 
 on its duties. 
 
 All those, who accepted offices under the 
 new system, were denounced as enemies to 
 their country. The new judges were every 
 where prevented from proceeding in the ad- 
 ministration of justice. When the court- 
 houses were opened, the people crowded into 
 them in such numbers, that the judges could 
 not obtain admittance, and on being ordered 
 by the officers to make \vay for the court, they 
 answered that they knew no court independent 
 of the ancient laws and usages of their country 
 and to none other would they submit. The 
 obliged to houses of such of the new counsellors, as 
 
 resign. 
 
 were in the country, were surrounded by great 
 bodies of the people, whose threatening coun- 
 tenances and expressions announced to them, 
 that they must resign their offices, or be sub- 
 jected to the fury of an enraged populace. The 
 former part of the alternative was generally 
 embraced.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 In the present irritable state of the public CHAP.IH. 
 mind, and critical situation of public affairs, it 1774. 
 was almost unavoidable, that every day should 
 furnish new matter of discontent and jealousy. 
 General Gage deemed it necessary, for the 
 security of the troops, to fortify Boston neck ; Boston nec k 
 and, in consequence of this circumstance, it 
 was seriously contemplated entirely to evacuate 
 the town, and remove the people into the 
 country. Congress was consulted on this pro- 
 position, and having taken it into consideration, 
 were deterred by the difficulties attending the 
 measure, from recommending it. They, how- 
 ever, referred it to the provincial congress, and 
 declared the opinion, that, if it should be 
 deemed necessary, the expense of the removal 
 ought to be borne by all the colonies. 
 
 This circumstance was soon succeeded by 
 another, which excited still greater alarm. 
 The time for the general muster of the militia 
 approached ; and the governor, either feeling, 
 or affecting to feel, apprehensions from their 
 violence, seized upon the ammunition and Military 
 stores, which were lodared in the provincial selzed b y 
 
 general Gage. 
 
 arsenal at Cambridge, and had them trans- 
 ported to Boston. He also seized on the 
 powder in the magazines at Charlestown and 
 some other places, which was partly private 
 and partly provincial property. 
 
 The ferment excited by this measure may 
 reaclily be conceived. The people assembled 
 B b 2
 
 183 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. m. in great numbers, and were, with difficulty dis- 
 1774. suaded by some considerate and influential 
 characters, from marching immediately to 
 Boston, and demanding a re-delivery of the 
 stores. Not long afterwards, the fort at Ports- 
 mouth in New Hampshire was attacked by an 
 armed body of provincials, and carried by 
 storm ; ancj the powder it contained transported 
 jn boats to a place of safety. A similar mea- 
 sure was adopted in Rhode Island. These acts 
 of violence are probably attributable, in some 
 degree, to the example set by general Gage, 
 and partly, to the royal proclamation prohibiting 
 the exportation of arms and ammunition to the 
 colonies. 
 
 About the same time, a report reached Con- 
 necticut, that the ships and troops had attacked 
 the town of Boston, and were actually firing on 
 it. Several thousand men immediately assem- 
 bled in arms, and marched with great expedition 
 a considerable distance, before they were unde- 
 ceived respecting the truth of the report. 
 
 It was in the midst of these ferments, and 
 while these indications that the commencement 
 of hostilities was daily looked for were multi- 
 plying on every side ; that the people of Suffolk, 
 the county in which Boston stands, assembled 
 in convention and passed the several resolves 
 already mentioned, which in boldness exceed 
 any that had been heretofore adopted. 
 
 Governor Gage had, before the general fer- 
 ment had arisen to its present alarming height,
 
 Massa- 
 
 liussetts. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189 
 
 issued writs for the election of members to a CHAP, m. 
 general assembly, to meet in the beginning of 1774. 
 October. He had afterwards by proclamation, 
 countermanded these writs ; but his proclama- 
 tion was unattended to. The elections were 
 held without regarding the authority of the 
 governor, and the delegates thus elected, 
 assembled and voted themselves a provincial 
 congress. The affairs of the colony were con- 
 ducted by them, as if they had been regularly 
 and legitimately invested with all the powers 
 of government ; and their recommendations 
 were regarded as the most sacred laws. 
 
 They drew up a plan for the defence of the preparations 
 
 * for defence 
 
 province ; provided magazines, ammunition, ^ 
 and stores, for twelve thousand militia, and 
 enrolled a number of minute men, so called 
 from their engaging to appear in arms at a 
 minute's warning. 
 
 On the approach of winter, the general had 
 ordered temporary barracks to be erected for 
 the troops, partly for their security, and partly 
 to prevent the disorders which, in the present 
 temper of parties, would unavoidably have 
 resulted from quartering them in the town. 
 Such, however, was the detestation in which 
 they were held, and the dislike to see them 
 provided for in any manner, that the select men 
 and committees obliged the workmen to quit 
 the employment, although they were paid for 
 their labour by the crown, and although
 
 190 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. employment was at that time with difficulty 
 1774. obtained. He was not much more successful 
 in his endeavours to engage carpenters in New 
 York, and it was with considerable difficulty 
 that these temporary lodgments were erected. 
 The agency for purchasing winter covering 
 for the troops was offered to almost every mer- 
 chant in New York, but such was the danger of 
 engaging in so obnoxious an employment, that 
 not only those who were sincerely attached to 
 the resistance now made by America to the 
 views of administration, but those also, who 
 were in secret friendly to those views, refused 
 undertaking it, and declared " that they never 
 would supply any article for the benefit of men 
 who were sent as enemies to their country." 
 November. In Great Britain, a new parliament was 
 Kin i^j n assembled, and the king in his opening speech 
 parliament, informed them, " that a most daring spirit of 
 resistance and disobedience still prevailed in 
 Massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh 
 violences of a very criminal nature; that the 
 most proper and effectual measures had been 
 taken to prevent these mischiefs ; and that they 
 might depend upon a firm resolution to with- 
 stand every attempt to weaken or impair the 
 supreme authority of this legislature over all 
 dominions of the crown." 
 proceedings The addresses proposed re-echoed the senti- 
 
 of that body. 
 
 ments of the speech, and amendments ottered 
 were rejected in both houses by very great
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19^ 
 
 majorities. 1 Yet the business respecting Ame- CHAP.IU. 
 rica was not promptly entered into. The admi- 1774. 
 nistration seems to have hesitated on the course 
 to be adopted, and the cabinet is said to 
 have been divided respecting future measures. 
 The few friends of conciliation availed .them- 
 selves of this delay, to bring forward proposi- 
 tions, which might restore harmony to the 
 different parts of the empire. Lord Chatham 
 was not yet dead. " This splendid orb," to 
 use the bold metaphor of mr. Burke, " was not 
 yet entirely set. The western horizon was 
 still in a blaze with his descending glory," and 
 the evening of a life which had. exhibited one 
 bright unchequered course of elevated patri- 
 otism, was devoted to the service of that 
 country whose aggrandizement had swallowed 
 up every other passion of his soul. Taking a 1775. 
 prophetic view of the future course of events, 
 he demonstrated the impossibility of subju- 
 gating America, and urged with all the powers 
 of his vast mind the immediate removal of the 
 troops from Boston, as a measure indispensably 
 necessary, in order to open the way for an 
 adjustment of the present differences with the 
 colonies. Not discouraged by the great ma- 
 jority by which this motion was negatived, he 
 brought forward a bill for settling the troubles 
 in America, which was also rejected by sixty- February. 
 one to thirty-two voices. 
 
 1 Belsham.
 
 |92 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. The day after the rejection of this bill, lord 
 1775. North moved in the house of commons an 
 address to his majesty, in which it was declared 
 that from a serious consideration of the Ame- 
 rican papers, "they find that a rebellion 
 actually exists in the province of Massachus- 
 setts Bay." In the course of the debate on this 
 address, several professional gentlemen spoke 
 with the utmost contempt* of the military 
 character of the Americans ; and general Grant, 
 who ought to have known better, declared that 
 " at the head of five regiments of infantry, he 
 would undertake to traverse the whole country, 
 and drive the. inhabitants from one end of 
 the continent to the other." The address pro- 
 posed was carried by 288, to 106, and, on a 
 conference, the house of lords agreed to join in 
 it. Lord North soon after moved a bill for 
 restraining the trade and commerce of the New 
 England provinces, and prohibiting them from 
 carrying on the fisheries on the banks of New- 
 foundland. 
 
 * Mr. Gordon represents the military gentlemen to 
 have said, when speaking of the Americans ; " they are 
 neither soldiers, nor ever can be made so, being naturally 
 of a pusillanimous disposition, and utterly incapable of 
 any sort of order or discipline ; and by their laziness, 
 uncleanliness, and radical defect of constitution, they are 
 disabled from going through the service of a campaign ; 
 but will melt away with sickness, before they can face an 
 enemy :....so that a slight force will be more than sufficient 
 for their complete reduction."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193 
 
 While this bill was depending, and only ven- CHAP, m. 
 geance was breathed by the supporters of the 1775. 
 present system, his lordship, to the astonish- 
 ment of the house, suddenly moved, what he 
 termed, his conciliatory proposition. * Its 
 amount was, that parliament would forbear to 
 tax any colony, which should tax itself in such 
 a sum, as would be perfectly satisfactory. Far 
 short, as was this proposition, of the demands 
 of America, and apparent as it must have been 
 that it could not be accepted ; it was received 
 with indignation by the majority of the house, 
 and the administration found it necessary, so to 
 explain the measure, as to show that it was in 
 maintenance of their right to tax the colonies. 
 Before it could be adopted, lord North con- 
 descended to make the dangerous, and not 
 very reputable acknowledgment, that it was a 
 proposition designed to divide America, while 
 it united Great Britain. f It was transmitted to 
 
 * See Note, JVb. XIV. at the end of the "volume. 
 t In the speech introducing this resolution, the minister 
 said, " if their opposition is only founded on the principles 
 which they pretend, they must agree with this proposi- 
 tion ; but if they have designs in contemplation different 
 from those they avow, their refusal will convict them of 
 duplicity." He farther declared, " that he did not expect 
 his proposition to be generally relished by the Americans. 
 But," said he, " if it does no good in the colonies, it will 
 do good here; it will unite the people of England, by 
 holding out to them a distinct object of revenue." He 
 added farther, " as it tends to unite England, it is. likely 
 VOL. II. C C
 
 1Q4 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. the governors of the several colonies in a cir- 
 1775. cular letter, from lord Dartmouth, with direc- 
 tions to use their utmost influence to procure 
 its adoption. These endeavours, however, 
 
 were no where successful. The colonists were 
 / 
 
 universally impressed with too strong a convic- 
 tion of the importance of union, and now un- 
 derstood too well the real principle of the con- 
 test, to permit themselves to be divided or de- 
 ceived by this proposition which was concilia- 
 tory only in name. After the passage of the 
 bill for restraining the trade of New England, 
 information was received that the inhabitants of 
 the middle and southern colonies were support- 
 ing their northern brethren in every measure 
 of opposition. In consequence of this intelli- 
 gence, a second bill was brought in for impos- 
 ing similar restrictions on the colonies of East 
 and West Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
 Virginia, South Carolina, and the counties on 
 the Delaware, which was passed without much 
 opposition. The favourite colonies of New 
 York and North Carolina were thought less 
 disaffected than the others, and were not 
 included in this bill. Fortunately, some time 
 afterwards, the house of commons refused to 
 hear a petition, offered by mr. Burke, from 
 
 to disunite America, for if only one province accepts the 
 offer, their confederacy, which alone makes them formi- 
 dable, will be broken." Ramsayi vol . T . P . IOS .
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 the legislature of New York, which alone had CHAP.IH. 
 declined acceding to the resolutions of the 1775. 
 general congress, because, as was suggested 
 by the minister, it contained claims incom- 
 patible with the supremacy of parliament. 
 This haughty rejection had some tendency to 
 convince such of that province, as cherished 
 the hope of producing accommodation by 
 milder measures than had been adopted by 
 their sister colonies, that there was no medium 
 between resistance and absolute submission. 
 
 Notwithstanding the ill success which had 
 heretofore attended the efforts of the minority, 
 a series of resolutions was brought forward 
 by mr. Burke, enforced by a most able and 
 eloquent speech, the object of which was to 
 restore the ancient state of things between the 
 mother country and her colonies; but these 
 resolutions experienced the same fate which had 
 attended all other truly conciliatory propo- 
 sitions. 
 
 The king's speech and the proceedings of 
 parliament served only to convince the leaders 
 of the opposition in America that they -must 
 indeed prepare to meet " mournful events." 
 They had flattered themselves that the union of 
 the colonies, the petition of congress to the king, 
 and the address to the people of Great Britain, 
 would have produced some happy effects ; but 
 the measures now adopted in a great measure 
 removed the delusion. The new provincial 
 c c 2
 
 196 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. congress of Massachusetts published a resold 
 1775. tion, informing the people, that from the dis- 
 position manifested by the British parliament 
 and ministry, there was real cause to fear that 
 the reasonable and just applications of that -con- 
 tinent to Great Britain for peace, liberty and 
 safety, would not meet with a favourable recep- 
 tion; that on the contrary, from the large re- 
 enforcements of troops expected in that colony, 
 the tenor of intelligence from Great Britain, 
 and general appearances, they had reason to 
 apprehend that the sudden destruction of that 
 colony in particular was intended. 
 
 They therefore urged, in the strongest terms, 
 the militia in general, and the minute men in 
 particular, to spare neither time, pains, nor 
 expense, at so critical a juncture, to perfect 
 themselves in military discipline. They also 
 passed resolutions for procuring and making 
 fire arms and bayonets. 
 
 In the mean time, delegates for the ensuing 
 congress were every where chosen. Even in 
 New York, where the influence of the adminis- 
 tration in the legislature, had been sufficient to 
 prevent an adoption of the recommendations of 
 the former congress, and where the people were 
 much divided, a convention was chosen for the 
 sole purpose of electing members, who should 
 represent that province in the grand council of 
 the colonies.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^97 
 
 In New England, although a determination CHAP, m. 
 not to commence hostility appears to have been 1775. 
 maintained, an expectation' of it, and a settled 
 purpose to repel it, universally prevailed. 
 
 It was not long before the firmness of this 
 resolution was put to the test, 
 
 A considerable quantity of military stores had 
 been collected at the town of Concord, about 
 eighteen miles from Boston, which general 
 Gage proposed to destroy. On the night pre- April IB. 
 ceding the 19th of April, lieutenant colonel 
 Smith and major Pitcairn, with the grenadiers 
 and light infantry of the army, amounting to 
 eight or nine hundred men, were detached on 
 this service. Notwithstanding the secrecy and 
 dispatch which were used, and although some 
 officers on horseback had before the marching 
 of the detachment, scoured the roads, and 
 secured such people as they fell in with, the 
 country was alarmed by messengers sent out 
 by doctor Warren, some of whom eluded the 
 vigilance of the patrols ; and, on the arrival of 
 the British troops at Lexington, about five in 
 the morning, part of the company of militia 
 belonging to that town, amounting to about 
 seventy men, were found on the parade under 
 arms. 
 
 Major Pitcairn, who led the van, q;alloped Battle of 
 
 11- LL _! i i L*Ston. 
 
 up, calling out, " disperse rebels; throw down 
 your arms, and disperse." The soldiers at the 
 same time ran up huzzaing; some scattering
 
 198 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cHAp.m. guns were fired first, which were immediately 
 t l775. followed by a general discharge, and the firing 
 was continued as long as any of the militia ap- 
 peared. Eight men were killed, and several 
 wounded. 
 
 The detachment then proceeded to Concord, 
 the commanding officer having previously dis- 
 patched six companies of light infantry to 
 possess two bridges which lay at some distance 
 beyond the town. While the main body of the 
 detachment was employed in destroying the 
 stores in Concord, some minute men and mi- 
 litia, who were collected from that place and 
 its neighbourhood, having orders not to give 
 the first fire, approached one of the bridges as 
 if to pass it in the character of common tra- 
 vellers. They were fired on, and two men 
 killed. The fire was immediately returned, 
 and a skirmish ensued, in which the regulars 
 were worsted, and compelled to retreat, with 
 some loss. The country was now generally 
 alarmed, and the people rushed from every 
 quarter to the scene of action. The king's 
 troops were attacked on all sides. Skirmish 
 after skirmish ensued, and they were driven 
 from post to post into Lexington. Fortunately 
 for the British, general Gage did not entertain 
 precisely the same opinion of the military cha- 
 racter of the Americans, which had been ex- 
 pressed by general Grant and other officers in 
 the house of commons. Apprehending the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 expedition to be not entirely without hazard, CHAP.M. 
 he had, in the morning, detached lord Percy, 1775. 
 with sixteen companies of foot, a corps of ma- 
 rines, and two pieces of artillery, to support 
 lieutenant colonel Smith. This seasonable 
 re-enforcement reached Lexington about the 
 time of the arrival of the retreating party, and 
 with their field pieces, kept the provincials at 
 a distance, and gave the grenadiers and light 
 infantry time to breathe. But as soon as they 
 recommenced their march, the attack was re- 
 commenced also, and an irregular but very 
 galling fire was kept up on either flank, as well 
 as in front and rear, from the stone fences which 
 abound in that quarter, until they arrived about 
 sunset on the common of Charlestown. From 
 thence, they immediately passed over the neck 
 to Bunker's hill, where they remained secure 
 for the night, under the protection of their ships 
 of war, and early next morning crossed over 
 Charlestown ferry to Boston. 
 
 In this action, the loss of the British in killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners, was two hundred and 
 seventy three, while that of the provincials did 
 not exceed ninety. However trivial this affair 
 may have been in itself, it was, in its conse- 
 quences, of the utmost importance. It was 
 the commencement of a long and obstinate war, 
 and it had no inconsiderable influence on that 
 war, by increasing the confidence which the 
 Americans felt in themselves, and encouraging
 
 200 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - " L opposition by the hope of its being successful. 
 1775. It supported the opinion which had been taken 
 up with some degree of doubt, that courage 
 and patriotism were ample substitutes for any 
 deficiency in the knowledge of tactics, and that 
 their skill, as marksmen, gave them a great 
 superiority over their adversaries. 
 
 Although the previous state of things had 
 been such, as plainly to render the commence- 
 ment of hostilities unavoidable, each party 
 seemed anxious to throw the blame on its op- 
 ponent. The British officers alleged that they 
 were fired on from a stone wall, before they 
 attacked the militia company at Lexington, 
 while, on the part of the Americans, numerous 
 depositions were taken, all proving that, both 
 at Lexington and the bridge near Concord, the 
 first fire was received by them. The statements 
 made by the Americans are rendered probable, 
 not only by the testimony which supports them, 
 but by other circumstances. The company 
 of militia at Lexington did not exceed in num- 
 bers, one ninth of the enemy; and it can scarcely 
 be conceived, that in the perilous situation in 
 which they were placed, their friends would 
 have provoked their fate, by commencing a 
 fire on an enraged soldiery. It is also a cir- 
 cumstance of no inconsiderable weight, that the 
 Americans had uniformly sought to cover their 
 proceedings with the letter of the law, and even 
 after the affair at Lexington, they had at the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201 
 
 bridge beyond Concord, made a point of receiv- CHAP, m. 
 ing the first fire. It is probable, that the orders 1775. 
 given by general Gage prohibited the detach- 
 ment under lieutenant colonel Smith, from 
 attacking the provincials, unless previously 
 assaulted by them ; but it seems almost certain 
 that such orders, if given, were disobeyed. 
 
 The provincial congress, desirous of mani- 
 festing the necessity under which the militia 
 had acted, transmitted to their agents, the de- 
 positions which had been taken relative to the 
 late action, with a letter to the inhabitants of 
 Great Britain, stating that hostilities had been 
 commenced against them, and detailing the 
 circumstances which had attended that event. 
 
 But they did not confine themselves to ad- vote of 
 
 mi T i p Massachus- 
 
 dresses. iney immediately passed a vote for s ts f r 
 
 raising men. 
 
 raising thirteen thousand six hundred men in 
 Massachusetts, to be commanded by general 
 Ward, and for calling on New Hampshire, 
 Rhode Island, and Connecticut, for their res- 
 pective quotas of troops, so as to complete an 
 army of thirty thousand men for the common 
 defence. They also authorized the receiver- 
 general to borrow one hundred thousand pounds 
 on the credit of the colony, and to issue secu- 
 rities for the repayment thereof with an interest 
 of six per cent. 
 
 The neighbouring colonies hastened to fur- 
 nish the men required of them; and, in the 
 mean time, such numbers voluntarily assembled 
 
 VOL. ii. D d
 
 202 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. that many were dismissed in consequence of a 
 1775. defect of means to subsist them in the field. 
 The king's troops were now themselves closely 
 blocked up in the peninsula of Boston, and their 
 communication with the country entirely cut 
 off. 
 
 On receiving intelligence of the battle of 
 Lexington, the people of the city and province 
 of New York, appeared to hesitate no longer. 
 The general spirit of the colonies obtained there 
 also the ascendency. Yet the royal party re- 
 mained very formidable, and it was deemed 
 advisable to march a body of Connecticut troops 
 into the neighbourhood, with the ostensible 
 purpose of protecting the town against some 
 British regiments daily expected from Ireland, 
 but with the real design of encouraging and 
 strengthening their friends. 
 
 About the same time, that active spirit which, 
 at the commencement of hostilities, seemed, 
 in so remarkable a degree, to have pervaded 
 New England, manifested itself in an expedition 
 of considerable merit. 
 
 The possession of Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point, and the command of lakes George and 
 Champlain, were objects of essential impor- 
 tance in the approaching conflict. It was well 
 known that these posts were very weakly de- 
 fended, and it was believed that the feeble 
 garrisons remaining in them, were the less to 
 be dreaded, because they were in a state of
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203 
 
 perfect security, entirely unapprehensive of an CHAP.IIL 
 attack from any quarter whatever. Under these 1775. 
 impressions, some gentlemen of Connecticut, 
 at the head of whom were messrs. Deane, 
 Wooster, and Parsons, formed the bold design 
 of seizing these fortresses by surprise ; and bor- 
 rowed, on their individual credit, a small sum 
 of money from the legislature of the colony, to 
 enable them to carry on the enterprise. As 
 success depended absolutely on secrecy and 
 dispatch, it was determined not to encounter 
 the delay, and danger of discovery, which 
 would attend their waiting to receive the sanc- 
 tion of congress: and it was deemed most ad- 
 visable to proceed immediately with a sufficient 
 quantity of ammunition, in the confidence that 
 the number of men, necessary for the expedi- 
 tion, might be raised with more advantage, 
 among the hardy mountaineers inhabiting the 
 country that bordered on the lakes. For this 
 purpose, about forty volunteers set out from 
 Connecticut towards Bennington, where the 
 authors of the expedition proposed meeting 
 with colonel Ethan Allen, and engaging him 
 to head their enterprise, and to raise the men, 
 which would be required to aid them in its 
 execution. 
 
 Colonel Allen very readily entered into their 
 views, and engaged to meet them with the requi- 
 site number of men, at Castleton, whither they 
 were to repair as soon as the necessary prepa- 
 Dd 2
 
 204 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. rations could be made. At this place about 
 1775. two hundred and seventy men assembled, who 
 were joined by colonel Arnold. This officer 
 had marched to Boston with a body of Connec- 
 ticut troops, immediately after the battle of 
 Lexington; and without having had the 
 slightest communication with those who had 
 undertaken the enterprise, had engaged the 
 committee of safety of Massachussetts to autho- 
 rize him to raise four hundred men for the 
 same object. He joined colonel Allen, with 
 whom he was associated in the command, and 
 they reached lakeChamplain opposite toTicon- 
 deroga in the night of the ninth of May. With 
 some difficulty boats were obtained sufficient 
 for the transportation of the troops; and both 
 Allen and Arnold embarked with the first body, 
 consisting of eighty-three men, who effected 
 their landing without being discovered. They 
 immediately marched against the fort, which 
 was completely surprised, and surrendered 
 without firing a single gun. The garrison con- 
 sisting of only forty four rank and file, com- 
 manded by a captain and one lieutenant, was 
 incapable of making any resistance. 
 
 Ticonderoga having fallen, colonel Seth 
 Warren was detached to take possession of | 
 Crown Point, where a serjeant and twelve men * 
 performed garrison duty. This service was 
 immediately executed, and the place was taken 
 without opposition.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205 
 
 At Crown Point, as well as at Ticonderoga, CHAP, m. 
 military stores fell into the hands of the Ame- 1775. 
 ricans, of very considerable value to them in 
 their present situation. The pass at Skenes- 
 borough was seized at the same time by a de- 
 tachment of the volunteers from Connecticut. 
 
 To complete the objects of the expedition, 
 it was necessary to obtain the command of the 
 lakes, which could be effected only by seizing 
 a sloop of war lying at St. Johns. This service 
 was effected by Arnold, who, having manned 
 and armed for the purpose a schooner found 
 in south bay, surprised the sloop, and took 
 possession of it without opposition. 
 
 Thus by the enterprise of a few individuals, 
 and without the loss of a single man, were 
 acquired the very important posts of Ticon- 
 deroga and Crown Point, with the command 
 of the lakes on which they stand. Nor was it 
 among the smallest of the advantages attending 
 the expedition, that the success with which it 
 was crowned, tended to raise still higher the 
 confidence which the Americans felt in them- 
 selves. 
 
 Intelligence of the capture of Ticonderoga Meeting of 
 was immediately communicated by an express c 
 to congress, then just assembled at Philadel- 
 phia; and the resolution entered into in conse- 
 quence of that event, furnishes strong evidence 
 of the solicitude felt by that body, to exone- way is. 
 rate the government in the opinion of the people
 
 206 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. at large, from all suspicion of aggression or of 
 1775. provoking a continuance of the war by trans- 
 
 StlJody. cending the limits of self defence. Indubitable 
 evidence was asserted to have been received, 
 of a design formed by the British ministry for 
 a cruel invasion of the colonies from the pro- 
 vince of Canada, for the purpose of destroying 
 their lives, and liberties, and it was averred 
 that some steps had actually been taken to carry 
 this design into execution. To a justifiable 
 desire of securing themselves against so heavy 
 a calamity, was attributed the seizure of that 
 post by the neighbouring inhabitants, and it was 
 recommended to the committees of New York 
 and Albany, immediately to take measures for 
 the removal of the cannon and military stores 
 from Ticonderoga to some place on the south 
 end of lake George, there to be preserved in 
 safety. An exact inventory of the stores thus 
 removed, was directed to be taken, " in order 
 that they might be safely returned, when the 
 restoration of the former harmony between 
 Great Britain and the colonies, so ardently 
 wished for by the latter, should render it pru- 
 dent and consistent with the over-ruling law of 
 self-preservation. ' ' 
 
 Measures, however, were afterwards adopted 
 to maintain the posts which had been taken ; 
 but probably from an apprehension, that their 
 having thus seized the keys of Canada, might 
 alarm the people of that province, and have
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207 
 
 some tendency to impress them with sentiments CHAP, m. 
 of hostility towards the united colonies, a 1775. 
 resolution was soon afterwards entered into, Ju n e7 . 
 declaring, that as congress had nothing more 
 in view than the defence of the colonies, " no 
 expedition or incursion ought to be undertaken 
 or made by any colony, or body of colonists 
 against or into Canada." 
 
 This resolution was translated into the 
 French language, and transmitted to the people 
 of that province, accompanied by a letter,* in 
 which all their feelings, and among others, the 
 known attachment of the Canadians to France, 
 were very dexterously assailed ; and the effort 
 was very earnestly made to kindle in their 
 bosoms that enthusiastic love of liberty, which 
 was too strongly felt by the authors of the letter 
 to permit the belief that it could be any where 
 inoperative. 
 
 The middle and southern colonies, though 
 not so forward as the northern, were every 
 where preparing for hostilities, and the estab- 
 lished government was in all of them laid aside. 
 
 In Virginia lord Dunmore, the governor, had 
 just returned to Williamsbure; from an expedi- Transactions 
 
 i T i ? i i i , in Virginia. 
 
 tion against the Indians, in which his arms had 
 been crowned with success, and he had thereby 
 acquired a considerable degree of popularity. 
 Presuming, perhaps too much, on the public 
 
 * Set Note, M. XIV. at the end of the -volume.
 
 208 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. favour of the moment, and dissatisfied with some 
 1775. recommendations concerning the militia and 
 independent companies, made by the colonial 
 convention which had assembled in Richmond 
 principally for the purpose of electing delegates 
 to congress ; he employed the captain of an 
 armed vessel, then lying in James river, a few 
 miles from Williamsburg, to convey by night 
 on board his ship, with a detachment of his 
 marines, a part of the powder in the magazine 
 belonging to the colony. 
 
 This measure, though conducted with great 
 secrecy, was by some means discovered ; and 
 the people of the town assembled next morning 
 in arms, for the purpose of demanding restitu- 
 tion of the property which had been taken. 
 The magistrates prevailed on them to disperse 
 without the commission of violence, and pre- 
 sented an address to the Governor, remonstrat- 
 ing against the removal of the powder, which 
 they alleged to be the more injurious, because 
 it was necessary for their defence, in the event 
 of an insurrection among their slaves. 
 
 The governor acknowledged that the powder 
 had been removed by his orders to a place of 
 perfect security, because he did not think it 
 safe in the magazine, but he gave the most 
 explicit assurances, that he would restore it, 
 if an insurrection of the slaves should render 
 such a measure necessary. 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 Unsatisfactory as was this answer, no further CHAP.IH 
 means Avere used in Williamsburg for the 1775. 
 recovery of the property which had been carried 
 off; but from this time, nightly patroles were 
 kept for the future protection of the magazine. 
 
 This subject was not permitted to pass off 
 quietly by the inhabitants of the interior 
 country. Meetings were held in several coun- 
 ties, and the conduct of the governor greatly 
 condemned. In Hanover and king William, 
 the independent companies, at the instance of 
 mr. Patrick Henry,* a member of congress, 
 assembled and set out for Williamsburg with 
 the avowed design of compelling a restitution 
 of the powder, or of obtaining the value thereof. 
 They were, however, stopped on the way by 
 the active interposition of a mr. Braxton, who 
 obtained from the king's receiver-general, a 
 bill for the value of the property which had 
 been removed, with which he returned to the 
 companies, and prevailed on them to relinquish 
 a further prosecution of their enterprise.! 
 
 * The same gentleman who had introduced into the 
 assembly of Virginia the original resolutions against the 
 stamp act. 
 
 t The independent companies in the upper part of the 
 northern neck also assembled to the number of about six 
 hundred men, and proceeded on horseback as far as 
 Fredericksburg, where a council was held in which 
 Richard Henry Lee, then on his way to congress, presided, 
 and which advised their return to their respective homes. 
 VOL. II. E e
 
 210 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. The alarm occasioned by this movement 
 1775. induced lady Dunmore with the governor's 
 family to retire on board the Fowey man of 
 war in James river, whilst his lordship fortified 
 his palace, in which he placed a detachment of 
 marines as a garrison. From thence he pub- 
 lished a proclamation, in which he charged 
 those, who had procured the bill from the 
 receiver-general, with rebellious practices. 
 The country, however, took part against him, 
 and his own conduct was generally censured, 
 while that of mr. Henry was very highly ap- 
 plauded. This state of agitation was increased 
 by some letters, written by lord Dunmore to 
 the secretary of state, containing sentiments 
 thought hostile to America. These letters 
 were made public about this time and were 
 very severely censured. 
 
 While the public mind was considerably irri- 
 tated by these causes, lord North's conciliatory 
 junei. proposition was received, and an assembly was 
 suddenly called, to whose consideration it was 
 submitted. The governor used all his address 
 to produce, in the assembly, a disposition 
 favourable to the acceptance of this proposition, 
 but it was rejected here as in the other colonies, 
 because it obviously involved a surrender of 
 the whole subject in contest.* 
 
 * In the address of the house of burgesses to the gover- 
 nor in answer to his speech at opening the session, thej
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211 
 
 One of the first measures of the assembly CHAP.IH. 
 was the appointment of a committee to inquire, 1775. 
 generally, into the causes of the late distur- 
 bances, a.nd, particularly, to examine the state 
 of the magazine. Although this building 
 belonged to the colony, it was in the custody 
 of the governor, who appointed the keeper, 
 and to him it was necessary to apply in order 
 to gain admittance. Before this was obtained, 
 some persons of the neighbourhood broke into 
 the magazine, one of whom was wounded by 
 a spring gun; and it was found, that the pow- 
 der, not carried away, had been buried and 
 
 say, in speaking of the conciliatory proposition of lord 
 North, which had been recommended to them ; " We 
 examined it minutely ; we viewed it in every point of 
 light in which we were able to place it, and with pain and 
 disappointment, we must ultimately declare, it only 
 changes the form of oppression without lightening its 
 burden." They closed with these expressive words.... 
 " We have decently remonstrated with parliament ; they 
 have added new injuries to the old. We have weaned 
 our king with supplications : he has not deigned to answer 
 us. We have appealed to the native honour and justice 
 of the British nation : their efforts in our favour have 
 been hitherto ineffectual. What then remains to be done? 
 that we commit our injuries to the even-handed justice 
 of that Being who doth no wrong ; earnestly beseeching 
 him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavours 
 of those, to whom America hath confided her hopes, that, 
 through their wise direction, we may again see, re-united, 
 the blessings of liberty and property, and the most per- 
 manent harmony with Great Britain." 
 
 Cordon, vol. II. p. 90. 
 
 E e 2
 
 212 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. very much injured, and the guns deprived of 
 1775. their locks. These circumstances excited so 
 great a ferment, that the governor thought pro- 
 per privately to withdraw from the palace, and 
 go on board the FoAvey man of w T ar, then lying 
 at York town, twelve miles below Williamsburg. 
 Several letters afterwards passed between him 
 and the legislature, containing reciprocal com- 
 plaints of each other, in the course of which 
 they pressed his return to the seat of govern- 
 ment, while he insisted on their coming on 
 board the Fowey. They were content that he 
 should, even there, give his assent to some 
 material bills which were prepared; but he 
 refused to do so, and the assembly dissolved 
 itself; the members being generally chosen on 
 a convention then about to meet at Richmond. 
 Thus terminated forever the royal govern- 
 ment in Virginia. 
 provincial In South Carolina, a provincial congress was 
 
 congress of 
 
 ?. ou *. called by the committee of correspondence so 
 
 Carolina. J 
 
 soon as intelligence of the battle of Lexington 
 was received. An association was formed, the 
 members of which pledged themselves to each 
 other to repel force by force whenever the con- 
 tinental or provincial congress should deter- 
 mine it to be necessary, and declared that they 
 would hold all those persons inimical to the 
 colonies, who should refuse to subscribe to it. 
 They also determined immediately to put the 
 town and province in a respectable posture of
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213 
 
 defence ; in pursuance of which resolution, CHAP, m. 
 they agreed to raise two regiments of infantry 1775. 
 and one of rangers. 
 
 While this congress was in session, lord 
 William Campbell, who had been appointed 
 their governor, arrived in the province, and 
 was received with all those demonstrations of 
 joy which had been usual on such occasions. 
 The congress waited on him with an address, 
 in which they disclosed to him the true causes 
 of their present proceedings ; and declared, 
 that no love of innovation, no desire of altering 
 the constitution of government, no lust of inde- 
 pendence, had the least influence upon their 
 councils ; but that they had been compelled to 
 associate and take up arms, solely for the pre- 
 servation, and in defence of their lives, liberties, 
 and properties. They entreated his excellency 
 to make such a representation of the state of 
 the colony, and of their true motives as to 
 assure his majesty, that he had no subjects, 
 who more sincerely desired to testify their loy- 
 alty and affection, or would be more willing to 
 devote their lives and fortunes in his real ser- 
 vice. His lordship returned a very mild and 
 prudent answer." 1 
 
 For some time lord William Campbell con- 
 ducted himself with so much apparent mode- 
 ration, as to remain on good terms with the 
 
 m Gordon's Hist. vol. II. p. 82.
 
 214 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - IU - leaders of the opposition, but he was secretly 
 1775. exerting all the influence of his station in de- 
 feating their views, and was at length detected 
 in carrying on some negotiations with the In- 
 dians, and with the disaffected in the back coun- 
 try who had refused to sign the association. 
 These persons had been induced to believe 
 that the inhabitants of the sea coast, in order 
 to exempt their own tea from a trifling tax, 
 were about to engage them in a contest, in 
 which they would be deprived of their salt, 
 osnaburgs, and other imported articles of abso- 
 lute necessity. The detection of these intrigues 
 excited such a ferment among the people that 
 the governor was compelled to fly from Charles- 
 ton, and take refuge on board a ship of war in 
 the river. The government was then, as else- 
 where, taken entirely into the hands of men 
 chosen by the people; and a large body of 
 troops was ordered into that part of the country, 
 which adhered to the royal cause, where many 
 of the people, contrary to the advice of governor 
 Campbell, had risen in arms. Unable to collect 
 a sufficient force to repel so formidable an in- 
 vasion, the leaders were seized, and their 
 followers dispersed. 
 
 In North Carolina, governor Martin was 
 also charged with fomenting a civil war, and 
 exciting an insurrection among the negroes. 
 Relying on the aid he expected from some of 
 the back settlers, and from some highland emi-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215 
 
 grants, he made preparations for the defence of CHAP, in. 
 his palace; but the people taking the alarm irrs. 
 before the troops he counted on were raised, 
 he was compelled to fly for safety on board a 
 sloop of war in cape Fear river; soon after 
 which, the committee resolved " that no person 
 or persons whatsoever should have any corres- 
 pondence with him on pain of being deemed 
 enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt 
 with accordingly." 
 
 As soon as congress was in readiness to enter May 12. 
 upon the public business, mr. Hancock laid 
 before that body the depositions which had 
 been taken for the purpose of showing that in 
 the battle of Lexington, the king's troops were 
 entirely the aggressors ; together with the pro- 
 ceedings of the provincial assembly of Massa- 
 chussetts on that occasion. 
 
 They had now arrived at the crisis to which 
 things had for some time been rapidly tending ; 
 and it became necessary for the delegates 
 the other provinces finally to determine, either 
 to embark with Xew England in actual war, or, 
 by separating themselves from those colonies, 
 to surrender the object for which they had so 
 long jointly contended, and submit to that un- 
 limited supremacy which was claimed by the 
 British parliament. 
 
 Even among the well informed of the Ame- 
 rican people, the opinion that the contest be- 
 tween the mother country and her colonies
 
 216 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.IIL would ultimately be decided by the sword, had 
 1775. not yet become general. The hope had been 
 hitherto indulged by a great portion of the po- 
 pular leaders, that the union of the colonies, 
 the extent and serious aspect of the opposition, 
 and the distress which their non- importation 
 agreements would produce among the mer- 
 chants and manufacturers of the parent state, 
 would induce the administration to recede from 
 the high pretensions which had been insisted 
 on, and would restore that harmony and free 
 intercourse which had formerly subsisted be- 
 tween the two countries, and which they sin- 
 cerely believed to be advantageous to both. 
 This opinion had derived strength from the 
 communications made them by many of their 
 zealous friends in England. The divisions and 
 discontents of that country had been represented 
 as much greater than the fact would justify; 
 and the exhortations transmitted to them to 
 persevere in the honourable course which had 
 been commenced with so much glory, had 
 generally been accompanied with assurances 
 that success must yet crown their patriotic 
 labours. Very many had engaged with zeal 
 in the resistance made by America, and had 
 acted on a full conviction of the correctness of 
 the principles for which they contended, who 
 would very reluctantly have engaged in the 
 measures which had been adopted, had they 
 really believed that those measures would have
 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217 
 
 issued in war. But each party counted too CHAP.IU. 
 much on the divisions of the other, and each 1775. 
 seems to have taken step after step, in the hope 
 that its adversary would yield the point in con- 
 test without resorting to open force. Thus on 
 both sides, the public feelings had been gra- 
 dually conducted to a point, which would in the 
 first instance have been thought of with horror, 
 and had been prepared for events, the contem- 
 plation of which, in the beginning of the 
 controversy, would have alarmed the most 
 intrepid. The sentiment now prevailing in 
 the middle and southern colonies was, that a 
 reconciliation, on the terms proposed by Ame- 
 rica, was not even yet impracticable, and was 
 devoutly to be wished; but that war with all 
 its hazards and its horrors was to be preferred 
 to a surrender of those rights for which they 
 had contended, and to which they believed 
 every British subject, wherever placed, to be 
 unquestionably entitled. 
 
 They did not hesitate, therefore, which part 
 of the alternative now offered them to embrace, 
 and their delegates united cordially with those of 
 their northern brethren in such measures as the 
 present exigency required. It was unanimously 
 Determined that as hostilities had actually com- 
 menced, and as large re-enforcements to the Bri- 
 tish army were expected, these colonies should 
 be immediately put in a state of defence, and 
 that the militia of New York should be armed 
 
 VOL. II. F f
 
 218 THE LIFE OF 
 
 C HAP - *" and trained, and kept in readiness to act at a 
 1775. moment's warning. It was also determined to 
 embody a number of men, without delay, for 
 the protection of the inhabitants of that place, 
 but'they appear not to have been authorized to 
 oppose the landing of any troops which might 
 be ordered to that station by the crown. The 
 convention of New York had already consulted 
 congress, on the steps to be pursued by that 
 colony in the event of the arrival of the troops 
 daily expected at that place from Europe ; and 
 they had been advised to permit the soldiers to 
 take possession of the barracks, and to remain 
 there so long as they conducted themselves 
 peaceably; but if they should commit hostilities, 
 or invade private property, the inhabitants were 
 then to repel force by force. Thus anxious 
 was congress, even after a battle had been 
 fought, not to widen still further the breach 
 between the two countries. In addition to the 
 real wish for reconciliation, much felt by a 
 majority of this body, the soundest policy 
 directed that the people of America should 
 engage in the arduous conflict which was ap- 
 proaching, wijth a perfect conviction that it was 
 forced upon them, and that it had been occa- 
 sioned by no fault of theirs, and by no intem- 
 perate conduct on the part of their leaders. 
 The divisions existing in several of the states 
 suggested the propriety of this conduct, even 
 to those who despaired of deriving any other
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219 
 
 benefit from it than a greater degree of union CHAP, m. 
 among their own countrymen. In this spirit, 1775. 
 they mingled with their resolutions for putting 
 the country in a state of defence, others expres- 
 sive of their most earnest wish for reconciliation 
 with the mother country; to effect which, they 
 determined on addressing once more an humble 
 and dutiful petition to the king, and on adopt- 
 ing measures for opening a negotiation in order 
 to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsist- 
 ing between Great Britain and the colonies. 
 
 As no great confidence could now be placed 
 in the success of pacific propositions, the reso- 
 lution for putting the country in a state of 
 defence was accompanied with others rendered 
 necessary by that undetermined state between 
 war and peace, in which America was now 
 placed. All exports to those colonies, which 
 had not deputed members to congress, were 
 stopped;, and all supplies of provisions and of 
 other necessaries to the British fisheries were 
 prohibited. Though this resolution was only 
 a further prosecution of the system of commer- 
 cial resistance which had been adopted before 
 the commencement of hostilities, and was evi- 
 dently provoked by the late acts of parliament ; 
 yet it seems to have been entirely unexpected, 
 and certainly produced very great distress. A 
 few days after the adoption of this measure, it 
 was resolved, that no bill of exchange drawn by 
 any person belonging to the army or navy 
 
 rf 2
 
 220 THE L1FE o* 
 
 CHAP, in. should be negotiated, nor any money furnished 
 1775. to such person, by the inhabitants of the colo- 
 nies. All supplies of provisions or other neces- 
 saries, to the army or navy in Massachussetts 
 Bay, and to any vessel employed in transporting 
 British troops to America, or from one colony 
 to another, were prohibited. 
 
 Massachussetts having stated the difficulties 
 resulting from being without any regular form 
 of government, " at a time when an army was 
 to be raised to defend themselves against the 
 butcheries and devastations of their implacable 
 eiumies," and having declared a readiness to 
 conform to such general plans as congress might 
 direct for the colonies, and so to modify its 
 particular government as to promote the inter- 
 
 ests of the union and of all America ; it was 
 
 J une 9 - resolved, that no obedience is due to the act of 
 parliament for altering the charter of that colony, 
 nor to officers who, instead of observing that 
 
 charter, seek its subversion. 
 
 i 
 
 The governor and lieutenant governor were, 
 therefore, to be considered as absent, and their 
 offices vacant. To avoid the intolerable in- 
 conveniences arising from a total suspension of 
 government, especially at a time when general 
 Gage had actually levied war, and was carrying 
 on hostilities against his majesty's peaceable 
 and loyal subjects of that colony; and, at the 
 same time, to conform as near as possible to 
 the spirit and substance of the charter; it was
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221 
 
 ct recommended to the provincial convention CHAP, m. 
 to write letters to the inhabitants of the several 1775. 
 places, which are entitled to representation in 
 assembly, requesting to choose such represen- 
 tatives, and that the assembly, when chosen, 
 do elect counsellors; and that such assembly 
 or council exercise the powers of government, 
 until a governor of his majesty's appointment 
 will consent to govern the colony according to 
 its charter."" 
 
 These resolutions, occasioned by the pecu- 
 liar situation of the country, were quickly 
 followed by others of greater vigour, and 
 denoting more decidedly the determination to 
 prepare for the last resort of nations. 
 
 It was most earnestly recommended to the 
 conventions of all the colonies, to use their 
 utmost endeavours to provide the means of ma- 
 king gunpowder, and to obtain sufficient sup- 
 plies of ammunition. Even the non-importation 
 agreement was relaxed in favour of such vessels 
 as should bring in cargoes of those precious 
 materials. They were urged too, very seriously, 
 to arm and discipline their militia, and so to 
 class them that one fourth should be minute 
 men. In addition to this military force, recom- 
 mendations were made for the raising of several 
 regular corps for the service of the continent ; 
 and a general resolution was entered into, de- 
 
 11 Journals of Congress, p. 115.
 
 222 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - "* claring, that any province thinking itself in 
 1775. danger, might rais a body of regulars not ex- 
 ceeding one thousand men, which should be 
 taken into the pay of the united colonies. 
 
 Congress also proceeded to organize the 
 higher departments of the army. 
 
 Bills of credit to the amount of three million* 
 of Spanish milled dollars were emitted for 
 the purpose of defraying the expenses of the 
 war, and the twelve confederated colonies were 
 junsao. pledged for their redemption. Articles of war 
 for the government of the continental army were 
 formed, though as yet, the troops were raised 
 under the authority of the states, without even 
 a requisition from congress, except in a few 
 j"iy e- instances. A solemn dignified declaration in 
 form of a manifesto, was prepared to be pub- 
 
 * The ratio in which this sum was apportioned on the 
 respective states was as follows : 
 
 New Hampshire $ 1 24,069 
 
 Massachusetts Bay 434,244 
 
 Rhode Island 71,959^ 
 
 Connecticut 248,139 
 
 New York 248,139 
 
 New Jersey 161,290^ 
 
 Pennsylvania 372,208 
 
 Delaware 37,2 19 
 
 Maryland 310,174^ 
 
 Virginia .!...... 496,278 
 
 North Carolina - 248,139 
 
 South Carolina 248,139 
 
 g 3,000,000
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223 
 
 lished to the army, in orders, and to the peo- CHAP, m. 
 pie, from the pulpit. After detailing the causes 1775. 
 of their opposition to the mother country, with 
 all the energy of men feeling the injuries of 
 which they complain, the manifesto exclaims, 
 " but why should we enumerate our injuries in 
 detail? by one statute it is declared that par- 
 liament ' can of right make laws to bind us in 
 all cases whatsoever.' What is to defend us 
 against so enormous, so unlimited a power? 
 not a single man of those who assume it is 
 chosen by us, or is subject to our control or 
 influence; but on the contrary, they are all of 
 them exempt from the operation of such laws, 
 and an American revenue, if not diverted from 
 the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, 
 would actually lighten their own burdens, in 
 proportion as they increase ours. We saw the 
 misery to which such despotism would reduce 
 us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffect- 
 ually besieged the throne as supplicants; we 
 reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in 
 the most mild and decent language." 
 
 The measures adopted by administration*|o 
 enforce the claims of Great Britain are then 
 enumerated ; after which the manifesto pro- 
 ceeds. " We are reduced to the alternative of 
 choosing an unconditional submission to the 
 tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by 
 force the latter is otlr choice we have 
 counted the cost of this contest, and find no-
 
 224 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. thing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, 
 1775. justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to sur- 
 render that freedom which we received from 
 our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent 
 posterity have a right to receive from us. " We 
 cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning 
 succeeding generations to that wretchedness 
 which inevitably awaits them, if we basely en- 
 tail hereditary bondage upon them. 
 
 " Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. 
 Our internal resources are great; and, if ne- 
 cessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly 
 attainable we gratefully acknowledge, as 
 signal instances of the divine favour towards 
 us, that his providence would not permit us to 
 be called into this severe controversy, until we 
 Avere grown up to our present strength, had 
 been previously exercised in warlike opera- 
 tion, and possessed of the means of defending 
 ourselves. With hearts fortified with these 
 animating reflections, we most solemnly, before 
 God and the world, DECLARE, that, exerting 
 the. utmost energy of those powers, which our 
 beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed on 
 us, the arms we have been compelled by our 
 enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of 
 every hazard, with unabating firmness and 
 perseverance, employ for the preservation of 
 our liberties ; being with one mind resolved to 
 die freemen rather thtm to live slaves.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 225? 
 
 "Lest this declaration should disquiet the CHAP. HI. 
 minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any irrs. 
 part of the empire, we assure them that we 
 mean not to dissolve that union which has so 
 long and so happily subsisted between us, and 
 which we sincerely wish to see restored.... 
 necessity has not yet driven us into that des- 
 perate measure, or induced us to excite any 
 
 other nation to war against them we have not 
 
 raised armies with ambitious designs of sepa- 
 rating from Great Britain, and establishing in- 
 dependent states. We fight not for glory or 
 for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the re- 
 markable spectacle of a people attacked by 
 unprovoked enemies, without any imputation 
 or even suspicion of offence. They boast of 
 their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer 
 no milder conditions than servitude or death. 
 
 " In our own native land, in defence of the 
 freedom that is our birth right, and which we 
 ever enjoyed until the late violation of it.... for 
 the protection of our property, acquired solely 
 by the honest industry of our forefathers and 
 ourselves, against violence actually offered, we 
 have taken up arms. We shall lay them down 
 when hostilities shall cease on the part of the 
 aggressors, and all danger of their being re- 
 newed shall be removed, and not before.'' 
 
 During these transactions, generals Howe, May. 
 Burgoyne, and Clinton, with a re-enforcement 
 of troops from England arrived at Boston; soon 
 
 VOL. ri. c g
 
 226 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. after which, general Gage published a procla- 
 1775. mation, declaring martial law to be in force, 
 and offering pardon to those who would lay 
 down their arms and submit to the king, with 
 the exception of Samuel Adams and John 
 Hancock. 
 
 This proclamation, like every other measure 
 designed to intimidate or divide, served only 
 to increase the activity of the Americans, by 
 strengthening their conviction that arms, and 
 arms alone, were to be relied upon for ultimate 
 safety. 
 
 It having been conjectured, from intelligence 
 received respecting the movements of the 
 British army, that general Gage intended to 
 penetrate into the country ; it was recom- 
 mended by the provincial congress to the coun- 
 cil of war, to take the necessary measures for 
 the defence of Dorchester neck, and to occupy 
 Bunker's hill, a very high and commanding 
 piece of ground just within the peninsula on 
 which Charlestown stands, and which had 
 hitherto been neglected by both armies.* In 
 observance of these instructions, a detachment 
 of one thousand men, under the command of 
 colonel Prescot, was ordered to take possession 
 of this ground ; but by some mistake, Breed's 
 
 * Charlestown h separated from Boston only by a nar- 
 row sheet of water, over which a bridge has since been 
 thrown.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227 
 
 Hill, situated on the farther part of the penin- CHAP, m. 
 sula, next to Boston, was marked out instead irrs. 
 of Bunker's hill for the intrenchments proposed 
 to be thrown up. 
 
 The party sent on this service proceeded to 
 Breed's hill, and worked with so much diligence 
 and secrecy, that, by the dawn of day, they 
 had thrown up a small square redoubt, about 
 forty yards on each side; without having given 
 the least alarm to some ships of war which were 
 stationed in the river at no great distance from 
 them. As soon as light had discovered this 
 new work to the enemy, a heavy cannonade 
 was commenced upon it, which the provincials 
 bore with firmness. They continued their 
 labour until they had thrown up a small breast 
 work stretching from the east side of the re- 
 doubt to the bottom of the hill, so as very con- 
 siderably to extend their line of defence. 
 
 As this eminence overlooked Boston, general 
 Gage thought it necessary to drive the provin- 
 cials from it. To effect this object, he detached 
 major general Howe, and brigadier general 
 Pigot, at the head of ten companies of grena- 
 diers, and the same number of light infantry, 
 with a proper proportion of field artillery. 
 These troops landed at Moreton's point where 
 they immediately formed; but, perceiving the 
 Americans to wait for them with firmness, 
 they remained on their ground until the success 
 of the enterprise should be rendered secure by 
 eg 2
 
 228 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, in. the arrival of a re-enforcement from Boston, 
 1775. for which general Howe had applied. During 
 this interval the Americans also were re-en- 
 forced by a body of their countrymen led by 
 generals Warren and Pommeroy; and they 
 availed themselves of this delay, to increase 
 their security by pulling up some adjoining 
 post and rail fences, and arranging them in two 
 parallel lines at a small distance from each other ; 
 the space between which they filled up with 
 hay, so as to form a complete cover from the 
 musketry of the enemy. 
 
 On being joined by their second detachment, 
 the British troops, who were formed in two 
 lines, advanced slowly under cover of a very 
 heavy discharge of cannon and howitzers, fre- 
 quently halting in order to allow their artillery 
 time to demolish the works. While they were 
 advancing, orders were given to set fire to 
 Charlestown, a handsome village containing 
 about five hundred houses, which flanked their 
 line of march. The buildings were chiefly of 
 wood, and the flames were quickly communi- 
 cated so extensively, that almost the whole 
 town was in one great blaze.* 
 
 * To justify this severe policy, it has been alleged that 
 the houses afforded a cover to the Americans, who fired 
 on the flank of the British columns advancing against 
 Breed's hill; but the truth of this assertion is denied by 
 all the provincial accounts, which allege, with great pro-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 229 
 
 It is not easy to conceive a more grand and CHAP, m. 
 a more awful spectacle than was now exhibited ; 1775. 
 nor a moment of more anxious expectation than 
 that which was now presented. The scene of 
 action was in full view of the heights of Boston 
 and of its neighbourhood, which were covered 
 with spectators taking deep and opposite inter- 
 ests in the events passing before them. The 
 soldiers of the two hostile armies not on duty, 
 the citizens of Boston, and the inhabitants of 
 the adjacent country, all feeling emotions which 
 set description at defiance, w r ere witnesses of 
 the majestic and tremendous scene. 
 
 The provincials permitted the enemy to ap- Battle of 
 proach unmolested within' less than one hun- 
 dred yards of their works, when they poured 
 in upon them so deadly a fire of small arms that 
 the British line was totally broken, and fell 
 back with precipitation towards the landing 
 place. By the very great exertions of their 
 officers they were rallied, and brought up to the 
 charge ; but were again driven back in confusion 
 by the heavy and incessant fire from the works. 
 General Howe is said to have been left at one 
 time almost alone, and it is certain that very 
 few officers about his person escaped unhurt. 
 
 The impression to be*made by victory or 
 defeat, in this early stage of the war, was 
 
 bability, that the troops were withdrawn from the town 
 under an apprehension that the enemy, after passing it, 
 might suddenly turn upon them and cut off their retreat.
 
 230 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - m - deemed of the utmost consequence ; and, there- 
 1775. forej very extraordinary exertions were made 
 once more to rally the English. With great 
 difficulty, they were a third time led up to the 
 works. The redoubt was now attacked on three 
 sides at once, while some pieces of artillery, 
 which had been brought to bear on the breast 
 work, raked it from end to end. The cross fire 
 too, from the ships and floating batteries, not 
 only annoyed the works on Breed's hill, but 
 deterred any considerable re-enforcements from 
 passing into the peninsula, and coming to their 
 assistance. The ammunition of the Americans 
 was now so nearly exhausted, that they were 
 no longer able to keep up the same incessant 
 stream of fire, which had twice repulsed the 
 enemy; and, on this third attempt, the redoubt, 
 the walls of which the English mounted with 
 ease, was carried at the point of the bayonet. 
 Yet the Americans, many of whom were with- 
 out bayonets, are said to have maintained the 
 contest with clubbed muskets, until the redoubt 
 was half filled with the king's troops. 
 
 The redoubt being lost, the breast work, 
 which had been defended with equal courage 
 and obstinacy, was necessarily abandoned ; and 
 the very hazardous operation undertaken, of 
 retreating, in the face of a victorious enemy, 
 over Charlestown neck; where they were ex- 
 posed to the same cross fire from the Glasgoxv 
 man of war and two floating batteries, which
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231 
 
 had deterred the re-enforcements ordered to CHAP - UI - 
 their aid, from coming to their assistance, and 
 had probably prevented their receiving proper 
 supplies of ammunition. 
 
 In this enterprise, about three thousand men 
 composing the flower of the British army were 
 engaged, and high encomiums were bestowed 
 on the resolution they manifested. Their killed 
 and wounded amounted, according to the re- 
 turns of general Gage, to one thousand and fifty- 
 four.... an immense proportion of the number 
 engaged in the action. Notwithstanding the 
 danger of their retreat over Charlestown neck, 
 the loss of the Americans was stated at only 
 four hundred and fifty men, including the killed, 
 wounded, and missing. Among the former, 
 was doctor Warren, a gentleman greatly beloved 
 and regretted, who fell just after the provincials 
 began their retreat from the breast work. 
 
 The colonial force engaged in this action was 
 stated through the country at fifteen hundred ; 
 by some it has been supposed to have amounted 
 to four thousand. 
 
 Although the ground was lost, the Americans 
 claimed the victory. Their confidence in them- 
 selves was greatly increased; and it was uni- 
 versally asked, how many more such triumphs 
 the British army could afford ? 
 
 The enemy had been treated too roughly in 
 the action to attempt further offensive operations, 
 and they contented themselves with seizing and
 
 232 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. in. fortifying Bunker's hill, which secured to 
 1775. them the peninsula of Charlestown, in which, 
 however, they remained as closely blockaded 
 as in that of Boston. 
 
 The Americans were very greatly elated by 
 the intrepidity their raw troops had displayed, 
 and the execution which had been done by 
 them in this engagement. Their opinion of the 
 superiority of veterans over men untrained to 
 the duties of a soldier, sustained no inconsider- 
 able diminution, and they fondly cherished the 
 belief, that courage and dexterity in the use 
 of fire arms would bestow advantages amply 
 compensating the want of discipline. Unfortu- 
 nately for their country this course of thinking 
 was not confined to the soldiers. It seems to 
 have extended to those who guided the public 
 councils, and to have contributed to the adoption 
 of a system which, more than once, brought 
 the cause for which they had taken up arms to 
 the brink of ruin. They did not distinguish 
 sufficiently between the momentary efforts of a 
 few brave men, brought together by a high 
 sense of the injuries^w'ith which their country 
 was threatened, and carried into action while 
 under the influence of keen resentments; and 
 that continued suffering, those steady persever- 
 ing exertions, which must be necessary to bring 
 so serious and so important a contest to a happy 
 termination. Nor did they examine with suf- 
 ficient accuracy nor allow sufficient influence
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233 
 
 to several striking circumstances attending the CHAP.IH. 
 battle which had been fought. It is not easy irri. 
 to read the accounts given of that action with- 
 out being persuaded, that had the Americans on 
 Breed's hill been supplied with ammunition and 
 properly supported, had the re-enforcements 
 ordered to their assistance actually entered the 
 peninsula, as soldiers in habits of obedience 
 would have done, and displayed the same 
 heroic courage which was exhibited by their 
 countrymen engaged in defence of the works; 
 the assailants must have been defeated, and the 
 flower of the British army cut to pieces. It 
 ought also to have been remarked that, while 
 the many were prevented by the danger which 
 presented itself to them, from executing the 
 orders they had received, only the few, who 
 were endowed with more than a usual portion 
 of bravery, encountered that danger; and that 
 it is not by the few great victories are to be 
 obtained, or a country to be saved. 
 
 Amidst these preparations for war, the voice 
 of peace was yet heard. Allegiance to the king 
 was still acknowledged, and a lingering hope 
 remained that an accommodation was not im- 
 possible. The petition voted to his majesty 
 was full of professions of duty and attachment; 
 and a letter to the people of England, in which 
 they are conjured, by the endearing appellations 
 of friends, countrymen, and brethren, to pre- 
 vent the dissolution of " that connexion, which 
 
 VOL. II. H h
 
 34 THE LIFE OF 
 
 HAp.nr. the remembrance of former friendships,, pride 
 1775. in the glorious achievements of common Ances- 
 tors, and aifection for the heirs of their virtues, 
 had heretofore maintained." In all their ad- 
 dresses, they disclaimed the idea of indepen- 
 dence, and profess themselves to consider a 
 union with England, on constitutional prin- 
 ciples, as the greatest blessing which could be 
 bestowed on them. 
 
 But Britain had determined to maintain, by 
 force, the legislative supremacy of parliament; 
 and America had determined, by force, to re- 
 pel the claim.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2i 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 M 
 
 Colonel Washington appointed commander in chief of the 
 American forces... .Arrives at Cambridge.... Strength 
 and disposition of the two armies. ..^Deficiency of the 
 Americans in arms and ammunition.... Falmouth burnt.... 
 Success of the American cruisers. ...Distress of the Bri- 
 tish from the want of fresh provisions. ...Difficulty of 
 re-enlisting the army. ...Plans for attacking Boston.... 
 Possession taken of the heights of Dorchester.. ..Boston 
 evacuated. 
 
 -T ROM the period of his marriage, the atten- 1775. 
 tions of colonel Washington, who had retired 
 to Mount Vernon, were for several years 
 principally directed to the management of his 
 estate, which had now become considerable, 
 and which he greatly improved. He continued, 
 however, a most respected member of the legis- 
 lature of his country, in which he took an early 
 and a decided part in the opposition made to the 
 principle of taxation, asserted by the British 
 parliament. He was chosen by the independent 
 companies formed through the northern parts 
 of Virginia, to command them, and was elected 
 a member of the first congress which met at 
 Philadelphia, in which body, he was very soon 
 distinguished as the soldier of America. He 
 was placed on all those committees whose duty 
 it was to make arrangements for defence, and 
 when it became necessary to appoint a com- 
 mander in chief, his military character, the 
 nh 2
 
 236 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. solidity of his judgment, the steady firmness 
 1775. of his temper, the dignity of his person and 
 deportment, the confidence inspired by his 
 patriotism and integrity, and the independence 
 of his circumstances, combined with that policy 
 which actuated New England, and induced a 
 wish to engage the southern colonies cordially 
 in the war, to designate him in the opinion of 
 all, as the person to whom the destinies of his 
 country should be confided. 
 
 coionei He was unanimously chosen " general, and 
 
 Washington i i r> r> i r i J 
 
 appointed commander in chief of the armv of the united 
 
 commander 
 
 the C Am f eri f can colonies, and all the forces now raised, or to be 
 
 _ raised by them."* 
 
 J tme 15 - When, the next day, the president commu- 
 nicated this appointment to him, he modestly 
 answered, that though truly sensible of the 
 high honour done him, yet he felt great distress 
 from a consciousness that his abilities and 
 military experience, might not be equal to the 
 extensive and important trust. However, as 
 the congress desired it, he would enter upon 
 the momentous duty, and exert every power 
 he possessed in their service, and for support 
 of the glorious cause. He begged them to 
 .' accept his cordial thanks for this distinguished 
 testimony of their approbation, and then added, 
 
 " But lest some unlucky event should 
 
 happen unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it 
 
 * See 'Note, No. XV. eft the end of the volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237 
 
 may be remembered by every gentleman in the CHAP, iv. 
 room, that I this day declare with the utmost 
 sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the 
 command I am honoured with." 
 
 He declined all compensation for his services 
 and avowed an intention to keep an exact 
 account of his expenses, which he should rely 
 on congress to discharge. 
 
 A special commission was made out for 
 him,* and a solemn resolution was unani- 
 mously entered into, declaring that congress 
 would maintain, assist, and adhere to him as 
 the general and commander in chief of the 
 forces raised, or to be raised, for the mainte- 
 nance and preservation of American liberty, 
 with their lives and fortunes. 
 
 He prepared, without delay, to enter upon 
 the arduous duties of his station, and, having 
 passed a few days in New York, where general 
 Schuyler commanded, and where several very 
 important arrangements were to be made, he 
 proceeded with the utmost dispatch to Cam- 
 
 * Artemus Ward, of Massachusetts, who had com- 
 manded the troops before Boston ; colonel Lee, a British 
 officer, who had distinguished himself in Portugal, but 
 had resigned his commission in the service of the king; 
 Philip Schuyler, of New York ;> and Israel Putnam, of 
 Connecticut, now also before Boston; were appointed to 
 the rank of major generals: and mr. Horatio Gates, who 
 had held the rank of a major in the British service, was 
 appointed adjutant general.
 
 238 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. bridge, which was the head quarters of the 
 1775. American army. 
 
 As all orders of men concurred in approving 
 his appointment, all concurred in expressing 
 the satisfaction that event had given them, and 
 their determination to afford him the most 
 entire support. Yet the address from the 
 provincial congress of New York, seemed to 
 disclose some jealousy, even at that time, 
 entertained of the danger* to which liberty was 
 exposed from a military force, and the very 
 expression of their confidence that he would 
 return, when peace should be restored, to the 
 walks of private life, betrayed their fears, that 
 so much power once acquired might not readily 
 be parted with. 
 
 Massachusetts manifested more than usual 
 
 solicitude to demonstrate the respect entertained 
 
 for their general. A committee of the congress 
 
 Arrives at o f that province waited to receive him at 
 
 Cambridge. 
 
 Springfield, on the confines of the colony, 
 about one hundred miles from Boston, and to 
 escort him to the army. Immediately after 
 
 lfter expressing their joy at his afijiointment, the address 
 proceeds to say, 
 
 " We have the fullest assurances that whenever this 
 important contest shal^be decided by that fondest wish of 
 every American soul. ...an accommodation with our mother 
 country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit 
 committed into your hands, and reassume the character 
 of our worthiest citizen."
 
 uspos 
 he two 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239 
 
 his arrival, an address was presented to him CHAP, iv. 
 from the representatives, breathing for him the \7T5. 
 most cordial affection, and testifying for him. 
 the most exalted respect. His answer* was 
 well calculated to keep up the favourable 
 impressions which had been made, the preser- 
 vation of which was so essential to the success 
 of that very arduous contest into which the 
 united colonies had now entered. 
 
 The first moments after his arrival in camp J" 1 ? 3 - 
 were employed by the commander in chief in 
 reconnoitring the enemy, and examining the 
 strength and situation of the American troops. 
 
 The main body of the British army under strength and 
 
 disposition 
 
 the immediate command of general Howe, was ^* 
 intrenching itself strongly on Bunker's hill, 
 about a mile from Charlestown, and about half a 
 
 * The answer given by general Washington to this warm 
 and flattering address, commenced in the following terms: 
 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " Your kind congratulations on my appointment and 
 amval, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will 
 be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging 
 the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my pre- 
 sent honourable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the 
 virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massa- 
 chussetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without 
 example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and po- 
 litical life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the 
 welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is 
 to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, 
 and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, 
 liberty and safety. GEO: WASHINGTON."
 
 240 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. mile in advance of the works which had been 
 1775. thrown up by the Americans on Breed's hill. 
 Three floating batteries lay in Mystic river near 
 the camp, and a twenty gun ship below the ferry, 
 between Boston and Charlestown. There was 
 also on the Boston side of the water, on Cop's 
 or Cope's hill, a strong battery which had very 
 much annoyed the provincials while in posses- 
 sion of Breed's hill, and which now served to 
 cover and strengthen the post held by the 
 enemy on Bunker's hill. The other division of 
 the British army was deeply intrenched, and 
 strongly fortified on Roxbury neck. These 
 two divisions secured the only avenues leading 
 from the country into the two peninsulas of 
 Boston and Charlestown ; and with the facilities 
 given by the entire command of the waters, 
 could very readily communicate with and sup- 
 port each other. They constituted the whole 
 force of the enemy, except the light horse, 
 and an inconsiderable body of infantry stationed 
 in Boston. 
 
 The American army lay on both sides of 
 Ch.ar.les river. Its right occupied the high 
 grounds about Roxbury, from whence it ex- 
 tended towards Dorchester, and its left was 
 covered by Mystic or Medford river, a space 
 of at least twelve miles. 
 
 Intrenchments were thrown up on Winter 
 and Prospect hills, something more than a mile 
 from that division of the enemy, which lay on
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241 
 
 the peninsula of Charlestown, and in full view CHAP, iv. 
 of it. A strong intrenchment was also thrown 1775. 
 up at Sewal's farm ; in addition to which, such 
 intermediate points on the river as would admit 
 of the landing of troops, were occupied and 
 strengthened. At Roxbury, where general 
 Thomas commanded, a strong work had been 
 erected on the hill about two hundred yards 
 from the meeting house, which, aided by the 
 difficulties of the ground, was relied on to 
 secure that pass. 
 
 The troops from New Hampshire with a 
 regiment from Rhode Island, amounting in 'the 
 whole to somewhat less than two thousand 
 men, occupied Winter hill. About a thousand 
 men commanded by general Putnam, being a 
 part of the Connecticut line, were on Prospect 
 hill. The residue of the Connecticut troops and 
 nine regiments from Massachussetts, making in 
 the whole between four and five thousand men, 
 were stationed at Roxbury. The remaining 
 troops of Rhode Island were placed at Sewal's 
 farm, and the residue of the forces of Massa- 
 chussetts Bay at Cambridge, except about^even 
 hundred men who were dispersed along the 
 coast in several small towns, to prevent the 
 casual depredations of the enemy. 
 
 Thus the American lines were extended 
 over a very considerable space, nor could they 
 be contracted without opening to the enemy a 
 communication with the country. The com- 
 
 VOL. II. I 1
 
 242 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. mander in chief made no other immediate 
 1775. change in the disposition of the troops, than 
 to arrange and organize them more distinctly. 
 For this purpose the army was thrown into 
 three grand divisions. That part of it which 
 lay about Roxbury, constituted the right wing, 
 which was now commanded by major general 
 Ward : those troops about Mystic, or Med- 
 ford river, formed the left ; which was placed 
 imder the command of major general Lee, who 
 was himself stationed on Prospect hill. The 
 centre division, including the reserve, was 
 under the immediate command of general 
 Washington, whose head quarters were at 
 Cambridge. 
 
 The general found himself at the head of 
 about fourteen thousand five hundred men, 
 with which he had to defend this extensive 
 camp, and to continue the blockade of the 
 enemy on the land side. This force was by 
 no means so considerable as the common 
 opinion made it, and a variety of circumstances 
 combined to render it still less efficient, than 
 from its numbers alone might have been ex- 
 pected. 
 
 So long had the hope of avoiding open hos- 
 tilities been indulged, that the time for making 
 preparations to meet them had passed away 
 unemployed, and the neglect could not be 
 remedied. No adequate supplies of military- 
 stores had been procured, and there was,
 
 ammunition. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243 
 
 really, but a very inconsiderable quantity of CHAP. \v. 
 them in the country. On general Washington's 1775. 
 first arrival in camp, he had ordered a return / t ^' ency 
 of the ammunition to be made, and the report ^ 
 stated three hundred and three barrels of powder 
 to be in the stores. A few days after this return, 
 on directing a fresh supply to the troops, the 
 alarming discovery was made, that there were in 
 reality on hand, only nine thousand nine hundred 
 and forty pounds, not more than sufficient to 
 furnish each man with nine cartridges. This 
 mistake in the quantity had been produced by 
 a misapprehension of the committee of supplies,. 
 (for the magazines were nof yet in the possession 
 of military officers) who, instead of returning 
 the actually existing quantity, reported the 
 whole which had been originally furnished by 
 the province, thereby including in the estimate 
 what had been already expended. The utmost 
 possible exertions were necessary to relieve 
 this essential want. They were made in every 
 direction. All the colonial governments and 
 committees, as veil as congress, were applied 
 to, and entreated to send every pound of powder 
 and lead which could be spared. "No quantity 
 however small," they were assured, " was 
 beneath notice." In the mean time every saving 
 was practised, and every effort was used to 
 bring these essential articles into the country. 
 This critical state of things continued for about 
 a fortnight, when the danger resulting from it 
 li 2
 
 244 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. W as i n some degree diminished by the arrival 
 1775. of a small supply of powder sent from Elizabeth 
 town in New Jersey. The difficulties to be 
 encountered by those who then conducted the 
 affairs of America, may be, in some degree, 
 conjectured from a circumstance attending this 
 transaction. All essential to the general safety, 
 as it apparently was, to replenish with the 
 utmost possible expedition the magazines of 
 that army, which encamped in the face of the 
 enemy, the committee of Elizabeth town were 
 under the necessity of transmitting privately, 
 and under other pretexts, this necessary aid, 
 lest the people of the neighbourhood should 
 seize and retain it for their own security. 
 
 The utmost address was used to conceal 
 from the enemy the alarming deficiency which 
 has been stated ; but when it is recollected 
 in how many various directions, and to what 
 various authorities application for assistance 
 was unavoidably made, it will appear scarcely 
 possible that those efforts at secrecy could have 
 been completely successful. It^-s more probable, 
 that the communications which must have been 
 made to the British general were not credited ; 
 and that he could not persuade himself to 
 believe, that a body of troops, circumstanced 
 as was the American army in other respects, 
 would be hardy enough to maintain the position 
 they occupied, if destitute of ammunition. 
 He knew well, that the want of powder must be
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245 
 
 rendered still more fatal to them by other wants CHAP.IV. 
 which could not be relieved. That of bayonets 
 was peculiarly distressing. Their deficiency 
 in this article was very considerable and was 
 of public notoriety. 
 
 The people of New England were incompa- 
 rably better armed than those of any other part 
 of the continent ; but even among them this 
 important weapon was very far from being 
 common, and the government had not yet even 
 attempted to lay up magazines of arms to be 
 delivered to their soldiers. The army was also 
 in such need of tents, as to be unavoidably 
 lodged in barracks, instead of encamping in 
 the open field, a circumstance extremely unfa- 
 vourable to any sudden collection of its force, 
 and not less unfavourable to health and disci- 
 pline. 
 
 As the troops had been raised, not by con- 
 gress, but by the colonial governments, each 
 of which had a different establishment, no uni- 
 formity existed among the regiments. In 
 Massachussetts, the men had chosen their 
 officers, and felt no inferiority to them. Ani- 
 mated with the spirit of liberty, and collected 
 for its defence, they were not immediately sen- 
 sible of the importance of discipline, nor could 
 they, in an instant, be subjected to its rules. 
 The army was consequently found in a state 
 of almost entire disorganization, and the diffi- 
 culty of establishing the necessary principles
 
 246 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. of order and subordination, always considerable 
 1775. among raw troops, was greatly increased by 
 the short terms for which enlistments had been 
 made. The time of service of many, was to 
 expire in November, and none were engaged 
 to continue longer than the last of December. 
 The early orders issued by the general, evidence 
 a loose and unmilitary state of things, even sur- 
 passing what might reasonably be inferred 
 from the circumstances under which the war 
 was commenced. 
 
 An additional inconvenience, derived from 
 the manner in which the army had been 
 brought together, and the mingling of congres- 
 sional and colonial authorities, was thus stated 
 by general Washington in a letter addressed to 
 congress. " I should be extremely deficient 
 in gratitude as well as justice, if I did not take 
 the first opportunity, to acknowledge the readi- 
 ness and attention which the congress and 
 different committees have shown to make every 
 thing as convenient and agreeable as possible : 
 but there is a vital and inherent principle of 
 delay, incompatible with military service, in 
 transacting business through such various and 
 different channels.* I esteem it my duty, 
 
 * The general was under the necessity of carrying on 
 a direct correspondence, not only with the several colonial 
 governments, but with the committees of all the import- 
 ant towns, and some inferior places.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247 
 
 therefore, to represent the inconvenience that CHAP, iv. 
 must unavoidably ensue, from a dependence 1775. 
 on a number of persons for supplies, and sub- 
 mit it to the consideration of congress whether 
 the public service will not be best promoted by 
 appointing a commissary general for the pur- 
 pose. "* 
 
 To the many other wants of the army was 
 added that of clothes, a supply of which had 
 been rendered much more difficult than it would 
 otherwise have been by the non- importation 
 agreement which had preceded the commence- 
 ment of hostilities. 
 
 Their operations were greatly affected too, 
 by the total want of engineers, in addition to 
 which, they were very insufficiently furnished 
 with working tools. 
 
 To increase the derangements, already so con- 
 siderable, the appointment of general officers 
 made by congress, gave extensive dissatisfac- 
 tion, and determined several of those who 
 thought themselves injured, to retire from the 
 service. 
 
 These disadvantages deducted essentially 
 from the efficiency of the American force ; but 
 under them all, the general observed with 
 pleasure, "the materials for a good army." 
 There were " a great number of men, able 
 
 * Is it not strange that an army should have been formed 
 without such an officer?
 
 248 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of 
 1775. unquestionable courage." Possessed of these 
 materials he employed himself incessantly and 
 indefatigably in so organizing as to render them 
 serviceable. The army was arranged into 
 divisions and brigades; even this regulation 
 had not yet been made ; and congress was urged 
 to the appointment of a paymaster, quarter- 
 master-general, and such other general staff, as 
 are indispensable in the structure of a regular 
 military establishment, but had yet been 
 omitted. 
 
 About this time general Gage received a 
 small re-enforcement from New York, after 
 which his whole number, including the Amer- 
 ican loyalists, was computed at something less 
 than eight thousand men. 
 
 The facility with which this force could be 
 drawn together, so as to act against any one 
 point of the very extended lines occupied by 
 the Americans, probably rendered it competent 
 to an attack on them. But it is also probable 
 that the enemy were entirely deceived with 
 respect to the number and condition of the 
 provincial troops: and the severe reception 
 given them at Breed's hill, had inspired some 
 respect for the courage of their opponents, and 
 a, consequent degree of caution in attacking 
 their lines. 
 
 General Washington was sensible of the diffi- 
 culties of his situation, and on first joining the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249 
 
 army, called a council of war to deliberate on CHAP.IV. 
 it. In this council it was unanimously deter- 1775. 
 mined to maintain their present position. The 
 effect which a change of it would have had on 
 both armies, and on public opinion; the des- 
 truction of a considerable and valuable extent 
 of country, which, by removing, would have 
 been exposed to the enemy; and the difficulty 
 of finding a stronger position, were the motives 
 for this determination. But it was resolved in 
 the same council, not to take possession of 
 Dorchester point, nor to oppose any attempt 
 of the enemy to occupy that ground. It was, 
 however, thought essential, in order to avoid 
 the absolute dissolution of the present undisci- 
 plined army, in the event of their being forced 
 from their lines by the enemy, to appoint a 
 place of general rendezvous ; and the Welsh 
 mountains near Cambridge, and the rear of the 
 lines at Roxbury were fixed on. In the mean 
 time, great vigilance was used in watching the 
 enemy. All the whale boats, for several miles 
 along the coast, were collected, and employed 
 in keeping a look-out by night on the water; 
 and express horses were kept in perpetual 
 readiness at the different stations, for the pur- 
 pose of communicating the most prompt intel- 
 ligence of any movement which might be 
 discovered. 
 
 The two armies continued to work on their 
 fortifications without seriously molesting each 
 
 VOL. II. K k
 
 250 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. other. Slight skirmishes occasionally happened, 
 
 1775. in which very. little execution was done; and 
 
 although the Americans made some advances 
 
 towards the enemy, no attempt was made to 
 
 dislodge them. 
 
 This state of apparent inactivity was ill suited 
 to the enterprising temper of the commander 
 in chief, and was very reluctantly submitted to. 
 The situation of America appeared to him to 
 require great efforts to destroy totally the army 
 now in Boston, before it should be strength- 
 ened by the re-enforcements which might be 
 expected in the ensuing spring. Such an event 
 he persuaded himself would decide the contest. 
 It would give to the British nation and minister, 
 such evidence of the vigour and determination 
 of the colonies, as would induce them to desist 
 from the further prosecution of the war; while 
 it \vould encourage and unite all America in the 
 common cause. If, on the other hand, this 
 measure should not be adopted, the affairs of 
 the united colonies appeared to him to wear a 
 very serious aspect. A very powerful armament 
 would certainly arrive in the spring, and the 
 duration of the war could not be calculated. 
 He perceived with pain the immense expenses 
 unavoidably incurred, the amount of which 
 could not be diminished; and seeing no solid 
 revenues to support them, he was extremely 
 apprehensive that the finances of his country 
 must sink under such a burden. He reflected
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251 
 
 too, that his present army must soon dissolve, CHAP.IH. 
 and he could not look with unconcern at the 1775. 
 very critical situation in which that event would 
 place him. 
 
 Under these impressions, he thought much 
 ought to be risked, to obtain so desirable an 
 object as the destruction of the army now in 
 Boston; and with this view, he frequently re- 
 connoitred the situation of the enemy, and was 
 assiduous in collecting every information res- 
 pecting their strength. The result of his obser- 
 vations and inquiries seems to have been, a 
 strong inclination to the opinion, that to carry September. 
 the works of the enemy by storm, though very 
 hazardous, was not absolutely impracticable. 
 He therefore determined to call the attention of 
 his general officers to this subject, and having 
 previously communicated to them in a letter, the 
 points he wished them to consider, they were 
 assembled in council for the purpose of deciding 
 on the meditated attack. They were unani- 
 mously of opinion that, "for the present at 
 least, the attempt ought not to be made.'' 
 This resolution having been formed, the origi- 
 nal plan of keeping up the blockade, and 
 strengthening the camp, was persevered in. 
 
 In the mean time, the distress of the British 
 army, for fresh meat and vegetables, became 
 very considerable. They could not receive 
 these articles in the ordinary mode, from the 
 country ; and they could not spare such a nura- 
 
 Kk 2 
 

 
 252 THE L1FE OF 
 
 CHAIMV. her of troops for distant excursions, as might 
 1775. safely penetrate far enough to obtain adequate 
 supplies. Some small parties sailed from 
 Boston, probably with this object; but they 
 met, wherever they appeared, with such oppo- 
 sition from the militia and minute men, as to be 
 obliged to return to their ships, frequently 
 without having obtained such ample supplies 
 as their situation required. To guard against 
 these plundering parties, required a degree of 
 exertion and activity, on the part of the inhab- 
 itants of the seacoast, which they soon found 
 extremely harassing; and the governors of the 
 different colonies were urgent, that detachments 
 from the main army should be ordered to pro- 
 tect them from these predatory incursions. 
 Although it was impossible to spare the troops 
 demanded; yet the refusal to comply with these 
 requests occasioned no inconsiderable degree 
 of irritation. So difficult is it for those who 
 view only a part of a system, to judge rightly 
 of the whole ; and so certain is it that the great 
 plans formed for the general safety must be 
 deranged, if partial interferences be permitted. 
 These demands of particular protection were so 
 importunate, and the unavoidable refusal to 
 comply with them was so ill received, that it 
 was deemed necessary by congress, to pass a 
 resolution, declaring that the army before 
 Boston was designed only to oppose the enemy 
 at that place, and ought not to be weakened by
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 253 
 
 detachments for the security of other parts of CHAP.IV. 
 the country. At Newport, in Rhode Island, irrs. 
 the committee sought to secure the town by 
 entering into a compromise with captain Wal- 
 lace, who commanded the ships of war on that 
 station, in which it was stipulated that he 
 should be furnished with provisions, on condi- 
 tion of his sparing the town, and committing 
 no depreciations on the country. This com- 
 promise while it secured those who had entered 
 into it, interfered with the general plan of dis- 
 tressing the enemy, by withholding from them 
 all supplies of provisions, and set an example 
 which it was feared would be followed to a most 
 pernicious extent. 
 
 Although, afterwards, the assembly of Rhode 
 Island, in imitation of the other colonies, 
 passed an act for inflicting capital punishment 
 on those who should be convicted of holding 
 any traitorous correspondence with the minis- 
 try of Great Britain, or any of their agents; or 
 of supplying the ministerial army, or navy, 
 with provisions or other necessaries ; yet they 
 excepted from the operation of this act, those 
 who should furnish supplies of provisions to 
 captain Wallace, under his agreement with the 
 town council of Newport. General Washington 
 at length deemed it necessary to interfere, and 
 to represent in a letter addressed to the governor 
 of that province, the mischief to be apprehended 
 from so dangerous a practice.
 
 254 THE LIFE OF 
 
 While the blockade of Boston was thus 
 perseveringly maintained, and every effort used 
 to distress the enemy in that place ; the trans- 
 actions on other parts of the continent were 
 calculated to attract the utmost attention. 
 
 In July, Georgia had entered into the oppo- 
 sition made to the claims of the British parlia- 
 ment to tax America, and had chosen delegates 
 to represent that province in congress; after 
 which the style of ' the Thirteen United Colo- 
 nies' was assumed, and by that title the English 
 provinces confederated, and in arms, were 
 thenceforward designated. 
 
 September 5 After a very short recess of one month, con- 
 gress again assembled at Philadelphia. They 
 immediately took under their consideration the 
 state of the colonies, and the letters of the com- 
 mander in chief. The scarcity of arms and 
 ammunition continued to be an alarming diffi- 
 culty, which cramped all their military move- 
 ments, and which their utmost efforts had been 
 unable to remove. They not only applied large 
 sums towards obtaining these articles on con- 
 tinental account, but recommended it to the 
 state conventions, to use all the means in their 
 power to effect the same object. These exer- 
 tions were not entirely unsuccessful. They 
 had the address to purchase all the powder on 
 the coast of Africa, even within the British 
 forts, without attracting notice ; and they seized 
 the magazine in the island of Bermudas, the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255 
 
 inhabitants of which were well disposed to CHAP. iv. 
 favour the attempt, and were restrained only 1775. 
 'by their inability 'to act efficiently, and by the 
 insecurity of their situation, from making one 
 common cause with the continental colonies. 
 They also made great exertions towards the 
 internal manufacture of gunpowder, and the 
 obtaining within themselves, saltpetre and 
 sulphur, the principal materials in the compo- 
 sition of that all important article. All these 
 measures, however, could not afford adequate 
 supplies, and the danger resulting from the 
 want of an article so vitally essential in war, stili 
 continued to be very great. 
 
 The importance of a maritime force to the 
 military operations of a country possessing an 
 immense extent of seacoast, must always be 
 felt very sensibly ; and the particular attention 
 of the United Colonies was, in a very early 
 period of the contest, directed more imme- 
 diately to this interesting object, by an event 
 not very unusual in the period of hostilities, 
 but which, at the time, excited no small degree 
 of resentment. 
 
 Orders had been issued in his majesty's 
 name to the commanders of his ships of war,, 
 to proceed, as in the case of actual rebellion, 
 against those seaport towns and places which 
 were accessible to the king's ships, and in 
 which any troops should be raised or military 
 works erected.
 
 256 THE L * FE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. The town of Falmouth, a flourishing Village ' 
 1775. on the seacoast of Massachusetts, having given 
 some particular offence, its destruction was* 
 determined on; and, under colour of these 
 orders, a small naval force commanded by cap- 
 tain Mowat, was detached for that purpose. 
 On his arrival, about three o'clock in the 
 oc to ber. evening of the 17th, he gave notice that he was 
 directed to burn every seaport town between 
 Boston and Halifax; and that, as a favour to 
 Falmouth, he had obtained permission to sus- 
 pend the execution of his orders until the next 
 morning, provided they would send him eight 
 of their small arms. This proposition w r as 
 acceded to, and the next day the committee of 
 the place waited on him to endeavour to save 
 their town. He offered to wait for further 
 orders from his admiral, provided they would 
 deliver up all their arms of every sort, with all 
 their ammunition, and four of their citizens as 
 hostages. 
 
 raimoath This extraordinary demand not being com- 
 plied with, a furious cannonade and bombard- 
 ment was commenced, by which the town was 
 reduced to ashes. An attempt was then made 
 to penetrate into the country, but the militia 
 and minute men, rather irritated than intimi- 
 dated by this wanton act of unavailing devas- 
 tation, drove the party which had landed back 
 to their ships, with loss.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 257 
 
 This measure was very strongly reprobated CHAP, iv. 
 throughout America, and was a mean of stimu- 1775. 
 lating the attention of the United Colonies to 
 their marine, and hastening their preparations 
 for retaliating injuries sustained at sea, as far 
 as might be in their power. It was one imme- 
 diate motive with the convention of Massa- 
 chussetts, for granting letters of marque and 
 reprisal, and was assigned by congress, in 
 addition to the capture of American merchant- 
 men on the high seas, as an inducement for 
 fitting out some ships of war, to man which 
 they directed two battalions of marines to be 
 recruited, and articles of war were framed for 
 the government of their little navy. 
 
 Though general letters of reprisal were not 
 immediately granted by congress to their con- 
 tinental cruisers, a measure of equal efficacy, 
 but less hostile in appearance, was adopted. 
 Their ships of war were authorized to capture 
 all vessels employed in giving assistance to the 
 enemy in any manner whatever, and no capture 
 could be made which might not be construed 
 to come within the terms used in their resolu- 
 tion. At the repeated and pressing instances 
 of the commander in chief, they also established 
 courts to take cognizance of prizes, and adopted 
 for their government the general principles of 
 national law. A few small cruisers had been 
 already fitted out under the authority and by the 
 directions of general Washington, and the 
 
 VOL. II. L I
 
 258 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. coasts soon swarmed with the privateers of 
 1775. New England. These naval exertions were 
 successor attended with the most valuable consequences. 
 
 the American A 
 
 cruisers. ]y[ an y captures were made, and very important 
 supplies of ammunition, without which it would 
 have been scarcely possible to have maintained 
 the blockade of Boston, were thus obtained. 
 The cruisers of Massachusetts were particu- 
 larly successful ; and the enemy, w r ho seem to 
 have been under no apprehensions of an attack 
 on what was deemed their peculiar element, 
 smarted very severely under these first essays 
 of the colonists in maritime war. 
 
 Captain Manly, of the Lee privateer, was 
 remarkably active and fortunate. He made 
 many very valuable captures of vessels laden 
 with military stores, the most important and 
 acceptable of which was a large ordnance ship, 
 having on board a very considerable cargo of 
 arms and ammunition, with a complete assort- 
 ment of such working tools, utensils, and ma- 
 chines as were most needed in the American 
 camp. 
 
 In addition to those prizes which contributed 
 to relieve the most urgent wants of the provin- 
 cial army, several were made which very much 
 increased the distress of the British troops. 
 The extreme difficulty and uncertainty of ob- 
 Distressof taining adequate supplies of fresh provisions, 
 from the" vegetables, and fuel, in America, had deter- 
 
 wunt of fresh 
 
 m i nec i the English government to furnish their
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259 
 
 army in Boston with those necessary articles CHAP.IV. 
 from Europe. After they had been purchased 1775. 
 and shipped at a very enormous price, the 
 vessels containing them were so long tossed 
 about by contrary winds, that a great propor- 
 tion of the live stock perished, most of the 
 vegetables were destroyed by fermentation, 
 and when the scattered fleet, laden with what 
 remained of this cargo, reached the American 
 coast, very many of the ships were taken by 
 the continental and provincial cruisers. The 
 miscarriages of supplies, which were so much 
 needed in Boston, essentially affected the army 
 in that place. 
 
 The distress produced in the West Indies by 
 the unexpected prohibition to export provi- 
 sions from the United Colonies, occasioned an 
 application from the island of Bermudas, repre- 
 senting their favourable dispositions towards 
 the American cause, and their present suffer- 
 ings, in consequence of the entire cessation of 
 all intercourse between them. On considering 
 this memorial, it was determined that a suffi- 
 cient quantity of provisions for the support of 
 that island, might be exported to it, to be paid 
 ipr, not only in arms, ammunition, saltpetre, 
 or sulphur, but likewise in salt, an article 
 abounding in Bermudas, and the want of which 
 began to be very severely felt in North 
 
 Belsham. 
 Ll 2
 
 260 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. America. The quantity of provisions to be 
 1775. exported was apportioned among the middle 
 and southern states including New York ; and 
 the respective conventions or committees of 
 safety were requested to license and superin- 
 tend the loading of vessels engaged in this 
 commerce. 
 
 Although the British army had as yet mani- 
 fested no intention to evacuate Boston, fears 
 were continually entertained concerning the 
 colony of New York. Mr. Tryon, who was 
 very popular in that province, and who had 
 been some time before removed from it to the 
 government of North Carolina, had been lately 
 recalled and appointed governor of New York, 
 where his utmost influence and address were 
 employed in detaching the colony from the 
 union. His exertions were seconded* by the 
 Asia man of war, whose guns commanded the 
 town, and excited the fears of the citizens for 
 the safety of their persons and property. The 
 consequence of these intrigues and of this ter- 
 ror was, that even in the convention, disaffec- 
 tion to the American cause began openly to 
 
 * Governor Tryon derived, too, no inconsiderable de- 
 gree of aid from the press of mr. Rivington, which was 
 now devoted to the royal cause. Its influence was be- 
 lieved to be so pernicious, that captain Sears at the head 
 of a body of horsemen from Connecticut, armed with 
 muskets, entered the town, broke up his press, and car- 
 ried off his types.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261 
 
 show itself, and the avowal of a determination CHAP, iv. 
 to join the king's standard, is said to have been 1775. 
 made with impunity. Justly alarmed at these 
 threatening appearances, which were rendered 
 the more serious by some confidential commu- 
 nications from England, stating the intention 
 of the administration to be, to possess them- 
 selves immediately of the Hudson, and to oc- 
 cupy both New York and Albany, an effort 
 was made in congress to obtain a resolution for 
 removing what was believed to be the primary 
 cause, by seizing the governor. He had, how- 
 ever, been artful enough so to conduct himself, 
 as to make impressions in his favour on several 
 of the popular leaders, and he was defended by 
 a part of the delegation from New York, with 
 so much earnestness, that the advocates of 
 the proposition forbore for a time to press it. 
 
 When, afterwards, the increasing defection 
 in that province induced them to resume the 
 subject, the resolution was expressed in gene- 
 ral terms, and assumed the form of a recom- 
 mendation to those who exercised the legisla- 
 tive and executive authorities in the several 
 provinces, " to arrest and secure eve<ry person 
 in the respective colonies, whose going at large 
 might, in their opinion, endanger the safety of 
 the colony, or the liberties of America." 
 
 Intelligence of this resolution is supposed to 
 have been received by the governor, who, 
 after some correspondence with the mayor of
 
 262 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. the city respecting his personal safety, retired 
 
 1775. for security on board the Halifax packet; from 
 
 whence he continued to carry on his intrigues 
 
 with nearly as much advantage as while on 
 
 shore. 
 
 This temper manifested by New York, 
 excited serious fears respecting the highlands 
 on the Hudson, a post of so much importance 
 as to have engaged the attention of the conven- 
 tion, who applied to congress on that subject, 
 and transmitted a plan of the works proposed 
 to be there erected for the defence of the river. 
 Congress warmly recommended a prosecution 
 of this plan, and determined on establishing a 
 continental post in the highlands, for the gar- 
 risoning of which measures were immediately 
 taken. Two regiments were directed to be 
 raised by New Jersey on continental establish- 
 ment, to serve for one year, and a detachment 
 from these troops was ordered to the Hudson. 
 Those not ordered to the highlands, were 
 directed to approach New York, probably, for 
 the purpose of giving confidence to their friends 
 in that place. 
 
 But the subject which, next to the supply 
 of arms and ammunition, most interested the 
 American government, was the re-inlistment 
 of the army before Boston. 
 
 The early attention of congress to this essen- 
 tial object had been most earnestly solicited by 
 general Washington, and, on the 29th of
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 26S 
 
 September, a committee had been appointed CHAP, iv. 
 with directions to repair to the camp at Cam- 1775. 
 bridge, there to consult with the commander 
 in chief, and with the chief magistrates of New 
 Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, 
 and the council of Massachussetts, " on the 
 most effectual method of continuing, support- 
 ing, and regulating a continental army." On 
 the return of this committee, it was determined, 
 that the new army intended to lie before Boston 
 should consist of twenty thousand, three hun- 
 dred and seventy-two men, including officers, 
 to be raised as far as practicable from the troops 
 already in service at that place. Unfortunately, 
 in constituting this first military establishment 
 of the union, an essential, possibly an inevi- 
 table error was committed, the consequences 
 of which were ever afterwards very severely 
 felt. The inlistments instead of being for the 
 war, were only for the term of one year, if 
 not sooner discharged by congress. It is not 
 easy entirely to account for this fatal error. 
 Some jealousy of a permanent army was, pro- 
 bably, intermingled with the hope, that the 
 war would not be of long duration, and with 
 the fear, that much difficulty would be experi- 
 enced in prevailing on men to enter into 
 engagements of unlimited extent. Perhaps the 
 habits of the northern colonies, where it had 
 been usual to raise men for a single campaign, 
 may have contributed to this measure. And
 
 264 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP Iv - it very probably might have been supposed, 
 1775. that as hostilities progressed^ the public re- 
 sentments would increase, the people would be 
 more united, and the ranks would be filled with 
 more facility. Whatever motives led to its 
 adoption, its consequences were of the most 
 serious nature ; and no one part of the Ameri- 
 can system brought their ultimate success into 
 such real hazard. 
 
 Accompanying the resolution for raising and 
 establishing the new army, were others, some 
 of which serve to exhibit the perilous condition 
 of the country, and how unprepared it was for 
 the arduous conflict it was engaged in. 
 
 The soldiers had brought with them into 
 service their own arms, a practice at all times 
 inconvenient, as they will be of different 
 caliber ; yet it was deemed necessary to retain at 
 a valuation, for the new army, those belonging 
 to men who would not re-inlist. The govern- 
 ment being entirely unprovided with blankets, 
 two dollars were offered to every person who 
 would bring with him an article so necessary 
 in a winter campaign ; and as no regimentals 
 had been procured for the troops, various 
 coloured clothes were purchased up, to be deli- 
 vered to them, and the price deducted from 
 their pay. But no regulation was more extra- 
 ordinary, or evidenced more strongly the public 
 necessity, than that which required the soldiers 
 to find their own arms, or to pay six shillings
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265 
 
 for the use of arms furnished by the continent CHAP, iv. 
 for the campaign. 1775. 
 
 As soon as the arrangements had been made 
 by the committee, and before they had been 
 confirmed by the approbation of congress, gene- 
 ral Washington proceeded to take the prepara- 
 tory steps towards carrying them into operation. 
 In his general orders he required, that all 
 officers who intended to decline the further October 22 
 service of their country, and to retire from 
 the army at the expiration of the terms for 
 which they were at present engaged, should 
 signify their intentions in writing to their 
 respective colonels, to be communicated to 
 the general by the officers commanding bri- 
 gades. " Those brave men and true patriots, 
 who resolved to continue to serve, and defend 
 their brethren, privileges and property," were 
 also requested to signify their intentions in the 
 same manner, and to consider themselves en- 
 gaged to the last day of December 1776, unless 
 sooner discharged by congress. 
 
 But the hic;h spirit, and enthusiastic ardour, Difficulty of 
 
 7 re-inlisting 
 
 which had brought such numbers into the field ^ army- 
 after the battle of Lexington, was already 
 beginning to dissipate, and all the alacrity for 
 the service which had been expected, was not 
 displayed. Many were unwilling to continue 
 in it, and others annexed special conditions to 
 their further engagement. Very many insisted 
 on stipulating for leave to visit their families 
 
 VOL. II. M1H
 
 265 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. at the expiration of their present term of ser- 
 1775. vice, and others, suspending all decision, 
 neither gave in their names to retire from the 
 army, nor to continue in it. 
 
 October 26. The nature of the case not admitting delay, 
 the general repeated his orders, with the addi- 
 tion that the declaration must be explicit, and 
 not conditional. " The times," he added, 
 " and the importance of the great cause we are 
 engaged in, allow no room for hesitation and 
 delay. When life, liberty, and property, are 
 at stake ; when our country is in danger of 
 being a melancholy scene of bloodshed, and 
 desolation ; when our towns are laid in ashes, 
 innocent women and children driven from their 
 peaceful habitations, . exposed to the rigours of 
 an inclement season, to depend, perhaps, on 
 the hand of charity for support; when calami- 
 ties like these are staring us in the face, and a 
 brutal savage enemy (more so than was ever 
 yet found in a civilized nation) are threatening 
 us, and every thing we hold dear, with des- 
 truction from foreign troops ; it little becomes 
 the character of a soldier, to shrink from danger, 
 and condition for new terms. It is the general's 
 intention to indulge both officers and soldiers 
 who compose the new army, with furloughs 
 for a reasonable time, but this must be done 
 in such a manner as not to injure the service, 
 or weaken the armv too much at once."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267 
 
 In this state of things, several officers, sup- CHAP, iv. 
 posing that commissions and rank might 1775. 
 depend on recruiting men, began, without 
 permission, to inlist soldiers to serve particu- 
 larly under them. This practice it was neces- 
 sary to stop. All further inlistments, under 
 particular officers, were forbidden until direc- October si. 
 tions to that effect should be given. "Com- 
 missions in the army," say the orders, "are not 
 intended for those who can inlist the most 
 men, but for such gentlemen as are most 
 likely to deserve them. The general would 
 not have it even supposed, nor our enemies 
 encouraged to believe, that there is a man in 
 this army (except a few under particular cir- 
 cumstances) who will require to be twice 
 asked to do what his honour, his personal 
 liberty, the welfare of his country, and the 
 safety of his family, so loudly demand of him. 
 When motives powerful as these conspire to 
 call men into service, and when that service is 
 rewarded with higher pay than private soldiers 
 ever yet received, in any former war, the 
 general cannot, nor will not, until convinced 
 to the contrary, harbour so despicable an opi- 
 nion of their understanding, and their zeal 
 for the cause, as to believe they will desert it." 
 
 The troops were also assured, that clothes 
 on reasonable terms were prepared "for those 
 brave soldiers, who intended to continue in the 
 service another year." 
 
 M m 2
 
 TH LtfE OF 
 
 Notwithstanding these exhortations, a disin- 
 clination to make further engagements, espe- 
 cially without knowing the officers by whom 
 they were to be commanded, continued to be 
 manifested by the privates. 
 
 At length, with much labour, the officers 
 were arranged ; immediately after which, re- 
 cruiting orders were issued. After stating the 
 terms of inlistment, and promising leave of 
 absence for a reasonable time during the 
 winter, which, however inconvenient, was an 
 indulgence- found to be indispensable, the 
 general directed the officers, "to be careful, 
 not to inlist any person suspected of being- 
 unfriendly to the liberties of America, or any 
 abandoned vagabond, to whom all causes, and 
 countries are equal, and alike indifferent. The 
 rights of mankind, and the freedom of America 
 would have numbers sufficient to support them, 
 without resorting to such wretched assistance. 
 Let those who wish to put shackles upon free- 
 men, fill their ranks with, and place their con- 
 fidence in, such miscreants." 
 
 But the sufferings of the army for fuel,* 
 clothes, and even provisions, had been great ; 
 and the new regiments did not fill with that 
 
 * Mr. Gordon thus states the dissatisfaction with the 
 government of Massachusetts, which was expressed on 
 this occasion by general Lee, who attributed the suffer- 
 ings of the army to their parsimony. ". The assembly 
 was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who, 
 about the middle of November, pronounced them be-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 269 
 
 rapidity which had been expected. Finding this, CHAP - IV - 
 one officer from each company was employed i?/5. 
 to recruit in the country ; but the progress NOV. 20. 
 made was not such as the public exigencies 
 demanded. The army was dissolving by the 
 expiration of the time for which it had been 
 inlisted, and men in sufficient number were not 
 yet obtained, to take the places of those who, 
 having performed the stipulated duty, insisted 
 on returning home. The impatience to revisit 
 their friends, discovered by the soldiers en- 
 titled to a discharge, was so extreme and 
 ungovernable as to overcome all their solicitude 
 for keeping the enemy in a state of blockade, 
 and many of them could not be detained in 
 camp even for ten days, at the end of which 
 period, was expected the arrival of a body of 
 militia which had been ordered to supply their 
 places : nor was it without great difficulty, 
 and some degree of violence, that any of them 
 were prevailed on to remain for that time. 
 This fact, however, did not sufficiently impress 
 on the governments of the United Colonies, 
 
 numbed in a fixed state of torpitude without the symp- 
 toms of animation, unless the apprehensions of rendering 
 themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, 
 by an act of vigour for the public service, deserve the 
 name of animation. He charged them with inconsistent 
 and timid conduct, and ascribed it to their torpor, narrow 
 politics, or call it what you will, that the army had been 
 reduced to very great distress"
 
 270 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. that it was possible to rely too much on indivi- 
 
 1775. d ua i patriotism; and that the American cause, 
 if defended entirely by temporary armies, must 
 be often exposed to the most imminent hazards. 
 
 Perceiving the very great difficulty experi- 
 enced in recruiting the army, and alarmed at 
 a circumstance which wore so serious an aspect, 
 the general recommended it in very earnest 
 No . v - 30 - terms to congress, to try the effect of a bounty, 
 but this proposition was not acceded to until 
 late in January following ; and on the last day 
 of December, when all the old troops not 
 engaged on the new establishments were dis- 
 banded, only nine thousand six hundred and 
 fifty men had been 1 inlisted for the army of 
 1776, many of whom were unavoidably per- 
 mitted to be absent on furlough. Their num- 
 bers, however, were considerably augmented 
 during the winter, and, in the mean time, the 
 militia cheerfully complied with the requisi- 
 tions made on them, 
 
 The difficulty of recruiting the army was 
 greatly increased by the danger apprehended 
 from the small pox. Inoculation had not then 
 been generally practised in America, and the 
 fears entertained of the disease were excessive. 
 It raged in Boston, and intelligence was re- 
 ceived, that general Gage had caused several 
 persons to be inoculated, and sent into the 
 country for the purpose of spreading the infec- 
 tion. This intelligence was never confirmed,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271 
 
 but a belief of its truth was greatly strengthened CHAP.IV. 
 by many cases of the disease having occurred 1775. 
 among those who had been permitted to leave 
 the town. This, however, might well have 
 happened although no means had been employed 
 to produce the effect. The report, whether 
 true or false, increased the caution observed in 
 all communications with persons who had been 
 within the lines of the enemy. 
 
 Although the close blockade of Boston, and 
 the continued attention it was found necessary 
 to bestow on the organization and discipline of 
 the troops, gave no inconsiderable degree of 
 employment to the general; and although his 
 deficiency in military stores, and the very ha- 
 zardous operation of renovating a disbanded 
 army in the face of a veteran foe, rendered it, 
 at least, a very bold measure to maintain the 
 position which had been taken, and to make 
 advances upon the enemy ; yet he viewed with 
 infinite mortification that semblance of inacti- 
 vity to which his situation still compelled him 
 to submit. In the commencement of the con- 
 test, while the minds of many were yet unde- 
 termined, it was of vast importance to secure 
 the public confidence, and it was necessary to 
 pay some attention even to the public caprice. 
 The real difficulties under which he laboured 
 were not generally known. His numbers were 
 greatly exaggerated, and his means for carrying 
 on offensive operations very much magnified.
 
 272 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. The expulsion of the British army from Boston 
 1775. had been long- since anticipated by many, and 
 there were not wanting those, who endeavoured 
 to spread discontent by insinuating that he was 
 desirous of prolonging the war, in order to 
 continue his own importance. To these symp- 
 toms of impatience and discontent, and to the 
 consequences they might produce, he could 
 not be entirely insensible ; but it was not in his 
 power to silence such complaints by disclosing 
 to the world his real situation. His views still 
 continued to be directed towards Boston; and 
 congress, to whom the result of the former 
 council on this subject had been communicated, 
 having manifested a disposition favourable 
 towards an attempt on that place; the general 
 officers hadbeen again assembled, and had again 
 advised unanimously against tne measure. It 
 seems to have been understood, that fears for 
 the safety of the town might embarrass the 
 measures of the army. Congress, therefore, 
 who still inclined to favour the enterprise, 
 
 December, came to a resolution, " that if general Wash- 
 ington and his council of war should be of 
 opinion that a successful attack might be made 
 on the troops in Boston, he should make it in 
 any manner he might think expedient, not- 
 withstanding the town and property in it might 
 be thereby destroyed." 
 
 Whilst waiting for a favourable opportunity r 
 to execute this bold plan, the American general
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 973 
 
 availed himself of the occasional aids received CHAP.IV. 
 from the militia to advance on the enemy by 1775. 
 taking positions which would annoy them for^ k ^ 
 the present, and would favour his ulterior ope- Bost0 ' 1 ' 
 rations. Plowed hill, Cobble hill, and Lech- 
 mere's point, were successively occupied and 
 fortified, by which his approaches were carried 
 within half a mile of their works on Bunker's 
 hill, and their floating batteries could no longer 
 maintain the stations they had originally cho- 
 sen. Floating batteries were also constructed 
 on the part of the Americans, and would un- 
 questionably have aided either offensive or 
 defensive operations. 
 
 Hitherto the war, though carried on with the 
 utmost activity of which the means possessed 
 by America would admit, had for its professed 
 object, only a redress of grievances. The 
 language, that it was a war only against a cor- 
 rupt administration was carefully kept up, and 
 allegiance to the British crown was, as yet, 
 every where avowed. The progress, however, 
 of the public mind towards independence, 
 though slow, was certain ; and measures were 
 necessarily taken apparently tending to that 
 object. Among these was the act of establish- 
 ing temporary governments, in place of that 
 revolutionary system which followed those 
 they had suspended. 
 
 The first application on this subject was 
 made by Massachusetts, after which, several 
 
 VOL. II. N 11
 
 274 THE J - TFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. O f the colonies, being without any other than 
 1775. a revolutionary government, applied to con- 
 gress for advice on the system to be adopted 
 for conducting their affairs. These applica- 
 tions could not fail to draw forth the sentiments 
 of the different members, on the very interest- 
 ing question of separating entirely from the 
 mother country, or endeavouring still to retain 
 the connexion which had so long subsisted 
 between them. Those who wished to lead the 
 public opinion to the independence of the 
 colonies, were of course desirous of establish- 
 ing immediately, in each province, a regular 
 government, entirely competent to the admi- 
 nistration of its affairs; whilst those who were 
 hostile to such an event, were opposed to any 
 measure which might either dispose the colo- 
 nists towards it, or strengthen the opinion in 
 GreatBritain, that it was the real object of those 
 who had opposed the legislative supremacy 
 claimed by parliament. It was not without 
 much opposition that a resolution was obtained 
 in the case of New Hampshire, which formed a 
 precedent for others of the same nature, recom- 
 mending it to the provincial convention to call 
 a full and free representation of the people, who 
 should establish such form of government as, 
 in their judgment, would best produce the 
 general happiness, and most effectually secure 
 peace and good order in the colony, during the 
 continuance of the present dispute with Great
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 275 
 
 Britain. Without this last clause, which still CHAP, iv. 
 maintained the appearance of preserving the 1775. 
 ancient connexion with the parent state, the 
 recommendation would not have been made. 
 About the same time it was also declared, that 
 it would be extremely dangerous to the liberties 
 and welfare of America, for any colony sepa- 
 rately to petition the king or either house of 
 parliament. 
 
 Having taken under their consideration a 
 proclamation, declaring certain persons in the 
 colonies to have forgotten their allegiance and 
 to be in a state of open rebellion, and threaten- 
 ing with punishment those who should be 
 found carrying on correspondence with those 
 in rebellion, they declared, " in the name of 
 the people of these United Colonies, and by 
 authority according to the purest maxims of 
 representation derived from them, that what- 
 ever punishment shall be inflicted upon any 
 persons in the power of their enemies for favour- 
 ing, aiding, or abetting the cause of American 
 liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind, 
 and in the same degree upon those in their 
 power, who have favoured, aided, or abetted, 
 or shall favour, aid, or abet, the system of 
 ministerial oppression." " The essential dif- 
 ference," say they, " between our cause and 
 that of our enemies, might justify a severer 
 punishment; the law of retaliation will unques- 
 tionably warrant one equally severe." 
 Nn 2
 
 276 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. The British army under general Howe, who, 
 
 1775. on the recall of general Gage in October, had 
 succeeded to the command of it, still remained 
 inactive in Boston, and was still closely blocked 
 up on the land side by the Americans. The 
 history of this winter campaign is a history of 
 continuing and successive struggles on the part 
 of the American general, under the vexations 
 and difficulties imposed by the want of arms, 
 ammunition, and permanent troops, on a person 
 in an uncommon degree solicitous to prove 
 himself by some grand and useful achievement, 
 worthy of the high station to which the voice 
 of his countrv had called him. 
 
 / 
 
 1776. The resolution relative to the attack on Bos- 
 J '" u ' ary ' ton, he considered as, in some degree, manifest- 
 ing the wishes of congress on that subject, and 
 he assured the president that an attempt would 
 be made to put it in execution, the first mo- 
 ment he should perceive a probability of suc- 
 cess: If this should not be as soon as might 
 be expected or wished, he prayed that his situ- 
 ation might be attended to, and that congress 
 would do him the justice to believe that cir- 
 cumstances, not inclination on his part, occa^ 
 sioned the delay. " It is not," says he, "in the 
 pages of history to furnish a case like ours. 
 To maintain a post within musket shot of the 
 enemy for six months together without ammu- 
 nition, and at the same time to. disband one 
 army, and recruit another, within that distance
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277 
 
 of twenty odd British regiments, is more than, CHAP, iv. 
 probably, ever was attempted. But if we sue- irre. 
 ceed as well in the latter as we have hitherto 
 done in the former, I shall think it the most 
 fortunate event of my whole life." 
 
 'The want of ammunition was not the only 
 alarming difficulty to be encountered. The 
 condition of the troops in respect to arms, was 
 almost equally critical. The soldiers compo- 
 sing the first army had generally brought with 
 them into the field their own fire arms. Indif- 
 ferent as those were, it was necessary to retain, 
 at least, as many of them as were in any degree 
 fit for use. To effect this, inspectors were 
 appointed to examine them and fix their value, 
 and notice was given that two months pay 
 should be stopped from every soldier who 
 should leave the camp without this previous 
 examination of his arms, and without giving 
 up such as should be deemed fit for use. The 
 arms were either so generally useless, or, 
 notwithstanding these precautions, were so 
 generally carried off, that only sixteen hundred 
 and twenty muskets were retained; and thus, 
 this source' of supply, bad as it was, did not 
 fulfil the hopes which had been formed of it. 
 
 The recruiting officers were directed to inlist 
 only those men who had arms ; but they reported 
 that they must depart from these instructions 
 or recruit no soldiers. The neighbouring 
 governments, as well as that of Massachusetts, 
 
 *
 
 278 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - IV - were applied to without success ; and persons 
 1776. sent with money to make purchases in the 
 country were not more fortunate. In the 
 beginning of February, general Washington 
 informed congress, that there w r ere then in his 
 army near two thousand men without fire arms 
 of any sort, and at that time his whole effective 
 rank and file, independent of militia, amounted 
 only to eight thousand eight hundred and fifty 
 three. His incessant representations and com- 
 plaints on this all interesting point were unable 
 to procure for a considerable time any supply. 
 Under all these disadvantages, the general 
 still cherished the hope of being enabled in 
 the course of the winter, to act offensively. 
 So early as in the month of January, he had 
 called a council, at which mr. John Adams, a 
 member of congress, and mr. Warren, presi- 
 dent of the provincial congress of Massachus- 
 setts, assisted, in which it was resolved, " that 
 a vigorous attempt ought to be made on the 
 ministerial troops in Boston before they can be 
 re-enforced in the spring, if the means can be 
 provided, and a favourable opportunity should 
 offer." It was further advised "that thirteen 
 regiments of militia should be asked for from 
 Massachussetts and the neighbouring colonies, 
 in order to ; put them in a condition to make the 
 attempt. The militia to assemble on the first 
 of February, and to continue, if necessary, 
 until the first of March." In pursuance of this
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 279 
 
 advice, the requisitions for militia were made CHAP.IV. 
 and readily complied with. The re-enforce- 1776. 
 ments thus obtained, amounted to between 
 four and five thousand men, but the mildness of 
 the season had hitherto been such, that the 
 waters about Boston continued open. " Con- 
 gress in my last," said the general on the 
 19th of January, " would discover my motives 
 for strengthening these lines with militia. But 
 whether, as the weather turns out exceedingly 
 mild (insomuch as to promise nothing favour- 
 able from ice) and there is no appearance of 
 powder, I shall be able to attempt any thing 
 decisive, time only can determine. No man 
 upon earth wishes more ardently to destroy the 
 nest in Boston than I do; no person would be 
 willing to go greater lengths than I shall to 
 accomplish it, if it shall be thought advisable ; 
 but if we have no powder to bombard with, 
 nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better 
 situation than we have been in all the year, we 
 shall be in a worse, as their works are stronger. " 
 The fatal error of short inlistments, into 
 which both the continental and colonial go- 
 vernments had fallen, (perhaps had been driven 
 by the temper and habits of the people,) had 
 long been a subject of very deep concern to the 
 commander in chief. He at length determined 
 to beg the serious attention of congress to it. 
 His letter on this occasion pourtrays in part 
 the mischief resulting from this unfortunate
 
 280 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. measure. " The disadvantages," he observed, 
 17'Y6. " attending the limited inlistment of troops, are 
 too apparent to those who are eye witnesses of 
 them, to render any animadversions necessary; 
 but to gentlemen at a distance, whose attention 
 is engrossed by a thousand important objects, 
 the case may be otherwise. 
 
 " That this cause precipitated the fate of 
 the brave and much to be lamented general 
 Montgomery, and brought on the defeat which 
 followed thereupon, I have not the most distant 
 doubt; for had he not been apprehensive of 
 the troops leaving him at so important a crisis, 
 but continued the blockade of Quebec, a capi- 
 tulation, from the best accounts I have been 
 able to collect, must inevitably have followed : 
 and that we were not obliged, at one time, to 
 dispute these lines under disadvantageous cir- 
 cumstances (proceeding from the same cause, 
 to wit, the troops disbanding of themselves 
 before the militia could be got in) is, to me, a 
 matter of wonder and astonishment ; and proves 
 that general Howe was either unacquainted with 
 our situation, or restrained by his instructions 
 from putting any thing to hazard until his re- 
 enforcements should arrive. 
 
 " The instance of general Montgomery (I 
 mention it because it is a striking one, for a 
 number of others might be adduced,) proves 
 that, instead of having men to take advantage 
 of circumstances, you are in. a manner com-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 281 
 
 pelled, right or wrong, to make circumstances CHAP, iv. 
 yield to a secondary consideration. Since the 1776. 
 first of December, I have been devising every 
 means in my power to secure these encamp- 
 ments ; and, though I am sensible that we 
 never have since that period, been able to act 
 on the offensive, and at times not in a condition 
 to defend ; yet the cost of marching home one 
 set of men, and bringing in another, the havoc 
 and waste occasioned by the first, the repairs 
 necessary for the second, with a thousand inci- 
 dental charges and inconveniences which have 
 arisen, and which it is scarcely possible either 
 to recollect or describe, amount to near as 
 much as the keeping up a respectable body of 
 troops the whole time ready for any emergency 
 would have done. 
 
 " To this may be added, that you never can 
 have a well disciplined army. 
 
 " To make men well acquainted with the 
 duties of a soldier requires time. To bring 
 them under proper discipline and subordination 
 not only requires time, but is a work of great 
 difficulty ; and in this army, where there is so 
 little distinction between officers and soldiers, 
 requires an uncommon degree of attention. 
 To expect then the same service from raw and 
 undisciplined recruits, as from veteran soldiers, 
 is to expect what never did, and perhaps, never 
 will happen. 
 
 VOL. II. O O
 
 282 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. " Men who are familiarized to danger, ap- 
 1776. proach it without thinking, whereas, troops 
 unused to service apprehend danger where no 
 danger exists. 
 
 " Three things prompt men to a regular dis- 
 charge of their duty in time of action, natural 
 bravery, hope of reward, and fear of punish- 
 ment. The two first are common to the 
 untutored, and the disciplined soldier; but the 
 last most obviously distinguishes one from the 
 other. A coward taught to believe that, if he 
 breaks his ranks and abandons his colours, he 
 will be punished with fleath by his own party, 
 will take his chance against the enemy; but 
 the man who thinks little of the one, and is 
 fearful of the other, acts from present feelings, 
 regardless of consequences. 
 
 "Again, men of a day's standing Avill not 
 look forward; and, from experience we find 
 that, as the time approaches for their discharge, 
 they grow careless of their arms, ammunition, 
 camp utensils &c. nay, even the barracks 
 themselves have felt uncommon marks of wan- 
 ton depredation, and we are laid under fresh 
 trouble and additional expense in providing 
 for every fresh party, at a time when we find 
 it next to impossible to procure the articles 
 absolutely necessary, in the first instance. To 
 this may be added the. seasoning which new 
 recruits must have to a camp, and the loss con- 
 sequent thereupon.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283 
 
 " But this is not all. Men engaged for a CHAP.IV. 
 short limited time only, have the officers too 1776. 
 much in their power. To obtain a degree of 
 popularity in order to induce a second inlist- 
 ment, a kind of familiarity takes place which 
 brings on a relaxation of discipline, unlicensed 
 furloughs, and other indulgencies, incompatible 
 with order and good government, by which 
 means the latter part of the time for which the 
 soldier was engaged, is spent in undoing what 
 it required much labour to inculcate in the first. 
 
 " To go into an enumeration of all the evils 
 we have experienced in this late great change 
 of the army, and the expense incidental to it, 
 to say nothing of the hazard we have run and 
 must run, between the discharging of one 
 army and the inlistment of another (unless an 
 enormous expense of militia is incurred) would 
 greatly exceed the founds of a letter. What 
 I have already taken the liberty of saying will 
 serve to convey a general idea of the matter, 
 and therefore, I shall with all due deference, 
 take the freedom to give it as my opinion that, 
 if congress have any reason to believe there 
 will be occasion for troops another year, and 
 consequently for another inlistment, they would 
 save money, and have infinitely better troops, if 
 they were, even at the bounty of twenty, thirty, 
 or more dollars, to engage the men already in- 
 listed until January next, and such others as 
 may be wanted to complete the establishment, 
 o o 2
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. for and during the war. I will not undertake 
 1776. to say that the men may be had on these terms, 
 but I am satisfied that it will never do to let 
 the matter alone, as it was last year, until the 
 time of service is near expiring. In the first 
 place, the hazard is too great : in the next, 
 the trouble and perplexity of disbanding one 
 army and raishig another at the same instant, 
 and in such a critical situation as the last was, 
 is scarcely in the power of words to describe, 
 and such as no man who has once experienced 
 it, will ever undergo again. 
 
 Unfortunately, congress did not feel so sen- 
 sibly as their general, the incapacity of tempo- 
 rary armies, to oppose those which are perma- 
 nent. Nor were his officers of high rank, as 
 yet, sufficiently impressed on this subject. In 
 a council held previous to the new modelling 
 of the army, they had been of opinion that the 
 inlistments might be only for one year. 
 
 Very early in January, general Washington 
 received unquestionable intelligence, that an 
 armament was equipping in Boston to sail under 
 general Clinton, on a secret expedition. From 
 the season of the year, he counted certainly on 
 its being designed for some southern service ; 
 and a variety of considerations induced him to 
 believe that New York was its destination. 
 He thought it of great importance to the enemy 
 to obtain possession of the Hudson, as they 
 would thereby open to themselves the best
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285 
 
 channel of intercourse with Canada, and would CHAP, iv. 
 render extremely difficult all communication 1776. 
 between the northern and southern colonies. 
 In addition to this, the royal cause had more 
 adherents in New York, especially on Long 
 Island, where a party of tories were said to be 
 embodying themselves, than in any other 
 colony, and this was believed to furnish a 
 motive for taking possession of that country, 
 by no means without its influence. 
 
 The same considerations which appeared to 
 render this position so essential to the enemy, 
 made it an object, not of less consequence to 
 the American army, to maintain it. Whilst 
 deliberating on this subject, and doubting his 
 power and the propriety of taking such a step 
 without the previous approbation of congress, 
 he received a letter from general Lee, request- 
 ing to be detached under his authority to 
 Connecticut, there to collect a body of volun- 
 teers, and march them to New York, to be 
 employed both for the security of that place, 
 and the expulsion or suppression of a banditti 
 of tories collecting on Long Island. Though 
 greatly inclined to the adoption of this measure, 
 of the utility of which he felt the most positive 
 conviction, the delicacy which it was necessary 
 for him to observe with the civil authority, 
 produced some suspense of his decision. Mr. 
 John Adams, a very influential member of 
 congress, was then at Watertown, attending the
 
 286 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - 1V - provincial convention, and with him, the gene- 
 ir?6. ral determined to consult, especially respecting 
 the idea entertained of the extent of his powers. 
 That gentleman, who highly approved the 
 proposition of Lee, was decidedly of opinion, 
 that the powers of the commander in chief 
 extended to the case; and general Lee was im- 
 mediately detached, with instructions to raise a 
 body of volunteers from Connecticut, and to 
 call on the battalions of Jersey with those of 
 New York, to join him. He was to examine 
 the fortifications of the city, and up the river ; 
 to put them in the best possible state of 
 defence, and to disarm and secure all those 
 whose conduct and declarations rendered them 
 justly suspected of designs unfriendly to the 
 views of congress, especially those on Long 
 Island. All the arms and ammunition found 
 in their possession, were to be collected for 
 the use of the army. 
 
 Congress had already taken up the subject 
 of disarming and securing the disaffected in 
 Queen's county, on Long Island, where the 
 people had refused to elect members to the 
 provincial convention They had ordered two 
 battalions to enter the country at its opposite 
 extremities on the same day, and to secure the 
 arms of every individual who had voted against 
 choosing members to the convention. These 
 vigorous orders, however, were soon counter- 
 manded, and a regiment raised in Connecticut
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287 
 
 for the special purpose, under the command CHAP.IV/ 
 of colonel Waterbury, was ordered to be dis- 
 charged. No direct reason has been assigned 
 for this fluctuation in the proceedings of con- 
 gress, but it appears that the convention of 
 New York was very much opposed to the 
 commencement of hostilities in that colony, 
 and also claimed for itself the direction of 
 measures to be executed within it. Some ap- 
 prehensions seem to have been entertained, that 
 so strong a measure might throw into thearms 
 of the enemy all those who were not yet pre- 
 pared for open war; and that its being executed 
 under the immediate direction of congress, 
 might excite the jealousy of the local authori- 
 ties. Whatever motives might lead to it, the 
 commander in chief very much regretted this 
 change of system, and in a letter to general 
 Lee, after expressing that regret, says, "they, 
 I doubt not, had their reasons for it ; but to 
 me it appears that the period is arrived, when 
 nothing less than the most decisive and vigor- 
 ous measures should be pursued. Our enemies 
 from the other side of the Atlantic will be 
 sufficiently numerous,.... it highly concerns us 
 to have as few internal ones as possible." 
 
 In a subsequent letter, after sir Henry Clin- 
 ton had sailed from Boston, he stated to general 
 Lee his apprehension that, on the arrival of 
 the troops in New York, governor Tryon 
 would be ready to join them at the head of a
 
 288 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - *v- great number of the inhabitants, disaffected to 
 1776. the American cause : and therefore, he urged 
 the necessity of being decisive and expeditious 
 in his operations. " The tories," (a term desig- 
 nating all those who favoured the enemy,) he 
 said, " should be disarmed, and the principal 
 characters among them secured." He ex- 
 pressed a hope that governor Tryon would be 
 of the number. But considering general Lee 
 to be under the directions of congress, to 
 which body that officer had applied for instruc- 
 tions, he only expressed his wishes that he 
 might be permitted to act in that decisive man- 
 ner which comported with the opinions of them 
 both. 
 
 Congress, however, had now submitted this 
 whole subject to the colonial authorities, with 
 a recommendation to them to disarm the dis- 
 affected, and to secure the most dangerous of 
 them, either by confining them, or obliging 
 them to give .security for their good behaviour. 
 To enable the local authorities to comply with 
 this recommendation, they were empowered* 
 to call to their aid any continental troops sta- 
 tioned .in or near their respective colonies, 
 who were ordered, while employed in this ser- 
 vice, to place themselves entirely under the 
 direction and control of the colonial govern- 
 ment. 
 
 * See Note, No. XVI. at the end of .the volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 289 
 
 General Lee experienced no difficulty in CHAP, iv. 
 raising the volunteers required from Connecti- 1776. 
 cut. The people of that province were remark- 
 ably zealous and enterprising, and governor 
 Trumbull having sanctioned the measure, the 
 numbers deemed necessary for the expedition 
 immediately embodied, and Lee commenced 
 his march for New York at the head of twelve 
 hundred men. 
 
 The inhabitants of that place ^ were much 
 alarmed at his approach. Threats had been 
 uttered by captain Parker of the Asia man of 
 war, then lying in the harbour, that he would 
 destroy the town in the event of its being 
 entered by any considerable body of provincial 
 forces ; and it was believed that these threats 
 would be executed. 
 
 A committee of safety had been appointed 
 to exercise the powers of government during 
 the recess of the provincial congress, and they 
 addressed a letter to general Lee, manifesting 
 their astonishment at the report, that he was 
 about to enter their town without any previous 
 intimation of his design to them, and their 
 fears of the mischievous consequences which 
 would result from such a measure. They could 
 not believe it possible that such a step had 
 been resolved on without being communicated 
 to them; but, if in this they were mistaken, 
 they expressed the most earnest solicitude that 
 
 V O L . 1 1 . . P
 
 290 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. iv. he would halt his troops on the confines of 
 1776. Connecticut until they could have further ex- 
 , planations with him. 
 
 Lee held in utter contempt the threats which 
 had been thrown out by the enemy of destroy- 
 ing the town, and continued his march from 
 that place with the utmost celerity. He ad- 
 dressed a letter f to congress, in which he 
 displayed in such strong terms, the necessity 
 of pursuing, with respect to New York, a 
 diiferent course from that which their resolution 
 authorized, that, instead of leaving him entirely 
 under the control of the local government, a 
 committee of three from their own body was 
 detached to consult with him and the council 
 of safety respecting the defence of the place, 
 and he was instructed to obey the directions of 
 that committee. 
 
 As might well have been expected from 
 the experience and talents of general Lee, his 
 opinions guided both the committee sent for 
 his government and the council of safety, and 
 whatever he suggested they directed him to ex- 
 ecute. It was determined to fortify some com- 
 manding part of the city, to be occupied by 
 two thousand men ; to erect inclosed batteries 
 on both sides of the water near Hellgate, so as 
 to protect the town against pirates through the 
 sound and at the same time to secure a com- 
 
 * See Note, JVo. XVII. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 291 
 
 munication with Long Island, where it was CHAP, iv. 
 determined to form a strong fortified camp for 1776. 
 three thousand men; and to make the defences 
 of the highlands as respectable .as possible, 
 which were immediately to be garrisoned by a 
 battalion of regular troops. 
 
 General Clinton arrived almost at the same 
 instant with general Lee, but without any 
 troops. He gave out that none were coming ; 
 that no hostilities were contemplated against 
 New York, and that he was himself merely on 
 a visit to his friend Try on. " If it be really 
 so," added general Lee, in his letter containing 
 this communication, " it is the most whimsical 
 piece of civility I ever heard of." General 
 Clinton did not affect to conceal his objects, 
 but declared that he was to proceed to North 
 Carolina, where he expected the small force he 
 should carry with him would be joined by five 
 regiments from Europe. 
 
 The fortifications of New York, were prose- 
 cuted with vigour, and captain Parker, finding 
 his threats entirely disregarded, no longer 
 uttered them, but avowed his wish to save a 
 town which contained so many loyal inhabi- 
 tants. 
 
 About the middle of February, the severe 
 cold set in, and the ice became sufficiently firm 
 to bear the troops. General Washington was 
 now disposed to execute the bold plan he had 
 formed, of attacking the enemy in Boston, 
 pp 2
 
 292 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. Several considerations concurred in recom- 
 1776. mending this hazardous enterprise. There 
 being no prospect of a sufficient supply of 
 powder to force them out by regular approaches 
 and bombardment ; the very great importance 
 attached to a destruction of the present army, 
 before re -enforcements should arrive from 
 Europe, an event not to be produced without 
 the command of the waters, should the town 
 be taken by regular approaches ; the certainty 
 that he must soon lose the present advantage 
 afforded by the ice of moving on an extensive 
 plain, and thereby approaching the town by a 
 less dangerous direction ; the confidence he felt 
 in the courage of his troops ; all disposed him 
 to ris-k an immediate assault, although he had 
 not ammunition to cover the advance of his 
 army with artillery. A council of war, how- 
 ever, summoned on the occasion, was almost 
 unanimous against the measure, and it ~\vas 
 therefore abandoned, though with reluctance. 
 The want of ammunition for their artillery was 
 a principal inducement to this opinion. It is 
 probable, the attempt might not have suc- 
 ceeded. J.t must certainly have been attended 
 with considerable loss. The advice of the 
 council, however, seems to have been adopted 
 with regret. In communicating their opinion 
 to 'congress, the general observed, " perhaps 
 the irksorneness of my situation may have 
 given different ideas to me, from those which
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293 
 
 influence the gentlemen I consulted; and might CHAP. iv. 
 have inclined me to put more to the hazard 1775. 
 than was consistent with prudence. If it had 
 this effect, I am not sensible of it, as I endea- 
 voured to give the subject all the consideration, 
 a matter of such importance required. True it 
 is, and I cannot help acknowledging, that I 
 have many disagreable sensations on account 
 of my situation ; for, to have the eyes of the 
 whole continent fixed on me, with anxious 
 expectation of hearing of some great event, 
 and to be restrained in every military operation 
 for want of the necessary means to carry it on, 
 is not very pleasing; especially as the means 
 used to conceal my weakness from the enemy, 
 conceal it also from our friends and add to their 
 wonder." 
 
 Towards the latter end of February, there 
 were various appearances among the British 
 troops in Boston, indicating an intention to 
 evacuate that place. In the opinion that New 
 York must be their object, general Washington 
 pressed general Lee to hasten as- much as pos- 
 sible the fortifications around that city, and his 
 preparations to receive the enemy ; but as these 
 appearances might be entirely deceptive, and 
 he had now received a small supply of powder, 
 he determined to prosecute with vigour a plan 
 he had formed, to force general Howe either to 
 come to an action, or to abandon the town of 
 Boston.
 
 294 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, iv. Since the allowance of a bounty, recruiting 
 
 1776. had been rather more successful. The effective 
 regular force engaged for the year, now amounted 
 to something more than fourteen thousand 
 men. In addition to these troops, the com- 
 mander in chief called out about six thousand 
 of the militia of Massachussetts, and thus re- 
 enforced, he determined to take possession of, 
 and fortify the heights of Dorchester, from 
 whence it would be in his power greatly to 
 annoy the ships in the harbour, and the soldiers 
 in the town. The taking this position he hoped, 
 and was convinced, must bring on a general 
 action, as the enemy must inevitably attempt 
 to drive him from it ; but if in this he should 
 be mistaken, he resolved to make the fortifica- 
 tions of the heights of Dorchester only prepa- 
 ratory to his seizing and fortify ing Nook's hill, 
 and the points opposite the south end of Boston, 
 which commanded entirely the harbour, a 
 great part of the town, and the beach from 
 which an. -embarkation must take place in the 
 event of a retreat. 
 
 To facilitate the execution of this plan, and 
 in pursuance of the advice given in a council 
 
 March, of war, a heavy bombardment and cannonade 
 on the town and lines of the enemy, was com- 
 menced on the evening of the second of March, 
 from the forts, which was repeated the two 
 succeeding nights. On the night of the fourth, 
 immediately after the firing had begun, a con-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295 
 
 siderable detachment of the Americans, under CHAP, iv. 
 the command of general Thomas, crossing the 1776. 
 neck from Roxbury, took possession of tbenSU 
 heights without opposition ; and though the Dof^stL 
 ground was so hard as to be almost impenetrable, 
 in consequence of which they were obliged to 
 avail themselves of fascines and other materials 
 carried to the place, yet, by very great activity 
 and industry through the night, the works were 
 so far advanced by the morning, as in a great 
 degree to cover them from the shot of the ene- 
 my. When day light disclosed their operations 
 to the British, a considerable degree of embar- 
 rassment appeared, and an ineffectual fire was 
 commenced on the party in possession of the 
 heights, who opened in turn a battery on 
 them, and continued with unremitting labour 
 to strengthen their position. 
 
 It was now necessary to dislodge the Amer- March s - 
 icans from the heights, or to evacuate the town; 
 and the British general as had been foreseen, 
 determined to embrace the former paj;t of the 
 alternative. Lord Percy with part of five regi- 
 ments, and the grenadiers, and light infantry, 
 amounting to about three thousand men, was 
 ordered on this service ; and the next day, the 
 troops were embarked and fell down to the 
 castle, in order to proceed from thence up the 
 river to the intended scene of action; but they 
 were scattered by a furious storm which dis- 
 abled them from prosecuting the enterprise at
 
 296 THE LIFE, OF 
 
 CHAP - IV - that time, and before they could again be in 
 
 1776. readiness for the attack, the works were made 
 
 so strong, that it was thought unadvisable to 
 
 attempt to force them; and the evacuation of 
 
 the town was resolved on. 
 
 In the expectation that the flower of the 
 British troops would be engaged in the attack 
 on the heights of Dorchester, general Wash- 
 ington had concerted a plan for availing himself 
 of that occasion, to attack the town of Boston 
 itself. Four thousand chosen men were held 
 in readiness to embark at the mouth of Cam- 
 bridge river, on a signal to be given, if the 
 enemy should be out in such force, as to 
 justify an opinion that an attack on the town 
 might be made with a good prospect of success. 
 These troops were to embark in two divisions, 
 the first to be led by brigadier general Sullivan, 
 the second by brigadier general Green, and the 
 whole to be under the Command of major 
 general Putnam,. The boats were to be p 
 ceded by three floating batteries, which were 
 to keep up a heavy fire on that part of the town 
 where the troops were tof land. It was proposed 
 that the first division should land at the powder 
 house, and gain possession of Bacon hill; the 
 second at Barton's point, or a little south of it, 
 and after securing that post, to join the other 
 division, and fo'tftc the enemy's itv'bvks: and 
 gates so as to give admission to the troops from 
 Roxbury.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 097 
 
 Had this plan succeeded,, the British army CHAP, iv. 
 . in Boston must have been entirely destroyed, irre. 
 Of its success general Washington entertained . 
 the most sanguine hopes, and very greatly re- 
 gretted the storm which defeated the proposed 
 attack on the heights of Dorchester, and con- 
 sequently the residue of his plan, the execution 
 of which was entirely dependent on that attack. 
 
 The general soon received information of the 
 determination of the enemy to evacuate Boston. 
 " A paper signed by some of the select men 
 of the town, and brought out with a flag,, 
 stated the fact, and was accompanied with pro- 
 positions said to be made on the part of general 
 Howe, but not signed by him, relative to the 
 security of the town, and the peaceable em- 
 barkation of his army. As this letter was not 
 addressed to the commander in chief, nor au- 
 thenticated by the signature of general Howe^ 
 nor by any act obligatory on him, it was 
 thought improper that general Washington 
 should directly notice it, and it was determined 
 that the officer to whom it was delivered, should 
 return an answer stating the reasons why a 
 
 fl 
 
 more particular regard" was not paid to it. 
 
 In the mean time, the determination to con- 
 tinue to advance on the enemy, and to secure 
 Nook's hill, was changed. The reason assigned 
 for abandoning this plan was, that it was *>ot 
 deemed advisable, now that the evacuation of 
 Boston was certain, to press the retreating 
 
 VOL. ii.
 
 298 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP. iv. arm^ too closely;- because their embarkation 
 1776. could not be prevented, and a longer delay . 
 would give further time to strengthen New 
 York, which the general still persisted to think 
 would be their destinations In this opinion 
 he moved considerable detachments towards 
 that place, before the town of Boston was 
 
 Boston actually evacuated. This event took place on 
 
 evacuated. 
 
 the 17th of March, and was probably in a 
 
 March 17. J 
 
 degree precipitated by some works thrown up 
 
 on Nook's hill the preceding evening. As the 
 ^ enemy continued some time in Nantasket road, 
 so as to create a suspicion that they might pos- 
 sibly design to reland, the general thought' it 
 necessary to take possession of the heights 
 around the town, and to erect fortifications on 
 Fort hill, a point of great natural strength, and 
 comni'anding the place where an invading army 
 would most probably debark. But in a few 
 days, the whole fleet set sail, and the American 
 army proceeded by divisions to New York. 
 
 The recovery of this important town w.s an 
 event which gave very general joy. It was 
 " resolved, that the thanks of congress in their 
 own name, and in the name of the Thirteen 
 United Culonies, whom they represent, be 
 presented to his excellency general Washington, 
 and the officers and soldiers under his command, 
 for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege 
 and acquisition of Boston, and that a medal of 
 gold be struck in commemoration of this great
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299 
 
 event, and presented to his excellency ; and CHAP. iv. 
 that a committee of three be appointed to pre- 1776. 
 pare a letter of thanks, and a proper device for 
 the medal." 
 
 The town of Boston was left standing, and 
 much less mischief was done to the houses 
 and property of the inhabitants, than had been 
 apprehended. A great number of those who 
 had been attached to the royal cause removed 
 with the army, and transported their effects 
 with them to Halifax. Several pieces of heavy 
 ordnance were found, many of which the enemy 
 had rendered useless by knocking off the trun- 
 nions, and the residue were spiked up. Other 
 stores were also left, though not to a very con- 
 siderable amount.
 
 300 THE LIFE - OP 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Invasion of Canada meditated.... The Americans enter 
 that province... .Siege of St. Johns. ...Capture of fort 
 'Chamblee....Carleton defeated at Longueisle....St. Johns 
 capitulates. ...Montreal surrenders. ...Arnold's expedition 
 by the way of the Kennebec....He arrives before Quebec 
 ....And retires to Point Aux Trembles.. ..Montgomery 
 lays siege to Quebec.. ..Unsuccessful attack on that place 
 ....Death of Montgomery.... Blockade of Quebec conti- 
 nued.. ..General Thomas takes command of the army.... 
 The blockade of Quebec is raised.. ..General Sullivan 
 takes the command.. ..Battle of the Three Rivers.... 
 Canada evacuated. 
 
 1775. vVlIILST these transactions were passing in 
 Boston, other events of deep and serious 
 interest to both parties, took place still further 
 to the north. 
 
 Great dissatisfaction prevailed in Canada. 
 The Quebec act, and other measures of admi- 
 nistration, had disquieted the British settlers, 
 without attaching to government, either the 
 Indian or French inhabitants. Believing that 
 province to be in a state of most perfect 
 security, it had been left almost entirely 
 undefended : and the regular troops on the 
 continent of America, had been chiefly drawn 
 to Boston. At the same time, Quebec was 
 known to be a place of deposit for military 
 stores to an immense amount, and it was also 
 known that great efforts were making to con- 
 ciliate the Canadians and Indians, in order to
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 promote an invasion .of the United Colonies CHAP.V. 
 from that quarter. They had heretofore re- 1775. 
 sisted those endeavours, but there was much 
 reason to believe that, if not counteracted, the 
 designs of the administration, when supported 
 by a strong military force, would prevail. The 
 possession of that country was believed to be 
 all important to either party, and it was thought 
 that its present temper was such as to render 
 it probable, that its weight would be thrown 
 into the scale of those, who should first show 
 in it a force sufficient for the protection of its 
 inhabitants. The facility with which Crown 
 Point and Ticonderoga had been taken, and 
 the perfect command of the lakes George and 
 Champlain acquired, added to the motives 
 already stated, inspired congress with the 
 daring design of anticipating the plans medi- 
 tated against them in that province, by taking 
 possession of Canada. 
 
 So early as the month of June 1775, a reso- invasion 
 
 . . . . . of Canada 
 
 iution passed that body, directing general meditated. 
 Schuyler to repair to Ticonderoga, and to take 
 the proper measures for securing that post and 
 Crown Point, and for retaining the entire com- 
 mand of the lakes. He was at the same time 
 authorized, if he should find it practicable, and 
 not disagreeable to the Canadians, to take pos- 
 session of St. Johns and Montreal, and to pur- 
 sue any other measures in Canada, which 
 might have a tendency to promote the peace 
 and security of the United Colonies.
 
 302 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Near three thousand men from New England 
 1775. and New York, to be commanded, under 
 major general Schuyler, 'by brigadiers Wooster 
 and Montgomery, were designed for this ser- 
 vice, and a number of batteaux were directed 
 to be built at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
 to convey the troops along lake Champlain into 
 the neighbourhood of Canada. But the infor- 
 mation possessed by congress on this subject, 
 was not such as to justify them in deciding 
 absolutely on the expedition, and therefore, 
 their resolution left much to the discretion of 
 general Schuyler, on whose talents and attach- 
 ment to their cause, the highest confidence 
 was very deservedly placed. 
 
 Congress had inade great exertions to faci- 
 litate, this expedition. Fifty thousand dollars 
 in specie were voted for the expense of the 
 army in Canada, and the convention of New 
 York was urged to hurry on the troops designed 
 for that service. 
 
 General Schuyler, who i was at New York 
 when this important command was confided to 
 him, hastened to Ticonderoga, in order to 
 make the necessary arrangements for the con- 
 templated expedition. 
 
 The troops of that department, belonging to 
 Different colonies, stationed at different places, 
 acknowledging no one commanding officer, 
 were found in a state of entire disorganization,. 
 The stores were misapplied, or wasted ; no sort
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. SOS 
 
 of subordination or camp discipline was ob- CHAP - v - 
 served ; and it can scarcely be doubted that, 1775. 
 had the enemy been in a condition to attempt 
 a surprise, Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
 would have been lost with as much facility as 
 they had been acquired.* 
 
 The intelligence from Canada which had 
 been forwarded to congress, confirmed the 
 reports before received, of the weakness of 
 the regular troops by which that province was 
 defended ; of the great exertions of governor 
 Carlton to engage the Canadians, and the 
 
 * The situation of the troops is thus described by general 
 Schuyler in a letter 1 from Ticonderoga, of the 18th July, 
 to general Washington. 
 
 " You Avill expect that I should ,say something about 
 this place and the troops here. Not one earthly thing for 
 offence or defence has been done. The commanding officer 
 had 710 orders, he only came to re-enforce the garrison, and 
 he exficcted the general. About ten, last night, I arrived 
 at the landing place, the north end of lake George, a 
 fort occupied by a captain and one hundred naen. A cen- 
 tinel, on being informed I was in the boat, quitted his 
 post to go and awake the guard consisting of three men, 
 in which he had no success. I walked up and came to 
 another, a Serjeant's guard. Here the centinel challenged, 
 but suffered me to come up to him, the whole guard like 
 the first, in the soundest sleep. I could have cut off both 
 guards, and then have set fire to the blockhouse, destroyed 
 the stores, and starved the people here. But I hope to 
 get the better of this inattention. The officers and men 
 are all good looking people, and I really believe will make 
 good soldiers, as soon as I can get the better of this non 
 chalance of theirs."
 
 304 THE LIFE Oi 
 
 CHAP, v. Indians, to take up arms and invade the United 
 1775. Colonies, and of their unwillingness to do so ; 
 but the opinion was still maintained, that unless 
 the colonists showed a sufficient force in that 
 country, to give confidence and security to 
 their friends, the machinations of the governor 
 would ultimately prevail. 
 
 In consequence of this intelligence, the orders 
 to general Schuyler were made unconditional, 
 and he was directed positively to enter Canada. 
 He commenced, and assiduously prosecuted 
 the task of preparing vessels for the transport- 
 ation of the troops; a task the more laborious 
 and tedious, as the timber for the batteaux was 
 then to be procured from the woods. Before 
 the preparations were complete, or the troops 
 destined for the expedition had a-1 assembled, 
 the impatience expressed by their friends in 
 Canada, and some information which was 
 received of a vessel of force soon to be launched 
 at St. Johns, on .the river Sorel, in order to enter 
 the lakes, rendered an immediate movement 
 advisable. .General Schuyler had returned td& 
 Albany to .hole! a congress \vith the Indians, 
 whose dispositions were \ cry justly suspected 
 to be hostile,, when this intelligence was com- 
 municated o him by general Montgomery, an 
 officer of very distinguished merit then at 
 
 September^ Crown Point. Ordi immediately given 
 
 him to embark with the troops then in readiness; 
 and general Schuyier, having directed the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3Q5 
 
 expected re -enforcements to rendezvous at the CHAP.V. 
 Isle aux Noix, twelve miles south of St. Johns, 1775. 
 followed Montgomery, and joined him before 
 he reached that place. 
 
 Circular letters to the Canadians, exhorting TheAmeri - 
 
 o cans enter 
 
 them to rouse and assert their liberties, and that P rovince 
 declaring that the Americans entered their 
 country as friends and protectors, and not as 
 enemies, were immediately dispersed among 
 them; and, believing that they would be 
 encouraged thereby, it was determined to 
 advance directly on to St. Johns. The American 
 force, amounting to about one thousand men, 
 entirely destitute of artillery, embarked on the 
 Sorel on the sixth, and proceeding towards 
 St. Johns, landed within about a mile and a 
 half of that place, in a swamp, from whence 
 they marched in order, towards the fort, for the 
 purpose of reconnoitring its situation. On the 
 march they were suddenly attacked by a body 
 of Indians whom they dispersed; after which, 
 they threw up a small intrenchment, and 
 encamped for flie night. The intelligence re- 
 ceived at this place respecting the situation of 
 St. Johns, and of the .vessels preparing to enter 
 lake Champlam, determined them to return to 
 the Isle aux Noix, there to wait for their 
 remaining troops'' and artillery ; and in the 
 mean time, to secure the entrant^ of the lakes. 
 
 The Isle aux Noix lies at the function of the 
 Sorel with lake Champlam; otf&, to prevent 
 
 VOL. ii. R r
 
 306 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. the armed vessels at St. Johns from entering 
 1775. the latter, a boom was drawn across the chan- 
 nel which is narrow at that place. 
 
 General Schuyler, who had been for some 
 time much indisposed, became now so exces- 
 sively ill, as to be unable to leave his bed; 
 and the command devolved on Montgomery. 
 
 Mr. Livingston, a gentleman residing on the 
 river Chamblee, who was very strongly attached 
 to the American cause, and had rendered it 
 great service, pressed so earnestly for a detach- 
 ment from the army, to cut off the communi- 
 cation between St. Johns and La Prairie, that 
 a party was ordered out for that service. But 
 it was seized with one of those panics to which 
 raw troops are peculiarly liable, and without 
 having seen any real danger, they fled precipi- 
 tately back to camp. 
 
 Livingston, in the mean time, counting on 
 the aid for which he had applied, had assem- 
 bled about three hundred Canadian volunteers, 
 and grew extremely apprehensive of being left 
 exposed to the whole force of the enemy. 
 
 Montgomery, flattered himself that his troops, 
 ashamed of their late misconduct, were deter- 
 mined to retrieve their reputation; and as the 
 artillery and expected re -enforcements had now- 
 arrived, he again embarked his army consist- 
 sept.25. ing of mot quite two thousand men, on the 
 siege of Sorel, and proceeded to invest fort St. Johns. 
 This place was garrisoned by five or six him-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON.^ 307 
 
 dred regulars, with about two hundred Canadian CHAP, v. 
 militia, and was well provided with artillery 1775. 
 and military stores. The army of Canada, as 
 well as the other armies of the United Colonies, 
 was almost entirely without powder; and of 
 
 consequence, the siege progressed slo\vly. 
 
 Their necessities in this respect were fortu- 0ctobcT - 
 nately relieved by the capture of fort Chamblee, ^S^ue 
 which being supposed to be covered by fort 
 St. Johns, was not in a defensible condition. 
 This post was suddenly attacked, and carried 
 by a detachment consisting of about fifty United 
 Colonists under major Brown, and three hun- 
 dred Canadians under major Livingston. The 
 garrison became prisoners of war, and some 
 pieces of artillery were taken; but the most 
 valuable acquisition made at this place, was 
 about one hundred and twenty barrels of gun 
 powder, which enabled the American general 
 to proceed with vigour against St. Johns. 
 Though the only person in his camp possessing 
 any military experience, he was overruled in 
 his plans by his field officers; and with extreme 
 mortification declared in one of his letters to 
 general Schuyler, that the place could not 
 be taken until it should surrender for want of 
 provisions; and that, if he did not fear the 
 public service might suffer, he would not stay ctober13 - 
 one hour longer at the head of troops whose 
 operations he could not direct. The garrison 
 defended themselves with resolution, and in- 
 nr 2
 
 308 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. dulged for some time the hope of being 
 1775. relieved." 
 
 Colonel M'Clean, a veteran officer, had 
 exerted himself to raise a Scotch regiment, 
 under the title of royal highland emigrants, to 
 be composed of the natives of that country, who 
 had lately arrived in America, and who, in 
 consequence of the troubles, had not obtained 
 settlements. With these and a few hundred 
 Canadians, the colonel was posted near the 
 junction of the Sorel with the St. Law r rence; 
 general Carleton was at Montreal, where with 
 great difficulty he had collected about a thou- 
 sand men, chiefly Canadians. Among them 
 Were some regulars and volunteers, and several 
 British officers. At the head of these troops 
 he hoped to effect a junction with M'Clean, 
 after which he designed to march with his 
 whole force against Montgomery, and endea- 
 vour to raise the siege ; but on attempting to 
 cross over from Montreal, he was encountered 
 
 carkton and entirely defeated at Lonsrueisle by a detach- 
 
 defeatedat . J 
 
 Longueisie. men t of the American troops under colonel 
 Warner. Another party advanced on M'Clean 
 who, being entirely abandoned by his Cana- 
 dians, so soon as they were informed of the 
 defeat of the governor, and having also received 
 information that Arnold was approaching point 
 Levy, precipitately retreated to Quebec. The 
 
 P Annual Register.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 309 
 
 Americans occupied the post he had abandoned CHAP - v - 
 and immediately erected batteries on a point 1775. 
 of land at the junction of the Sorel with the St. 
 Lawrence, where they also constructed several 
 armed rafts and floating batteries, to prevent 
 Carleton with the vessels at Montreal from 
 escaping down the river. 
 
 Montgomery, who, notwithstanding the dif- 
 ficulties he experienced from his troops, was 
 pressing the siege of St. Johns with great 
 vigour, had advanced his works very near the 
 fort, when the account of the success at Lon- 
 gueisle reached him. On receipt of this intelli- 
 gence, he permitted one of the prisoners to go 
 into the fort, with whom he sent in a flag, and 
 a letter to major Preston, the commanding 
 officer, requiring him to surrender, and thereby 
 prevent the further effusion of blood, which 
 must necessarily be occasioned by a fruitless 
 and obstinate resistance. All hopes of relief 
 havinar now vanished, and having" endeavoured st - J ohns 
 
 capitulates. 
 
 in vain to obtain some clelav, the garrison r 
 
 ' November 3. 
 
 capitulated, on being allowed, in consideration 
 
 of their brave defence of the place, the honours 
 of war. 
 
 Scarcely was this first success obtained when 
 the fatal consequences of short inlistments 
 began to discover themselves. The time of 
 service for which the troops had engaged being 
 now near expiring, great difficulty was experi- 
 enced in prevailing on them to proceed further,
 
 310 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. and the general was under the necessity of 
 1775. stipulating explicitly, that all who wished it, 
 should be discharged at Montreal, before he 
 could induce them even to march against that 
 place. Having effected this compromise with 
 them, he proceeded against Montreal, while 
 his floating batteries, under colonel Easton, 
 advanced up the St. Lawrence, and not only 
 effectually prevented the armed vessels of the 
 enemy from making the escape they had pro- 
 jected to Quebec, but drove them from their 
 anchors still higher up the river. 
 
 Montreal Montreal was not in a condition to be 
 
 surrenders. 
 
 defended. Montgomery, after engaging to 
 allow the Canadians their own laws, the free 
 exercise of their religion, and the privilege of 
 November^, governing themselves, took peaceable posses- 
 sion of the town; and governor Carleton retired 
 to his flotilla. While preparations were making 
 to attack the vessels with the floating batteries 
 under colonel Easton, aided by some boats 
 from Montreal carrying a few field pieces, and 
 their destruction was considered as certain, the 
 governor was conveyed in a boat with muffled 
 oars down the river, in a dark night, and made 
 his escape to Quebec. The fleet soon after- 
 wards surrendered, and the general prepared, 
 with the utmost expedition, to proceed with 
 the few troops who were willing to follow him, 
 to the capital of Canada.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 311 
 
 At Montreal he found, to his extreme morti- CHAP.V. 
 fication, that his promise to discharge them 1775. 
 was claimed by many of his soldiers. He 
 offered a suit of the clothes taken with that 
 town, to those who would engage to serve only 
 until the 15th day of April; but they could not 
 be, generally, prevailed on to re-inlist. These 
 untoward circumstances only stimulated their 
 gallant leader to more vigorous exertions. In 
 a letter to general Schuyler of the 17th of No- 
 vember, he says, " I have had great difficulties 
 about the troops. I am afraid many of them 
 will go home; however, depending on my 
 good fortune, I hope to keep enough to give 
 the final blow to ministerial politics in this 
 province; and I hope effectual measures will be 
 taken to prevent their laying hold of it again." 
 It was necessary to leave a sufficient number 
 of his small corps at Montreal, St. Johns, and 
 Chamblee, to garrison those places, keep open 
 the communication between Quebec and the 
 United Colonies, preserve the dependence of 
 the Canadians, overawe the Indians, and hold 
 in check the garrisons above him at Detroit and 
 Niagara. When these essential objects were 
 provided for with the utmost possible economy 
 of men, they yet formed such deductions from 
 his force, as to leave but little more than three 
 hundred men to follow their general in the en- 
 terprise against Quebec.
 
 312 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. General Washington, foreseeing that the 
 1775. whole force of Canada would be concentrated 
 about Montreal, had projected an expedition 
 August, against Quebec, by a detachment from his 
 camp before Boston, which was to march by 
 the way of Kennebec river, and passing through 
 the dreary wilderness lying between the settled 
 parts of Maine, and the St. Lawrence, and 
 crossing the rugged mountains, and deep mo- 
 rasses, which abound in that country, to pene- 
 trate into Canada about ninety miles below 
 Montreal. 
 
 The object proposed by this hardy enterprise 
 was, either to compel Carleton, whose force 
 would not admit of a division, to draw his troops 
 from the upper country, and thereby open an 
 easy passage to the army invading the province 
 by the way of the river Sorel ; or, if he should 
 maintain that position, to take possession of 
 Quebec; which, all his accounts assured him, 
 was absolutely unable to hold out against the 
 force which would appear before it; and if 
 attacked by an American army before the return 
 of Carleton, would surrender without firing a 
 shot. 
 
 This arduous enterprise was committed to 
 colonel Arnold. . About a thousand men, con- 
 sisting of New England infantry, some volun- 
 teers,* a company of artillery under a captain 
 
 * Colonel Burr, since vice president of the United States, 
 was of this number.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3^3 
 
 Lamb, and three companies of riflemen,' were CHAP. v. 
 selected for the service. \775. 
 
 Notwithstanding: the unremitting exertions Arnold's 
 
 expedition 
 
 of the general, the delays in expediting them, |$df r * y 
 occasioned by the derangements of the army, Kennebec - 
 were such, that they could not commence their 
 march until about the middle of September. 
 
 The success of this expedition very much 
 depended on the friendly temper of the province, 
 and the instructions given to Arnold inculcated, 
 with great care, the cultivation of a good un- 
 derstanding with the Canadians. They even 
 enjoined him to abandon the enterprise, if 
 this sudden invasion of their country should 
 threaten to irritate them, and induce them to 
 take up arms against the United Colonies. 
 He was also particularly directed to use the 
 utmost possible expedition ; to keep up a cor- 
 respondence with the upper army, which it was 
 hoped might be effected by means of the St. 
 Francois Indians ; and to keep the general 
 himself regularly informed of every event of 
 importance, which should occur. He was 
 furnished with about one thousand pounds in 
 specie to defray contingent expenses, and with 
 
 * gt." 
 
 a cargo of manifestos to be dispersed through 
 Canada. 
 
 The letter accompanying these orders is 
 strongly indicative of the impressions which 
 had been received of the dispositions of the 
 
 VOL. ir. s s
 
 314 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. Canadians, as well as of the importance attri- 
 1775. buted to that province in the existing war. 
 
 " You are," said the general, " intrusted 
 with a command of the utmost consequence to 
 the interest and liberties of America; upon 
 your conduct and courage, and that of the offi- 
 cers and soldiers detached on this expedition, 
 not only the success of the present enterprise, 
 and your own honour, but the safety and wel- 
 fare of the whole continent, may depend. I 
 charge you, therefore, and the officers and sol- 
 diers under your command, as you value your 
 own safety and honour, and the favour and 
 esteem of your country, that you consider your- 
 selves as inarching not through an enemy's 
 country, but that of your friends and brethren ; 
 for such the inhabitants of Canada, and the 
 Indian nations haye approved themselves, in 
 this unhappy contest between Great Britain and 
 America. That you check by every motive 
 of duty and fear of punishment, every attempt 
 to plunder and insult the inhabitants of Canada. 
 Should any American soldier be so base and 
 infamous, as to injure any Canadian or Indian, 
 in his person or property, I do most earnestly 
 enjoin you to bring him to such severe and 
 exemplary punishment, as the enormity of the 
 crime may require; should it extend to deatbf 
 itself, it will not be disproportionate to its 
 guilt, at such a time, and in such a cause. 
 But I hope and itrust that the brave men who
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 have voluntarily engaged in this expedition will CHAP, v 
 be governed by far different views: that their 1775. 
 order, discipline, and regularity of behaviour 
 will be as conspicuous as their valour: I also 
 give it in charge to you, to avoid all disrespect 
 to and contempt of the religion of the country, 
 and its ceremonies. Prudence, policy, and a 
 true Christian spirit, will lead us to look with 
 compassion on their errors, without insulting 
 them. While we are contending for our own 
 liberty, we should be very cautious of violating 
 the rights of conscience in others, and should 
 ever consider that God alone is the judge of the 
 hearts of men, and to him- only, in this case, 
 they are answerable. 
 
 " Upon the whole, sir, I beg you to inculcate 
 on the officers and soldiers, the necessity of 
 preserving the strictest order during their 
 march through Canada. To represent to them 
 the shame, disgrace, and ruin to themselves 
 and country, if they should by their conduct 
 turn the hearts of our brethren in Canada 
 against us. And on the other hand, the honour 
 and rewards which await them, if by their pru- 
 dence and good behaviour, they conciliate the 
 affections of the Canadians and Indians to the 
 great interests of America, and convert those 
 favourable dispositions they have shown, into 
 a lasting union." 
 
 The opinion which had been formed of the 
 favourable dispositions of the Canadians, was 
 
 .,
 
 316 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. not disappointed by the event. They gave 
 1775. essential aid to the Americans, and very much 
 facilitated their march through that province. 
 But the previous difficulties to be surmounted 
 were much greater than had been apprehended. 
 The country had never been well explored, 
 and it opposed obstacles to the march, which 
 only perseverance like that of Arnold, and hie 
 brave and hardy followers could have conquered. 
 Colonel Enos who commanded the rear division, 
 consisting of one third of the detachment, re- 
 turned from the Dead river, a branch of Kenne- 
 bec, with his men; and, though his appearance 
 excited, at first, the utmost indignation in the 
 army; yet, on being arrested, he was acquitted 
 by a court martial, on the principle, that it was 
 absolutely impracticable to obtain provisions 
 on the route sufficient to preserve the troops 
 from perishing with famine. 
 
 Arnold who at the head of the two first divi- 
 sions still prosecuted his march, was thirty-two 
 days traversing a hideous wilderness, without 
 seeing a house or any thing human. The 
 troops were under the necessity of hauling their 
 batteaux up rapid streams, of taking them upon 
 their shoulders, with all their provisions, across 
 carrying places ; and of traversing, and fre- 
 quently repassing, for the purpose of bringing 
 their baggage, deep morasses, thick woods, 
 and high mountains. These impediments, 
 notwithstanding the zealous and wonderfully
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 317 
 
 persevering exertions of his men, so protracted CHAP, v. 
 his march, that, though he had expected cer- 1775. 
 tainly to enter Canada about the middle of 
 October, he did not reach the first settlements 
 on the Chaudiere, which empties itself into 
 the St. Lawrence near Quebec, until the third 
 of November. 
 
 On the high grounds which separate the 
 waters of the Kemfebec from those of the St. 
 Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions 
 was divided among the companies, each of 
 which was directed, without attempting to pre- 
 serve any connexion with another, to march 
 with the utmost possible celerity into the inha- 
 bited country. Whilst those who gained the 
 front, were yet thirty miles from the first poor 
 and scattered habitations which composed that 
 frontier of Canada, their last morsel of food 
 was consumed. But preceded by Arnold, 
 who went forward for the purpose of procuring 
 for them something which might satisfy the 
 first demands of nature, the troops still perse- 
 vered in their labours, with a vigour unim- 
 paired by the hardships they had encountered, 
 until they once more found themselves in 
 regions frequented by human beings. 
 
 After a march of such unexampled fatigue, 
 no further time was allowed for repose, than 
 was barely sufficient to collect the rear, which 
 was greatly scattered, and to refresh the men ; 
 during which time the address signed by 'gene-
 
 318 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP- v- ral Washington was published, and every 
 1775. assurance given to the people, that they came 
 to protect, and not to plunder them. The line 
 of march was resumed, and on the ninth of 
 November, this gallant corps reached point 
 Levi, opposite Quebec. 
 
 ibre ar iuebec?' Tne town was almost entirely without a 
 garrison; and nothing could exceed the asto- 
 nishment of the inhabitants. They would 
 almost as soon have expected to see an army 
 descending from the clouds, as emerging from 
 the hideous wilderness through which this 
 hardy detachment had made its \yay. Could 
 Arnold have immediately crossed the St. Law- 
 rence, and availed himself of their first con- 
 sternation, it is believed to be certain that he 
 might have entered the place without opposi- 
 tion ; but a very high wind, and the want of 
 boats, rendered the passage of the river impos- 
 sible. 
 
 One of his Indian messengers, dispatched 
 with letters to general Schuyler, had either 
 betrayed him, or been intercepted ; whereby, 
 intelligence of his approach was communicated 
 to colonel M 'Clean, then at the mouth of the 
 Sorel ; and that experienced officer, trembling for 
 the capital of the province, immediately deter- 
 mined to throw himself into it, and endeavour 
 to defend it. In the mean time, the winds 
 for several nights continued so high as to ren- 
 der the passage of the river in the canoes col*
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 lected from the people of the country, and CHAP.V. 
 found on the southern bank, too hazardous to 1775. 
 be attempted; and it was only in the night that 
 the Americans could hope to cross, because the 
 Lizard frigate had anchored opposite the town, 
 and three other armed vessels of smaller size, 
 
 were distributed in different stations, so as to 
 
 7 
 
 guard the river for some distance above Wolfe's 
 cove. Armed boats were also employed to ply 
 around the ships, and thus the passage of the 
 river, even in the night, had become, a very 
 critical operation. Whilst the Americans were 
 thus unavoidably detained, colonel M'Clean, 
 with his corps of emigrants entered the city. 
 
 At length the wind moderated, and Arnold, 
 leaving behind him about a hundred and fifty 
 men to make ladders, determined to attempt 
 
 the river. Eluding the armed vessels, and Fourteenth. 
 conquering a very rapid current, he, with infi- 
 nite difficulty and danger, crossed over in the - 
 night, and landed the van of his little army 
 about a mile and a half above the place, which 
 is rendered so very memorable by the debarka- 
 tion of general Wolfe in the year 1759. The 
 passage of the rugged cliffs which continue on 
 the northern bank of thgf St. Lawrence, for 
 some distance above Quebec, being at this 
 place absolutely impracticable, he marched 
 down on the shore, to Wolfe's cove ; and 
 ascending with his band o hardy followers, 
 the same precipice whicnTnad opposed such
 
 320 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. obstacles to the British hero, he too, formed 
 1775. his .->mall corps on the heights near the plains 
 of Abri;:inm. 
 
 The dangerous and difficult operations of 
 crossing the river in canoes, whilst the pas- 
 sage was so vigilantly guarded by ships of war, 
 and gaining the almost perpendicular heights 
 of the opposite shore, were completed by the 
 advance party, consisting of the rifle companies, 
 soon after midnight. It" was necessary to wait 
 for the residue of the detachment, and in the 
 mean time, a council of all the officers was 
 held for the purpose of determining on their 
 future measures. Lieutenants Humphries and 
 Heth, of Morgan's company of Virginia rifle- 
 men, who had been detached towards the town 
 for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy, 
 reported that they had perceived the centinels, 
 who seemed alert at their posts, and who chal- 
 lenged them on their approach. Neither this 
 intelligence, nor the circumstance of their 
 having, while on the river shore, fired int 
 barge making from the harbour to the Lizard 
 sloop of war, nor the situation of his ; 
 who were nci: p cr b" supplied with bayo- 
 
 nets, spears, or ammunition, deterred Arnold 
 from proposing in tykncil, to march imm 
 ately agai >ec. lie counted on surpris- 
 
 ing the pracS^id finding the gates open. 
 
 But thi.^ opinion, which was not very ear- 
 
 d. After having
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 32 \ 
 
 shown themselves on point Levi ; and having CHAP.-*. 
 fired from the northern shore into a barge 1775. 
 which immediately returned towards the har- 
 bour; and after the report of their reconnoit- 
 ring party; the expectation of finding the gar- 
 rison entirely off its guard, was deemed too 
 much against every probability to be in any 
 degree calculated on. Yet subsequent infor- 
 mation assured them that, notwithstanding 
 these appearances., the gate called St. Johns 
 was then open, at which the town might 
 undoubtedly have been entered. From some 
 unaccountable negligence, no report was made 
 to the governor by the crew of the boat which 
 had been fired into, until the next day; and no 
 suspicion was entertained that Arnold had 
 crossed the river. 
 
 . Though disappointed in the expectation of 
 surprising Quebec, Arnold did not immedi- 
 ately relinquish the hope of obtaining posses- 
 sion of that important place. Not superior to 
 the enemy in point of numbers, and without a 
 single piece of artillery, or other implements 
 for a siege, he was obviously incapable of acting 
 offensively ; but he flattered himself that a 
 defection in the garrison might yet put the 
 capital of Canada into his hands. With this 
 view, he paraded on the -heights, near the 
 town, for some days ; and sent two flags to 
 summon it to surrender. But the presence of 
 colonel M'Clean, an experienced and vigilant 
 VOL. u. T t 
 
 4
 
 <JOO THE LIFE OF 
 
 \J +**-* 
 
 CHAP.V. officer, and who was indefatigable in making 
 1775. arrangements for the defence of the town, 
 restrained those measures which the fears of 
 the inhabitants dictated. Deeming it unsafe 
 to admit of any communication with the assail- 
 ants, he refused to receive the flag, and fired 
 on the officer who bore it. Intelligence, too, 
 was soon obtained, that the first alarm was 
 visibly wearing off, and giving place to other 
 sentiments unfavourable to the hopes of the 
 assailants. Fears for the vast property con- 
 tained in the town, soon united the disaffected; 
 and they were, at their own request, embodied 
 and armed. The sailors too were landed, and 
 placed at the batteries; and by these means the 
 garrison had become more numerous than the 
 American army. 
 
 Arnold, whose numbers, after collecting 
 those he had left on the south side of the St. 
 Lawrence, did not now exceed seven hundred 
 men, was in no condition to risk an action. 
 In his laborious, and almost unparalleled march 
 through the wilderness, nearly one third of his 
 muskets had been rendered useless ; and his 
 ammunition was found upon examination, to 
 have sustained such damage, that his riflemen 
 had not more than ten, nor his other troops more 
 
 than sntaspunds per man. In this hazardous 
 
 - 
 situation, he was informed, that a body of two 
 
 hundred men, who had-escaped from Montreal, 
 were descending the river; and that M' Clean
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323 
 
 intended making a sortie from the town, at the CHAP, v. 
 head of his garrison, attended by some field 1775. 
 pieces. Under these circumstances, he thought And mires 
 
 ' J to point aux 
 
 it most advisable to retire with his small party Tremble - 
 to point aux Trembles, twenty miles above 
 Quebec, there to wait the arrival of Montgo- 
 mery. On their march, they saw the vessel Nov - 19 - 
 on board which was general Carleton, and after- 
 wards found that he had been on shore at point 
 aux Trembles, a very few hours before they 
 reached that place. 
 
 In war, the success of the most judicious 
 plans often depends on accidents not to be 
 foreseen nor controlled. Seldom has the truth ol 
 this position been more clearly demonstrated, 
 than in the issue of the expedition conducted 
 by colonel Arnold. The situation of the 
 enemy conformed exactly to the expectations 
 of the commander in chief. Not suspecting 
 that so bold and difficult an enterprise could 
 possibly be meditated, Quebec had been left 
 entirely defenceless, and all the strength of the 
 province had been collected towards the lakes. 
 Could Arnold have reached that place but a 
 few days sooner ; could he even have crossed 
 the river on his first arrival at point Levi, 
 before the town was entered by M'Clean; had 
 colonel Enos been able to follow the main body 
 with his division of the detachment; or had the 
 first moments after passing the St. Lawrence 
 been seized; every probability favours the 
 T t 2
 
 324 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. A- . opinion, that this hardy and well judged expe- 
 1775. dition, would have been crowned with the 
 most brilliant success. Had Arnold even been 
 careful to relieve the inhabitants of the town 
 from all fears respecting their property, there is 
 much reason to believe, they would have re- 
 fused to defend it. But although this bold 
 enterprise was planned with judgment, and 
 executed with vigour ; although the means 
 employed were adequate to the object; yet the 
 concurrence of several minute and unfavourable 
 incidents, entirely defeated it, and deprived it 
 of that eclat to which it was justly entitled. 
 
 General Montgomery having clothed his 
 almost naked troops at Montreal, which he 
 garrisoned; and provided clothes also, for 
 those of Arnold; and having sent several small 
 detachments into the country to strengthen his 
 interest with the Canadians, and obtain supplies 
 of provisions ; proceeded at the head of the 
 residue of his army, amounting to about three 
 hundred men, with his usual expedition, to join 
 colonel Arnold at point aux Trembles, after 
 December 5. which he marched directly to Quebec. But, 
 before his arrival, governor Carleton had entered 
 the town, and was making every preparation 
 for 2*^ugorous defence. The garrison now 
 consisteo^oLabout fifteen hundred men, of 
 whom eight In? ndred were militia, and between 
 four and five hundred wei*e seamen. Montgo- 
 mery's effective force was stated, by himself,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325 
 
 at only eight hundred men. Relying more, for CHAP, v. 
 success, on the impression his past victories 1775. 
 and the opinion of his present strength would 
 make on the fears of the garrison, than on his 
 actual force, he, on his first appearance, ad- 
 dressed a letter to the governor, magnifying his 
 own resources, and demanding a surrender. 
 The determination to hold no communication 
 with the Americans, w r as still preserved ; and 
 the flag was fired on. Yet he contrived means 
 to send in a letter, in which he sought to alarm 
 the fears of Carleton and of the inhabitants, by 
 representing the irritation of his victorious 
 army at the injuries they had sustained, and 
 the difficulty with which he restrained them ; 
 and in which he stated his perfect knowledge 
 of the condition of the wretched motley garri- 
 son, and the impossibility of defending the 
 place. But the determination of Carleton was 
 taken ; and the letters of the American general 
 could not change it. 
 
 The situation of Montgomery was such as 
 would have filled with despair a mind less 
 vigorous, less brave and less sanguine than 
 his. The intense cold had set in, and in that 
 climate, in the winter, and in the open air, it is 
 almost too severe for the human system, with- 
 out all the aids usually provided against it. 
 His raw, undisciplined troops, were unaccus- 
 tomed to the hardships, even of an ordinary 
 campaign ; and the terms of service of those
 
 326 THE LIFE OF 
 
 _ who had accompanied Arnold were expiring. 
 1775. His numbers were not sufficient to render suc- 
 cess probable, according to any common prin- 
 ciple of calculation ; and the prospect of their 
 being diminished by time was much greater 
 than of their being increased. But relying on 
 their courage, on himself and his fortune, and 
 on the fears of the garrison; stimulated, too, by 
 the high expectations formed by all America 
 of his success, and by the dread of disappoint- 
 ing those expectations, he determined to lay 
 immediate siege to the town. 
 
 yf s feto I* 1 a few days he opened a six gun battery 
 within about seven hundred yards of the walls, 
 but his artillery was too light to make a breach, 
 and he did not calculate on any effect from it. 
 His object was to amuse the enemy, and 
 conceal his real design. 
 
 Although the excessive hardships to which the 
 troops were exposed, hardships which seemed 
 to surpass human bearing, were supported 
 with great constancy and firmness; Mont- 
 gomery feared that they would at length yield 
 to the force o/ such continued sufferings; and 
 as he would soon have no legal authority to 
 retaui a part of them, he apprehended that he 
 
 should be, abandoned by those who would have 
 
 r 
 a right tora^jMLhim. Other considerations 
 
 of a personal nature were, probably, not 
 without their influence. Though he had em- 
 braced the American cause with enthusiasm,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 327 
 
 he had become wearied with its service. CHAP.V. 
 Trained to arms in a school, where strict dis- 1775. 
 cipline, and implicit obedience were taught and 
 practised, all his habits, not less than his judg- 
 ment, were shocked by the temper which the 
 American troops brought with them into the 
 field. A spirit of insubordination seemed to 
 pervade the whole mass. Not only the quotas 
 of different colonies, but in some cases even 
 different regiments, appeared disposed to con- 
 sider themselves as entirely independent of each 
 other; and all thought themselves entitled to 
 judge of the propriety of the measures to be 
 adopted. The general himself possessed little' 
 other authority than was bestowed on him, by 
 his personal talents, and his arts of persuasion. 
 Nor was a much brighter prospect opening for 
 the future. The cause to which" the extremity 
 of the evil was to be attributed, threatened still 
 to continue, and the United Colonies seemed 
 still determined to rest their defence on tempo- 
 rary armies. With infinite judgment and ad- 
 dress, he had heretofore successfully struggled 
 with the difficulties attendant on this unpromis- 
 ing state of things; but it is not unreasonable 
 to suppose that he was unwilling that his life 
 and his fame, should continue so much to depend 
 on the wayward caprice of^ffere. He had 
 
 ^i* 
 determined to withdraw from the army, and had 
 
 signified, before marching from Montreal, his 
 resolution to resign the commission which had
 
 328 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. been conferred on him. It is not improbable 
 1775. that the desire of closing his military career 
 with a degree of brilliancy suited to the eleva- 
 tion of his mind-, by the conquest of Quebec, 
 and the addition of Canada to the United Colo- 
 nies, strengthened those motives which were 
 furnished by the actual state of American affairs, 
 for a vigorous effort to terminate the war in that 
 quarter. Impressed with the real necessity of 
 taking decisive steps and impelled by his native 
 courage, this accomplished and gallant officer 
 determined to risk an assault. 
 
 Of such materials was his little army com- 
 posed, that the most desperate hardihood could 
 not hope to succeed in the purposed attempt, 
 unless it should receive the approbation of all 
 his troops. It was therefore necessary, not only 
 to consult the officers individually on this deli- 
 cate subject; but to obtain also the cheerful 
 assent of the soldiers, to the meditated enter- 
 prise. The proposition was at first received 
 very coldly by a part of Arnold's corps, who 
 were by some means disgusted with their com- 
 manding office.r; but the influence of Morgan, 
 \vho was particularly zealous for the enterprise, 
 and Active in advocating it, and who held up to 
 them as .very powerful inducement, the rights 
 conferred by*^!^usages of war, on those who 
 storm a fortified town, at length prevailed; and 
 the assault was almost unanimously assented 
 to.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329 
 
 Whilst the general was making the necessary CHAP.V. 
 preparations for that purpose, the garrison 1775. 
 received intelligence of his intention from a 
 deserter. This circumstance induced him to 
 change the plan of his attack, which had been, 
 originally, to attempt both the upper and lower 
 towns at the same time. The plan now resol- 
 ved on was, to divide the army into four parts, 
 and while two of them, consisting of Canadians 
 under major Livingston, and a smart party under 
 major Brown, were to distract the attention of 
 the garrison by making two feints against the 
 upper town, at St. Johns and cape Diamond; 
 the other two, led, the one by Montgomery in 
 person, and the other by Arnold, were to make 
 real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town. 
 After gaining possession of the lower town, it 
 would yet have been extremely difficult to con- 
 quer the obstacles to be surmounted in forcing 
 their way to the upper town; but as all the 
 wealth of the city would then have been in their 
 power, it was confidently expected that the 
 inhabitants, to secure their property, would 
 compel the governor to capitulate. 
 
 Between four and five in the morning, the December 31. 
 signal was a;iven ; and the several divisions unsuccessful 
 
 c ^T attack on 
 
 moved to the assault, under a violent storm 
 
 snow. The plan was so well concerted, that 
 " from the side of the riveHSt. Lawrence along 
 the fortified front round to the bason, every part 
 
 VOL. II. U II
 
 330 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP,V. seemed equally threatened. ' ' q Montgomery, at 
 1775. the head of the New York troops, advanced 
 along the St. Lawrence by the way of Aunce 
 de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first bar- 
 rier to be surmounted on this side was at the 
 Pot Ash. It was defended by a battery, in 
 which were mounted a few pieces of artillery, 
 about two hundred paces in front of which, was 
 a block-house and picket. The guard placed 
 at the block-house, being chiefly Canadians, 
 having given a random and harmless fire, threw 
 away their arms and fled in confusion to the 
 barrier. Their terrors were communicated to 
 those who defended this important pass ; and the 
 intelligence afterwards received by the Ameri- 
 can prisoners in Quebec is, that the battery was 
 for a time absolutely deserted. 
 
 Unfortunately, the difficulties of the route 
 rendered it impossible for Montgomery, in- 
 stantly, to avail himself of this first impression. 
 Cape Diamond, around which he was to make 
 his way, presents a precipice, the foot of which 
 is washed by the river, where enormous and 
 rugged masses of ice had been piled on each 
 other, so as to render the way almost impassable. 1 ' 
 Along the scanty path leading under the pro- 
 jecting recks of the precipice, the Americans 
 pressed fb,rwWlivin a narrow file, until they 
 reached the bloci^fefctise and picket. Mont- 
 gomery, who was himself in front, assisted with 
 
 i Letter of governor Carleton. T Annual Register. 
 
 At
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33 \ 
 
 his own hands to cut down or pull up the pickets, CHAP.V. 
 and open a passage for his troops; but the ex- \77s. 
 cessive roughness and difficulty of the way had 
 so lengthened his line of march, that he found 
 it absolutely necessary to halt a few minutes, 
 in order to collect a force with which he might 
 venture to proceed. Having reassembled about 
 two hundred men, whom he encouraged alike 
 by his voice and his example, he advanced 
 boldly and rapidly at their head, to force the 
 barrier. One or two persons had now ventured to 
 return to the battery; and, seizing a slow-match 
 standing by one of the guns, discharged the 
 piece, when the American front was within 
 forty paces of it. This single and accidental 
 fire was a fatal one. The sreneral with captains Deathef 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 M'Pherson and Cheeseman, two valuable 
 young officers near his person, the first of whom 
 was his aid; together with his orderly serjeant 
 and a private, were killed upon the spot. The 
 loss of their general, in whom their confidence 
 had been so justly 1 placed, discouraged the 
 troops; and colonel Campbell on whom the 
 command devolved, but who did not partake 
 of that spirit of heroism which had animated 
 their departed chief, made no attempt to prose- 
 cute the enterprise. This whole division retired 
 precipitately from the action, and left the gar- 
 rison at leisure, after recovering from the con- 
 sternation into which they had been thrown, 
 to direct their undivided force against Arnold, 
 u-u 2
 
 332 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. The division commanded by this officer 
 1775. moved in files, at the common signal for the 
 attack, along the street of St. Roques, towards 
 the Saint desMatelots. In imitation of Mont- 
 gomery, he too led the forlorn hope in person, 
 and was followed by captain Lamb with his 
 company of artillery, and a field piece mounted 
 on a sled. Close in the rear of the artillery was 
 the main body, in front of which was Morgan's 
 company of riflemen commanded by himself. 
 At the Saint des Matelots, the enemy had con- 
 structed their first barrier, and had erected a 
 battery of two twelve pounders, which it was 
 necessary to force. The path along which the 
 troops were to. march had been rendered so 
 narrow by the rough cakes of ice thrown up on 
 the one side from St. Charles, and by the works 
 erected by the enemy on the other, that the two 
 pieces of artillery in the battery in front, were 
 capable of raking with grape shot every inch of 
 the ground; whilst his whole right flank was 
 exposed to an incessant fire of musketry from 
 the -walls, and from the pickets of the garrison. 
 
 In this order, Arnold advanced with the ut- 
 
 ~-.,*f"~' 
 
 most intrepidity, along the St. Charles, against 
 the battery. The alkrm was immediately given, 
 and the fiWiM^iis |iank commenced, which, 
 however, did noVJj^^e very destructive. As 
 he approached the barrier he received a musket 
 ball in the leg which shattered the bone, and 
 he was carried off the field to the hospital.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333 
 
 Morgan rushed forward to the battery at the CHAP.V. 
 head of his company, and received from one of irrs. 
 the pieces, almost at its mouth, a discharge of 
 grape shot which killed only one man. A few 
 rifles were immediately fired into the embra- 
 zures, by which a British soldier was wounded 
 in the head, and the barricade being instantly 
 mounted* with the aid of ladders, brought by 
 his men on their shoulders, the "battery was 
 deserted without discharging the other gun. 
 The captain of the guard, with the greater 
 number of his men, fell into the hands of the 
 Americans, and the others made their escape. 
 Morgan formed the troops, consisting of his 
 own company, and a few bold individuals who 
 had pressed forward from other parts of the 
 division, in the streets within the barrier; and 
 took into custody several -English and Canadian 
 burghers ; but his situation soon became ex- 
 tremely critical. He was not follov.-ed by the 
 main body of the divfsion ; he had no guide ; and 
 and was, himself, totally ignorant of the situa- 
 tion of the town. It was yet extremely dark, 
 and he had not the slightest knowledge of the 
 course to be pursued, or of the defences to be 
 . __ - 
 
 * Charles Porterfielcl then a Serjeant, and afterwards a 
 lieutenant colonel in the state garrison regiment of Vir- 
 ginia, who was killed at the battle of Camden, was the 
 first person who crossed the barricade ; Morgan himself 
 was the second.
 
 334 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - v - encountered. Thus circumstanced, it was 
 1775. thought unadvisable to advance further. 
 
 It had been found impossible to move on the 
 field piece which had been placed in front of 
 the line, and the path was so narrow that there 
 was much difficulty in passing it. Only Mor- 
 gan's company and afewPennsylvanians, led by 
 lieutenant Archibald Steele, and a few indivi- 
 duals of other companies, had made their way 
 round it; and with the forlorn hope had entered 
 the town. As the glow produced by immense 
 exertion gave way to the cold, which was so in- 
 tense that they were covered with icicles, and 
 as the ardour excited by action subsided, 
 when they were no longer engaged; even this 
 daring party became less animated. Whilst 
 waiting in total ignorance of the fate of the re- 
 sidue of the division; the darkness of the night, 
 the fury of the storm, the scattering fire still 
 kept up by the enemy, principally in their 
 rear, the paucity of their numbers, and the un- 
 certainty concerning their future operations, 
 visibly affected them. It was, after some de- 
 liberation, determined that they should main- 
 tain their ground; while Morgan returned to 
 tire barrier "they had passed, for the purpose of 
 bringing up the troops who were supposed to 
 be still on the other side of it. 
 
 They w r ere soon joined by lieutenant colonel 
 Green, and majors Bigelow and Meiggs, with 
 several fragments of companies, so as to con-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335 
 
 stitute altogether about .two hundred men. CHAP.V. 
 Amongthe hazards which must forever endanger 1775. 
 the success of enterprises undertaken by undis- 
 ciplined troops, especially in the night, it is 
 one of the greatest and most certain, that no 
 given portion of the force employed can be 
 counted on. The most daring will precipitate 
 themselves into the midst of danger, whilst the 
 less intrepid, or the less ardent, will not be in 
 a situation to support them. 
 
 As the light of day began to appear, this 
 small but gallant party was again formed, with 
 Morgan's company in front; and with one 
 voice, they loudly called on him to lead them 
 against the second barrier, which was now 
 known to be less than forty paces from them, 
 though concealed by an angle of the street 
 from their immediate view. Seizing the few 
 ladders* brought with them, they again rushed 
 on to the charge, and on turning the angle, were 
 hailed by captain, or lieutenant Anderson, who 
 was just issuing with a body of troops, through 
 the gate of the barricade, for the purpose of at- 
 tacking the Americans, whom he had expected 
 to find dispersed, and probably plundering the 
 town. Morgan, who was in/the front, answered 
 his challenge by a ball through his head, and 
 as he fell, he was drawn wfthin the barricade and 
 
 * Only Morgan's company had brought on ladders fur* 
 ther than the first barrier.
 
 336 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. the gate closed upon the assailants, who received 
 1775. at the same instant a tremendous fire from the 
 windows overlooking the barrier, and from the 
 port holes through it. Ladders were now placed 
 against the barricade, and a fierce, which on the 
 part of the assailants was also a bloody contest, 
 was maintained for some time. A. few of the 
 bolder among the front files ascended the Blad- 
 ders, under this deadly fire, and saw on the 
 other side of the barricade, double ranks of 
 soldiers, who with their muskets planted on the 
 ground, presented hedges of bayonets to re- 
 ceive them, if they should attempt to leap to 
 the earth. Exposed thus, in a narrow street, 
 to a most galling fire, many of the assailants 
 threw themselves into the stone houses on each 
 side, which afforded them a shelter both from 
 the storm, and from the enemy; and through 
 the windows of which they kept up an irregu- 
 lar, and not very effective fire. One circum- 
 stance which greatly contributed to the irreso- 
 lution now displaying itself, was, that scarcely 
 more than one in ten of their fire arms could 
 be used. Notwithstanding the precaution of 
 tying handkerchiefs around the locks, the vio- 
 lence of the storm had totally unfitted them for 
 service. Morgan soon found himself at the 
 
 * Lieutenant Heth, and .the same Charles Porterfield 
 who had been before his captain in passing the first bar- 
 rier, were of this number.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337 
 
 barrier with only a few officers, and a very small CHAP, v. 
 number of soldiers. Yet he could not prevail iTTfi. 
 on himself to relinquish the enterprise. With 
 a voice louder than the tempest, he called on 
 those who were sheltered in the houses, to 
 come forth and scale the barrier; but he called 
 in vain; neither exhortations nor reproaches 
 could draw them in sufficient numbers to the 
 point of attack. Being at length compelled to 
 relinquish all hope of success, he ordered the 
 few brave men who still adhered to him, to 
 save themselves in the houses, while he, ac- 
 companied only by lieutenant Heth, returned 
 towards the first barrier, in order to concert, 
 with the field officers, some plan for drawing off 
 the troops. He soon met majors Bigelow and 
 Meiggs, to whom he proposed an' immediate 
 retreat by the same route, along which they 
 had marched to the attack. This proposition 
 was assented to, and lieutenant Heth was now 
 dispatched to draw the troops from their pre- 
 sent situation. 
 
 The barrier at which the Americans had 
 been repulsed, crossed a street which continued 
 in a straight direction for a very few paces, 
 after which its course was /changed. Whilst 
 in view of the barrier, the danger Avas very- 
 great, but on turning the corner, it entirely 
 ceased. Every person showing himself in the 
 street fronting the barrier, was immediately 
 fired at from the windows ; and to draw the 
 
 VOL. II. X X
 
 338 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. troops through this hazardous pass, was the 
 1775. duty now assigned to lieutenant Heth. He 
 undertook it with alacrity, and communicated 
 his orders, with directions that the retreat 
 should be made to the first barrier in small 
 parties, and by single files; but was unable to 
 prevail on the men generally to follow him. 
 Their spirits had been so entirely broken by 
 the slaughter at the second barrier, by the pelt- 
 ing of the storm, and by the freezing cold, 
 that only a few -could be stimulated again to 
 expose themselves in the street, and he was 
 under the necessity of returning without ac- 
 complishing his object. By this time a party 
 of the garrison, consisting of about two hun- 
 dred men, with some field pieces, had made a 
 sortie from the palace gate; and captain Dear- 
 borne who was stationed with his company 
 near that post as a .rear guard, having surren- 
 dered to them, they were in perfect possession 
 of that part of the town, and had completely 
 encompassed the residue of the division. In 
 this desperate state of affairs, a council of the 
 officers then present was held, when the bold 
 proposition was made* to assemble immediately 
 as many officers and men as could be instantly 
 collected, anohvcujt their way back out of town. 
 The adoption of this daring resolution was 
 
 only prevented by the suggestion that the 
 
 
 
 * This proposition too was made by Morgan.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON: 339 
 
 attack led by Montgomery, of whose fate they CHAP, v. 
 were entirely ignorant, might possibly yet be 1775. 
 successful ; and that, in the event of his having 
 entered the opposite part of the town, their 
 co-operation might be of infinite value to him. 
 On this account they determined to maintain, 
 still longer, their present situation ; but the 
 force of the enemy increasing very consider- 
 ably, they soon perceived that they were no 
 longer masters of their own destinies, and were 
 compelled about ten o'clock to surrender them- 
 selves prisoners of war. 
 
 In this bold and unsuccessful attack on Que- 
 bec, the loss on the part of the enemy was 
 extremely inconsiderable, it is stated bv 
 
 V < 
 
 general Carleton in his letter to general Howe, 
 at only one lieutenant and seventeen privates 
 killed and wounded. On the part of the Ame- 
 ricans, the loss was about four hundred men ; 
 three hundred and forty of whom were pri- 
 soners. It fell chiefly on Arnold's division, the 
 whole of which, except a few officers who 
 attended him to the hospital, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. As the sharpest part of the 
 action was at the second barrier, the loss in 
 killed and wounded, was ghiefly sustained at 
 that place. It was less considerable than it 
 otherwise must have been, in consequence of 
 the cover afforded to a large portion of the 
 troops by the houses they had entered, which 
 not only sheltered themselves, but by keeping 
 xx 2
 
 340 THE LTFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. up an irregular fire on the windows of those 
 1775. houses in which a part of the garrison was 
 placed, lessened the danger of those \vho re- 
 mained in the open street. Captain Hendricks 
 of the Pennsylvania riflemen, lieutenant Hum- 
 phries of Morgan's company, and lieutenant 
 Cooper of Connecticut, were among the slain. 
 Captains Lamb* and Hubbard, and lieutenants 
 Steele and Tisdale were among the wounded. 
 Not an officer was at the second barrier, who 
 did not receive several balls through his 
 clothes, and some of them were severely 
 scorched by the powder from the muzzles of 
 the muskets discharged at them. When the 
 dangers to which they were exposed are con- 
 sidered, it is matter of wonder that any of 
 them should have escaped. 
 
 But the loss sustained by the American army 
 \vhich was most fatal to their hopes, and most 
 deplored, was their general. 
 
 Richard Montgomery, whose short but 
 splendid course was now terminated, was a 
 native of Ireland, and had served with reputa- 
 tion in the "late war. After its conclusion, he 
 settled in NCAV \York, where he married an 
 American lady, ajid took a very strong and 
 
 * Captain Lamb finding it absolutely impossible to 
 move on his field piece, had abandoned it, and brought 
 on his company to the second barrier, near which he re- 
 ceived his wound.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 34 X 
 
 decided part with the colonies, in their contest CHAP, v. 
 with Great Britain. His military reputation 1775. 
 was high throughout America. In the history 
 of his achievements while commanding in 
 Canada, we find much reason for attributing 
 to him, the qualities of an active partisan; and, 
 so far as a judgment can be formed of a capa- 
 city for conducting the movements of a large 
 army from the judicious management of a 
 small one, we cannot hesitate to allow him the 
 talents of an able general. At the head of a 
 small body of undisciplined troops, drawn 
 from different colonies, unwilling to be com- 
 manded by a stranger, and jealous of him in 
 the extreme ; often disposed to disobedience, 
 and anxious for their homes, whom he appears 
 at length to have inspired with a large portion 
 of the ardour and enthusiasm of his own mind, 
 he conquered difficulties which not many would 
 have ventured to meet, and until his last fatal 
 moment, was uniformly successful. With a 
 few men just raised; and just about to disperse, 
 badly furnished with arms, ammunition, and 
 clothes, in little more than two months, he 
 made himself master of Canada from the lakes 
 to Quebec; and, as if determined to triumph 
 over the climate itself, laict^iege in the depth 
 of winter to that important fortress. His mea- 
 sures seem to have been taken with judgment, 
 and were certainly executed with great courage 
 and unremitting exertion. When he appears
 
 342 THE LIFE <> F 
 
 CHAP, v. to have risked much, and to have exposed his 
 1 775. troops to hardships almost too great to be borne, 
 this line of conduct was not capriciously or 
 inconsiderately chosen. The state of his affairs 
 absolutely required it, and without it a failure 
 appeared to be inevitable. It was indispensably 
 necessary to undertake the siege of Quebec 
 during the winter, or to abandon altogether 
 the great object of the expedition. With the 
 opening of the river in the spring, it was not 
 doubted that large re-enforcements would ar- 
 rive from England, and the place be effectually 
 secured against any force America could em- 
 ploy for its reduction. The state of his army 
 which might soon disband itself, added to the 
 excessive severity of the weather, made it 
 extremely unsafe to trust to the tedious ope- 
 rations of a regular siege. Indeed, the weight 
 of his artillery did not admit of making a 
 breach in the walls, and there was no hope of 
 compelling a surrender by famine. Nor was 
 the attempt to carry the place by assault so very 
 rash a measure, as its great strength, and the 
 event, might at first view induce us to suppose. 
 The design was worthy the lofty spirit which 
 formed it ; >hough\ hazardous, it was not des- 
 perate, and though great courage was required 
 to crown it with success, great courage was 
 employed in its execution. He counted, and 
 with reason, on the fears of the 'garrison, on the 
 immense extent of ground they were under the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343 
 
 necessity of guarding ; and had he not fallen CHAP.V. 
 himself, or been deserted by his troops, it is 1775. 
 even yet believed, he would have succeeded. 
 The progress made by Arnold's division gives 
 great countenance to this opinion; and some 
 very intelligent officers belonging to that divi- 
 sion, who, while prisoners in Quebec, endea- 
 voured to inform themselves of the course of 
 the action, aver that when the general fell, the 
 barrier had been deserted ; and that the piece 
 which did such fatal execution was firmed by a 
 single remaining artillery man, who imme- 
 diately followed his comrades, and fled from 
 the battery.* That no other gun was dis- 
 charged, corroborates this intelligence. 
 
 To express the high sense entertained by his 
 country of his 'services, congress directed a 
 monument to be erected, with an inscription 
 sacred to his memory, and expressive of "the 
 veneration of the United Colonies for their late 
 general, Richard Montgomery, and the deep 
 sense they entertain of the many signal and 
 important services of that gallant officer, who, 
 after a series of successes, amidst the most dis- 
 couraging difficulties, fell at length in a gallant 
 attack upon Quebec, the capital of Canada; and 
 to transmit to future ages, as examples truly 
 
 * This information was received from colonel Heth, 
 then a lieutenant in Morgan's company, every individual 
 of which made distinguished exertions in this fatal attempt.
 
 344 THE L1FE or 
 
 CHAP v. worthy of imitation, his patriotism, conduct, 
 1775. boldness of enterprise, insuperable perseve- 
 rance, and contempt of danger and death." 
 
 The American army was no longer in a con- 
 dition to continue the siege. At first they 
 were extremely alarmed, and about one hun- 
 dred set out for Montreal. With difficulty, 
 Arnold retained the others; but they broke up 
 their camp and retired about three miles from 
 the city; where, though inferior in numbers 
 to the garrison, they kept it in a state of 
 blockade, and in tjie course of the winter 
 reduced it to great distress for want of provi- 
 sions. By preserving this bold countenance, 
 they retained the confidence of the Canadians, 
 which saved their affairs, for a time, from total 
 ruin. 
 
 Governor Carleton who acquired, and deserved, 
 great reputation by the fortitude discovered in 
 defending Quebec, and who only wished to 
 preserve the place until the re-enforcements he 
 counted on receiving in the spring, should 
 enable him to act offensively, very prudently 
 determined not to hazard an attack with a gar- 
 rison on which it was unsafe to rely ; and 
 Arnold, on wjiom Vhe command now devolved, 
 remained undisturbed, except by occasional 
 sorties made by small parties, which always 
 retreated precipitately under their guns, as soon 
 as he advanced. Although badly wounded, he 
 retained his courage and activity, and though
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345 
 
 deserted by those whose times of service had CHAP.V. 
 expired, so as to be reduced at one time to 1775. 
 about five hundred effective men, and no longer 
 supported by the Canadians, he discovered no 
 disposition to sink under the weight of adverse 
 fortune. 
 
 Congress had been sanguine in the hope of 
 annexing Canada to the union, and authorized 
 General Schuyler, on his taking the command November * 
 in the northern department, to raise a regiment 
 in that province. On the first intelligence of 
 the difficulties experienced by Montgomery in 
 re-inlisting his men, three of their members 
 were deputed a committee to the northern 
 army, with power to concert with general 
 Schuyler the means of re-enforcing it, and of 
 offering two months pay as a bounty to those 
 who would re-inlist, to be received on obtain- 
 ing possession of St. Johns and Montreal. Un- 
 fortunately, the remedy was not applied in time, 
 and the evil grew to such magnitude, that 
 
 even Ticonderoga and fort George were aban- irre. 
 doned by the troops which had garrisoned Januan ' 
 them, whose terms of service had expired, 
 before others could be recruited to take their 
 places. 
 
 It was determined to keep up in Canada nine 
 battalions for the ensuing campaign, including 
 one to be raised in that province, and general 
 Schuyler was directed to have constructed at 
 Ticonderoga,. a number of batteaux for the 
 
 VOL. ii. Y y
 
 346 THE LIFE oif 
 
 CHAP, v. purpose of transporting the troops to the scene 
 1776. of action. He was also directed to have the St. 
 Lawrence, above and below Quebec, explored, 
 in order to fix on proper places to oppose by 
 armed boats or otherwise, an enemy attempting 
 to enter the country by that river. To complete 
 the nine battalions voted for this service, one 
 from Pennsylvania, and one from New Jersey 
 were ordered to march immediately to Albany, 
 two others were to be formed of the troops 
 already with Montgomery ; and the remaining 
 number to be raised, one in Pennsylvania, and 
 the others in New England and New York. 
 
 Whilst congress were thus adopting means 
 for the preservation of a colony believed to be 
 already annexed to the union, the melancholy 
 
 January IT. intelligence was received, of the disaster of 
 the 31st December. The necessity of making 
 great exertions now became apparent. It was 
 resolved that the utmost possible dispatch in 
 forwarding re-enforcements, ought to be used, 
 as well for the relief of their friends, as for 
 the better security of the liberties, not only of 
 that colony, but of all the United Colonies. 
 Expresses were dispatched to expedite the bat- 
 talions ordegd_ from Pennsylvania and New 
 Jersey, and the committee of safety in the 
 former province was requested to obtain in 
 Philadelphia, a sufficient number of blankets 
 to enable the men to move in that inclement 
 season. The colonial governments were urged
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 347 
 
 to use all possible means for raising as speedily CHAP.V. 
 as possible, the battalions voted a few days 
 before for Canada, and a bounty of six dollars 
 and two thirds of a dollar, was allowed to each 
 man who would inlist for that service, if fur- 
 nished with a stand of arms, which was to 
 remain his own property ; and four dollars 
 were offered to every person who would inlist 
 without arms. The respective conventions 
 too were requested to collect all the specie they 
 could by any means obtain for the use of the 
 Canadian army. These measures for re-en- 
 forcing the northern army were in some degree 
 accelerated by having been anticipated by the 
 commander in chief.* 
 
 The service in Canada was deemed of too February i?. 
 much importance to be intrusted to colonel, 
 now brigadier general Arnold, or to general 
 Wooster, and the health of general Schuyler 
 would not admit of his proceeding to Quebec. 
 General Lee, an officer standing high in the 
 public opinion, was ordered to take command 
 of the army in that province. To remove the 
 complaints respecting the want of heavy artil- 
 
 _, 
 
 * On the first intelligence received in the camp at 
 Boston, of the fate of Montgomery, general Washington, 
 though extremely delicate respecting the assumption of 
 power, without waiting for the orders of congress had 
 immediately requested the New England governments to 
 raise several regiments to re-enforce that army. This 
 measure was approved by congress, 
 yy 2
 
 348 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. lery, the government of New York was re- 
 1776. quested to supply him with cannon not exceed- 
 ing twelve pieces, and one or more mortars, 
 if to be had, as also with balls, shells, and 
 other necessaries for the siege or assault of 
 Quebec. But before general Lee could enter 
 on this service, the opposite extreme of the 
 union was so threatened by the enemy, that 
 the destination of this officer was changed, and 
 he was ordered to take command in the southern 
 department. Brigadier general Thomas, lately 
 created a major general, who had commanded 
 with reputation at Roxbury, and concerning 
 whose military capacity a very favourable 
 opinion had been formed, was appointed to 
 Canada. 
 
 In the hope of exciting universally in that pro- 
 vince the sentiments which prevailed through 
 the United Colonies, and of forming with it a 
 perfect union, mr. Franklin, mr. Chase, and 
 mr. Carrol were deputed as commissioners with 
 full pow r ers on this subject, and with instruc- 
 tions to establish a free press. These com- 
 missioners were instructed to assure the people 
 that they would be permitted to adopt such form 
 of government j.s would be agreeable to them- 
 selves, to exercise freely all the rights of con- 
 science, and to be considered as a sister colony, 
 governed by the same general system of mild 
 and equal laws which prevailed in the other 
 colonies ; with only such local differences as
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 349 
 
 each might deem conducive to its own happi- CHAP, v. 
 ness. They were also instructed to inquire 1776. 
 into the conduct of the American officers and 
 soldiers, and to correct any irregularities offen- 
 sive to the people, of which they might have 
 been guilty. 
 
 Congress seem to have entertained respecting 
 the Canadians, the opinion expressed by gene- 
 ral Washington in a letter to general Schuyler, 
 " that the province could only be secured by 
 laying hold of the affections of the people, and 
 engaging them heartily in the common cause." 
 With respect to individuals who had suffered 
 for their adherence to the Americans, they pur- 
 sued the same magnanimous policy which had 
 been adopted with regard to general Lee and 
 and others.... they indemnified the sufferers. 
 
 In the mean time Arnold maintained, under all 
 his difficulties, the blockade of Quebec. The re- Blockade 
 enforcements ordered by congress were of ne- contufJa. 
 cessity slow in arriving. The great distance of 
 the march, and the difficulty and delay in fitting 
 the soldier for the extreme severity of the winter 
 in that cold region, made it impracticable even 
 for those battalions which were already raised, 
 and which, on the first intelligence of the dis- 
 aster of the 31st of December, had been ordered 
 to his assistance, to reach him until the spring. 
 Aware of the urgency of his situation, they 
 were pressed forward in small detachments, as 
 fast as they could possibly be prepared; but
 
 350 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - v - such were the difficulties to be surmounted, that 
 1776. they could do little more than supply the places 
 of the discharged, and keep up the show of an 
 army, incapable of efficient service. From the 
 first of January to the first of March, his effec- 
 tives had never exceeded seven hundred, and 
 had often been as low as five hundred men. In 
 March, re-enforcements arrived in greater num- 
 bers, and the army was increased to a total of 
 seventeen hundred; but many of them were 
 sick. The small-pox had made its way into 
 camp, and every attempt to remove it was ren- 
 dered ineffectual by the soldiers, who, disregard- 
 ing all orders, procured themselves privately to 
 be inoculated. 
 
 In order to render in any degree effectual the 
 blockade of Quebec, this small army, w<hich 
 occupied the island of Orleans and both sides 
 of the St. Lawrence, was unavoidably spread 
 over a circuit of twenty-six miles, and divided 
 by three ferries. About fourteen hundred of 
 them, were inlisted to serve only until the 15th 
 of April, and no hope was entertained that they 
 could be prevailed on to continue for a longer 
 
 time. Under these circumstances the establish- 
 i\ * 
 
 ment of exact discipline was impossible. Great 
 
 irregularities and waste of public stores pre- 
 vailed; and, notwithstanding the earnest and 
 explicit directions both of congress and general 
 Washington, continually enforced by general 
 Schuyler, the Canadians were often injured and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 351 
 
 irritated. There is reason to believe that even CHAP.V. 
 
 general Arnold was disposed to think himself 1776. 
 in the country of an enemy, and did not exert, 
 in repressing those disorders, the same energy 
 which he always displayed so conspicuously in 
 the field. 
 
 The utmost exertions of congress could not 
 furnish a sufficient quantity of specie for this 
 distant and expensive expedition; and, as the 
 consumption of provisions by the troops ex- 
 ceeded the supplies furnished by general Schuy- 
 ler, whose attention to the complicated duties 
 of his station was as incessant, as it was judi- 
 ciously directed; it was thought necessary by 
 general Arnold, ( in order to pay for provisions, 
 as well as for other services rendered by the 
 
 country people, to issue a proclamation making March 4. 
 paper money a currency, promising to redeem 
 it in four months, and declaring those to be 
 enemies who should refuse it. It will readily 
 be imagined that the Canadians were unwilling 
 to exchange their property, or labour, for this 
 article, and that few would receive it, but with 
 reluctance. This circumstance affected in no 
 inconsiderable degree their attachment. They 
 were disappointed too in the force brought by 
 the Americans into their country ; which was 
 by no means such as they had expected. In 
 addition to these causes of dissatisfaction, the 
 priests, who possessed great influence over the 
 mass of the people, and who were never as a
 
 352 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. body, cordial in the American interest, had 
 1776. been, since the death of Montgomery, very 
 injudiciously neglected; and had become al- 
 most universally hostile to the views of the 
 United Colonies. 
 
 General Carleton, who was no stranger to the 
 revolution which was taking place in the minds 
 of the Canadians, entertained the hope of rai- 
 sing the siege by their assistance. A detach- 
 ment of about sixty men from the garrison of 
 Quebec, landed twelve leagues below the town 
 on the south side of the river, and were joined 
 by about two hundred and fifty Canadians, who, 
 under the command of a mr. Beaujieu, siezed 
 a provision convoy designed for the American 
 camp. They were rapidly increasing in num- 
 bers, when they were suddenly and unex- 
 pectedly attacked by a detachment sent by 
 Arnold, of about eighty men, under major 
 Dubois, who surprised their advance guard, 
 killed seven, wounded a few, and took thirty- 
 eight prisoners ; on which the main body dis- 
 persed. 
 
 The season of the year now approached when 
 re-enforcements from England would be cer- 
 tain; and notwithstanding the feeble state in 
 , which their army still continued, the Americans 
 deemed it indispensably necessary to recom- 
 mence their active operations, and to renew the 
 siege. They now again erected their batteries, 
 and on the first of April, just as they were
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353 
 
 about to open them, general Wooster arrived CHAP.V. 
 from Montreal, and took the command. The 1/76 
 next day the batteries were opened, but with- April 2 . 
 out much effect. They had not weight of metal 
 to make a breach in the wall, nor an engineer 
 capable of directing a siege, nor artillerists 
 who understood the management of the pieces. 
 The few troops of this description originally 
 belonging to the army were prisoners in 
 Quebec. 
 
 The day after the arrival of Wooster, Ar- 
 nold's horse fell with him, and so bruised the 
 leg which had been wounded, as to confine 
 him for some time to his bed. Believing 
 himself to be neglected, he obtained leave of 
 absence as soon as he was able to move, and 
 took the command at Montreal. 
 
 Some fire ships had been prepared both at 
 Orleans, and point aux Trembles, to be used 
 against the vessels in the harbour so soon as 
 the ice would permit the operation. The diffi- 
 culties usually attending such an enterprise 
 were greatly augmented, by the want of sailors, 
 and of a skillful commander to conduct them. 
 The attempt, however, was made with great 
 boldness, and the ship from Orleans very nearly 
 succeeded. Coming from below she was at 
 first mistaken for a friend, and proceeded in 
 the night, very near the cul de sac where the 
 vessels lay, before her character was discovered. 
 The fire from the enemy instantly opened, on 
 
 VOL. n.
 
 354 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. receiving which, the train was immediately 
 1776. lighted; but the sails caught the flames so 
 quickly, as to lose the benefit of the wind, and 
 stop the progress of the vessel, just at which 
 time the ebb tide commencing, carried her 
 down the river. The American army which 
 had been drawn up, prepared if this plan had 
 succeeded to take advantage of the confusion 
 k would occasion, had the mortification to 
 witness its failure after the most sanguine and 
 encouraging appearances. 
 
 A considerable part of the army having 
 become entitled to a discharge, no inducement 
 could prevail on them to continue longer in so 
 April is. severe a service. This deduction from Woos- 
 ter's force was the more sensibly felt, because 
 the present situation of the roads, the lakes, 
 and the St. Lawrence, unavoidably impeded, 
 for a time, the arrival of the re-enforcements 
 destined for his aid. The roads were so deep 
 as to be nearly impassable, the ice had become 
 too soft for the use of sleds, and had not broke 
 up so as to admit the passage of boats. 
 
 Among the first who reached camp, after 
 
 this state of things took place, was general 
 
 Thomas, wh, after being appointed to the 
 
 command in Canada, had made great exertions 
 
 Ti"nm to join the army. He arrived on the first of 
 
 m^uof" 1 ' May, and on examining its force, found it to 
 
 consist of a total of nineteen hundred, of whom 
 
 less than one thousand, including officers, were
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 355 
 
 fit for duty. Among the effectives, were three CHAP.V. 
 hundred entitled to a discharge, who refused 1775. 
 to do duty, and insisted importunately on being 
 immediately dismissed. The sick were gene- 
 rally ill of the small pox, in the hospital. This 
 small force was still more enfeebled by being 
 unavoidably divided, so as to occupy different 
 posts which it had been deemed necessary to 
 maintain, at great distances from each other, 
 and on different sides of the St. Lawrence. Irr 
 consequence of this division, it was impracti- 
 cable to bring together more than three hundred 
 men at any one point, which might be attacked 
 by the whole force of the enemy. In all the 
 magazines there were but one hundred and 
 fifty barrels of powder, and six days provisions; 
 nor could adequate supplies from the country 
 people be relied on, as the Canadians no longer 
 manifested any disposition to serve them. 
 
 The river too was beginning to open below, 
 and no doubt could be entertained, that the first 
 moment of its being practicable, would be 
 seized by the enemy, for the relief of this very 
 important place. Amidst these unpromising 
 circumstances, the hope of taking Quebec, 
 appeared to general Thomas to be entirely 
 chimerical, and a longer continuance before 
 the town both useless and dangerous. It was 
 apparent that the first re-enforcements which 
 should arrive would deprive him entirely of the 
 use of the river, and consequently would very 
 z z 2
 
 356 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. much embarrass the removal of his sick, and 
 1776. military stores. No existing object remained 
 to justify this hazard. 
 
 Under these impressions, general Thomas 
 called a council of war on the fifth of May, in 
 which it was unanimously determined, that 
 c?^'S ade tne }' were not in, a condition to risk an assault, 
 X(l and that the sick should be removed to the 
 Three Rivers, and the artillery and other stores 
 embarked in their boats, in order to move with 
 the army higher up the river, to a more defen- 
 sible position. On the evening of the same 
 day certain intelligence was received that a 
 British fleet was below; and the next morning 
 five of their ships, which had with much la- 
 bour and danger made their way up the river 
 through the ice before it was deemed practi- 
 cable, appeared in sight. They soon entered 
 the harbour and landed some men, whilst the 
 Americans were assiduously employed in the 
 embarkation of their sick and stores ; an ope- 
 ration carried on the more slowly, because the 
 first appearance of the ships in the river deprived 
 them tot;iily,of the aid expected from the teams 
 and carriages, of the Canadians. 
 
 At one o'clock Carleton made a sortie at the 
 head of about one thousand men, formed in 
 two divisions, and supported by six field pieces. 
 
 No intrenchments had been thrown up for 
 the defence of the camp, and but three hundred 
 men with one field piece, constituted the force
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357 
 
 which could be brought into action. Thus CHAP. v. 
 circumstanced, victory was scarcely possible, 1776. 
 and could have produced no important effect, 
 as the enemy would immediately retire under 
 the cannon of the town; while defeat would 
 certainly annihilate his little army. General 
 Thomas therefore, with the advice of the field 
 officers about him, determined not to risk an 
 action, and ordered his troops to retreat up the 
 river. This was done with much precipitation, 
 and many of the sick, with all the military 
 stores, fell into the hands of the enemy. Unfor- 
 tunately, to their quantity were added two tons 
 of powder just sent down by general Schuyler, 
 and five hundred stand of small arms. 
 
 Much to the honour of general Carleton, he 
 pursued the wise and humane policy of treating 
 with great gentleness, the sick and other pri- 
 soners that fell into his hands. 
 
 The falls of Richelieu had been contemplated 
 as a place of great natural strength, which, by- 
 being fortified and defended by a few armed ves- 
 sels, might, in the event of failing in the attempt 
 on Quebec, stop the progress of the enemy up 
 the river, and thus preserve the greater part of 
 Canada. General Montgomery had strongly 
 recommended an early attention to this po- 
 sition, and it had been determined to fortify 
 it; but the measures resolved on, liad not been 
 executed. Some armed gondolas were building 
 up the river, but had not been completed in
 
 358 THE LIFE OF 
 
 C HAP. v. time; and in the present state of that place, it 
 1776. was entirely impracticable to maintain it. 
 
 The army continued its retreat to De Cham- 
 beau, where on the seventh, another council 
 was called, in which it was agreed that they 
 should retire to the mouth of the Sorel. The 
 ships of the enemy were pressing up the river, 
 and were then at Jaques C artier about three 
 leagues below De Chambeau, and, as they had 
 no means of stopping them at the falls of 
 Richelieu, would soon be above so as to sub- 
 ject the troops in their present position, to the 
 same disadvantages to which they had been 
 exposed before Quebec. In pursuance of this 
 advice, the remaining sick were moved up the 
 river ; but general Thomas was determined to 
 continue in his present position some time 
 longer, by the information that large re-en- 
 forcements were now passing the lakes, and 
 might daily be expected; but those re-enforce- 
 ments not arriving as his intelligence had in- 
 duced him to hope, and the enemy advancing 
 in force, he was obliged to retreat to the Sorel, 
 where he was seized with the small-pox, of 
 which he died. 
 
 The Americans in general were by no means 
 satisfied with the conduct of this gentleman, 
 to whom they, in some degree, attributed the 
 disasters which ruined their affairs in Canada. 
 This censure, however, was entirely unjust. 
 He took command of the army when it was too
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359 
 
 weak to maintain its ground; and when the CHAP.V. 
 time for saving the sick and military stores 
 had passed away. 
 
 The siege of Quebec, instead of being per- 
 severed in longer, ought certainly to have been 
 abandoned at an earlier period. This was the 
 real fault of those who commanded at this 
 station. It is to be ascribed to the extreme 
 reluctance always felt by inexperienced officers 
 to disappoint the public expectation, by re- 
 linquishing an enterprise, concerning which 
 sanguine hopes have been entertained, even 
 after every reasonable prospect of success had 
 vanished, and to encounter the obloquy of 
 giving up a post, although it can no longer be 
 with prudence defended. In the perseverance 
 with which the siege of Quebec was maintained, 
 these motives operated with all their force, and 
 they received an addition, from the unwilling- 
 ness felt by the Americans to abandon those of 
 their friends who had taken so decisive a part 
 in their favour, as to be incapable of remaining 
 in safety behind them. 
 
 Whilst the power of the United Colonies in 
 Canada was thus visibly declining, and their 
 troops were driven by superior numbers from 
 the vicinity of Quebec, a calamity entirely 
 unlocked for befell them in a different quarter 
 of the same province. 
 
 As the English were still in possession of 
 several military posts in upper Canada, many
 
 360 
 
 CHAP, v. considerations rendered it proper to station a 
 
 1776. body of troops above Montreal. A point of 
 land called the Cedars, about forty miles above 
 that place, which was recommended by the 
 facility with which it might be defended, was 
 selected for this purpose. It projected deep 
 into the St. Lawrence, and could only be ap- 
 proached on one side. To this place colonel 
 Bedel had been detached, with three hundred 
 and ninety continental troops, and two fit -id 
 pieces, which he mounted in some slight \vorks 
 he had thrown up for security. Against this 
 post, general Carleton had very early in the 
 spring planned an expedition, the execution of 
 which was committed to captain Forster, who 
 commanded at a post held by the English on 
 
 May n. Oswegachie. He set out with a company of 
 regulars, and a few savages, and having pre- 
 vailed on the warriors of a tribe of Indians 
 inhabiting the intermediate country to join in 
 
 May 17. the expedition, he appeared before the works 
 of the Americans with about six hundred men. 
 Two days previous to his appearance, colonel 
 Bedel had received intelligence of his approach, 
 and leaving the fort lo be commanded by major 
 Butterfield, had proceeded himself to Montreal 
 to solicit assistance. Arnold, who then com- 
 manded at that place, immediately detached 
 major Sherburne to the Cedars with one hun- 
 dred men, while he prepared to follow in person 
 at the head of a much larger force.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 ^ 
 
 Captain Forster on his first appearance, sent CHAP.V. 
 in a flag requiring a surrender, and major 1776. 
 Butterfield offered to capitulate and give up the 
 fort, on being permitted to withdraw with the 
 garrison and all their baggage, to Montreal. 
 These terms were refused, and, the assailants 
 being entirely destitute of artillery, the fort 
 was attacked with musketry. By this mode of 
 attack no serious impression could possibly be 
 made, and in the course of two days only one 
 man was wounded. Yet major Butterfield, 
 intimidated by the threat, that if any Indians 
 should be killed during the siege, it would be 
 out of the power of captain Forster to restrain 
 them from massacreing every individual of the 
 garrison, consented to a capitulation, by which 
 he and his whole party were made prisoners of 
 war, only stipulating for their baggage and 
 their lives. 
 
 The next day, major Sherburne approached 
 without having received any information that 
 Butterfield had surrendered. Within about 
 .< four miles of the Cedars, he was attacked by a 
 considerable body of Indians, and he too, after 
 a conflict of near an hour, in the course of 
 which a party of the enemy gained his rear, 
 surrendered at discretion. 
 
 Having obtained information of these un- 
 toward events, Arnold, at the head of seven 
 hundred men marched against the enemy then 
 at Vaudreuilj in the hope of recovering the 
 
 VOL. II. 3 A
 
 362 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. American prisoners. When preparing for the 
 1776. engagement, he received a flag, accompanied 
 by major Sherburne, giving him the most 
 positive assurances, that if he persisted in his 
 design to attack the enemy, it would be entirely 
 out of the power of captain Forster to prevent 
 his savages from pursuing their horrid customs, 
 and disencumbering themselves of their pri- 
 soners by putting every man to death. This 
 massacre was already threatened, and major 
 Sherburne confirmed the communication in a 
 manner too serious to admit of its being ques- 
 tioned. Under the influence of this threat, 
 Arnold desisted from his purpose, and agreed to 
 a cartel, by which the prisoners were delivered 
 up to him, he agreeing, among other things, 
 to deliver others in exchange for them, and that 
 they should immediately return to their homes. 
 Hostages were given as a security for the per- 
 formance of these stipulations; but congress 
 long discovered much unwillingness to observe 
 them. 8 
 
 At the mouth of the Sorel, after the death of 
 
 general Thomas, re-enforcements assembled, 
 
 June4 - which increased the army to about four or five 
 
 sum thousand men. General Sullivan now came up, . 
 
 eompand. and the command devolved on him. 
 
 The friendly Canadians in that part of the 
 country, who had supposed themselves aban- 
 doned, manifested great joy on seeing general 
 
 8 Journals of Congress.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353 
 
 Sullivan arrive with re-enforcements which ap- CHAP.V. 
 peared to them very considerable; and offered 1776. 
 every assistance in their power. He calculated 
 on their joining him in very great numbers, 
 and entertained sanguine hopes of recovering 
 and maintaining the post of De Chambeau. 
 As a previous measure, it was necessary to 
 dislodge the enemy at the Three Rivers. 
 
 Carleton was not immediately in a situation 
 to follow up the blow given the Americans at 
 Quebec, and to drive them entirely out of the 
 province ; but the respite allowed them was not 
 of long duration. 
 
 Towards the end of May, large re-enforce- 
 ments arrived from England and Ireland, so 
 that the British army in Canada amounted to 
 about thirteen thousand men. The general 
 rendezvous appointed for these troops was at 
 the Three Rivers, a long village about midway 
 between Quebec and Montreal, which receives 
 its name from its contiguity to a river that 
 empties itself, by three mouths, into the St. 
 Lawrence. 1 The army was greatly divided. 
 A considerable body had reached the Three 
 Rivers, and was stationed there under the com- 
 mand of general Frazer. Another under gene- 
 ral Nesbit lay near them on board the transports. 
 A greater than either, with the generals 
 Carleton, Burgoyne, Philips, and the German 
 
 1 Annual Register. 
 
 3 A 2
 
 364 THE L1FE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. general Reidesel, was on its way from Quebec. 
 1776. The distance from the Sorel was about fifty 
 miles, and several armed vessels and transports 
 full of troops, which had gotten about five 
 miles higher up than the Three Rivers, lay full 
 in the way. 
 
 General Thompson, who had commanded 
 the army after the illness of general Thomas, 
 understanding the party at the Three Rivers 
 to consist of about eight hundred men, partly 
 Canadians under M' Clean, had detached colonel 
 St. Clair with between six and seven hundred 
 men to attack his camp, if it should appear 
 practicable to do so with any probability of 
 success. Colonel St. Clair advanced to Nicolet, 
 where, believing himself not strong enough 
 for the service on which lie had been ordered, 
 he waited until he should receive further re- 
 enforcements or additional instructions. At 
 this time, general Sullivan came up, and un- 
 derstanding the enemy to be very weak at 
 the Three Rivers, ordered general Thompson 
 to join colonel St. Clair at Nicolet, with a re- 
 enforcement of between thirteen and fourteen 
 hundred men, and to take command of the 
 whole detachment, which would then amount 
 to about tv:o thousand. With this detachment, 
 general Thompson was to attack the enemy at 
 the Three Rivers, provided there was a favour- 
 able prospect of success. 
 
 General Thompson embarked in boats pro- 
 vided for the purpose, and coasting the south
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 365 
 
 side of what is called the lake St. Peter, where CHAP- v- 
 the St. Lawrence spreads to a great extent, 1776. 
 arrived at Nicolet, where he joined colonel St. 
 Clair. Believing himself strong enough to 
 execute the service consigned to him, as his 
 intelligence respecting the enemy was contra- 
 dictory, making them from five to fifteen 
 hundred, he fell down the river by night, and 
 passed to the other side, with an intention of 
 surprising the forces under general Frazer. 
 
 The plan was to attack the village a little before 
 
 break of day, at the same instant, by a strong J* 8 - 
 detachment at each end; whilst two smaller 
 corps were drawn up to cover and support 
 them. 
 
 Though this plan was well laid, and consi- 
 derable resolution was discovered in its execu- 
 tion, the concurrence of too many circum- 
 stances were necessary to give it success. It 
 is probable that so hazardous an attempt would 
 not have been made, but for a resolution of 
 congress, stating the absolute necessity of 
 keeping possession of that country, and their 
 expectation that the force in that department 
 would contest every foot of ground with the 
 enemy. The troops passed the armed vessels 
 without being perceived, but arrived at Three 
 Rivers about an hour later than had been in- 
 tended; in consequence of which, they were 
 discovered, and the alarm given at their landing. 
 They were fired on by the ships in the river, 
 to avoid which they attempted to pass through
 
 366 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - v - what appeared to be a point of woods, but was 
 1776. in reality a deep morass three miles in extent. 
 They were detained some time in these bad 
 grounds, and thrown into considerable con- 
 fusion. These delays gave general Frazer full 
 time to land some field pieces, and prepare 
 completely for their reception, while general 
 Nesbit fell in their rear, and entirely cut off 
 their return to the boats. They advanced to 
 the charge, but were soon repulsed, and find- 
 ing it impracticable to return the way they 
 Battle of the came, were driven some miles throuerh a deep 
 
 TTiree Rivers 
 
 swamp, which they traversed with inconceiv- 
 able toil, and every degree of distress. The 
 British at length gave over the pursuit. 
 
 In this unfortunate enterprise, general 
 Thompson, and colonel Irwin, second in com- 
 mand, with about two hundred men were made 
 prisoners; and from twenty to thirty were 
 killed. The loss of the enemy was extremely 
 inconsiderable. 11 
 
 The whole military force in Canada now 
 amounted to about eight thousand men, but 
 of this not one half were fit for duty. The rest 
 were in hospitals, principally under the small- 
 pox. About two thousand five hundred effec- 
 tives were with general Sullivan at the Sorel. 
 The whole were in a state of total insubordina- 
 tion, much harassed with fatigue, and dispirited 
 by their late losses, by the visible superiority 
 
 u Annual Register.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357 
 
 of the enemy, and by the apprehension that CHAP.V. 
 their retreat would be entirely cut off. Under 1776. 
 all these discouraging circumstances, general 
 Sullivan formed the rash determination of de- 
 fending the post at Sorel ; and was only induced 
 by the unanimous opinion of his officers, and 
 a conviction that the troops would not support 
 
 him, to abandon it a few hours before the ene- 
 
 my took possession of it. The same causes J"" e 14 - 
 drew him reluctantly from Chamblee and St. 
 
 Johns; but he resolved to remain at the isle E 'g hteenth - 
 Aux Noix until he should receive orders to 
 retreat. He had been joined at St. Johns by 
 general Arnold, who had crossed over at 
 Longueisle just in time to save the garrison of 
 Montreal from falling into the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The isle Aux Noix is a low unhealthy place 
 badly supplied with water, where the troops 
 were so universally seized with fevers, as to 
 compel general Sullivan to retire to the isle 
 Lamotte, where he received the orders of 
 general Schuyler to embark on the lakes for 
 Crown Point. 
 
 The armed vessels on the Sorel and St. 
 Lawrence were destroyed, and the fortifications 
 of Chamblee and St. Johns set on fire. All the 
 baggage of the army, and nearly all the military 
 stores were saved. 
 
 The British army, during this whole retreat, 
 had followed close in the rear, and took pos- 
 session of the different posts the Americans had
 
 368 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, v. occupied, immediately after they were evacu- 
 1776. ated. 
 
 On the Sorel the pursuit stopped. The 
 Americans had the command of the lake, and 
 the British general deemed it prudent to wrest 
 it from them before he advanced further. To 
 effect this, it was necessary to construct a 
 number of vessels, which required time and 
 labour. Meanwhile, general Gates was ordered 
 to take command of this army, which was 
 directed to be re-enforced with six thousand 
 militia. Of these, three thousand were to be 
 furnished by Massachussetts, fifteen hundred 
 by Connecticut, seven hundred and fifty by 
 New Hampshire, and the same number by 
 New York. 
 
 Canada Thus terminated the enterprise against 
 
 evacuated. 
 
 Canada. It was a bold, and at one period 
 promised to be a successful effort, to annex that 
 extensive province to the United Colonies. 
 The dispositions of the Canadians greatly 
 favoured the measure, and had Quebec fallen, 
 there is reason to believe the whole colony 
 would have entered cordially into the union. 
 Had a few incidents turned out fortunately; 
 had Arnold been able to reach Quebec a few 
 days sooner, or to have crossed the St. Law- 
 rence on his first arrival; or had the gallant 
 Montgomery not fallen in the assault of the 
 31st of December; it is probable the expedition 
 would have been crowned with complete suc- 
 cess. But the radical causes of failure, putting
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359 
 
 fortune out of the question, were to be found CHAP.V. 
 in 'the lateness of the season when the troops 1776. 
 were assembled, in a defect of the preparations 
 necessary for such a service, and still more in 
 the shortness of the time for which the men 
 were inlisted. A committee of congress, ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the causes of the mis- 
 carriages in Canada, reported, " that the short 
 inlistments of the continental troops in Canada, 
 have been one great cause of the miscarriages 
 there, by rendering unstable the number of 
 . men engaged in military enterprises, by making 
 them disorderly and disobedient to their officers, 
 and by precipitating the commanding officers 
 into measures which their prudence might 
 have postponed, could they have relied on a 
 longer continuance of their troops in service : 
 
 " That the want of hard money had been one 
 other great cause of the miscarriages in Canada, 
 rendering the supplies of necessaries difficult 
 and precarious, the ' establishment of proper 
 magazines absolutely impracticable, and the 
 pay of the troops of but little use to them. 
 
 " That a still greater, and more fatal source 
 of misfortunes, has been the prevalence of the 
 small-pox in that army; a great proportion 
 whereof has thereby been usually kept unfit for 
 duty." 
 
 A committee was also appointed to inquire 
 into the conduct of general Wooster, who 
 acquitted him of all blame. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 B
 
 370 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP.V. But had the expedition been crowned with 
 1776. the most complete success, the practicability 
 of maintaining the country, is very much to be 
 doubted. Whilst general Montgomery lay 
 before Quebec, and counted on obtaining pos- 
 session of the place, he extended his views to 
 its preservation. His plan required a permanent 
 army often thousand men, strong fortifications 
 at Jaques Cartier and the rapids of Richelieu, 
 and armed vessels in the river above the latter 
 place. With this army, and these precautions, 
 he thought the country might be defended, but 
 not with an inferior force. 
 
 Experience has fully demonstrated the utter 
 impossibility of keeping up such a force at that 
 time, at such a distance from the strong parts 
 of the union. The want of specie alone, had 
 there not been- other causes powerfully co- 
 operating with it, would have forced the Ame- 
 ricans to evacuate the country, unless the 
 Canadians could have been prevailed on to 
 consider themselves as principals in the war, 
 and to give paper money the same currency 
 which it received in the United Colonies. 
 
 It seems then to have been an enterprise, 
 requiring means beyond those in the command 
 of congress; and the strength exhausted on it 
 would have been more judiciously employed, 
 in preparing to secure the command of the 
 lakes, and the fortified towns upon them.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 371 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Transactions in Virginia.. ..Action at the Great Bridge.... 
 Norfolk evacuated.. ..And burnt.... Transactions of North 
 Carolina.. ..Action at Moore's creek bridge....Invasion 
 of South Carolina.. ..British fleet repulsed at fort Moul- 
 trie.... Transactions in New York. ...Measures leading to 
 Independence.. ..Independence declared. 
 
 WHILST the war was carried on thus vigo- 
 rously in the north, the southern colonies were 
 
 not entirely unemployed. The convention 1775. 
 
 J u ^y* 
 which met at Richmond in Virginia proceeded 
 
 to put the colony in a posture of defence. It Transactions 
 
 in Virginia. 
 
 was determined to raise two regiments of regu- 
 lar troops for one year, and to inlist a part of 
 the militia as minute men, who should encamp 
 by regiments for a certain number of days in 
 the spring and fall, for the purpose of training; 
 and should at all times be ready to march, at a 
 minute's warning, to any part of the colony for 
 its defence. 
 
 Lord Dunmore, who was joined by such of 
 his friends as had become too obnoxious to the 
 people in general to be permitted to reside in 
 safety among them, and by a number of slaves 
 whom he encouraged to run' away from their 
 masters, and whom he furnished with arms, 
 was collecting, under cover of the ships of war 
 on that station, a considerable naval force, 
 which threatened to be extremely troublesome 
 SB 2
 
 372 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vi. in a country so intersected with large navi-. 
 1775. gable rivers, as the colony of Virginia. With 
 October, this force he carried on a small predatory war, 
 and at length attempted to burn the town 
 of Hampton. The inhabitants having received 
 some intimation of this design, gave notice of 
 it to the commanding officer at Williamsburg, 
 where some regulars and minute men were. sta- 
 tioned, two companies of whom were detached 
 to their assistance. Having inarched all night, 
 they reached the town in the morning, just 
 as the ships had begun to cannonade it. This 
 re-enforcement throwing themselves into the 
 houses near the water*, and firing from thence, 
 with their small arms, into the vessels, soon 
 
 October 2s. obliged them to retreat precipitately from 
 their stations, with the loss of a few men and 
 a tender which was captured. 
 
 In consequence of this repulse, his lordship 
 
 November 7. proclaimed martial law, and summoned all per- 
 sons capable of bearing arms to repair to the 
 royal standard, or be considered as traitors ; 
 and offered freedom to all indented servants 
 and slaves who would join him. 
 
 This proclamation made some impression 
 about Norfolk, and the governor collected such 
 a force of the disaffected and negroes, as gave 
 him an entire ascendency in that part of the 
 colony; A body of militia assembled to oppose 
 him, were easily dispersed, and he flattered 
 himself that he should soon bring the lower 
 country to submit to the royal authority.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 373 
 
 Intelligence of these transactions being re- CHAP.VI. 
 ceived at Williamsburg, a regiment of regulars, 1775. 
 and about two hundred minute men, were 
 ordered down under the command of colonel 
 Woodford, for the defence of the inhabitants. 
 Hearing of their approach, lord Dunmore took 
 a very judicious position on the north side of 
 Elizabeth river at the Great Bridge, where it 
 was necessary for the provincials to cross in 
 order to reach Norfolk, at which place he had 
 established himself in some force. Here he 
 erected a small fort on a piece of firm ground 
 surrounded by a marsh, which was only acces- 
 sible on either side by a long causeway. The 
 American troops took post within cannon shot 
 of the enemy, in a small village at the south 
 end of the causeway, across which, just at its 
 termination, they constructed a breastwork ; 
 but, being without artillery, were unable to 
 make any attempt on the fort. 
 
 In this position both parties continued for a 
 few days, when lord Dunmore, participating 
 probably in that contempt for the Americans 
 which had been so freely expressed in the December. 
 house of commons, ordered captain Fordyce, 
 the commanding officer at the Great Bridge, 
 though inferior in numbers, to storm the works 
 of the provincials. Between daybreak and 
 simrise, this officer, at the head of about sixty 
 grenadiers of the 14th regiment, who led the 
 column of the enemy, advanced on the cause-
 
 374 THE L1FE OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. way with fixed bayonets, against the breastwork. 
 1775. The alarm was immediately given; and, as is 
 
 December 9. the practice with raw troops, the bravest of the 
 
 Action a t the Americans rushed to the works, where, un- 
 :e ' mindful of order, they kept up a tremendous 
 fire on the front of the British column. Captain 
 Fordyce, though received so warmly in front, 
 and taken in flank by a small body of men who 
 were collected by colonel Stevens of the minute 
 battalion, and posted on an eminence something 
 more than one hundred yards to the left, 
 marched up under this terrible fire with great 
 intrepidity, until he fell dead within a few steps 
 of the breastw r ork. The column immediately 
 broke, but the British troops being covered in 
 their retreat by the artillery of the fort, were 
 not pursued. 
 
 In this ill judged attack, every grenadier is 
 said to have been killed or wounded ; while the 
 Americans did not lose a single man. 
 
 Norfolk The next night, the fort was evacuated. 
 
 evacuated. rr< . . . _ _ _ 
 
 Ine provincial troops proceeded to Norfolk, 
 and lord Dunmore found it necessary to take 
 refuge on board his vessels. He was followed 
 by the most offensive of the disaffected with 
 their families. * 
 
 After taking possession of the town, the 
 American soldiers frequently amused them- 
 selves by firing into the vessels in the harbour 
 from the buildings near the water. Irritated 
 by this, or some other cause, it was deter-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375 
 
 mined to destroy the houses immediately on CHAP - VI - 
 the shore; and on the night of the first of* MS. 
 January, a heavy cannonade was commenced, January ' 
 under cover of which a body of the enemy 
 landed, and set fire to a number of houses near Andburnt - 
 the river. 
 
 A strong prejudice had been entertained 
 among the provincial troops against this station. 
 It was believed to be a very dangerous one, 
 from which, if the enemy should be re-enforced, 
 it would be difficult, if not impossible, to 
 escape; and they saw with great composure, 
 the flames spread from house to house, without 
 making any attempt to extinguish them. It 
 is not certain that they did not themselves 
 contribute to extend them. After the fire had 
 continued for several weeks, in which time it 
 progressed slowly as the wind set against it, 
 and had consumed about four fifths of the 
 town, colonel Howe, who commanded a 
 regiment of North Carolina regulars, which 
 had come to the assistance of Virginia, and 
 who had waited on the convention to press on 
 them the necessity of destroying the place, 
 returned with orders to burn the remaining 
 
 houses. These orders were carried into im- Febmary - 
 mediate execution, after which, the troops 
 marched from Norfolk to the different stations 
 which were assigned them. x 
 
 Gazette.
 
 376 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Thus was destroyed by far the most popu- 
 1776. lous and flourishing town in Virginia. That 
 part of the destruction, effected by order of the 
 convention, was produced by the fear that it 
 would be held by the enemy as a permanent 
 post, and the hope that, after it was burnt 
 down, the seat of war would be entirely re- 
 moved from the province. 
 
 It was one of those ill judged measures, 
 founded on a course of false reasoning, to 
 which the inexperienced are often exposed. 
 
 After Norfolk was laid in ashes, lord Dun- 
 more frequently changed his position, and 
 continued a predatory war on the rivers, burn- 
 ing houses and robbing plantations, which 
 served only to distress a few individuals, and to 
 increase the detestation in which he and his 
 cause were held through the country. At 
 * length his wretched followers, wearied with 
 their miserable condition, and no longer willing 
 to continue it, were sent in about fifty vessels 
 to Florida. 7 
 
 As the war became more serious, the con- 
 February, vention deemed it necessary to increase the 
 number of regular regiments from two to nine; 
 six of which, in the first instance, and after- 
 wards the remaining three, were taken into the 
 continental service. 
 
 y Annual Register.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 377 
 
 In North Carolina, governor Martin, though CHAP.VI. 
 obliged to take refuge on board a ship of war irre. 
 in cape Fear river, still indulged the hope of J''^; 1 ^ "* 
 being able to reduce that colony. 
 
 A body of ignorant and disorderly men on 
 the frontiers, styling themselves regulators, 
 who .were enemies to all government, had 
 attempted by arms, some time before the 
 existing war, to control and stop the adminis- 
 tration of justice. Having failed in this attempt, 
 they had now become as hostile to the colonial, 
 as they had before been to the royal government. 
 
 There were also in the province, a large 
 number of families who had lately emigrated 
 from the highlands of Scotland, and who, re- 
 taining their attachment to the place of their 
 nativity, transferred it to the government under 
 which they had been bred. From the union of 
 these parties, who were bold, active, and 
 numerous ; governor Martin entertained san- 
 guine hopes of making a successful struggle 
 for the province. His confidence was much 
 increased by the certainty, that sir Henry Clin- 
 ton was coming on with a small party ; and that 
 sir Peter Parker and lord Cornwallis were to 
 sail with a squadron and seven regiments, early 
 in the year from Ireland, on an expedition to 
 the .southern provinces, and that North Caro- 
 lina would be their first object. 
 
 To prepare to co-operate with this force 
 should it arrive, or, in any event, to make a 
 
 VOL. ii. 3 c
 
 378 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vi. great, and he hoped a successful effort to give 
 1776. the ascendency in North Carolina to the royal 
 cause, he sent several commissions to the 
 leaders of the highlanders, for raising and com- 
 manding regiments ; and granted one to a mr. 
 M'Donald their chief, to act as their general. 
 He also sent them a proclamation to be. used 
 on a proper occasion, commanding all persons 
 on their allegiance, to repair to the royal stan- 
 dard. Impatient to begin his operations, this 
 was erected by general M'Donald, at Cross 
 creek, about the middle of February, and 
 
 February, about fifteen hundred men arranged themselves 
 under it. 
 
 Upon the first advice that the loyalists were 
 assembling, brigadier general Moore immedi- 
 ately marched at the head of a provincial regi- 
 ment, with such militia as he could suddenly 
 collect and some pieces of cannon, to an im- 
 
 Fifteenth. portant post witliiii-a few miles of them, called 
 Rock Fish bridge, of which he took possession; 
 and, being inferior in numbers, he immediately 
 intrenched himself, and took the necessary pre- 
 cautions to render his camp defensible. Gene- 
 
 Twentieth. ral McDonald soon approached at the he v ad of 
 his army, and sent a letter to Moore, inclosing 
 the governor's proclamation, and recommend- 
 ing to him and his party to join the king's 
 standard by a given hour the next day. This 
 invitation was accompanied with the threat, 
 that he should be under the necessity of consi-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 379 
 
 dering them as enemies, in the event of their CHAP, vi. 
 refusing to accede to the proposition he had \776. 
 made. 
 
 Moore, knowing that the provincial forces 
 \v;ere collecting and marching from all quarters, 
 protracted the negotiation in the hope that 
 M'Donald might be completely surrounded. 
 When at length it became necessary to speak 
 decisively, he in his final answer declared, that 
 he and his followers were engaged in a cause, 
 the most glorious and honourable in the world, 
 the defence of the liberties of mankind; and in 
 return for the proclamation of the governor, he 
 sent the test proposed by congress, with a 
 proffer that, if they subscribed it and laid down 
 their arms, they should be received as friends ; 
 but if they refused to comply, they must 
 expect consequences similar to those with 
 which they had threatened his people. 
 
 M'Donald now perceiving the danger he was 
 in of being inclosed, suddenly decamped, and 
 endeavoured with much dexterity, by forced 
 marches, by the unexpected passing of rivers, 
 and great celerity of movement, to disengage 
 himself. 
 
 His primary object was to join governor 
 Martin, lord William Campbell, and general 
 Clinton who had now arrived in this colony, 
 and to penetrate with them the interior of the 
 province ; by which means it was expected, 
 that all the back settlers of the southern colo- 
 3 c 2
 
 380 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. nies would be united in support of the royal 
 1776. cause, and the Indians be also induced to take 
 up arms' in their favour. 
 
 The provincial parties^ however, were so close 
 in the pursuit, and so alert in every part of the 
 country, that he at length found himself under 
 the necessity of engaging colonels Caswell and 
 Lillington, who, with about one thousand mi- 
 nute men and militia, had intrenched themselves 
 directly in his front at a place called Moore's 
 
 Action at creek bridge. The royalists were srreatly supe- 
 
 Moore's J J * 
 
 v reek bridge. r j or m number, but were under the disadvan- 
 tage of being compelled to cross the bridge, 
 the planks of which were partly taken up, in 
 the face of the intrenchments occupied by the 
 provincials. They commenced the attack, how- 
 ever, with great spirit; but colonel M'Cleod, 
 who, in consequence of the indisposition of 
 M 'Donald, commanded them, and several 
 others of their bravest officers and men, having 
 fallen in the first onset; their courage deserted 
 them, and they fled with the utmost precipitation 
 in all directions, leaving behind them their 
 general, and several others of their leaders, 
 who fell into the hands of the provincials. 2 
 
 This victory was of eminent service to the 
 American cause in ""North Carolina. It broke 
 the spirits of a great body of men, who would 
 have constituted a very formidable re-enforce- 
 ment to an invading army ; it increased the 
 
 ; Annual Register, ...Gordon....Ramsay.. ..Gazette.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 381 
 
 confidence of the provincials in themselves, and CHAP.VI. 
 attached to them the timid and the wavering, 1776. 
 who form a large portion of every community. 
 General Clinton, who was to command in 
 the south, had left Boston with a force too in- 
 considerable to attempt any thing until the 
 arrival of the troops expected from Europe. 
 After parting with governor Tryon in New 
 York, he had proceeded to Virginia, where he 
 passed a few days with lord Dunmore ; but 
 finding himself too weak to effect any thing in 
 that province, he set out for North Carolina, 
 and remained with governor Martin in cape 
 Fear, until the arrival of sir .Peter Parker. 
 That officer had sailed about the close of the 
 last year from Portsmouth, to take on board 
 some regiments stationed in Ireland ; but had 
 been detained so long, first by delays in that 
 kingdom and afterwards by contrary winds, that 
 he did not arrive on the coast of North Carolina 
 until the beginning of May. Fortunately for 
 that province, the unsuccessful insurrection of 
 M'Donald had previously broken the strength 
 and spirits of the loyalists, and deprived them 
 of their most active chiefs ; in consequence of 
 which the operations which had been meditated 
 against the provincials -were for the present 
 deferred. Clinton continued at cape Fear, 
 probably undetermined respecting his future 
 measures, until near the end of that month ; 
 when, hearing nothing certain from general
 
 382 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, vi. Howe, it was determined to make an attempt 
 1776. on Charleston, the capital of South Carolina. 
 
 A letter from the secretary of state t mr. 
 Eden, the royal governor of Maryland, disclos- 
 ing the designs of administration against the 
 southern colonies, was fortunately intercepted 
 in the Chesapeak, early in the month of April, 
 and thus South Carolina became apprized of 
 the danger which threatened its metropolis. 
 Mr. Rutledge, a gentleman of vigour and 
 talents, who, on the dissolution of the regal 
 Ma ?'- government, had been chosen president of that 
 province, adopted the most energetic means 
 for placing it in a posture of defence. In 
 addition to a great number of slaves belonging 
 to non-associators, who were impressed and 
 brought in from the country for the purposes 
 of labour, all ranks of citizens were employed 
 on the works ; and gentlemen of independent 
 fortunes prided themselves on being among 
 the first to use the hoe and the spade. The 
 defence of Charleston was strengthened, and a 
 new fort, afterwards called fort Moultrie, was 
 constructed on Sullivan's island, an advanta- 
 geous position, from whence ships of war 
 approaching the town might be greatly annoyed, 
 in which were mounted about thirty pieces of 
 heavy artillery.* 
 
 ' June - ^ n tne beginning of June, the British fleet came 
 to anchor off the harbour of Charleston, and 
 
 Annual Register..' 4
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333 
 
 couriers were immediately dispatched, by pre- CHAP, vi. 
 sident Rutledge, through the country, to order irre. 
 in all the militia of the colony for the defence l ^ t l 
 of the capital. The streets were in different CaroUaa - 
 places strongly barricaded, and the stores on 
 the wharves, though of great value, were 
 pulled down, and lines of defence continued 
 along the water's edge. b 
 
 The British admiral experienced some diffi- 
 culty in crossing the bar; and although all their 
 guns were taken out and the vessels lightened 
 as much as possible, the two large ships 
 touched the ground, and struck several times 
 on the way. This object being at length ac- 
 complished, it was determined to commence 
 
 their operations by silencing the fort on Sulli- * une 10 - 
 van's island. 
 
 During the interval between passing the bar, 
 and attacking this fort, the continental troops 
 of Virginia and North Carolina, who had been 
 ordered to the assistance of their sister colony, 
 arrived in Charleston; and the American force 
 collected at that point, amounted to between 
 five and six thousand men, of whom two thou- 
 sand five hundred were regulars. This army 
 was commanded by general Lee, whose fortune 
 it had been to meet general Clinton at New 
 York, in Virginia, in North Carolina, and 
 now at Charleston. Viewing the situation of 
 
 ^Ramsay*.., Gordon. c Annual Register,
 
 384 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. the post intrusted to his care With a military 
 1776. eye, Lee was disinclined to hazard his army 
 by engaging it deeply in the defence of either 
 the fort or the town. The works on Sullivan's 
 . island though strong towards the water, were 
 almost open in the rear, and consequently 
 incapable of being defended against an attack 
 by land, to which they were exposed from the 
 troops on Long island, who might cross the 
 creek between them ; or from others who 
 might be landed on Sullivan's island. They 
 also admitted of being raked by the guns of 
 any vessels which might gain their western 
 flank. He apprehended too that the ships 
 would pass the fort, and station themselves out 
 of the reach of its guns, between Sullivan's 
 island and Charleston; and that the land forces 
 already on Long island, would cross over to 
 th main land, and place the garrison in a situ- 
 ation of extreme hazard. The great solicitude, 
 however, of the South Carolinians to maintain 
 their capital, aided by the hope that a vigilant 
 attention to the movements of the enemy would 
 enable him to extricate his troops before they 
 should be enclosed, at length prevailed; and 
 he determined to attempt its defence. 
 
 Two regular regiments of South Carolina, 
 commanded by colonels Gadsden and Moultrie, 
 garrisoned fort Johnson, on the northern point 
 of James' island, and fort 'Moultrie. About 
 five hundred regulars, and three Ijundred mi-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 385 
 
 litia under colonel Thompson, assisted by an CHAP. vi. 
 eighteen pounder, and a field piece, were sta- 1776. 
 tioned in some works which had been thrown 
 up on the. northeastern extremity of Sullivan's 
 island, for the purpose of opposing the passage 
 of the British from Long island ; and the 
 remaining troops were arranged on Hadrell's 
 point, and along the bay in front of the town. 
 General Lee remained in person with the troops, 
 encamped on the continent at Hadrell's point, 
 in the rear, and to the north of Sullivan's island. 
 A bridge of boats had been commenced in 
 order to keep open the communication between 
 fort Moultrie and the main land, but had not 
 been completed. His position was chosen in 
 such a manner as to enable him to observe and 
 support the operations in every quarter, and 
 particularly to watch and oppose any attempt 
 of the enemy to pass from Long island to the 
 continent, a movement which he seems to v 
 have dreaded more than any other. 
 
 Every preparation having at length been June zs. 
 made, the fleet consisting of the Bristol and 
 Experiment, two fifty gun ships ; the Active, 
 Solebay, Acteon, and Syren, of twenty-eight 
 
 c* 
 
 . guns each; the Sphynx of twenty guns, an 
 armed ship of twenty-two guns, and the 
 Thunder bomb-ketch, weighed anchor and 
 sailed for the stations assigned them. The 
 Thunder bomb covered by the armed ship took 
 her station, and about half past ten, began the 
 
 VOL. II. 3 D
 
 386 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, vi. attack by throwing shells at the fort, as the 
 1776. fleet advanced. About 'a quarter past eleven 
 
 fep^ut"' o'clock, the Bristol, Active, Experiment, and 
 Tie 'vSolebay, brought up directly against the fort, 
 and commenced upon it a most furious can- 
 nonade. The Sphynx ? Acteon, and Syren, 
 had been ordered to the westward to take their 
 station between the end of the island and 
 Charleston, partly to enfilade the works of the 
 fort, partly to cut off, if possible, the commu- 
 nication between the island and the continent, 
 and partly to prevent any attempt which might 
 be made by fire ships, or otherwise to interrupt 
 the grand attack. These vessels were, by the 
 unskilfulness of the pilot, entangled in the 
 shoals called the middle grounds, where they 
 stuck fast until it was tpo late to execute the 
 intended service. The Acteon being unable 
 to get off was scuttled and burnt next morning 
 by the officers and crew, to prevent her falling 
 into the hands of the Americans/ 
 
 The cannonade from the ships was incessant 
 and heavy, but was not attended with the ex- 
 pected effect on the fort. This was attributable 
 to its form and the materials with which it was 
 built. It was very low, with merlons of great 
 thickness, and was constructed of earth, and a 
 species of soft wood common in that country 
 called the Palmetto, which, on being struck 
 
 d Annual Register.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 387 
 
 with a ball does not splinter but closes upon it. CHAP. vi. 
 The beds of the mortars in the bomb ketch, irze. 
 were loosened by being overcharged, and they 
 soon became entirely useless. 6 
 
 The fire from the fort was slow, was directed 
 with great skill, and did vast execution. The 
 springs of the Bristol's cable being cut by the 
 shot, she was for a short space of tfone unma- 
 nageable, and was so raked by the fort, that at 
 one time the commodore is said to have 
 remained alone on the deck. The Experiment 
 was also roughly handled, and her captain very 
 dangerously wounded. 
 
 In the course of the action all the powder in 
 the fort was at one time expended, and for a 
 short interval the guns were silent. Great 
 hopes were then entertained of success, but 
 these hopes were soon blasted by a fresh supply 
 of powder, and a consequent recommencement 
 of the same terrible fire, under which the 
 British ships had already so greatly suffered. 
 The garrison united the cool determined cou- 
 rage of veterans, to the enthusiastic valour of 
 youth. General Lee crossed over to them in 
 a boat, during the action, to determine whether 
 he should not endeavour to withdraw them, 
 and was enraptured with the ardour they dis- 
 played. They assured him they would only 
 lose the fort with their lives, and the mortally 
 
 e Annual Register. 
 
 3 D 2
 
 388 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cn.y. vi. wounded breathed their last, exhorting their 
 1776. fellow soldiers to the most heroic defence of 
 
 the place. 
 1 
 
 Although the British troops had been landed 
 on Long island, for the purpose of attacking 
 the fort on the land side, no attempt was made 
 to execute this part of the plan. Why it was 
 not made, or whether, if made, it would have 
 been successful, cannot be ascertained. Ge- 
 neral Clinton asserted that the water between 
 the islands, which he had understood to be only 
 eighteen inches deep, was in reality seven feet, 
 and consequently impassable. This effect is 
 said to have been produced by a long series of 
 eastern winds. 
 
 The engagement continued until the darkness 
 of the night compelled a suspension of it. The 
 ships were by that time evidently in such a 
 condition, as to be unfit to renew the action 
 the next day. The Bristol had lost one hun- 
 dred and eleven men, and the Experiment 
 seventy-nine. Captain Scott of the one lost 
 his arm, and captain Morris of the other was 
 mortally wounded. Lord Campbell, late go- 
 vernor of the province, who served as a volun- 
 teer on board one of these vessels, was also 
 mortally wounded ; and both ships were so 
 shattered as to inspire the hope that they would 
 be unable to repass the bar. About nine 
 o'clock, they slipped their cables and moved 
 off. A few days afterwards, the troops were 
 re-embarked, and all further designs against
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 389 
 
 the southern colonies were, for the present, CHAP - VI : 
 relinquished. The squadron sailed for New 1776. 
 York, in pursuance of orders which had been J uly 15 - 
 given by sir William Howe while in Halifax ; 
 but which had not been received by sir Henry 
 Clinton, until he had anchored off the bar of 
 Charleston. 
 
 The attack on fort Moultrie was supported 
 by the British seamen with their accustomed 
 bravery, and the slaughter on board the ships 
 was uncommonly great. The loss of the Ame- 
 ricans, in killed and wounded, was only thirty- 
 five men/ 
 
 Great and well merited praise was bestowed 
 by his country, on colo*nel Moultrie, who 
 commanded the fort ; and on the garrison, for 
 the resolution displayed in defending it. Nor 
 was the glory acquired on this occasion con- 
 fined to them. All the troops that had been 
 stationed on the island partook of it, and the 
 thanks of the United Colonies were voted by 
 congress to general Lee, colonel Moultrie, 
 colonel Thompson, and the officers and men 
 under their command, who were engaged in 
 repulsing the enemy on the twenty-eighth of 
 June. 
 
 This fortunate event, for such it may well 
 be termed, though not of much magnitude in 
 
 { Annual Register. .'..GoTdon..,.Ramsay...*Letter$ of ge^ 
 neral Lee.
 
 390 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - VI - itself, was, like many other successes attending 
 1776. the American arms in the commencement of the 
 war, of great importance in its consequences. 
 By impressing on the colonists a conviction 
 of their ability to maintain the contest, it 
 increased the number of those who resolved to 
 resist British authority, and assisted in paving 
 the way to a declaration of independence. 
 
 The congress which assembled in 1775, had 
 adjourned with strong and sincere hopes that 
 the differences between the mother country and 
 the colonies would soon be terminated to their 
 mutual satisfaction. But the speech of the 
 king on opening the British parliament, and 
 the first proceedings of the grand legislature of 
 that nation, demonstrated the fallacy of these 
 hopes. Every arrival from Europe continued 
 to bring additional intelligence of the inflexible 
 resolution of the administration still to prose- 
 cute the war, and of the immense preparations 
 making for the ensuing campaign. This in- 
 formation evinced the necessity of exertions 
 equally vigorous on the part of America. The 
 letters of the commander in chief respectfully, 
 but earnestly, urged congress to the adoption 
 of measures, which might enable him to give, 
 to the country that protection which was ex- 
 pected from its army. The government of the 
 union was not insensible of the importance of 
 the crisis, nor indisposed to meet it with a 
 competent force; but, unaccustomed to the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391 
 
 great duties of conducting a war of vast extent, CHAP - VL 
 they could not estimate rightly the value of the 1776. 
 means employed, nor calculate the effects which 
 certain causes would produce. Large additional 
 emissions of paper bills were resolved on, and 
 requisitions had been made on the several colo- 
 nies for quotas of men sufficient to constitute a 
 respectable army. But they relied too cdnfi* 
 dently on being able to call out, on any emer- 
 gency, a force adequate to the occasion. They 
 relied too much on the efficiency of such a 
 force ; and they depended too long on the spirit 
 of patriotism which was believed to animate 
 the mass, of the people. 
 
 Under these impressions, the regular army 
 for the middle colonies, which was weakened 
 by ordering regiments originally destined to 
 serve in it, to the aid of the troops in Canada, 
 was not recruited in time, by additional requi- 
 sitions, nor were those measures taken which 
 would fill the battalions actually ordered to be 
 raised. It was not until the 26th of June, that 
 the representations of the commander in chief 
 could obtain a resolution, directing soldiers to 
 be inlisted for three years, and offering a bounty 
 of ten dollars to each recruit. In consequence 
 . of their adhering to a system of mistaken 
 economy, soldiers were voted m greater num- 
 bers than could be ''raised, and many of the 
 regiments remained incomplete. 
 
 That zeal for the service which was mani- 
 fested in the first moments of the war, had long
 
 392 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vi. since begun to abate; and though the determi- 
 1776; nation to resist became more general, that 
 enthusiasm, which prompts individuals volun- 
 tarily to expose themselves to more than an equal 
 share of the dangers and hardships to be en- 
 countered for the attainment of a common good, 
 was visibly declining. The progress of these 
 sentiments seems to have been unexpected ; 
 and the causes producing such effects, had-not 
 been sufficiently attended to. 
 
 General Washington, M r ho had always con- 
 ceived that the grand efforts of the royal army 
 would be directed towards the Hudson, having 
 left a small detachment under the command of 
 major-general Ward, to complete certain works 
 designed for the security of Boston, hastened 
 
 himself, immediately after the evacuation of 
 
 April - that place, with the main body of his army, to 
 New York. He arrived there on the 14th of 
 
 i^wYoT April, and continued, with unremitting exer- 
 tions, the preparations which had been before 
 directed for the reception of the enemy. 
 
 It was cause of some surprise to him, to find 
 that an uninterrupted intercourse had been kept 
 up between the inhabitants, and the British 
 hips lying in the harbour. Thus, not only 
 the wants of the latter were, abundantly sup- 
 plied, but an evil of infinitely greater impor- 
 tance was incurred. Governor Tryon retained 
 all the facilities he could wish, of communi- 
 cating with the disaffected, who abounded in
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393 
 
 both the town and country; and of concerting CHAP. vi. 
 with them, plans of future operations. One irre. 
 of the first measures taken by the general, was 
 entirely to break off this dangerous and cor- 
 rupting intercourse; in effecting which, he 
 obtained the co-operation of the committee 
 of safety for the colony. 
 
 The difficulty which had been experienced 
 in expelling the British from Boston, had 
 strengthened the general's impressions con- 
 cerning the necessity of preventing, if possible, 
 their establishing themselves in New York ; 
 and had contributed to the determination of 
 contesting with them, very seriously, the pos- 
 session of that important place. This deter- 
 mination, however, it was difficult and dan- 
 gerous to execute. The defence of New York 
 against an enemy commanding the sea, if prac- 
 ticable at all, would require an army capable 
 of meeting them in the open field, and of acting 
 offensively, both on Long island and on York 
 island. All the means, however, he could 
 command were employed in strengthening his 
 position, and in endeavouring to prevent the 
 ships of war from ascending the Hudson, or 
 penetrating the East river between Long island 
 and York island. For this purpose, hulks 
 were sunk to obstruct the passage of ships, and 
 the most advantageous positions on both sides 
 of the North river, and of the narrow passage 
 
 VOL. n, 3 E
 
 394 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. between the islands, were taken, and fortified. 
 1776. The time which elapsed, between the evacu- 
 ation of Boston by general Howe, and the in- 
 vesting of New York, was most assiduously 
 employed on these interesting objects, and in 
 completing such works as would enable him to 
 repel a direct attack upon the town. 
 
 Attention was also paid to the forts in the 
 highlands. The importance of these passes 
 had been discerned at a very early period of the 
 war; and, as their possession was deemed almost 
 indispensable to the success of the contest, 
 exertions were made to render them defensible. 
 
 But the commander in chief observed, with 
 infinite pain, the incompetency of his army to 
 the great purposes for which it had been raised. 
 His effective force was much below the estimate 
 which 'had been made; nor was it in the want 
 of numbers only, that his weakness consisted. 
 
 The circumstances attending the commence- 
 ment of the contest having been absolutely 
 incompatible with an adequate provision of 
 those military stores which are most essential 
 in war, the troops actually in the field were by 
 no means sufficiently furnished with arms,, am- 
 munition, tents, or clothes. The total want 
 of magafzincs, connected with those false eco- 
 nomical calculations which inexperience so 
 frequently makes, having produced the regu- 
 Li!:>n, requiring soldiers to supply themselves 
 ^ ith arms, there was not only an alarming
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 395 
 
 deficiency * in this respect, but the guns 
 
 actually in camp, for few of them deserved the 1776. 
 appellation of muskets, were too inferior in 
 quality to inspire those who used them with 
 that confidence, which arises from a conscious- 
 ness of being equal to the enemy. 
 
 The army in New York being thus manifestly 
 incompetent to the defence of the middle colo- 
 nies, was to be strengthened by requisitions of 
 militia. In pursuance of this determination, a 
 resolution was passed to re-enforce it with 
 thirteen thousand eight hundred militia; of 
 whom, two thousand were to be drawn from 
 Massachusetts, five thousand five hundred 
 from Connecticut, three thousand from New 
 York, and three thousand three hundred from 
 New Jersey. Whilst the grand army w r as em- 
 ployed in the defence of New York, the facility 
 with which the enemy might land in great force 
 
 * Even the regiments of New England, where, more 
 than in any other colony, arms were in the hands of the 
 body of the people, were very badly supplied with them ; 
 but those of the middle provinces, especially those of 
 New York, were destitute of them to an alarming degree. 
 In colonel Ritzemer's regiment, a return of which was 
 transmitted by the commander in chief to congress, there 
 were only ninety-seven muskets, and seven bayonets, 
 This was undoubtedly put as the extreme case, but a very 
 great deficiency was common to all the battalions. The 
 vifle regiments alone were in possession of fire arms which 
 would enable them to render all the service expected from. 
 them. 
 
 3 E 2
 
 396 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vi. on the Jersey shore, and penetrate into the 
 1776. heart of the middle colonies, was too apparent 
 to permit that portion of the union to remain 
 entirely unprotected. It was therefore resolved 
 to form, in the middle colonies, a flying camp, 
 to be composed of ten thousand men, to be 
 furnished by Pennsylvania, Delaware, and 
 Maryland. The militia, both of the flying 
 camp, and of the army at New York, were to 
 be engaged to serve until the first of December; 
 and the commander in chief was empowered to 
 form such magazines of military stores, and 
 provisions, as he should deem necessary. He 
 was also authorized to call on the neighbouring 
 colonies for such additional temporary aids of 
 militia, as the exigencies of his army might 
 render necessary; and, as he knew well, that if 
 this power should be immediately exercised, 
 it would be impossible to retain them in the 
 field even until the occasion should render their 
 service indispensable, he forbore to call them 
 from their homes, until the enemy should ac- 
 tually appear in force. 
 
 Great and embarrassing as were the difficul- 
 ties already noticed, attending the situation of 
 the commander in chief, they were very much 
 augmented by the disaffection of the inhabitants 
 about the city of New York, and the adjacent 
 islands. A plot, to favour the enemy on their, 
 landing, and, as was understood, to seize and 
 deliver up general Washington himself, had
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397 
 
 been formed; in which governor Tryon, CHAP. vi. 
 through the agency of the mayor of New 1776. 
 York, was believed to be principally concerned. 
 This plot had extended to the American army, 
 and even some of the general's guards were 
 engaged in it. It was fortunately discovered 
 in time to be defeated, and some of the persons 
 concerned were executed. About the same 
 time, a similar plot was discovered about 
 Albany, and some executions there too were 
 found necessary. 
 
 Hitherto, the war had been carried on with 
 the avowed wish of obtaining a redress of 
 grievances. The utmost horror at the idea of 
 attempting independence had been expressed, 
 and the most anxious desire of establishing, on 
 its ancient principles, the union which had so 
 long subsisted between the two countries, was 
 openly and generally declared. But, however 
 sincere the wish to retain a political connexion 
 with Great Britain might Lave been at the 
 commencement of the conflict, the operation 
 of hostilities on that sentiment was infallible. 
 To profess allegiance and respect for a monarch, 
 who was believed to be endeavouring, by force 
 of arms, to wrest from them all that rendered 
 life valuable ; whilst every possible effort was 
 making, by arms, to repel the attempt; began 
 to be felt as an absurdity, and to maintain such 
 a system was impossible. The human mind, 
 when it receives a vast momentum, does not,
 
 598 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - VI - like projectiles, stop at the point, to which the 
 1776. force originally applied may have been calcu- 
 lated to carry it. A variety of causes act upon 
 it in its course. It is either checked, or an 
 additional impetus is given to it; and it often 
 takes a direction totally different from that at 
 first designed. When the appeal was first made 
 to arms, and the battle of Lexington was fought, 
 a great majority of those who guided the coun- 
 cils and led the battalions of America, wished 
 only for a repeal of the obnoxious acts of par- 
 liament, which had occasioned their resistance 
 to the authority of the crown ; and would have 
 been truly unwilling to venture into the unex- 
 plored regions of self government. Having 
 imbibed, from education, strong prejudices in 
 favour of the British nation and of the British 
 constitution, they wished only to enjoy its 
 substantial benefits. It is evidence of this tem- 
 per, that govenior Eden of Maryland, and 
 governor Franklin of New Jersey, were per- 
 mitted to remain in their respective colonies, 
 until it was perceived that this moderation was 
 abused by those characters, who availed them- 
 selves of it to act as spies for the public enemy. 
 For some time, the king was still prayed for 
 in the performance of divine service, and in the 
 proclamation of a fast by congress, in June 
 1775, one of the motives for recommending it 
 was, to beseech the Almighty " to bless our 
 rightful sovereign king George III. and inspire 
 him with wisdom."
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399 
 
 The prejudices in favour of a connexion CHAP.VI. 
 with England, and of the English constitution, 1776. 
 gradually, but rapidly wore off; and were ^" e t s 
 succeeded by republican principles, and wishes inde P cndence 
 for independence. Many essays appeared in 
 the papers calculated to extend these opinions, 
 and a pamphlet under the signature of Common 
 Sense, written by Thomas Paine, an English- 
 man, who had lately come over to America, 
 had particular influence. He possessed a style 
 and manner of saying bold things, singularly 
 well fitted to act on the public mind, to inlist 
 every feeling with him; and, very often, espe- 
 cially in times when men were greatly agitated, 
 to seize on the judgment itself. He boldly 
 pronounced the further continuance of a 
 connexion with England, unsafe, as well as 
 impracticable; and even ventured to attack, 
 with successful ridicule, a constitution which 
 had been deemed the masterpiece of political 
 workmanship. He was universally read, and 
 among those who were zealous in the war, 
 obtained every where friends to the doctrine of 
 independence. New strength was every day 
 added to the opinions, that a cordial reconcilia- 
 tion with Great Britain had become impossible; 
 that mutual confidence could never be restored; 
 that reciprocal jealousy, suspicion, and hate, 
 would take and hold the place of that affection, 
 which could alone render such a. connexion 
 happy, and beneficial; that even the commercial
 
 400 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP - V1 - dependence of America upon Britain, was 
 1776. greatly injurious to the former, and that incal- 
 culable benefits must be derived from opening 
 to themselves the markets of the world; that to 
 be governed by a nation, or a sovereign, distant 
 from them three thousand miles, unacquainted 
 with, and unmindful of, their interests, would, 
 even if reinstated in their former situation, 
 occasion infinite injury; and, in the present 
 state of America, was an evil too great to be 
 voluntarily borne. But victory alone could 
 restore them to that situation, and victory would 
 give them independence. The hazard was the 
 same; and, since the risk of every thing was 
 unavoidable, the most valuable attainable object 
 ought, in common justice, and common pru- 
 dence, to be the reward of success. In such 
 horror too was viewed the present war, and 
 the principles on which it was believed to be 
 conducted, that it was supposed impossible it 
 could receive the support of a free people. 
 The alacrity therefore, with which the English 
 nation entered into it, was ascribed to a secret 
 and dangerous influence, which was, with rapid 
 progress, undermining the liberties, and the 
 morals of the mother country ; and which, it 
 was feared, would cross the Atlantic, and infect 
 and contaminate the principles of the colonists 
 likewise, should the ancient political connexion 
 be restored. The intercourse of America with 
 the world, and her own experience, had not
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 401 
 
 then been sufficient to teach her the important CHAP.VI. 
 truth, that the many, as often as the few, are irre. 
 blind to the rights of others, when conflicting 
 with their own interests ; and can madly pursue 
 injustice, without perceiving that they are in 
 the wrong. That they too, not unfrequently, 
 close their eyes against the light; and shut 
 their ears against the plainest evidence, and the 
 most conclusive reasoning. 
 
 It was also urged, and with great reason, that 
 foreign aid could more certainly be obtained, 
 if the effect of that aid would be the dismem- 
 berment of the British empire ; than if no such 
 important inducement should be held out to the 
 rivals of that nation. 
 
 American independence became the general 
 theme of conversation; and more and more the 
 general wish. This sentiment was increased 
 by learning, that they were declared to be in a 
 state of rebellion; that foreign mercenaries 
 were to be employed against them; that the 
 tomahawk and scalping knife were to be 
 engaged in the British service; and that their 
 slaves were to be seduced from their masters, 
 and armed against them. 
 
 The measures of congress took their com- 
 plexion from the temper of the people. Their 
 proceedings against the disaffected became 
 more and more vigorous; their language res- 
 pecting the British government was less the 
 language of subjects, and more calculated to 
 
 VOL. n. 3 F
 
 402 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vi. turn tlie public attention towards congress, and 
 1776. the provincial assemblies, as the sole and 
 ultimate rulers of the country. General letters 
 of marque and reprisal were granted; and the 
 American ports were opened to all nations and 
 people, not subject to the British crown. 
 
 "May 6. At length, a measure was adopted, which 
 was considered by congress, and by America 
 in general, as decisive of the question of inde- 
 pendence. Hitherto, it had been recommended 
 to particular colonies, to establish temporary 
 institutions for the conduct of their affairs 
 during the existence of the contest; but now, 
 a resolution was offered, recommending gene- 
 rally, without limitation of time, to such 
 colonies as had not already established them, 
 the adoption of governments adequate to the 
 exigence. Mr. John Adams, mr. Rutledge, 
 and mr. Richard Henry Lee, all zealous advo- 
 cates for independence, were appointed a com- 
 mittee to prepare a proper preamble to the 
 
 Fifteenth, 'resolution. The report of these gentlemen 
 was agreed to in these words, "whereas, his 
 Britannic majesty, in conjunction with the 
 lords and commons of Great Britain, has, by 
 a late act of parliament, excluded the inhabi- 
 tants of these United Colonies from the protec- 
 tion of his crown ; and whereas, no answer 
 whatever to the humble petitions of the colonies 
 for redress of grievances, and reconciliation 
 with Great Britain, has been, or is likely to be
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 403 
 
 
 
 given; but the whole force of that kingdom, CHAP.VI. 
 aided by foreign mercenaries, is to be exerted 1776. 
 for the destruction of the good people of these 
 colonies; and whereas, it appears absolutely 
 irreconcilable to reason and good conscience 
 for the people of these colonies now to take the 
 oaths and affirmations necessary for the support 
 of any government under the crown of Great 
 Britain; and it is necessary that the exercise of 
 every kind of authority under the said crown 
 should be totally suppressed; and all the pow- 
 ers of government exerted under the authority 
 of the people of the colonies for the preservation 
 of internal peace, virtue and good order, as 
 well as for the defence of their lives, liberties 
 and properties, against the hostile invasions, 
 and cruel depredations of their enemies; there- 
 fore, resolved, that it be recommended to the 
 respective assemblies and conventions of the 
 United Colonies, where no government suffi- 
 cient for the exigencies of their affairs hath 
 been already established, to adopt such govern- 
 ment as shall, in the opinion of the representa- 
 tives of the people, best conduce to the 
 happiness ancl^ safety of their constituents in 
 particular, and America in general." 
 
 The provincial assemblies and conventions 
 acted on this recommendation, and governments 
 were generally established. In Connecticut and 
 Rhode Island, it was deemed unnecessary to 
 make any change in their actual situation, 
 SF 2
 
 404 THE 
 
 CHAP. vi. because in those colonies, the executive as well 
 1776. as the whole legislature had always been elected 
 by themselves. In Maryland, Pennsylvania, 
 and New York, some hesjtation was, at first, 
 discovered ; and the assemblies appeared unwil- 
 ling 1 to take so decisive a step. The public 
 opinion, however, was in favour of it, and at 
 length prevailed. 
 
 The several colonies, now contemplating 
 themselves as sovereign states, and mingling 
 with the arduous duty of providing means to 
 repel a powerful enemy, the important and 
 interesting labour of framing governments for 
 themselves, and their posterity ; exhibited the 
 novel spectacle of matured and enlightened 
 societies, uninfluenced by external, or internal 
 force, devising, according to their own judg- 
 ments, political systems for their own govern- 
 ment. 
 
 With the exceptions already stated of Con- 
 necticut, and Rhode Island, whose systems had 
 ever been in a high degree democratic, the 
 novel principle of limiting the constituted aiv- 
 thorities, by the creation of a written constitu- 
 tion prescribing bounds not to be transcended 
 by the legislature itself, was every where 
 adopted. 
 
 The solid foundations for a popular govern- 
 ment were already laid in all the colonies. 
 The institutions received from England were 
 admirably well calculated to prepare the way
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4Q5 
 
 for a temperate and rational republic; and had CHAP.VI. 
 accustomed them to the election of representa- irre. 
 tives to compose the most numerous branch of 
 the legislature, and, in some instances, of the 
 second, or less numerous branch also. No 
 hereditary powers had ever existed; and. every 
 authority had been derived either from the 
 people, or the king. The powers of the crown 
 being no longer acknowledged, the people 
 remained the only source of legitimate autho* 
 rity. The materials in their possession, as 
 well as their habits of thinking, were adapted 
 only to governments, in all respects, represen- 
 tative; and such governments were universally 
 adopted. Under various modifications and 
 varieties, produced in a great degree by former 
 habits, the same great principles were estab- 
 lished. In general, the legislative, executive, 
 and judicial departments were rendered distinct; 
 with the apparent intention of making them 
 independent of each other, in a very consi- 
 derable degree. The legislature was divided 
 into two branches, and all persons holding 
 offices of profit or trust, excluded from it. 
 The executive too was constituted by election, 
 and a strong jealousy of its powers was every 
 where manifested. The judges received their 
 appointments from the legislature, or executive, 
 and in most instances held their offices during 
 good behaviour.
 
 406 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vf. These great principles formed the common 
 1776. basis of the American republics. There were, 
 however, some exceptions to them. In some 
 of the states, the legislature consisted of a 
 single branch, and in some of them, the tenure 
 of judicial office was for a term of years ; and in 
 Connecticut, and Rhode Island, where the 
 ancient institutions were preserved, they con- 
 tinued to be elected by the people annually, 
 and formed one branch of the legislature. 
 
 Various too were the qualifications required 
 to confer the privilege of an elector, or of 
 being elected; and the second branch of the 
 legislature was variously constructed. In some 
 states, a greater,, and in others, a less effort 
 was discernible, to make it an effectual check 
 on the more popular branch; either by pro- 
 longing the time for which its members were 
 elected, or requiring different qualifications 
 from those who should elect, and, in some in- 
 stances, by even permitting them to fill up by 
 their own act, vacancies created in their body, 
 during the time for which it had been consti- 
 tuted. 
 
 In constructing the executive too, great 
 varieties appeared. In some instances, the 
 governor was elected, and was eligible for a 
 longer, in others, for a shorter term : in some 
 states, he was invested with a negative on the 
 laws, which in others was refused him, and 
 with power to make appointments, which, more
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4Q7 
 
 generally, was exercised by the legislature. CHAP.VL 
 In some instances, he acted according to his 1776. 
 own judgment, and in others' was divested of 
 all responsibility, by being placed under the 
 absolute control of an executive council. 
 
 In general, however, the ancient institutions 
 were preserved, so far as was compatible with 
 the abolition of regal authority. 
 
 The provincial assemblies, under the influ- 
 ence of congress, took up the question of 
 independence; and, in some instances, autho- 
 rized their representatives in the great national 
 council, to enter into foreign alliances. Except 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New York, they 
 were in favour of a total and immediate sepa- 
 ration from Great Britain ; and gave instructions 
 to their representatives conforming to this 
 opinion. Measures had been taken to ascertain 
 the sense of the people respecting it, which 
 was expressed in instructions to their represen- 
 tatives in the colonial assemblies, and was 
 generally in favour of it. " The time was," 
 said the people of the town of Malden, g in 
 Massachussetts, " when we loved the king, and 
 the people of Great Britain with an affection 
 truly filial; we felt ourselves interested in their 
 glory; we shared in their joys and sorrows; 
 we cheerfully poured the fruit of all our 
 labours into the lap of our mother country, and 
 
 % Gazette.
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vi. without reluctance expended our blood and 
 1776. our treasure in her cause. 
 
 " These were our sentiments towards Great 
 Britain while she continued to act the part of a 
 parent state; we felt ourselves happy in our 
 connexion with her, nor wished it to be dis- 
 solved. But our sentiments are altered. It is 
 now the ardent wish of our souls that America 
 may become a free and independent state." 
 
 The inhabitants of Boston, ev^er forward and 
 zealous in the contest, concluded, in their 
 instructions, a recapitulation of the existing 
 causes of durable animosity, and of the hazards 
 of restoring the past connexion, with saying, 
 " we therefore think it almost impracticable for 
 these colonies to be ever again subject to, or 
 dependent upon Great Britain, without endan- 
 gering the very existence of the state. Placing, 
 however, unbounded confidence in the supreme 
 councils of the congress, we are determined to 
 wait, most patiently to wait, until their wisdom 
 shall dictate the necessity of making a declara- 
 tion of independence. Nor should we have 
 ventured to express our sentiments upon the 
 subject, but from the presumption that con- 
 gress would choose to feel themselves supported 
 by the people of each colony, before they adopt 
 a resolution so interesting to the whole. The 
 inhabitants of this town, therefore, unanimously 
 instruct and direct you, that, at the approaching . 
 session of the general assembly, you use your
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 409 
 
 endeavours that the delegates of this colony in CHAP, vi. 
 congress be advised, that in case the congress 1776. 
 shall think it necessary for the safety of the 
 United Colonies, to declare them independent 
 of Great Britain, the inhabitants of this colony, 
 with their lives, and the remnant of their for- 
 tunes, will most cheerfully support them in 
 that measure." 11 
 
 The people of the other parts of the same 
 province, and in the other colonies generally, 
 manifested the same spirit, and expressed the 
 same sentiments. In South Carolina, they 
 were particularly ardent ; and in Virginia, the 
 public sense was so decisive on the subject, 
 that the convention not only instructed their 
 representatives to move the resolution in the 
 grand council of the continent, but declared 
 that colony an independent state before the 
 measure was sanctioned by congress. 
 
 The public opinion having manifested itself 
 in favour of independence, the great and deci- 
 sive step was determined on, and the following 
 resolution was moved by Richard Henry Lee, 
 and seconded by John Adams, " resolved, that 
 these United Colonies are, and of right ought 
 to be, free and independent states ; and that all 
 political connexion between them and the state j^e?. 
 of Great Britain is, and ought to be totally 
 dissolved." 
 
 h Gazette. 
 VOL. II. 3 G
 
 410 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, vi. This resolution was referred to a committee 
 1776. of the whole congress, where it was daily 
 debated. All the colonies, except Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Maryland, had expressed their 
 approbation of the measure, and no doubi was 
 entertained of its adoption ; but it was thought 
 prudent to suspend a decision on it until the 
 acquiescence of those colonies in the measure 
 should render its adoption unanimous.* Great 
 exertions were made in both, by the strong 
 friends of this resolution, who availed them- 
 selves of the apprehension, that those who did 
 not join in this last and greatest step would 
 be excluded from the union; and, at length, 
 instructions were received from the conventions 
 jui.e -2s. of those provinces also directing their repre- 
 sentatives to assent to it, 
 
 The resolution was now unanimously agreed 
 
 independence to, and the declaration, which had been already 
 
 declared. . . J 
 
 prepared by a committee appointed tor that 
 
 purpose, was taken into consideration, and 
 
 Fourth, after several amendments, received the sanction 
 
 of the whole congress. 
 
 * While this vote was depending, resolutions were en- 
 tered into by congress, declaring, that all persons residing 
 within, or passing through, any one of the United Colo- 
 nies, owed allegiance to the government thereof; and that 
 any such person, who should levy war against any of the 
 United Colonies, or adhere to the king of Great Britain, 
 or other enemies of the said colonies, or any of them, 
 should be guilty of treason; and it was recommended to 
 the several legislatures to pass laws for their punishment.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 This important paper commences with sta- CHAP, vi. 
 ting that, " when in the course of human events 1776. 
 it becomes necessary for one people to dis- 
 solve the political bands which have connected 
 them with another, and to assume among the 
 powers of the earth, the separate and equal 
 stations to which the laws of Nature, and of 
 Nature's God, entitle them, a decent respect to 
 the opinions of mankind requires, that they* 
 should declare the causes which impel them to 
 the separation." 
 
 The causes are then stated, and a long enume- 
 ration of the oppressions complained of by 
 America is closed with saying, " a prince, 
 whose character is thus marked by every act 
 which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the 
 ruler of a free people." 
 
 The fruitless appeals which ha r l been made to 
 the people of Great Britain are also recounted, 
 but, " they too," concludes this declaration, 
 " have been deaf to the voice of justice and of 
 consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce 
 in the necessity which denounces our separa- 
 tion, and hold them, as we hold the rest 'of 
 mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. 
 
 " We therefore, the representatives of the 
 United States of America, in general congress 
 
 * Mr. Jefferson, Mr. John Adams, Mr. Franklin, Mr. 
 
 Sherman, and Mr. R. R. Livingston, were appointed to 
 
 prepare this declaration; and the draft reported by the 
 
 committee has been generally attributed to Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 3 G 2
 
 412 THE 
 
 CHAP. vi. assembled, appealing to the supreme judge of 
 1776. the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
 do, in the name, and by the authority of the 
 good people of these colonies, solemnly pub- 
 lish and declare, that these United Colonies are, 
 and of right ought to be, free and independent 
 states; that they are absolved from all allegiance 
 to the British crown, and that all political con- 
 nexion between them and the state of Great 
 Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; 
 and that, as free and independent states, they 
 have full power to levy war, conclude peace, 
 contract alliances, establish commerce, and do 
 all other acts and things, which independent 
 states may of right do. And for the support 
 of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the 
 protection of Divine Providence, we mutually 
 pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, 
 and our sacred honour."* 
 
 This declaration was immediately communi- 
 cated to the armies, where it was received with 
 enthusiasm. It was also proclaimed throughout 
 the United States, and gave to the people very 
 general joy. Some individuals, however, who 
 had been very zealous supporters of all mea- 
 sures, which had for their object only a redress 
 of grievances ; and in whose bosoms the hope 
 of accommodation still lingered; either too 
 timid to meet the arduous conflict which this 
 
 * See Note, M. XVIII. at the end of the -volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 413 
 
 measure rendered, in their estimation, certain CHAP, vi. 
 and inevitable, or sincerely believing that the 1776. 
 happiness of America would be best consulted 
 by preserving their political connexion with 
 Great Britain, viewed the dissolution of that 
 connexion with anxious regret; and others, 
 who afterwards deserted the American cause, 
 which they had at first embraced, attributed 
 their defection to this measure. It was also an 
 unfortunate truth that, in the whole country 
 between New England and the Potowmac, 
 which was now to become the great theatre of 
 action, although the majority was in favour of 
 independence, yet there existed a formidable 
 minority, who not only refused to act with 
 their countrymen, but were ready to give to 
 the enemy every aid in their power. 
 
 It cannot, however, be questioned, that the 
 declaration of independence was wise and well 
 timed; and that since the continuance of the 
 war was inevitable, every principle of sound 
 policy required, that the avowed characters of 
 the parties should be changed; and that it 
 should no longer be denominated, or considered, 
 a war between a sovereign and his acknow- 
 ledged subjects.
 
 414 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Lord and sir William Howe arrive before New York.... 
 Circular letter of lord Howe....State of the American 
 army.. ..The enemy land in force on Long island.... 
 Battle of Brooklyn and evacuation of Long island... r 
 Fruitless negotiations.... New York evacuated. 
 
 v/N evacuating Boston, general Howe had 
 retired to Halifax. He seems to have intended 
 there to wait the large re-enforcements expected 
 from England, and not to approach his adver- 
 sary until he should be in a condition to act 
 offensively, and with such success as would 
 make a very serious impression. But the situa- 
 tion of his army in that place was so uncom- 
 fortable, and the delays in the arrival of the 
 troops from Europe were so great, that he at 
 
 length resolved with the forces already under 
 
 1776. his command, to sail for New York, in some 
 
 June 10. 
 
 of the islands on the seaboard of which, it 
 
 would be in his power to take a station of per- 
 feet security, until he should be strong enough 
 to commence the great plan of operations which 
 was contemplated. This measure was recom- 
 mended by several considerations. His troops 
 would there receive plentiful supplies of fresh 
 provisions ; he would be enabled to ascertain 
 with more precision the dependence to be 
 placed on the inhabitants ; and in the mean 
 time, to make those preparations which would
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 415 
 
 facilitate his plan for opening the campaign CHAP, vu. 
 with vigour, so soon as his whole army should 1776. 
 be collected. In the latter end of June, he 
 arrived off Sandyhook, in the Grey-hound, and 
 on the twenty-ninth of that month, the first 
 division of the fleet from Halifax reached the 
 same place. The rear division soon followed, 
 and having passed the Narrows, landed the 
 troops on Staten island, where general Wash- J u 'y 3 & 4 - 
 ington had placed only a small military force, 
 for the purpose of collecting and driving off 
 such stock, as might otherwise supply the 
 invading army with fresh provisions. Here, 
 they Avere received with great demonstrations 
 of joy by the inhabitants, who took the oaths 
 of allegiance to the British crown, and em- 
 bodied themselves under the authority of the 
 late governor Tryon, for the defence of the 
 island. Strong assurances were also received 
 from Long island, and the neighbouring parts 
 of New Jersey, of the favourable dispositions 
 of a great proportion of the people to the royal 
 cause. On Staten island, general Howe re- 
 solved to wait until his army should be in full 
 force, unless circumstances should require a 
 change of system. 
 
 Foreseeing the distress which would be oc- 
 casioned to the enemy, by cutting off those 
 supplies of fresh provisions which would be 
 particularly useful on their first landing, gene- 
 ral Washington had urged the different com-
 
 416 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. m ittees to co-operate with him in removing the 
 1776. stock and grain in the small islands near the 
 coast ; which, if permitted to remain, would 
 inevitably full into their hands ; but this wise 
 precaution had been only in part executed, and 
 general Howe soon obtained partial supplies for 
 himself and army. 
 
 The effect, with which the British arms had 
 been opposed in New England, had demon- 
 strated to administration the very serious com- 
 plexion of the war, and the necessity of 
 employing in it a force vastly more conside- 
 rable, than they had originally supposed could 
 possibly be required. In addition therefore to 
 the national troops, they had subsidized about 
 thirteen thousand Hessians and Waldeckers, 
 and it was also determined to employ a power- 
 ful fleet in this important service. 
 
 As had been foreseen by general Washington, 
 the great effort was now to be made on the 
 Hudson. A variety of considerations suggested 
 the policy of transferring the seat of war to this 
 part of the continent. Such is the formation 
 of the country on the sea board, being divided 
 into islands assailable in every direction by 
 a maritime force, that it requires for defence 
 against a conjoint attack by land and water, 
 not only complete fortifications, but a very for- 
 midable army also. The same causes which 
 render this part of the United States so vulnerable 
 to an invading enemy commanding the sea,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 secure that enemy in the possession of it, after CHAP.VU. 
 it has been acquired. It must always be found 177&. 
 extremely difficult to drive even an inferior 
 army from this post, without first obtaining a 
 naval superiority. 
 
 The British general was invited to New 
 York, not only by the facility with which that 
 position could be taken and retained, but by the 
 great and superior advantages it offered in the 
 prosecution of the war. Long island, of the 
 secure possession of which he could not enter- 
 tain a doubt, unless his force should be insuffi- 
 cient to make any impression whatever on 
 America, was a very fertile country, abounding 
 in provisions ; and would of itself furnish large 
 supplies to his army. From this post too it 
 was optional with him to carry the war east- 
 wardly into New England, northwardly into the 
 state of New York, or westwardly into the 
 Jerseys and Pennsylvania ; or, if too weak to 
 attempt the conquest of either, he could retire 
 into a place of security, and either harass the 
 American army, and the adjacent country, or 
 carry on expeditions against distant parts of the 
 continent. In fact, it enabled him to com- 
 mand perfectly his own operations, and to 
 choose the scene of action. The possession 
 of the Hudson too, would open to him the most 
 direct communication with Canada, and enable 
 him very greatly to interrupt the intercourse 
 between the eastern and southern states. In 
 
 VOL. II. 3 H
 
 418 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. addition to these circumstances, he would 
 
 1776. cover his friends, who in turn would recruit 
 
 his army, and supply it with those necessaries, 
 
 the want of which he had severely experienced 
 
 in Boston. 
 
 The command of the fleet destined for this 
 service was intrusted to lord Howe, the 
 brother of the general ; and they were both 
 constituted commissioners for restoring peace 
 to the colonies, and granting pardons, with 
 such exceptions as they should think proper to 
 make. Lord Howe, who had been detained 
 some time in England soliciting an enlarge- 
 ment of his powers as commissioner, arrived 
 Lord and at Halifax about a fortnight after his brother 
 How^'lrr^e had left that place, and lost no time in proceed- 
 New York, ing after him to Staten island, which he reached 
 the twelfth of July. 1 
 
 General Washington soon received evidence 
 of the difficulty attending his efforts to preserve 
 this important river from an enemy, possessing 
 so powerful a fleet as was now to act against 
 him. Two frigates passed his batteries without 
 injury, and sailed up towards the highlands, 
 the passes of whigh were of essential impor- 
 tance, and were very weakly defended. It was 
 apprehended that on board these frigates might 
 be a small body of troops, and arms for the 
 numerous disaffected of that country, with 
 
 ' Jtnnual Register.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 419 
 
 whose aid, sadden possession might be taken CHAP.VH. 
 of these important positions. It was impos- 1776. 
 sible still further to weaken the army at New 
 York for the defence of these passes, and there- 
 fore the militia were called upon to maintain 
 them. The frigates, however, did not make 
 the attempt which was apprehended from 
 them ; but, by retaining this station, they 
 cut off the communication by water, between 
 the army at New York and that at Ticon- 
 deroga. To remove this interruption, a plan 
 was formed to set the frigates on fire by 
 means of a lire-ship. This plan, though con- 
 siderable address and courage were manifested 
 in the attempt, failed in the execution; and 
 only a tender was burnt. The frigates returned, 
 but this fact demonstrated a truth which the 
 general had before believed, that a ship with 
 a fair wind would pass his batteries at pleasure, 
 unless stopped before them by obstacles in the 
 channel. 
 
 Notwithstanding the declaration of indepen- 
 dence had now been made, lord Howe deter- 
 mined, while the troops from Europe were 
 arriving, to try the influence of the powers for circular 
 pacification which had been committed to him. lord Howe - 
 He sent on shore, by a flag, a circular letter, July 14 - 
 dated off the coast of Massachusetts, addressed 
 severally to the late governors under the crown, 
 enclosing a declaration which he requested them 
 to make public; and which announced to the 
 3 H 2
 
 420 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vn. people his authority to grant pardons to any 
 1776. number or description of persons, who, during 
 the tumult and disasters of the times, might 
 have deviated from their just allegiance, and 
 who might be willing, by a speedy return to 
 their duty, to reap the benefits of the royal 
 favour ; and to declare any colony, town, port, 
 or place, in the peace and under the protection 
 of the crown, and excepted from the penal pro- 
 visions of the act of parliament prohibiting all 
 trade and intercourse with the colonies. This 
 letter also contained assurances that the meri- 
 torious services of all persons who should aid 
 and assist in restoring public tranquility in the 
 colonies, or in any parts thereof, would be duly 
 considered. 
 
 These papers were immediately transmitted 
 juiy 19. by the commander in chief to congress, who 
 resolved that they should " be published in the 
 several gazettes, that the good people of the 
 United States might be informed of what nature 
 were the commissioners, and what the terms, 
 w r ith the expectation of which, the insidious 
 court of Britain had sought to amuse and dis- 
 arm them ; and that the few who still remained 
 suspended by a hope founded either in the jus- 
 tice or moderation of their late king, might, 
 now at length be convinced, that the valour 
 alone of their country is to save its liberties." 
 
 About the same time that these papers were 
 put into circulation, lord Howe sent, with a 
 flag, a letter addressed to " George Washington
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 421 
 
 esquire," which the general refused to receive, CHAP, vu. 
 as "it did not acknowledge the public character 1776. 
 with which he was invested by congress, and 
 in no other character could he have any inter- 
 course with his lordship." This dignified pro- 
 ceeding was highly approved by congress, in 
 a particular resolution which also directed, 
 11 that no letter or message be received on any 
 occasion whatever from the enemy, by the 
 commander in chief, or others, the command- 
 ers of the American army, but such as shall 
 be directed to them in the characters they res- 
 pectively su stain . ' ' 
 
 As there was some difficulty in recognising 
 either the civil or military character conferred 
 on individuals by the existing powers in Ame- 
 rica, and yet it was desirable, either for the 
 purpose of effecting a pacification, or of divid- 
 ing still more the Americans, if a pacification 
 should be impracticable, to open negotiations, 
 and hold out the semblance of restoring peace, 
 the commissioners cast about for means to 
 evade this preliminary obstacle to any discus- 
 sion of the terms they were authorized to pro- 
 pose; and, at length, colonel Patterson, adjutant juiy 20. 
 general of the British army, was sent on shore 
 by general Howe, with a letter directed to 
 " George Washington, &c. &c. &c." He was 
 introduced to the general, whom he addressed 
 by the title of "excellency;" and, after the 
 usual compliments, entered on business by
 
 422 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. saying, that general Howe much regretted the 
 1776. difficulties which had arisen respecting the 
 address of the letters ; that the mode adopted 
 was deemed consistent with propriety, and was 
 founded on precedent in cases of ambassadors, 
 and plenipotentiaries, where disputes or diffi- 
 culties about rank had arisen : that general 
 Washington might recollect he had, last 
 summer, addressed a letter to " the honour- 
 able William Howe," that lord, and general 
 Howe, did not mean to derogate from his rank, 
 or the respect due to him; and that they held 
 his person and character in the highest esteem, 
 but that the direction, with the addition of &c. 
 &c. &c. implied every thing which ought to 
 follow. Colonel Patterson then produced a 
 letter which he said was the same that had been 
 sent, and which he laid on the table. 
 
 The general declined receiving it, and said, 
 that a letter directed to a person in a public 
 character, should have some description or 
 indication of that character, otherwise it would 
 be considered as a mere private letter. It 
 was true the etceteras implied every thing, 
 and they also implied any thing. That the 
 letter to general HOAVC, alluded to, was an 
 answer to one received from him under a like 
 address ; which, having been taken by the 
 officer on duty, he did not think proper to 
 return ; and therefore answered in the same 
 mode of address ; and that he should absolutely
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 423 
 
 decline any letter relating to his public station, CHAP.VH. 
 directed to him as a private person. 1776. 
 
 Colonel Patterson then said, that general 
 Howe would not urge his delicacy further, and 
 repeated his assertions that no failure of respect 
 was intended. 
 
 Some conversation then passed relative to 
 the treatment of prisoners) after which, colonel 
 Patterson said, that the goodness and benevo- 
 lence of the king had induced him to appoint 
 lord Howe, and general Howe, his commis- 
 sioners to accommodate the unhappy dispute at 
 present subsisting: that they had great powers, 
 and would derive much pleasure from effecting 
 the accommodation; and that he wished this 
 visit to be considered as making the first ad- 
 vance towards so desirable an object. 
 
 General Washington replied, that he was 
 not vested with any powers on this subject, by 
 those from whom he derived his authority ; 
 but he would observe that, so far as he could 
 judge from what had as yet transpired, lord 
 Howe and general Howe were only empowered 
 to grant pardons: that those who had com- 
 mitted no fault, wanted no pardon ; and that 
 the Americans were only defending what they 
 deemed their indubitable rights. This, colonel 
 Patterson said, would open a very wide field 
 for argument : and after expressing his fears 
 that an adherence to forms might obstruct busi-
 
 424 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vu. ness of the greatest moment and concern, he 
 irre. took his leave. 
 
 The substance of this conversation was com- 
 municated to congress, and was ordered by 
 that body to be published. 
 
 In the mean time, general Washington was 
 extremely desirous of making some impression 
 on the enemv before their whole -force should 
 
 v 
 
 be collected. He conceived it to be very prac- 
 ticable to cross over in the night from the 
 mouth of Thompson's creek, a little below 
 Elizabeth town on the Jersey shore, to Staten 
 island, and cut off some detached posts of the 
 enemy near the blazing star, within a penin- 
 sula formed by two creeks, which could not 
 easily be re-enforced. This plan was to be 
 executed by general Mercer, who commanded 
 the flying camp, and who assisted in forming it; 
 but the weather, gn the night fixed on for its 
 execution, was so very tempestuous, as to 
 make it impossible to cross the sound in such 
 boats as had been provided. 
 
 August. The re-enforcements to the British army, 
 about four hundred and fifty of whom had been 
 captured by the American cruizers, were now 
 arriving daily from Europe, and general Howe 
 had also been joined by the troops from the 
 southward. His strength was not accurately 
 known, but was estimated, in the total, at 
 about twenty four thousand men. The last 
 division of the Germans had not yet reached
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 425 
 
 him, but they were not expected soon, and he CHAP.VH. 
 thought himself strong enough to open the 1776. 
 campaign without them. 
 
 To this army, alike formidable for its num- 
 bers and the abundant supply of military stores 
 of every sort, with which it was furnished; 
 aided in its operations by a numerous fleet; 
 general Washington had, from the time it was 
 first expected, incessantly pressed congress to 
 oppose a force, permanent in its own nature; 
 capable, from its structure, of receiving mili- 
 tary discipline; and competent, in point of 
 numbers, to the defence of the country. It 
 has been already observed, that these remon- 
 strances had not produced all the effect to which 
 they were entitled. 
 
 Without doubt, the difficulties embarrassing 
 congress were of a nature not to be immediately 
 or entirely removed by human efforts. Hosti- 
 lities had commenced at a time, when neither 
 arms, ammunition, nor military stores of any 
 kind, sufficient to serve a moderate army a 
 single campaign, were in the country. The 
 government was in possession of no revenue, 
 and those resources from which revenue might 
 be expected to flow, were dried up by the 
 almost total annihilation of their commerce. 
 They could only rely on paper emissions un- 
 supported by solid funds, the value of which 
 could only be kept up by "heavy taxes which 
 they had not the power to impose, and the im- 
 
 VOL. II. 3 I
 
 426 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vn position of which, had they possessed the 
 1776. power, might produce very serious effects on 
 the dispositions of the people. It was therefore 
 necessary to disburse money with great caution : 
 yet this saving temper, however necessary to 
 a certain extent, might be carried too far; and 
 it w r as possible to expose to hazard, by a too 
 rigid economy, the most important objects. 
 But there were certain opinions prevalent in the 
 United States, from which they receded slowly, 
 and from which melancholy experience only 
 could drive them, that were productive of the 
 most fatal consequences. One of these, and 
 the most essential, w^as, that an army could be 
 created every campaign, for the purposes of that 
 campaign ; and that such temporary provisions 
 might be relied on, for the defence of the 
 country. It is probable that this system owes 
 its introduction, in some degree, to the state 
 of things when the army was raised, that mea- 
 sure being the act of separate and temporary 
 governments; in some degree, to the nature of 
 the war, the prosecution of which they still 
 hoped would be abandoned by the British 
 nation, when the extent of the opposition in 
 America should be known ; in some degree to 
 the ancient habits of the eastern colonies; and 
 in some degree to the prejudices against a 
 regular army, and a disinclination to believe 
 in the superiority of a permanent and disciplined 
 force. It is probable that the hope was cherished
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 427 
 
 by many, that the commissioners, who had CHAP.VH. 
 been long expected, would bring with them 1776. 
 propositions which would serve as the basis of 
 an accommodation ; and, though the majority 
 had taken up opinions in favour of independence, 
 yet the minority was capable of impeding mea- 
 sures which seemed to exclude every idea of 
 terminating the war but by the sword. In a 
 private letter written by general Washington 
 whilst attending congress in May, to a confi- 
 dential friend, he declared the opinion, that 
 nothing was to be expected from the commis- 
 sioners, and that the idea had only been sug- 
 gested to deceive America, and prevent her 
 taking those measures which her situation ren- 
 dered necessary. " This," he added, " has 
 been too effectually accomplished, as many 
 members of congress, in short the representa- 
 tives of whole provinces, are still feeding 
 themselves on the dainty food of reconciliations, 
 and though they will not allow that the expec- 
 tation of it has any influence on their judgments, 
 so far as respects preparations for defence, it 
 is but too obvious that it has an operation on 
 every part of their conduct, and is a clog to all 
 their proceedings. It is not in the nature of 
 things to be otherwise ; for no man who enter- 
 tains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and 
 equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go 
 to the same expense, and incur the same 
 hazards, to prepare for the worst event,, that 
 3 i 2
 
 428 T1IE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. he will, who believes that he must conquer, or 
 1776. submit unconditionally, and take the conse- 
 quences, such as confiscation and hanging." 
 
 Whatever might be the causes, it is certain 
 
 that the American army was not in a condition 
 
 state of the to realize the hopes of the country, or the 
 
 American . . ' 
 
 army. wishes of its chief. It consisted, when general 
 Howe landed on Staten island, of not more 
 than ten thousand men. This small force was 
 not yet sufficiently furnished with arms, and 
 the men were very sickly. The diseases which 
 always afflict new troops were, probably, in 
 spme degree, increased by their being greatly 
 exposed in consequence of the want of tents. 
 At the instance of the general, some regiments 
 stationed in the different states were ordered 
 to join him, and in addition to the requisitions 
 of men to serve until December, requisitions 
 not yet complied with, the neighbouring mi- 
 litia were called into service for the present 
 exigency. Yet on the eighth of August, in a 
 letter to congress, he stated, that " for the 
 several posts on New York, Long, and Gover- 
 nor's islands, and Paulus hook, the army con-< 
 sisted of only seventeen thousand two hundred 
 and twenty-five men, of whom three thousand 
 six hundred and sixty-eight were sick; and 
 that, in case of an immediate attack, he could 
 count certainly on no other addition to his 
 numbers, than a battalion from Maryland under 
 the command, of colonel Smallwood. This
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 429 
 
 force was rendered the more inadequate to its CHAP.VH. 
 objects by being necessarily divided for the 1776. 
 defence of posts, some of which were fifteen 
 miles distant from others, with navigable waters 
 between them. 
 
 " These things," continued the letter, "are 
 melancholy, but they are nevertheless true. I 
 hope for better. Under every disadvantage, 
 my utmost exertions shall be employed to 
 bring about the great end we have in view; 
 and so far as I can judge from the professions, 
 and apparent dispositions of my troops, I shall 
 have their support. The superiority of the 
 enemy, and the expected attack do not seem 
 to have depressed their spirits. These con- 
 siderations lead me to think that though the 
 appeal may not terminate so happily as I could 
 wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their 
 views without considerable loss. Any advan- 
 tage they may gain, I trust will cost them 
 dear." 
 
 Soon after this letter, the army was re- 
 enforced by Small wood's regiment, and by 
 two regiments from Pennsylvania, with a body 
 of New England and New York militia, which 
 increased it to twenty-seven thousand men, of 
 whom one fourth were sick. 
 
 A part of this army was stationed on Long 
 island, where major general Greene originally 
 commanded, but he being unfortunately taken 
 extremely ill, was succeeded by major general
 
 430 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. VIT. Sullivan. The residue occupied different sta- 
 1776. tions on York island, except two small detach- 
 ments, one on Governor's island, and the other 
 at Paul us hook : and except a part of the New 
 York militia under general Clinton, who were 
 stationed on the sound, towards New Rochelle, 
 East and West Chester, in order to give some 
 opposition to the enemy in the event of a sud- 
 den attempt to land above Kingsbridge, and 
 cut off the communication with the country. 
 
 As an attack from the enemy was daily ex- 
 pected, and it was believed that the influence 
 of the first battle would be very considerable, 
 all the vigilance and attention of the general 
 was unremittingly exerted to prevent among 
 his raw troops those unmilitary and dangerous 
 practices, into which men, unused to the neces- 
 sary restraints of a camp, will ever indulge; 
 and to establish, as far as possible, those prin- 
 ciples of subordination and exact observance 
 of orders, so essential to victory. He also 
 used every expedient to rouse the latent sparks 
 of that enthusiastic love of liberty, that indig- 
 nation against the invaders of their country, 
 and that native courage, which he believed 
 now animated the bosoms of Americans; and 
 whi'jh he greatly relied on as substitutes for 
 discipline and experience. " The time," say 
 his orders issued soon after the arrival of 
 general Howe, " is now near at hand, which 
 must probably determine whether Americans
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 431 
 
 arc to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are CHAP, vu. 
 to have any property they can call their own ; 1776. 
 whether their houses and farms are to be pil- 
 laged and destroyed, and themselves consigned 
 to a state of wretchedness from which no 
 human efforts will deliver them. The fate of 
 unborn millions will now depend, under God, 
 on tl^e courage and conduct of this army. 
 Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us 
 only the choice of a brave resistance, or the 
 most abject submission. We have therefore 
 to resolve to conquer, or to die. Our own, 
 our country's honour call upon us for a vigo- 
 rous and manly exertion; and if we now shame- 
 fully fail, we shall become infamous to the 
 whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness 
 of our cause, and the aid of the Supreme Being, 
 in whose hands victory is, to animate and en- 
 courage us to great and noble actions. The 
 eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, 
 and we shall have their blessings and praises, 
 if happily we are the instruments of saving them 
 from the tyranny meditated against them. Let 
 us therefore animate and encourage each other, 
 and show the whole world that a freeman con- 
 tending for liberty on his own ground, is 
 superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." 
 
 He recommended to the officers, great cool- 
 ness in time of action; and to the soldiers, 
 strict attention and obedience, with a becoming 
 firmness and spirit.
 
 432 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. He assured them, that any officer, soldier, 
 
 1776. or corps, \vhich should distinguish him, or 
 themselves, by any acts of extraordinary 
 bravery, should most certainly meet v, ith notice 
 and rewards; whilst, on the other hand, those 
 who should fail in the performance of their duty, 
 would as certainly be exposed and punished. 
 
 jniy 21. Whilst preparing for the expected engage- 
 ment, intelligence was received of the repulse 
 of the enemy in their attack on fort Moultrie, 
 and he availed himself of the occasion of com- 
 municating this success to his army, to add the 
 spirit of emulation to the other motives which 
 should impel them to manly exertions. " This 
 glorious example of our troops under the 
 like circumstances with ourselves, the general 
 hopes will animate every officer and soldier to 
 imitate, and even to out-do them, when the 
 enemy shall make the same attempt on us. 
 With such a bright example before us of what 
 can be done by brave men fighting in defence 
 of their country, we shall be loaded with a 
 double share of shame and infamy, if we do 
 not acquit ourselves with courage, and manifest 
 a determined resolution to conquer or die. 
 With the hope and confidence that this army 
 will have an equal share of honour and success, 
 the general most earnestly exhorts every offi- 
 cer and soldier to pay the utmost attention to 
 his arms, and health; to have the former in 
 the best order for action; and by cleanliness
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433 
 
 and care, to preserve the latter: to be exact in CHAP. vn. 
 their discipline, obedient to their superiors, 1776. 
 and vigilant on duty. With such preparations, 
 and a suitable spirit, there can be no doubt but 
 by the blessing of Heaven, we shall repel our 
 cruel invaders, preserve our country, and gain 
 the greatest honour." 
 
 As the crisis approached, his anxiety in- 
 creased. Endeavouring to breathe into his 
 army his own spirit, and to give them his 
 own feeling; he thus addressed them. " The 
 enemy's whole re-enforcement is now arrived, 
 so that an attack must, and will soon be made. 
 The general therefore again repeats his earnest 
 request, that every officer and soldier will have 
 his arms and ammunition in good order; keep 
 within his quarters and encampments, as much 
 as possible; be ready for action at a moment's 
 call; and when called to it, remember, that 
 liberty, property, life, and honour, are all at 
 stake; that upon their courage and conduct, 
 rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted 
 country; that their wives, children, and parents, 
 expect safety from them only; and that we 
 have every reason to believe that Heaven will 
 crown with success so just a cause. 
 
 " The enemy will endeavour to intimidate 
 by show and appearance ; but, remember, they 
 have been repulsed on various occasions by a 
 few brave Americans; their cause is bad; their 
 men are conscious of it; and if opposed with 
 
 VOL. II. 3 K
 
 434 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. firmness and coolness on their first onset, with 
 1776. our advantage of works, and knowledge of the 
 ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. 
 Every good soldier will be silent and attentive, 
 wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is 
 sure of doing execution; of this, the officers 
 are to be particularly careful." 
 
 He then gave the most explicit orders, that 
 any soldier who should attempt to conceal him- 
 self, or retreat without orders, should instantly 
 be shot down, as an example of the punishment 
 of cowardice, and desired every officer to be 
 particularly attentive to the conduct of his men, 
 and report those who should distinguish them- 
 selves by brave and noble actions, whom he 
 solemnly promised to notice and reward. Thus 
 did he endeavour to compensate, by infusing 
 into every bosom those sentiments which would 
 lead to the greatest individual exertion, for 
 want of arms, discipline and numbers. 
 
 As the defence of Long island was intimately 
 connected with that of New York, a brigade 
 had very early been stationed there, and had 
 taken a strong position at Brooklyn, capable 
 of beins: maintained for a considerable time. 
 
 o 
 
 This post, communicating immediately with 
 York island, might either be re-enforced or 
 abandoned as occasion should require, and 
 there an extensive camp had been marked out 
 and fortified. Brooklyn is a village on a small 
 peninsula made by the East river, the bay, and 
 Gowan's cove., into which a creek empties
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 435 
 
 Itself. The encampment fronted the main land CHAP.VH. 
 of the island, and the works stretched quite 1776. 
 across the peninsula from Whaaleboght bay in 
 the East river on the left, to a deep marsh on 
 the creek emptying into Gowan's cove on the 
 right. The rear was covered and defended 
 from an attack from the ships, by strong bat- ' 
 teries on Red hook, and on Governor's island, 
 which in a great measure commanded that part 
 of the bay, and by other batteries on East river 
 which kept open the communication with York 
 island. In front of the camp was a range of 
 hills covered with thick woods, which extended 
 from east to west nearly the length of the 
 island, and across which were three different 
 roads leading to Brooklyn ferry. These hills 
 though steep, are every where passable by 
 infantry. 
 
 The movements of the enemy soon indi- 
 cated an intention to make their first attack 
 on Long island, in consequence of which, ge- 
 neral Sullivan was strongly re-enforced. Early The enemv 
 
 & J J land in 
 
 in the morning of the twenty-second, thef lce ?" , 
 
 J Long island. 
 
 principal part of the British troops, with colo- 
 nel Donop's corps of Chasseurs and Hessian 
 grenadiers, with forty pieces of cannon, landed 
 without opposition, under cover of the guns of 
 the fleet, near Utrecht and Gravesend, on the 
 south west point of the island, and not far from 
 the Narrows, where it approaches nearest to 
 Staten island. This division of the army was 
 3 K 2
 
 436 THE L1FE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. commanded by lieutenant general Clinton. A 
 1776. regiment of Pennsylvanians, under colonel 
 Hand, who guarded the coast, retired before 
 them to the woody heights commanding a pass 
 leading directly through Flatbush to the works 
 at Brooklyn. Lord Cornwallis was immedi- 
 ately detached to Flatbush with orders to seize 
 the pass, if it should be unoccupied, but not 
 to risk an attack if he found it in the possession 
 of the Americans. The pass being guarded, 
 his lordship took post in the village, and the 
 army extended from the ferry at the Narrows, 
 through Utrecht and Gravesend, to the village 
 of Flatland. k 
 
 There being now a certainty that an engage- 
 ment would soon take place, general Wash- 
 ington made still another effort to inspire his 
 troops with the most determined courage. 
 juiy 23. " The enemy," said he in addressing them, 
 " have now landed on Long island, and the 
 hour is fast approaching, on which the honour 
 and success of this army, and the safety of our 
 bleeding country depends. Remember, officers 
 and soldiers, that you are freemen fighting for 
 the blessings of liberty that slavery will be 
 your portion, and that of your posterity, if you 
 do not acquit yourselves like men. Remember 
 how your courage has been despised and tra- 
 duced by your cruel invaders ; though they 
 have found by dear experience, at Boston, 
 
 k General Howe's letter.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 ? 
 
 Charleston, and other places, what a few brave CHAP. vu. 
 men, contending in their own land, and in the 1776. 
 best of causes, can do against hirelings and 
 mercenaries. Be cool, but determined. Do 
 not fire at a distance, but wait for orders from 
 your officers." He repeated his injunctions to 
 shoot down any person who should misbehave 
 in action, and his hope " that none so infamous 
 would be found ; but that, on the contrary, 
 each for himself, resolving to conquer or die, 
 and trusting to the smiles of heaven on so just 
 a cause, would behave with bravery and reso- 
 lution." His assurance of rewards to those 
 \vho should distinguish themselves w r ere re- 
 peated ; and he declared " his confidence that, 
 if the army would but emulate and imitate their 
 brave countrymen in other parts of America, 
 they would, by a glorious victory, save their 
 country, and acquire to themselves immortal 
 honour." 
 
 Major general Putnam was now directed to 
 to take command at Brooklyn, which camp 
 was re-enforced with six regiments ; and he 
 was charged most earnestly by the commander 
 in chief, to be in constant readiness for an attack, 
 and to guard the woods between the two camps 
 with his best troops. On the same day, lieu- 
 tenant general De Heister landed with two bri- 
 gades of Hessians. The next day, he took 
 post at Flatbush, and in the evening, lord 
 Cornwallis with the British drew off to Flat- 
 land.
 
 438 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vn. General Washington had passed the day at 
 1776. Brooklyn, making the best arrangements for 
 J^y 26 the approaching action, and at night, returned 
 to New York. 
 
 The Hessians under general de Heister com- 
 posed the center of the British army at Flat- 
 bush ; major general Grant commanded the 
 left wing, which extended to the coast, and 
 the greater part of the British "forces, under 
 general Clinton, earl Percy, and lord Corn- 
 wallis, turned short to the right and approached 
 the opposite coast at Flatland. 1 
 
 The two armies were now separated from 
 each other by the range of hills already men- 
 tioned. The center of the enemy at Flatbush 
 was scarcely four miles distant from the lines 
 at Brooklyn, andTa direct road led across the 
 heights from the one to the other. There was 
 also another road, rather more circuitous than 
 the first, leading from Flatbush by the way of 
 Bedford, a small village n the Brooklyn side 
 of the hills. The right and left wings of the 
 British army were nearly equi- distant from the 
 American works, and about five or six miles 
 from them. The road leading from the Nar- 
 rows along the coast, and by the way of 
 Gowan's cove, afforded the most direct route 
 to their left; and their right might either 
 return by the way t)f Flatbush, and unite with 
 
 1 General ITotve'f> letter.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439 
 
 the center, or take a more circuitous course, CHAP, vn. 
 and enter a road leading from Jamaica to 1776. 
 Bedford. These several roads unite between 
 Bedford and Brooklyn a small distance in front 
 of the American lines. 
 
 On the direct road fromFlatbush toBrooklyn, 
 and very near the former place, the Americans 
 had constructed in the hills, a strong redoubt 
 in which were mounted some few pieces of 
 artillery, and it was defended by a body of 
 troops deemed sufficient for the purpose. The 
 coast, and Bedford roads were guarded by 
 detachments posted on the hills, within view 
 of the British camp, which were relieved daily, 
 and directions had been given to throw obstruc- 
 tions in the way, which might embarrass the 
 enemy when advancing. The convention of 
 New York had ordered general Woodhull with 
 the militia of Long island to take post on the 
 high grounds, as near the enemy as possible ; 
 but he was yet at Jamaica, and seemed scarcely 
 to suppose himself under the control of the 
 regular officer, commanding on the island. 
 Light parties of volunteers were directed to 
 patrol on the road from Jamaica to Bedford, 
 about two miles from which, and near Flatbush, 
 colonel Miles of Pennsylvania was stationed 
 with a regiment of riflemen. 
 
 On the 26th, colonel Lutz of the Pennsyl- 
 vania militia, commanded, on the coast road; 
 and colonel Williams from New England, on
 
 440 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vu. the road from Flatbush to Bedford. Colonel 
 1776. Miles with his regiment of riflemen, still re- 
 mained on the ground where he had originally 
 been placed. 
 
 About nine o'clock at night, general Clinton 
 silently drew off the van of the army, consisting 
 of the light-infantry, grenadiers, light-horse, 
 reserve under lord Cornwallis, and some other 
 corps, with fourteen field-pieces, fromFlatland, 
 across the country, through that part which iis 
 called the New Lotts, in order to seize a pass 
 in the heights about three miles east of Bedford, 
 
 on the Jamaica road. Arriving entirely imdis- 
 
 ' ul >' 27 - covered, about two hours before daybreak, 
 within half a mile of the pass, he halted in 
 order to make his dispositions for taking pos- 
 session of it. Here, his patrols fell in with 
 and captured, without giving any alarm, one 
 of the American parties, which had been sta- 
 tioned on this road for the purpose of giving 
 notice of the first approach of the enemy in 
 that quarter. Learning from his prisoners that 
 the pass was unoccupied, general Clinton im- 
 mediately seized it ; and on the appearance of 
 day, the whole column passed the heights and 
 advanced into the level country between them 
 and Brooklyn. They were immediately fol- 
 lowed by another column under lord Percy." 1 
 
 m General Howe's letter.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 44 1 
 
 General Grant advanced along the coast at CHAP.VH. 
 the head of the left wing of the British with irre. 
 ten pieces of cannon. As his first object was 
 to draw the attention of the Americans from 
 their left, he moved slowly, skirmishing as he 
 advanced with the light parties stationed on 
 that road. n 
 
 The suspicions of general Putnam having 
 been very much directed towards the route 
 along the coast, this movement of general 
 Grant was soon discovered and communicated 
 to him. It having been determined that the 
 passes through the hills were to be very seri- 
 ously contested, re-enforcements were imme- 
 diately ordered out to the assistance of the 
 parties which had been advanced in front ; and, 
 as the enemy continued to gain ground, still 
 stronger detachments were employed in this 
 service. About three o'clock in the morning, 
 brigadier general lord Sterling was directed, 
 with the two nearest regiments, to meet the 
 enemy on the road leading from the Narrows. 
 Major general Sullivan, who commanded all 
 the troops without the lines, proceeded with a 
 very considerable body of New Englanders on 
 the road leading directly to Flatbush, and 
 another detachment occupied the heights be- 
 tween that place and Bedford. 
 
 n General Howe's letter. 
 VOL. II. 3 L
 
 442 THE L1FE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. About break of day, lord Sterling reached 
 1776. the summit of the hills, where he was joined 
 by the troops which had been already engaged 
 and were retiring slowly before the enemy, 
 who almost immediately appeared in sight. 
 Having posted his men advantageously, a warm 
 cannonade was commenced on both sides, 
 which continued for several hours ; and some 
 sharp, but not very close skirmishing took place 
 between the infantry. Lord Sterling being 
 only anxious to defend the pass he guarded, 
 could not descend in force from the heights; 
 and general Grant did not wish to drive him 
 from them, until that part of the plan which 
 had been intrusted to sir Henry Clinton, should 
 be executed. 
 
 Bank of In the centre, general De Heister, soon 
 
 Brooklyn and _ . -. , , 
 
 evacuation of after daylight, bearan to cannonade the troops 
 
 Lor.;; island. 
 
 under general Sullivan ; but did not move from 
 his ground at Flatbush, until the British right 
 had approached the left and rear of the Ameri- 
 can line. In the mean time, in order the more 
 effectually to draw their attention from the 
 point where the grand attack was intended, the 
 fleet was put in motion, and a very heavy can- 
 nonade commenced, and kept up on the battery 
 at Red hook. 
 
 About half past eight o'clock, the British 
 right having then reached Bedford, in the rear 
 of Sullivan's left, general De Heister ordered 
 colonel Donop's corps to advance to the attack
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 443 
 
 of the hill, following himself with the centre CHAP, vn. 
 of the army. The approach of Clinton was 1776. 
 now discovered by the American left, which 
 immediately endeavoured to regain the camp 
 at Brooklyn. They were retiring from the 
 woods by regiments, with their cannon, when 
 they encountered the front of the British, con- 
 sisting of the light infantry and light dragoons, 
 who were soon supported by the guards. 
 About the same time, the Hessians advanced 
 from Flatbush, against that part of the de- 
 tachment which occupied the direct road to 
 Brooklyn. Here general Sullivan commanded 
 in person ; but he found it extremely difficult 
 to keep his troops together, even long enough 
 to sustain the first attack. The firing heard 
 towards Bedford had disclosed to them the 
 alarming fact, that the British had turned their 
 left flank, and w r ere getting completely into 
 their rear. Perceiving at once the full danger 
 of their situation, they sought to escape it by 
 regaining the camp with the utmost possible 
 celerity. The sudden route of this party 
 enabled De Heister to detach a part of his force 
 against those who were engaged near Bedford. 
 In that quarter too, the Americans \vere broken 
 and driven back into the woods, and the front 
 of the column led by general Clinton, continu- 
 ing to move forward, intercepted and engaged 
 
 General Howe's letter. 
 3L 2
 
 444- THE 
 
 CHAP, vii, those who were retreating along the direct 
 1776. road from Flatbush. Thus attacked both in 
 front and rear, and alternately driven by the 
 British on the Hessians, and by the Hessians 
 back again on the British, a succession of 
 skirmishes took place in the woods, in the 
 course of which, some parts of corps forced 
 their way through the enemy, and regained 
 the lines of Brooklyn, and several individuals 
 saved themselves under cover of the woods ; 
 but a great proportion of the detachment was 
 killed or taken. The fugitives were pursued 
 up to the American works, and such is repre- 
 sented to have been the ardour of the British 
 soldiery, that it required the authority of their 
 cautious commander to prevent an immediate 
 attempt to carry them by storm. 
 
 The fire towards Brooklyn gave the first in- 
 timation to the American right, that the enemy 
 had gained their rear. Lord Sterling perceived 
 the danger with which he was threatened, and 
 that he could only escape it by instantly retreat- 
 ing across the creek in his rear, near the Yel- 
 low Mills not far from the cove. Orders to 
 this effect were immediately given, and, the 
 more effectually to secure the retreat of the 
 main body of the detachment, he determined 
 to attack, in person, a corps of the British 
 under lord Cornwallis, stationed at a house 
 somewhat above the place at which he proposed 
 crossing the creek. About four hundred men 
 of Smallwood's regiment were drawn out for
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 445 
 
 this purpose, and the attack was made with CHAP. VH. 
 great spirit. This small corps was brought up 1776, 
 several times to the charge, and lord Sterling 
 stated that he was on the point of dislodging 
 lord Cornwallis from his post; but the force in 
 his front increasing, and general Grant also 
 advancing on his rear, the brave men he com- 
 manded were no longer able to oppose the 
 superior numbers which assailed them on every 
 quarter, and those w T ho survived were, with 
 their general, made prisoners of w r ar. This 
 bold and well judged attempt, however, was 
 not without its advantages. It gave an oppor- 
 tunity to a large part of the detachment, to save 
 themselves by crossing the creek. 
 
 The loss sustained by the American army 
 on this occasion was very considerable, but 
 could not be accurately ascertained by either 
 party. Numbers were supposed to have been 
 drowned in the creek, or suffocated in the 
 marsh, whose bodies were never found ; and 
 exact accounts from the militia are seldom to 
 be expected, as the list of the missing, is 
 always swelled by those who return to their 
 homes. General Washington did not admit it 
 to exceed a thousand men, but in this estimate 
 he could only have included the regular troops. 
 In the letter written by general Howe, he states 
 the prisoners to have amounted to one thousand 
 and ninety-seven, among whom were major 
 general Sullivan, and brigadiers lord Sterling,
 
 446 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. and Woodhull, by him named Udell. He 
 1776. computes the loss of the Americans at three 
 thousand three hundred men, but this compu- 
 tation is probably excessive. He supposes too, 
 that the troops engaged on the heights, 
 amounted to ten thousand ; but it is impossible 
 they could have much exceeded half that num- 
 ber. The loss of the enemy is stated by 
 general Howe at twenty-one officers, and three 
 hundred and forty-six privates killed, wounded, 
 and taken. 
 
 As the action became warm, general Wash- 
 ington passed over to the camp at Brooklyn, 
 where he saw with inexpressible anguish the 
 destruction in which his best troops were in- 
 volved, and from which it was impossible to 
 extricate them. Should he attempt any thing 
 in their favour with the men remaining within 
 the lines of Brooklyn, it was probable from the 
 superiority of the enemy, that the camp itself 
 would be lost, and that whole division of his 
 army destroyed. Should he bring over the 
 remaining battalions from New York, he would 
 still have been unequal to the enemy, and his 
 whole army with perhaps the fate of his coun- 
 try might be staked on the issue of a single 
 battle, so inauspiciously commenced. He was 
 therefore compelled to behold the carnage of 
 his troops, without being able to assist them, 
 and to direct all his efforts to the preservation 
 of those which remained.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 447 
 
 The enemy believing the Americans to be CHAP.VH, 
 much stronger than they were in reality, and irre. 
 seeming unwilling to commit any thing to ha- 
 zard, fortunately made no immediate attempt 
 to force the lines. They encamped in front of 
 them, and on the twenty-eighth at night, broke j"i> 2 
 ground in form, within six hundred yards of a 
 redoubt on the left. 
 
 The situation of the army on Long island 
 had now become extremely critical. In front, 
 was a victorious enemy, from whom much was 
 to be apprehended in case of assault, but whose 
 numbers and formidable train of artillery ren- 
 dered the destruction of their works, by regular 
 approaches, inevitable. The movements of the 
 fleet too, indicated an intention to make some 
 attempt on New York, and, so soon as the wind 
 should be favourable, to force a passage into 
 the East river. Should they succeed in this 
 attempt, and .attack him by water, while the 
 army might assault him by land, they would 
 render his retreat extremely difficult, if not 
 absolutely impracticable. The troops too being 
 obliged to lie in the lines without shelter from 
 the heavy rains which fell, were excessively 
 fatigued and dispirited. Under these circum- 
 stances, it was determined to withdraw from 
 Long island, and this difficult movement was 
 effected on the night of the twenty -eighth, with 
 such silence and dispatch, that all the troops 
 and military stores, with the greater part of the
 
 448 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. provisions, and all the artillery, except such 
 1776. heavy pieces as, in the deep roads made by the 
 excessive heavy rains which had fallen, could 
 not possibly be drawn, were carried over in 
 safety. Early the next morning, the enemy 
 perceived the rear guard crossing the East river, 
 out of reach of their fire. From the commence- 
 ment of the action on the morning of the 
 twenty- seventh, until the troops had crossed 
 the East river on the morning of the twenty- 
 ninth, and were freed from the immediate perils 
 to which their situation had exposed them ; the 
 exertions and fatigues of the commander in 
 chief, who personally inspected almost every 
 thing, were incessant. Throughout that time 
 he never closed his eyes, and was almost con- 
 stantly on horseback. 
 
 The attempt to defend Long island was so 
 disastrous in its issue, and believed to have 
 been so perilous in itself, that persons were 
 not wanting who condemned it; and it is yet 
 represented as a great error in the commander 
 in chief. But in deciding on the wisdom of 
 measures, the event will not always lead to a 
 correct judgment. Before a just opinion can 
 be formed, it is necessary to consider the 
 previous state of things; to weigh the motives 
 which led to the decision, and to compare the 
 value of the object and the probability of 
 securing it, with the hazards attending the 
 attempt.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 449 
 
 The importance of the town of New York, CHAP.VIL 
 and of Long island, to either party, has been 1776. 
 already stated, and was, throughout the war, 
 very clearly demonstrated. It was extremely 
 desirable to maintain the possession of them if 
 practicable, or if that could not be done, to 
 consume the campaign in the struggle for them. 
 The abandonment of Long island, besides 
 giving the enemy secure and immediate pos- 
 session of an extensive and fertile country, 
 would certainly very much facilitate the success 
 of their attempt upon New York. It was there- 
 fore to be avoided, if possible. 
 
 The impossibility of avoiding it was not 
 evident, until the battle had been fought. It 
 was true that the American force on the island 
 could not be rendered equal, even in point of 
 numbers, to the enemy ; but with the advantage 
 of the defensible country, through which it was 
 necessary to pass, and of a fortified camp which 
 could only be attacked on one side, considerable 
 hopes might be entertained, without being over 
 sanguine, of at least maintaining the position 
 for a considerable time; and of selling it, 
 ultimately, at a high price. That such an 
 opinion was not ill founded seems to be evi- 
 denced by the cautious movement of general 
 Howe, who, even after the victory of the 
 27th, was not disposed to attack it without 
 the co-operation of the fleet, but chose rather 
 to carry it by regular approaches. Nor would 
 
 VOL. II. 3 M
 
 450 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. the situation of the troops on Long island have 
 3776. been desperate, even in the event of a conjoint 
 attack both by land and water, before their 
 strength and spirits were broken by the action 
 of the twenty-seventh. The East river was 
 guarded by very strong batteries on both sides, 
 and the entrance into it, from the bay, was 
 defended by Governor's island which was for- 
 tified, and in which two regiments were placed. 
 The ships could not lie in that river, without 
 first silencing those batteries, which would have 
 been found extremely difficult, and therefore 
 their aid could only be given, when a storm of 
 the works should be intended; and when that 
 should appear practicable, the troops might be 
 withdrawn from the island. 
 
 There was then, certainly, in the plan of 
 maintaining Long island, considerable hazard; 
 but not so much as to demonstrate the propriety 
 of relinquishing a post of so much importance, 
 without a struggle to preserve it. 
 
 With much more appearance of reason, the 
 general has been condemned for not having 
 guarded the road which leads over the hills 
 from Jamaica to Bedford. An attention to this 
 object was more particularly the duty of the 
 officer commanding at the post, whose general 
 written instructions, given two days previous 
 to the action, had directed that the woods 
 should be well guarded, and the approach of 
 the enemy through them rendered as difficult
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 as possible. But his numbers were not suffi- CHAP.VH. 
 cient to maintain in full force, detachments 177 6. 
 which should guard all the defiles through the 
 mountains, and if a strong corps capable of, 
 and intended for, serious resistance, had been 
 posted on this road, and a feint had been made 
 on them, while a serious and successful effort 
 had been made to pass the hills by the direct 
 road from Flatbush, or by that along the coast, 
 the defence of which must have been propor- 
 tionably weakened; the columns marching 
 directly from Flatbush, must on every reason- 
 able calculation have been in possession of the 
 plain in the rear of the detachment posted on 
 the road from Jamaica, so as to have intercepted 
 their retreat to the camp, before they could 
 have made it good. So great is the advantage 
 of those who attack, in being able to choose 
 the point against which to direct their main 
 efforts; while those who are to defend, if not 
 sufficiently strong to guard all posts alike, must 
 leave some not completely secured, that the 
 best skilled in the art of war find much diffi- 
 culty in maintaining an extensive line accessible 
 in many points. 
 
 The most advisable plan then appears to have 
 been, so to watch the motions of the enemy 
 as, if possible, to be master of his designs, 
 to oppose with a competent force every attempt 
 to seize the heights, and to guard all the 
 passes in such a manner as to receive notice of 
 3 M 2
 
 452 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. the approach through any one of them in sufR- 
 1775. cient time to recall the troops maintaining the 
 others. 
 
 This plan was adopted; and the heavy dis- 
 asters of the day are, principally, attributable to 
 the failure of those charged with the execution 
 of that very important part of it, respecting the 
 intelligence from the Jamaica road. The letter 
 of general Howe states that an American patro- 
 ling party was taken on this road ; and general 
 Washington, in a private and confidential com- 
 munication to a friend, says, " this misfortune 
 happened, in a great measure, by two detach- 
 ments of our people who were posted in two 
 roads leading through a wood, to intercept the 
 enemy in their march, suffering a surprise, and 
 making a precipitate retreat." 
 
 The events of this day, too, exhibited a 
 practical demonstration of a radical defect in 
 the construction of the army. There was not 
 in it a single corps of cavalry. That false 
 economy which miscalculates so much as to 
 deny the means essential to the end, had not 
 yet sufficiently relaxed to admit of so expensive 
 an establishment. Had the general been fur- 
 nished with a few troops of light-horse, to serve 
 merely as videts to watch the motions of the 
 enemy, and bring intelligence expeditiously, 
 it is probable that the movement so decisive of 
 the fate of the day, could not have been made 
 unnoticed. The troops on the lines do not
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453 
 
 appear to have observed the column which was CHAP, vu. 
 withdrawn on the evening of the twenty- sixth irre. 
 from Flatbush to Flatland. Had this important 
 manoeuvre been communicated, it would most 
 probably have turned the attention of general 
 Putnam more particularly to the Jamaica road, 
 It is to the want of videts that a failure to 
 obtain this important intelligence is to be 
 ascribed. The necessity too of changing the 
 officer originally intrusted with the command, 
 was an unfortunate circumstance which very 
 probably contributed to the event which hap- 
 pened. 
 
 Whatever causes might have led to this 
 defeat, it gave a very gloomy aspect to the 
 affairs of America. Heretofore, their arms had 
 been frequently successful, and their soldiers 
 had always manifested a great degree of intre- 
 pidity. A confidence in themselves, a persua- 
 sion of their superiority over the enemy arising 
 from the goodness of their cause, and their 
 early and habitual use of fire arms, had been 
 carefully inculcated; and had been nourished 
 by all their experience preceding this event. 
 When they found themselves, by a course of 
 evolutions in which they imagined they per- 
 ceived a great superiority of military skill, 
 encircled with unexpected dangers, from which 
 no exertions could extricate them; their con- 
 fidence in themselves, and in their leaders, was 
 greatly diminished; and the approach of the
 
 454 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. enemy inspired the apprehension that some 
 1776. stratagem was concealed, from which imme- 
 diate flight could alone preserve them. 
 
 To this course of thought, which raw troops, 
 when defeated, so readily take up, the Amer- 
 ican army was, from the materials which com- 
 posed it, particularly exposed. The regulars 
 themselves, if they might be so termed, were 
 inlisted, many of them, but for one year; and 
 a very considerable part of the existing force, 
 had been called into service, but for a few 
 weeks. They knew that by parrying the dan- 
 ger of the moment, they would return in safety 
 to their families, and throw at least for a time, 
 the hazards of war on others. Only a degree 
 of personal courage superior to what is pos- 
 sessed by the great mass of mankind, or a 
 degree of enthusiasm seldom of long and uni- 
 versal duration, will induce troops, under such 
 circumstances, to support with such patient 
 suffering, the hardships of an active campaign; 
 and to exhibit such uniform, steady, and per- 
 severing fortitude, in posts of danger; that the 
 confidence of their general, and their country, 
 may be safely reposed in them. 
 
 The state of the army after this event was, 
 in a letter from general Washington to congress, 
 thus feelingly described ; " our situation is 
 truly distressing. The check our detachment 
 sustained on the twenty- seventh ultimo, has 
 dispirited too great a proportion of our troops,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455 
 
 and filled their minds with apprehension and CHAP.VIL 
 despair. The militia, instead of calling forth irre. 
 their utmost efforts to a brave and manly oppo- 
 sition, in order to repair our losses, are dis- 
 mayed, intractable, and impatient to return. 
 Great numbers of them have gone off, in some 
 instance's, almost by whole regiments, in many, 
 by half ones, and by companies at a time. 
 This circumstance of itself, independent of 
 others, when fronted by a well appointed enemy, 
 superior in number to our whole collected 
 force, would be sufficiently disagreeable: but 
 when it is added that their example has infected 
 another part of the army; that their want of 
 discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of 
 restraint and government, have rendered a like 
 conduct but too common in the whole; and 
 have produced an entire disregard of that order 
 and subordination necessary for the well doing 
 of an army, and which had been before incul- 
 cated as well as the nature of our military 
 establishment would admit; our condition is 
 still more alarming, and with the deepest con- 
 cern I am obliged to confess my want of con- 
 fidence in the generality of the troops. 
 
 " All these circumstances fully confirm the 
 opinion I ever entertained, and which I, more 
 than once, in my letters, took the liberty of 
 mentioning to congress; that no dependence 
 could be put in a militia, or other troops than 
 those inlisted and embodied for a longer period
 
 456 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vn. than our regulations have hitherto prescribed. 
 1776. I am persuaded, and am as fully convinced as 
 of any one fact that has happened, that our li- 
 berties must, of necessity, be greatly hazarded, 
 if not entirely lost, if their defence be left to 
 any but a permanent army. 
 
 " Nor would the expense incident to the 
 support of such a body of troops, as would be 
 competent to every exigency, far exceed that 
 which is incurred by calling in daily succours, 
 and new inlistments, which when effected, are 
 not attended with any good consequences. 
 Men who have been free, and subject to no con- 
 trol, cannot be reduced to order in an instant; 
 and the privileges and exemptions they claim, 
 and will have, influence the conduct of others 
 in such a manner, that the aid derived from, 
 them is nearly counterbalanced by the disorder, 
 irregularity and confusion they occasion." 
 
 The frequent remonstrances of the comman- 
 der in chief, the opinions of all military men, 
 the severe correcting hand of experience, had, 
 at length, produced their effect on congress; 
 and soon after the defeat on Long island, it had 
 been referred to the committee composing the 
 board of war, to prepare a plan of operations 
 for the next succeeding campaign. Their report, 
 which was adopted by congress, proposed a 
 permanent army to be inlisted for the war, and 
 to be composed of eighty-eight battalions, to 
 be raised bv the several states in proportion to
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 457 
 
 their ability.* As inducements to inlist, a CHAP.VH. 
 bounty of twenty dollars was allowed, and 1776. 
 small portions of vacant lands promised to 
 every officer and soldier, f 
 
 Had this system been adopted in 1775, the 
 war would probably have been of much shorter 
 duration ; but much is to be allowed for the 
 want of military experience in congress, for 
 prejudices which prevailed throughout Ame- 
 rica, and very much for the organization of 
 the government, which, while the essentials of 
 power were parcelled out among the several 
 local legislatures, placed in that of the union 
 little more than the right to recommend; a 
 right to be exercised with great caution ; be- 
 
 * New Hampshire 3 Maryland 8 
 
 Massachusetts 1 5 Virginia 1 5 
 
 Rhode Island 2 North Carolina 9 
 
 Connecticut 8 South Carolina .....6 
 
 New York 4 Georgia 1 
 
 New Jersey 4 
 
 Pennsylvania 12 88 
 
 Delaware 1 
 
 t To a colonel 500 acres. 
 
 Lieutenant colonel 450 
 
 Major 400 
 
 Captain 300 
 
 Lieutenant 200 
 
 Ensign 150 
 
 And a non-commissioned officer or private. ..100 
 The resolution was afterwards changed so as to give the 
 option to inlist for three years, or during the war. Those 
 inlisting for three years not to be entitled to land. 
 VOL. II. 3 N
 
 458 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vn. cause measures manifesting an expectation 
 1776. that the war might be of long continuance, or 
 which might excite a suspicion of aiming at 
 independence, or of an indisposition to a re- 
 establishment of the ancient connexion between 
 Great Britain and America, might, in the early 
 stage of the contest, have produced very seri- 
 ous consequences in some parts of the union. 
 
 The first use made by lord Howe of the vic- 
 tory of the 27th of August, was to avail himself 
 
 Fruitless of the impression it had probably made on 
 
 negotiations. . ... 
 
 congress, by opening a negotiation in confor- 
 mity with his powers as a commissioner. For 
 this purpose, general Sullivan was sent on 
 parole to Philadelphia, with a verbal message, 
 the import of which, when reduced to writing, 
 was, that though he could not at present treat 
 with congress as a political body ; yet he was 
 very desirous of having a conference w r ith 
 some of their members, whom he would consi- 
 der, for the present, only as private gentlemen, 
 and meet them as such at any place they would 
 appoint. 
 
 That he, in conjunction with general Howe, 
 has full powers to compromise the dispute 
 between Great Britain and America, on terms 
 advantageous to both; the obtaining of which, 
 delayed him near two months in England, and 
 prevented his arrival at New York before the 
 declaration of independence took place. 
 
 That he wished a compact might be settled 
 at this time, when no decisive blow was struck,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 459 
 
 and neither party could allege being compelled CHAP, vu. 
 to enter into such agreement. 1776. 
 
 That in case congress were disposed to treat, 
 many things which they had not as yet asked, 
 might, and ought to be granted them ; and that 
 if, upon the conference, they found any pro- 
 bable ground of an accommodation, the authority 
 of congress must be afterwards acknowledged, 
 otherwise the compact would not be complete. 
 
 This proposition of lord Howe was not with- 
 out its embarrassments. To reject it altogether 
 would be to give some countenance to the 
 opinion that, if independence was waved, a 
 restoration of the ancient connexions between 
 the two countries, on principles formerly 
 deemed constitutional, was still practicable ; 
 an opinion believed by congress not to be well 
 founded, but which would have an unfavourable 
 effect on the public sentiment, and which, 
 therefore, it was useful to explode. On the 
 other hand, to enter into a negotiation under 
 such circumstances, might excite a suspicion 
 that their determination to maintain the inde- 
 pendence they had declared, was not im- 
 movable, and that things were in such a 
 situation as to admit of some relaxation in the 
 measures necessary for the defence of the 
 country. 
 
 The answer given to lord Howe through 
 general Sullivan was " that congress being the 
 representatives of the free and independent 
 3 N 2
 
 460 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fcHAp. vii. states of America, cannot with propriety send 
 1776. any of its members to confer with his lordship 
 in their private characters ; but that ever desi- 
 rous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, 
 they will send a committee of their body to 
 know whether he has any authority to treat 
 with persons authorized by congress for that 
 purpose on behalf of America ; and what that 
 authority is, and to hear such propositions as 
 he shall think proper to make respecting the 
 same." 
 
 The president was, at the same time, directed 
 to give to general Washington the opinion of 
 congress, that no propositions for making peace 
 "ought to be received or attended to, unless the 
 same be made in writing and addressed to the 
 representatives of the United States in congress, 
 or persons authorized by them. And if applica- 
 tion be made to him by any of the commanders 
 of the British forces on that subject, that he 
 inform them, that these United States who en- 
 tered into the war only for the defence of their 
 lives and liberties, will cheerfully agree to 
 peace on reasonable terms whenever such shall 
 be proposed to them in manner aforesaid." 
 
 It is worthy of remark that, in these resolu- 
 tions, congress preserve the appearance of 
 insisting on the independence of the United 
 States, without declaring it to be the indispen- 
 sable condition of peace. 
 
 Mr. Franklin, mr. John Adams, and mr. 
 Edward Rutledge, all zealous advocates for
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 independence, were appointed, in conformity 
 with the resolution, to receive the communi- irre. 
 cations of lord Howe. 
 
 They waited on his lordship, and on their 
 return reported, " that he had received them 
 on the llth of September on Staten island op- 
 posite to Amboy, with great politeness. 
 
 He opened the conversation by acquainting 
 them, that though he could not treat with them 
 as a committee of congress, yet, as his powers 
 enabled him to confer and consult with any 
 private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, 
 on the means of restoring peace between the 
 two countries, he was glad of this opportunity 
 of conferring with them on that subject, if they 
 thought themselves at liberty to enter into a 
 conference wuth him in that character. The 
 committee observed to his lordship, that, as 
 their business was to hear, he might consider 
 them in what light he pleased, and communi- 
 cate to them any propositions he might be 
 authorized to make for the purpose mentioned; 
 but, that they could consider themselves in no 
 other character than that in which they were 
 placed by order of congress. His lordship 
 then entered into a discourse of considerable 
 length, which contained no explicit proposition 
 of peace, except one, namely; that the colo- 
 nies should return to their allegiance and 
 obedience to the government of Great Britain. 
 The rest consisted principally of assurances,
 
 462 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. VIT. that there was an exceeding good disposition in 
 1776. the king and his ministers to make that govern- 
 ment easy to them, with intimations, that, in 
 case of submission, they would cause the 
 offensive acts of parliament to be revised, and 
 the instructions to governors to be reconsi- 
 dered ; that so, if any just causes of complaint 
 were found in the acts, or any errors in govern- 
 ment were perceived to have crept into the 
 instructions, they might be amended or with- 
 drawn. 
 
 The committee gave it as their opinion to 
 his lordship, that a return to the domination oi" 
 Great Britain was not now to be expected. 
 They mentioned the repeated humble petitions 
 of the colonies to the king and parliament, 
 which had been treated with contempt and 
 answered only by additional injuries ; the 
 unexampled patience which had been shown 
 under their tyrannical government; and that it 
 was not until the late act of parliament which 
 denounced war against them, and put them 
 out of the king's protection, that they declared 
 their independence ; that this declaration had 
 been called for by the people of the colonies in 
 general ; and that every colony had approved 
 of it when made, and all novV considered them- 
 selves as independent states, and were settling, 
 or had settled their governments accordingly ; 
 so that it was not in the power of congress to 
 agree for them that they should return to their
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453 
 
 former dependant state ; that there was no CHAP.VH. 
 doubt of their inclination to peace, and their irre. 
 willingness to enter into a treaty with Britain, 
 that might be advantageous to both countries : 
 that though his lordship had at present no 
 power to treat with them as independent states, 
 he might, if there was the same good disposi- 
 tion in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh 
 powers from thence, for that purpose, than 
 powers could be obtained by congress, from 
 the several colonies, to consent to a submis- 
 sion. 
 
 His lordship then saying, that he was sorry 
 to find, that no accommodation was like to take 
 place, put an end to the conference. 
 
 These fruitless negotiations produced no 
 suspension of hostilities. 
 
 The clay after the troops had been withdrawn 
 from Long island, Governor's island was also 
 evacuated. This place derived its principal 
 importance from being auxiliary to the defence 
 of the position at Brooklyn, and to the com- 
 munication between that camp and New York. 
 It was also, of very considerable consequence 
 in the event of a direct attack on the town, as 
 it, in a great measure, commands the harbour. 
 But the position was too hazardous to attempt 
 its preservation after the evacuation of Long 
 island ; and it was the less to be desired, as 
 the general began to entertain very serious 
 fears of being unable longer to defend New
 
 464 THE LIFE OF 
 
 r HAP. VTI. York itself. His whole force, consisting chiefly 
 1776. of militia, did not exceed twenty-five thousand 
 men, one fourth of whom were sick and unfit 
 for duty. This army, which was, on ordinary 
 calculation, unequal to the defence of a single 
 point, if attacked by the disciplined columns 
 which followed the British standard, was ren- 
 dered still less capable of maintaining the place, 
 from the great extent of ground it was neces- 
 sary to guard, and the numerous posts into 
 which it was unavoidably distributed. With 
 infinite chagrin, the general communicated his 
 fears on this subject to congress... fears founded 
 on a belief, that the troops would not do their 
 duty; and requested their instructions respect- 
 ing the fate of the city, in the event of his being 
 compelled to evacuate it. In their resolution 
 on this subject, they very wisely determined 
 that no mischief , should be done to the town, 
 as they had no doubt of recovering it, though 
 they might for a time lose the possession of it. 
 
 The British army, now in perfect possession 
 of Long island, was posted at Bedford, Bush- 
 wic, Newtown, Flushing, and Hellgate; and 
 thus, fronted and threatened York island from 
 its extreme southern point to the part opposite 
 the northern boundary of Long island, a small 
 distance below the heights of Haerlem : com- 
 prehending a space of about nine miles. 
 
 The two armies were divided only by the 
 East river, which is about thirteen hundred
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455 
 
 yards across, and on both sides of which bat- CHAP, vu. 
 teries were erected, which kept up an incessant 1776. 
 cannonade on each other. 
 
 Immediately after the victory at Brooklyn, 
 dispositions were made to attack New York. 
 
 A part of the fleet sailed round Long island, 
 
 and appeared in the Sound, a large bay which ^p*- 4 - 
 separates that island from Connecticut, and 
 which is connected with the East river by a 
 narrow channel called Hellgate. Two frigates 
 passed between Governor's island and Red 
 hook, up the East river, without receiving 
 any injury from the batteries, and were shel- 
 tered behind a small island from the American 
 artillery ; while the admiral, with the main 
 body of the fleet, lay at anchor close in with 
 Governor's island, ready to pass up either the 
 North, or East river, or both, and act against 
 any part of York island. 
 
 These movements, especially the appearance 
 of part of the fleet with some transports in the 
 Sound, and the encampment towards the north 
 of Long island, indicated a disposition, not to 
 make an attack directly on New York, as had 
 been expected, but to land somewhere about 
 King's bridge, take a position which cut off 
 the communication of the American army with 
 the country, and thereby force them to a battle, 
 which, if unfortunate in its issue, as there 
 was much reason to believe it must be, would 
 infallibly destroy them. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 O
 
 466 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. Aware of this danger, general Washington 
 V 1776. set about removing above King's bridge such 
 stores as were not immediately necessary ; and 
 determined to call a council of general officers 
 for the purpose of deciding, whether the place 
 should be evacuated without delay, or longer 
 defended. 
 
 In his letter communicating to congress the 
 result of this council, which was against an 
 immediate evacuation, he appears strongly 
 convinced of the necessity of abandoning the 
 city, though he yields to that necessity with 
 infinite reluctance. Speaking of the enemy, 
 he observed, "it is now extremely obvious 
 from their movements, from our intelligence, 
 and from every other circumstance, that, having 
 their whole army upon Long island, except 
 about four thousand men who remain on Staten 
 island, they mean to enclose us in this island 
 by taking post in our rear, while their ships 
 effectually secure the front; and thus, by cut- 
 ting off our communication with the country, 
 oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or 
 surrender at discretion ; or, if that shall be 
 deemed more advisable, by a brilliant stroke 
 endeavour to cut this army to pieces, and 
 secure the possession of arms and stores which 
 they well know our inability to replace. 
 
 " Having their system unfolded to us, it 
 becomes an important consideration how it 
 could be most successfully opposed. On
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 467 
 
 every side there is a choice of difficulties, and CHAP.VH. 
 experience teaches us, that every measure on 1776. 
 our part (however painful the reflection) must 
 be taken with some apprehension, that all the 
 troops will not do their duty. 
 
 " In deliberating upon this great question," 
 he added, " it was impossible to forget that, 
 history, our own experience, the advice of our 
 ablest friends in Europe, the fears of the enemy, 
 and even the declarations of congress, demon- 
 strate that, on our side, the war should be 
 defensive (it has ever been called a war of 
 posts :).... that we should, on all occasions, 
 avoid a general action, nor put any thing to the 
 risk, unless compelled by necessity into which 
 we ought never to be drawn." 
 
 After communicating the decision which had 
 been made by the council of officers, the gene- 
 ral states, with such force, the opinion of those 
 who were in favour of immediately evacuating 
 the town, as to confirm the belief that it re- 
 mained his own. " There were some generals," 
 he observed, " in whose judgments great con- 
 fidence is to be reposed, that were for an im- 
 mediate removal from the city. They urge 
 the great danger that one part of the army may 
 be cut off before it can be supported by the 
 other, the extremities being sixteen miles 
 apart; that we are, when collected, inferior to 
 the enemy; that they can move with their 
 whole force to any point of attack, and, con- 
 3 o 2
 
 468 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vii. sequently, if opposed by only a part of ours, 
 1776. must succeed by weight of numbers; that by 
 moving from hence, we deprive the enemy of 
 the advantage of their ships, which would con- 
 stitute one half their force in an attack on the 
 town ; that we may keep them at bay, put no- 
 thing to the hazard, and, in any event, keep 
 an army together which may be recruited for 
 another year; that the unspent stores will also 
 be preserved, and the heavy artillery secured." 
 The majority, who overruled this opinion, 
 did not expect to be able to defend the city 
 entirely, but to protract the time of losing it; 
 and thereby waste so much of the campaign 
 before the enemy should obtain possession of 
 it, as would prevent their undertaking any 
 thing further this year. They therefore advised 
 a middle course ; between abandoning the town 
 absolutely, and concentrating their whole 
 strength for its defence. By the plan recom- 
 mended, the army was to be arranged into three 
 divisions, one of which, consisting of five thou- 
 sand men, was to remain in New York. The 
 second, amounting to nine thousand, was to be 
 stationed at King's bridge, for the purpose of 
 securing that post, and its dependencies. The 
 residue of the army was to occupy the inter- 
 mediate space, so as to support either extreme; 
 and the sick were to be immediately removed 
 to Orange town. A belief that congress was 
 unwilling to give up New York, and rather 
 inclined to maintain it at every hazard ; as well
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 459 
 
 as a dread of the unfavourable impression which CHAP, vu. 
 retreating before the enemy, and thus confes- 1776. 
 sing their superiority, might make on the 
 people at large, seem to have had great influ- 
 ence in producing the determination to defend 
 
 the place yet a short time longer. 
 
 This opinion, however, was soon changed, sq*- "> 
 The officers became more and more alarmed at 
 the danger resulting from the division of the 
 troops; in addition to which, the movements 
 of the enemy seemed clearly to indicate an 
 intention either to break their line of commu- 
 nication, or to enclose the whole army in York 
 island. Their dispositions were, alike calcu- 
 lated to favour the one, or the other of these 
 objects. They threw considerable detachments 
 into Montresor's and Buchanan's islands, which 
 lie in the mouth of Haerlem river, from whence 
 it was easy either to pass over to the low 
 grounds of Morrisania on the continent, and 
 seize the passes above King's bridge ; or cross 
 the East river to the plains of Haerlem, and cut 
 off, or render extremely hazardous, the com- 
 munication between the different posts of the 
 American army. Confident that the evacuation 
 must take place, the general continued to em- 
 ploy himself assiduously in the removal of the 
 military stores to a place of safety.* . 
 
 * He had, on the first appearance of the enemy in force 
 before New York, strongly urged the removal of the wo- 
 men and children, with their most valuable effects, to a 
 place of safety.
 
 470 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vn. Several of the officers having avowed a change 
 1776. in their opinions respecting any further attempt 
 to maintain the town, another council was called, 
 sept. 12. in which it was determined, by a large majority, 
 that it had become, not only prudent, but ab- 
 solutely necessary, to withdraw the army from 
 New York. 
 
 Brigadier general Mercer, who commanded 
 the flying camp on the Jersey shore, was, in 
 consequence of this determination, directed to 
 move up the North river, to the post opposite 
 fort Washington, and every effort was used to 
 expedite the removal of the stores ; a work 
 which, it was feared, would soon be interrupted, 
 as an attack was daily apprehended, which, if 
 not repelled, would certainly be attended with 
 the loss of those remaining at the time in the 
 town. 
 
 Several other ships of war passed up the 
 
 Fourteenth. East river, and took different stations above 
 the city, so as to create a doubt whether their 
 object was to assist in silencing a battery at 
 Horen's hook, which very much interrupted 
 the navigation of the Sound, or to favour a 
 landing on York island. Soon afterwards, 
 several movements were made with large bodies 
 of troops, towards the Sound and East river, 
 who began to embark, as if cither for Montre- 
 sor's island, or Morrisania. On receiving 
 intelligence of these operations, general Wash- 
 ington immediately proceeded to the camp at 
 Haerlem; on which place, or on the troops at
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 471 
 
 Morrisania, it was conjectured the attack would CHA vn. 
 be made. 1776. 
 
 The next morning, three ships of war pro- 
 ceeded up the North river as high as Blooming- 
 dale, a movement which entirely stopped the 
 further removal of stores by water; and, about 
 eleven o'clock, sir Henry Clinton, at the head 
 of a division of four thousand men, who had 
 embarked at the head of Newtown bay, which 
 making deep into Long island, was out of the 
 view of the American troops, proceeded through 
 that bay, into the East river, which he crossed, 
 and landed, under cover of the fire of five men 
 of war, at a place called Kipp's bay about three 
 miles above New York. 
 
 The works thrown up to oppose the landing 
 of the enemy, at this place, were of consider- 
 able strength, and capable of being defended 
 for some time; but the troops stationed in 
 them, terrified at the fire of the ships, aban- 
 doned them without waiting for the approach of 
 the enemy, and fled with precipitation towards 
 their main body. So soon as the cannonade 
 had commenced, the brigades commanded by 
 generals Parsons and Fellows, were put in 
 motion, and marched to the support of those 
 posted in the lines; and general Washington 
 himself rode towards the scene of action. The 
 panic of those who had fled from the works 
 was communicated to the troops ordered to 
 sustain them, and the commander in chief had
 
 472 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vii. the extreme mortification to meet the whole 
 1776. party retreating in the utmost disorder, totally 
 regardless of the great efforts made by their 
 generals to stop their disgraceful flight. Whilst 
 general Washington was exerting himself to 
 rally them, a small corps of the enemy appeared, 
 and they again broke and fled in the utmost 
 confusion. It now only remained immediately 
 to withdraw the few remaining troops from 
 New York, and to secure the posts on the 
 
 New York heights. For this latter purpose, the lines 
 
 evacuated. 
 
 were all manned, but no attempt was made on 
 them. The retreat from New York was effected 
 with a very inconsiderable loss of men, sus- 
 tained in a skirmish at Bloomingdale; but all 
 the heavy artillery, and a large portion of the 
 baggage, provisions, and military stores, much 
 of which might have been saved had the post 
 at Kipp's bay been properly defended, were 
 unavoidably abandoned. No part of the loss 
 was more severely felt than that of tents. The 
 supply of this important article had before been 
 very inadequate to the demands of the army, and 
 the want of covering began to be now very 
 severely felt. In this shameful day, one colonel, 
 one captain, three subalterns, and ten privates 
 were certainly killed: one lieutenant colonel, 
 one captain; and one hundred and fifty-seven 
 privates were missing; many of whom were 
 made prisoners, and some of them perhaps 
 killed.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 473 
 
 The unsoldierly conduct displayed on this CHAP, vn. 
 occasion, was not attributable to a want of 1776. 
 personal courage, but to other causes. The 
 apprehensions, excited by the defeat on Long 
 island, had not yet subsided, nor had the 
 American troops recovered their confidence 
 either in themselves, or their commanders. 
 Their situation appeared to themselves to be 
 perilous; and they had not yet acquired that 
 temper which teaches the veteran, to do his 
 duty wherever he may be placed ; to assure 
 himself that others will do their duty likewise; 
 and to rely that those, who take into view the 
 situation of the whole, will not expose him to 
 useless hazards, or neglect those precautions 
 which the safety and advantage of the whole 
 may require. 
 
 Unfortunately, causes, in addition to those 
 so often stated, existed in a great part of the 
 army, which were but too operative in obstruct, 
 ing the progress of such military sentiments. 
 In New England, from whence the war had as 
 yet been principally supported, the zeal excited 
 by the revolution had taken such a direction, 
 as in a great degree to abolish those distinctions 
 between the platoon officers and the soldiers, 
 which are so indispensable to the formation of 
 an army, capable of being applied to all the 
 purposes of war. In many instances, these 
 officers, who constitute so important a part of 
 every army, were elected by the men; and a 
 
 VOL. II. 3 P
 
 474 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vu. disposition to associate with them on the foot- 
 1776. ing of equality, was a recommendation of much 
 more weight, and frequently conduced much 
 more to the choice, than individual merit. It 
 has been stated by gentlemen of high rank, 
 that, in some instances, those were elected who 
 agreed to put their pay in mess with the soldiers, 
 and to divide equally with them. Among such 
 officers, the most disgraceful and unmilitary 
 practices frequently prevailed, and the privates 
 could not sufficiently respect them, to acquire 
 habits of obedience and subordination. 
 
 These defects had been in some degree 
 remedied, in new modelling the army before 
 Boston, but they still existed to a fatal extent; 
 and, in examining the orders of that period, it 
 appears that several officers of inferior grade, 
 were not, themselves, exempt from the gene- 
 ral spirit of pillage and plunder, which, at that 
 time, disgraced the American troops ; and which 
 will disgrace all troops not subjected to an 
 exact and rigid discipline; but particularly 
 those who have not been officered with care.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 475 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Skirmish on the heights of Haerlem....The enemy land 
 at Frogs' neck. ...The American army evacuates York 
 island, except fort Washington. ...Both armies move 
 towards the White Plains. ...Battle of the White Plains.... 
 The British army returns to King's bridge, and gene- 
 ral Washington with a part of his army crosses the 
 North river.. ..The lines of fort Washington carried by 
 the enemy, and the garrison made prisoners. ...Evacu- 
 ation of fort Lee.... Weakness of the American army.... 
 Ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.. ..General Wash- 
 ington retreats through Jersey. 1 .. .Capture of general 
 Lee. ...General Washington crosses the Delaware.... 
 Danger of Philadelphia.. ..The British go into winter 
 quarters. ...Battle of Trenton.. ..Of Princeton. ...Firmness 
 of Congress. 
 
 1 HE enemy, being now in possession of 1776. 
 New York,* stationed a few troops in that s !!!!2f ' 
 place, and took post with the main tk>dy of 
 their army on York island, near the American 
 lines. Their right was at Horen's hook on the 
 East river, and their left reached the North 
 river near Bloomingdale, so that their encamp- 
 ment extended quite across the island, which, 
 
 * Soon after New York fell into the hands of the enemy, 
 a fire broke out in the night about eleven o'clock, and 
 continued to i*age until the next morning, when it was 
 extinguished by great exertions on the part of the mili- 
 tary stationed in the town, after having consumed about 
 one third of the buildings. It is said to have been pur- 
 posely set on fire, and several individuals, believed to 
 have perpetrated the act, were precipitated into the 
 3 P 2
 
 476 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vni. though about sixteen miles in length, is in this 
 1776. place scarcely two miles wide; and both their 
 flanks v, ere covered by their ships. 
 
 The strongest point of the American lines 
 was at King's brk'ge, both sides of which had 
 been carefully fortified, and to which they 
 were very attentive, because it preserved their 
 communication with the continent. They also 
 occupied in considerable force M'Gowan's pass 
 and Morris's heights, which were fortified, and 
 capable of being defended against superior 
 numbers. On the heights of Haerlem too, still 
 nearer the enemy, within about a mile and a 
 half of them, a strong detachment was posted 
 in an intrenched camp. 
 
 The present position of the armies was ex- 
 tremely favourable to the views of the American 
 general. He wished to habituate his soldiers, 
 by a series of successful skirmishes, to meet 
 the enemy in the field; and he persuaded him- 
 self that his detachments, knowing that a strong 
 
 flames. It was alleged by the enemy, that the American 
 general had designed to reduce the town to ashes, had he 
 not been compelled to abandon it so precipitately as to 
 Vender the execution of this intention impracticable, and 
 that the fire was in consequence of this design. But this 
 allegation is fouixied entirely in mistake. Neither the 
 congress, nor general Washington, had formed so de- 
 structive a plan ; and the fire must either have been 
 kindled by individuals, whose misguided zeal induced 
 them to adopt so terrible a measure; or by flagitious in- 
 cendiaries, who hoped to plunder in security during the 
 confusion of extinguishing the flames.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 477 
 
 intrenched camp was immediately in their rear, CHAP. \m. 
 would engage the enemy without apprehension, 1775. 
 would display their native courage, and would 
 soon regain the confidence they appeared to 
 have lost. 
 
 Opportunities of this sort could not long be 
 wanting. The day after the retreat from New 
 York, the enemy appeared in considerable force 
 in the plains between the two camps; and the 
 general immediately rode to his advanced posts, 
 in order to make, in person, such arrangements 
 as this movement might require. Soon after 
 his arrival, lieutenant colonel Knowlton of Con- 
 necticut, a very brave and valuable officer, who 
 had been skirmishing with them, at the head 
 of a corps of rangers, composed of volunteers 
 from different New England regiments, came 
 in, and, on conjecture, stated the number of 
 the British party, the main body of which was 
 concealed in a wood, at about three hundred 
 men. 
 
 The general ordered colonel Knowlton with 
 his rangers, and major Leitch with three com- 
 panics of the third Virginia regiment, which 
 had joined the army only the preceding day, 
 to endeavour to get in their rear, while he 
 amused them with the appearance of making 
 dispositions to attack their front. 
 
 This plan succeeded. The enemy ran eagerly 
 down a hill in order to possess themselves of 
 some fences and bushes, which they considered
 
 478 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vui. as an advantageous position to take, against 
 
 1776. the party advancing in their front: and a firing 
 
 ensued, but at too great a distance to do any 
 
 skirmish execution. In the mean time, colonel Knowl- 
 
 on the . 
 
 H e aSem f ton not b e i n precisely acquainted with their 
 new position, commenced his attack, rather 
 on their flank than rear, and a very warm action 
 ensued. 
 
 In a short time, major Leitch, who had very 
 gallantly led on the detachment, was brought 
 off the ground mortally wounded, having re- 
 ceived three balls through his body; and not 
 long afterwards, colonel Knowlton also fell, 
 bravely fighting at the head of his troops. Yet, 
 the captains with their companies kept their 
 ground; and with much animation, continued 
 the action. The British were re-enforced; and 
 general Washington, perceiving the necessity 
 of supporting the Americans also, ordered to 
 their aid some detachments from the adjacent 
 regiments of New England and Maryland. 
 Thus re-enforced, they charged the enemy with 
 great intrepidity, drove them out of the woods 
 into the plains, and were pressing them still 
 further, when the general, content with the 
 present advantage, and apprehending that a 
 much larger body of the enemy would soon 
 change the aspect of affairs, called back his 
 troops to their intrenchments. 
 
 In this sharp conflict, in which they had en- 
 gaged a battalion of light infantry, another of
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 479 
 
 Highlanders, and three companies of Hessian CHAP, vm. 
 riflemen, p the Americans had about fifty men 1776. 
 killed and wounded, while the enemy lost more 
 than double that number ; but the real impor- 
 tance of the affair was derived from its operation 
 on the spirits of the whole army. It was the 
 first success they had experienced, this cam- 
 paign; and its influence was very discernible. 
 To give it the more effect, the parole, the next 
 day, was Leitch, and the general in his orders 
 publicly thanked the troops under the com- 
 mand of that officer, who had first advanced on 
 the enemy, and the others who had so resolutely 
 supported them. He contrasted their conduct 
 with that which had been exhibited the day 
 before, and the result, he said, evidenced what 
 might be done where officers and soldiers would 
 exert themselves. Once more, therefore, he 
 called on them so to act, as not to disgrace the 
 noble cause in which they were engaged; but 
 to support the honour and liberties of their 
 country. 
 
 He appointed a successor to " the gallant 
 and brave colonel Knowlton, who would," he 
 said, " have been an honour to any country, and 
 who had fallen gloriously fighting at his post." 
 
 In this active state of the campaign, when 
 the utmost stretch of every faculty was re- 
 quired to watch and counteract the plans of 
 
 P Annual Register, ...Stedman.
 
 480 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cHAp.vni. the enemy, the effects of the original errors 
 1776. committed by the government in its military 
 establishment, were beginning to be so seri- 
 ously felt, as to induce the commander in 
 chief to devote a portion of his time and atten- 
 tion to the complete removal of the causes 
 which produced them. 
 
 The situation of America was now becoming 
 extremely critical. The almost entire dissolu- 
 tion of the existing army, by the expiration of the 
 time for which the greater number of the troops 
 had been engaged, was fast approaching. No 
 steps had been taken to recruit the new regi- 
 ments resolved on by congress for the ensuing 
 campaign, and there was much reason to ap- 
 prehend, that the terms offered would not, in 
 the actual state of things, hold forth sufficient 
 inducements to fill t]iem. 
 
 With so unpromising a prospect before him, 
 the general found himself pressed by an army, 
 permanent in its establishment, supplied with 
 every requisite for war, formidable for its dis- 
 cipline and the experience of its leaders, and 
 superior to him, even at present, in numbers. 
 These circumstances, and the impressions they 
 created, will be best exhibited by inserting an 
 sept. 24. extract from a letter written at the time to 
 congress. It is in these words: "From the 
 hours allotted to sleep, I will borrow a few 
 moments to convey my thoughts, on sundry 
 important matters, to congress,. I shall offer
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 481 
 
 them with that sincerity which ought to cha- CHAP.VHI. 
 racterize a man of candour; and with the 1776. 
 freedom which may be used in giving useful 
 information, without incurring the imputation 
 of presumption. 
 
 11 We are now, as it were, upon the eve of 
 another dissolution of our army. The remem- 
 brance of the difficulties which happened upon 
 that occasion last year ; the consequences 
 which might have followed the change, if proper 
 advantages had been taken by the enemy ; 
 added to a knowledge of the present temper and 
 situation of the troops, reflect but a very 
 gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things 
 now, and satisfy me beyond the possibility of 
 doubt, that, unless some speedy and effectual 
 measures are adopted by congress, our cause 
 will be lost. 
 
 " It is in vain to expect that any, or more 
 than a trifling part of this army will engage 
 again in the service, on the encouragement 
 offered by congress. When men find that 
 their townsmen and companions are receiving 
 twenty, thirty, and more dollars, for a few 
 months service (which is truly the case) this 
 cannot be expected, without using compulsion; 
 and to force them into the service would answer 
 no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, 
 and their passions inflamed, they fly hastily and 
 cheerfully to arms ; but after the first emotions 
 are over, to expect among such people as 
 
 VOL. II. 3 (
 
 482 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. VITI. compose the bulk of an army; that they are 
 1776. influenced by any other principles than those 
 of interest, is to look for what never did, and 
 I fear never will happen ; the congress will 
 deceive themselves therefore if they expect it. 
 " A soldier, reasoned with upon the good- 
 ness of the cause he is engaged in, and the 
 inestimable rights he is contending for, hears 
 you with patience, and acknowledges the 
 truth of your observations ; but adds, that 
 it is of no more consequence to him than to 
 others. The officer makes you the same reply, 
 with this further remark, that his pay will not 
 support him, and he cannot ruin himself and 
 family to serve his country, when every mem- 
 ber of the community is equally benefited and 
 interested by his labours. The few, therefore, 
 who act upon principles of disinterestedness 
 are, comparatively speaking, no more than a 
 drop in the ocean. It becomes evidently clear 
 then, that, as this contest is not likely to be 
 the work of a day ; as the war must be carried 
 on systematically, and to do it, you must have 
 good officers ; there is, in my judgment, no 
 other possible means to obtain them, but by 
 establishing your army upon a permanent foot- 
 ing, and giving your officers good pay ; this 
 will induce gentlemen, and men of character, 
 to engage, and until the bulk of your officers 
 are composed of such persons as are actuated 
 by principles of honour and a spirit of enter-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433 
 
 prise, you have little to expect from them. CHAP.VHI. 
 They ought to have such allowances, as will 1776. 
 enable them to live like, and support the cha- 
 racters of gentlemen ; and not be driven by a 
 scanty pittance to the low and dirty arts which 
 many of them practise, to filch the public of 
 more than the difference of pay would amount 
 to, upon an ample allowance. Besides, some- 
 thing is due to the man who puts his life in 
 your hands, hazards his health, and forsakes 
 the sweets of domestic enjoyments. Why a 
 captain in the continental service should receive 
 no more than five shillings currency per day, 
 for performing the same duties that an officer 
 of the same rank in the British service receives 
 ten shillings sterling for, I never could con- 
 ceive ; especially, when the latter is provided 
 with every necessary he requires upon the best 
 terms, and the former can scarcely procure 
 them at any rate. There is nothing that gives 
 a man consequence, and renders him fit for 
 command, like a support that renders him inde- 
 pendent of every body but the state he serves. 
 " With respect to the men, nothing but a 
 good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent 
 establishment, and for no shorter time than 
 the continuance of the Avar ought they to be 
 engaged ; as facts incontestibly prove that the 
 difficulty and cost of inlistments increase with 
 time. When the army was first raised at 
 Cambridge, I am persuaded the men might
 
 484 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. have been got without a bounty for the war : 
 1776. after that, they began to see that the contest 
 was not likely to end so speedily as was ima- 
 gined, and to feel their consequence by re- 
 marking, that to get their militia in, in the 
 course of last year, many towns were induced 
 to give them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils 
 resulting from this, and the destructive conse- 
 quences which would unavoidably follow short 
 inlistments, I took the liberty, in a long letter, 
 (date not now recollected as my letter book is 
 not here) to recommend the inlistments for and 
 during the war, assigning such reasons for it, 
 as experience has since convinced me, were 
 well founded. At that time, twenty dollars 
 would, I am persuaded, have engaged the men 
 for this term : but it will not do to look back, 
 and if the present opportunity is slipped, I am 
 persuaded that twelve months more will in- 
 crease our'difficulties fourfold. I shall there- 
 fore take the liberty of giving it as my opinion, 
 that a good bounty be immediately offered, 
 aided by the proffer of at least a hundred, or a 
 hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of 
 clothes, and a blanket, to each non-commis- 
 sioned officer and soldier, as I have good 
 authority for saying that, however high the 
 men's pay may appear, it is barely sufficient, 
 in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds 
 of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less 
 to afford support to their families. If this en-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 435 
 
 couragement then is given to the men, and CHAP. vm. 
 such pay allowed to the officers, as will induce 1776. 
 gentlemen of liberal character and liberal sen- 
 timents to engage, and proper care and caution 
 be used in the nomination (having more regard 
 to the characters of persons than the number 
 of men they can inlist) we should in a little 
 time have an army able to cope with any that 
 can be opposed to it, as there are excellent 
 materials to form one out of; but whilst the 
 only merit an officer possesses is his ability to 
 raise men ; while those men consider and treat 
 him as an equal, and in the character of an 
 officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, 
 being mixed together as one common herd ; 
 no order nor discipline can prevail, nor will the 
 officer ever meet with that respect which is 
 essentially necessary to due subordination. 
 
 " To place any dependence upon militia, is 
 assuredly resting upon a broken staff. Men 
 just dragged from the tender scenes of domes- 
 tic life; unaccustomed to the din of arms; 
 totally unacquainted with every kind of military 
 skill ; which, being followed by a want of 
 confidence in themselves, when opposed to 
 troops regularly trained, disciplined, and ap- 
 pointed ; superior in knowledge and superior 
 in arms ; makes them timid and ready to fly 
 from their own shadows. Besides, the sudden 
 change in their manner of living, particularly 
 in their lodging, brings on sickness in many,
 
 486 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. impatience in all ; and such an unconquerable 
 1776. desire of returning to their respective homes, 
 that it not only produces shameful and scandalous 
 desertions among themselves, but infuses the 
 like spirit in others. Again, men accustomed 
 to unbounded freedom, and no control, cannot 
 brook the restraint which is indispensably 
 necessary to the good order and government of 
 an army ; without which, licentiousness and 
 every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. To 
 bring men to a proper degree of subordination, 
 is not the work of a day, a month, or a year ; 
 and unhappily for us, and the cause we are 
 engaged in, the little discipline I have been 
 labouring to establish in the army under my 
 immediate command, is in a manner done 
 away by having such a mixture of troops, as 
 have been called together within these few 
 months. 
 
 " Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regula- 
 tions of war are for the government of an army ; 
 the militia (those properly so called, for of 
 these we have two sorts, the six months men 
 and those sent in as a temporary aid,) do not 
 think themselves subject to them, and therefore 
 take liberties which the soldier is punished for. 
 This creates jealousy, jealousy begets dissatis- 
 faction, and these by degrees ripen into mutiny; 
 keeping the whole army in a confused and dis- 
 ordered state; rendering the time of those, 
 who wish to see regularity and good order pre-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 487 
 
 vail, more unhappy than words can describe ; CHAP. VUL 
 besides this, such repeated changes take place, irre. 
 that all arrangement is set at nought ; and the 
 constant fluctuation of things deranges every 
 plan, as fast as it is adopted. 
 
 " These, sir, congress may be assured, are 
 but a small part of the inconveniencies which 
 might be enumerated, and attributed to militia : 
 but there is one that merits particular attention, 
 and that is the expense. Certain I am, that it 
 would be cheaper to keep fifty, or an hundred 
 thousand men in constant pay, than to depend 
 upon half the number, and supply the other 
 half occasionally by militia. The time the 
 latter is in pay, before and after they are in 
 camp, assembling and marching; the waste of 
 ammunition j the consumption of stores which, 
 in spite of every resolution and requisition of 
 congress, they must be furnished with, or sent 
 home ; added to other incidental expenses con- 
 sequent upon their coming, and conduct in 
 camp, surpass all idea; and destroy every kind 
 of regularity, and economy, which you could 
 establish among fixed and settled troops ; and 
 will, in my opinion, prove (if the scheme is 
 adhered to) the ruin of our cause. 
 
 " The jealousies of a standing army, and the 
 evils to be apprehended from one, are remote; 
 and, in my judgment, situated and circum- 
 stanced as we are, not at all to be dreaded ; 
 but the consequence of wanting one, according
 
 488 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. to my ideas, formed upon the present view of 
 1776. things, is certain and inevitable ruin; for if I 
 was called upon to declare upon oath, whether 
 the militia have been most serviceable or hurt- 
 ful upon the whole, I should subscribe to the 
 latter. I do not mean by this, however, to 
 arraign the conduct of congress in so doing, I 
 should equally condemn my own measures, if 
 not my judgment; but experience, which is 
 the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, 
 and decisively, reprobates the practice of trust- 
 ing to militia, that no man who regards order, 
 regularity, and economy, or ^vho has any regard 
 for his own honour, character, or peace of 
 mind, will risk them upon militia." 
 
 Congress had already determined that the 
 men inlisted in future, should be engaged du- 
 ring the war, and the resolution to that effect 
 was received soon after the dispatch of this 
 letter; but sufficient inducements to secure the 
 execution of their resolutions had not, in the 
 opinion of the general been held forth to either 
 officers or soldiers; and, on this subject, he 
 again thus addressed them. 
 
 octets. " Before I knew of the late resolutions of 
 congress which you did me the honour to en- 
 close in your letter of the 24th, and before I 
 was favoured with the visit of your committee, 
 I took the liberty of giving you my sentiments 
 on several points which seemed to' be of im- 
 portance.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439 
 
 " I have no doubt but that the committee will CHAP. vm. 
 make such report of the state and condition of 1776. 
 the army, as will induce congress to believe, 
 that nothing but the most vigorous exertions 
 can put matters upon such a footing, as to 
 give this continent a fair prospect of success. 
 Give me leave to say, sir, I say it with due 
 deference and respect, (and my knowledge of 
 the facts, added to the importance of the cause, 
 and the stake I hold in it, must justify the 
 freedom) that your affairs are in a more unpro- 
 mising way than you seem to apprehend 
 
 " Your army, as mentioned in my last, is 
 upon the eve of its political dissolution. True 
 it is, you have voted a larger one in lieu of it; 
 but the season is late, and there is a material 
 difference between voting battalions, and raising 
 men. In the latter there are more difficulties 
 than congress seem aware of, which makes it 
 my duty (as I have been informed of the pre- 
 vailing sentiments of this army) to inform them 
 that, unless the pay of the officers (especially 
 that of the field officers) is raised, the chief part 
 of those that are worth retaining will leave the 
 service at the expiration of the present term; 
 as the soldiers will also, if some greater encou- 
 ragement is not offered them, than twenty dol- 
 lars and one hundred acres of land. 
 
 " Nothing less, in my opinion, than a suit of 
 clothes annually given to each non-commis- 
 sioned officer and soldier, in addition to the pay 
 
 VOL. II. 3 R
 
 490 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. viii. and bounty, will avail; and I question whether 
 1776. that will do, as the enemy, from the information 
 of one John Marsh, who, with six others, was 
 taken by our guards, are giving ten pounds 
 bounty for recruits, and have got a battalion 
 under major Rodgers nearly completed upon 
 Long island. 
 
 " Nor will less pay, according to my judg- 
 ment, than I have taken the liberty of mention- 
 ing in the enclosed estimate, retain such officers 
 as we could wish to have continued; the dif- 
 ference per month in each battalion would 
 amount to better than one hundred pounds ; to 
 this may be added the pay of the staff officers ; 
 for it is presumable they will also require an 
 augmentation, but being few in number, the 
 sum will not be greatly increased by them, and 
 consequently is a matter of no great moment; 
 but it is a matter of no small importance to 
 make the several offices desirable. When the 
 pay and establishment of an officer once become 
 objects of interested attention, the sloth, negli- 
 gencej and even disobedience of orders, which 
 at this time but too generally prevail, will be 
 purged off. But while the service is viewed 
 with indifference ; while the officer conceives 
 that he is rather conferring, than receiving an 
 obligation; there will be a total relaxation of 
 all order and discipline, and every thing will 
 move heavily on, to the great detriment of the 
 service,-and inexpressible trouble and vexation 
 of the general.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 491 
 
 11 The critical situation of our affairs at this CHAP. vm. 
 time will justify my saying that no time is to 1776. 
 be lost in making fruitless experiments. An 
 unavailing 1 trial of a month, to get an army upon 
 the terms proposed, may render it impracti- 
 cable to do it at all, and prove fatal to our cause, 
 as I am not sure whether any rubs in the way 
 of our inlistments, or unfavourable turn in 
 our affairs, may not prove the means of the 
 enemy's recruiting men faster than we do. To 
 this may be added the inextricable difficulty of 
 forming one corps out of another, and arran- 
 ging matters with any degree of order, in the 
 face of an enemy who are watching for advan- 
 tages. 
 
 " At Cambridge last year, where the officers 
 (and more than a sufficiency of them) were all 
 upon the spot, we found it a work of such 
 extreme difficulty to know their sentiments 
 (each having some terms to propose) that I 
 despaired, once, of getting the arrangement 
 completed, and do suppose that at least a hun- 
 dred alterations took place before matters were 
 finally adjusted; what must it be then under 
 the present regulation, where the officer is to 
 negotiate this matter with the state he' comes 
 from, distant, perhaps, two or three hundred 
 miles; some of whom, without any license 
 from me, set out to make personal application, 
 the moment the resolution got to their hands? 
 3 R 2 "
 
 492 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, via what kind of officers these are, I leave congress 
 1776. to judge. 
 
 " If an officer of reputation (for none other 
 should be applied to) is asked to stay, what 
 answer can he give? but, in the first place, 
 that he does not know whether it is at his op- 
 tion to do so; no provision being made in the 
 resolution of congress even recommendatory of 
 this measure, consequently that it rests with 
 the state he comes from (surrounded perhaps 
 with a variety of applications, and influenced 
 perhaps with local attachments) to determine 
 whether he can be provided for, or not. In 
 the next place, if he is an officer of merit, and 
 knows that the state he comes from is to furnish 
 more battalions than it at present has in the 
 service, he will scarcely, after two years faith- 
 ful services, think of continuing in the rank he 
 now bears, when new creations are to be made 
 and men appointed to offices (no ways superior 
 in merit, and ignorant of service perhaps) 
 over his head. 
 
 " A committee sent to the army from each 
 state may, upon the spot, fix things with a 
 degree of propriety and certainty, and is the 
 only method I can see, of bringing measures 
 to a decision with respect to the officers of the 
 army; but what can be done in the mean time 
 towards the arrangement in the country, I 
 - know not. In the one case, you run the hazard 
 of losing your officers; in the other, of encoun-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 493 
 
 tering delay; unless some method could be CHAP, vm. 
 devised of forwarding both at the same instant. 1776. 
 
 " Upon the present plan, I plainly foresee an 
 intervention of time between the old and new 
 army, which must be filled with militia, if to 
 be had, with whom no man, w r ho has any 
 regard for his own reputation, can undertake to 
 be answerable for consequences. I shall also 
 be mistaken in my conjectures, if we do not 
 lose the most valuable officers in this army, 
 under the present mode of appointing them; 
 consequently, if we have an army at all, it will 
 be composed of materials, not only entirely raw; 
 but, if uncommon pains are not taken, entirely 
 unfit ; and I see such a distrust and jealousy of 
 military power, that the commander in chief 
 has not an opportunity, even by recommenda- 
 tion, to give the least assurances of reward for 
 the most essential services. 
 
 " In a word, such a cloud of perplexing cir- 
 cumstances appears before me, without one 
 flattering hope ; that, I am thoroughly con- 
 vinced, unless the most vigorous and decisive 
 exertions are immediately adopted to remedy 
 these evils, that the certain and absolute loss 
 of our liberties will be the inevitable conse- 
 quence; as one unhappy stroke will thro\v a 
 powerful weight into the scale against us, and 
 enable general Howe to recruit his army, as 
 fast as we shall ours ; numbers being disposed 
 and many actually doing so already. Some of
 
 494 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vni. the most probable remedies, and such as ex- 
 
 1776. perience has brought to my more intimate 
 
 knowledge, I have taken the liberty to point 
 
 out; the rest I beg leave to submit to the 
 
 consideration of congress. 
 
 " I ask pardon for taking up so much of their 
 time with my opinions, but I should betray 
 that trust which they and my country have 
 reposed in me, were I to be silent upon matters 
 so extremely interesting." 
 
 On receiving this very serious letter, it was 
 resolved that the pay of the officers should be 
 raised according to the wishes of the general; 
 and that it should be recommended to the legis- 
 latures of those states having any regiments 
 now in the continental service, either at New 
 York, Ticonderoga, or New Jersey, forthwith 
 to depute committees to those places in order 
 to appoint officers to the regiments to be raised 
 under the new establishment; that they might 
 re-inlist those men now in service, who should 
 incline to engage for the war. They also re- 
 commended to these committees, in making 
 these appointments, to advise with the general 
 and to promote such officers as had distin- 
 guished themselves for abilities, activity, and 
 vigilance, and more especially for their atten- 
 tion to military discipline; and not to appoint 
 any officer who should leave his station in the 
 army, and be absent without leave. On further 
 reflection, they added another recommendation,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 495 
 
 which manifests the sense they entertained of CHAP, vm. 
 the ill consequences of the pernicious mode of irre. 
 creating officers originally adopted. It was, 
 that all the officers to be appointed be men of 
 honour* and known abilities, without a particu- 
 lar regard to their having before been in ser- 
 vice. In addition to the pay of the privates, a 
 suit of regimentals was allowed them annually ; 
 and the states, as far as Virginia, were urged 
 to use their utmost endeavours to complete their 
 quotas. 
 
 The armies did not long retain their posi- 
 tion on York island. General Howe was sen- 
 sible of the strength of the American camp, 
 and had no inclination to force it. His plan 
 was to compel general Washington either to 
 abandon it, or to fight him in a situation in 
 which a defeat must be attended with the total 
 destruction of his army. With this view, he 
 determined, after throwing up intrenchments 
 on M'Gowan's hill for the protection of New- 
 York, to gain the rear of the American camp, 
 by the New England road, along which their 
 principal supplies of provisions were received ; 
 and also to possess himself of the North river 
 above King's bridge. To assure himself of the 
 practicability of this plan, so far as respected the 
 river, three frigates passed up it under the fire 
 from fort Washington, and the post opposite to 
 
 * See Note, JVb. XIX. at the end of the -volume.
 
 496 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. viti. it on the Jersey shore, afterwards denominated 
 1776. fort Lee, without sustaining any injury from 
 October - the batteries, or being at all impeded by the 
 chevaux-de-frize which had been sunk in the 
 channel, between those forts.* 
 
 This point being attained, he, in pursuance 
 of his plan either to force Washington out of 
 his present lines, or to enclose him in them, 
 Twelfth, embarked a great part of his army on board flat- 
 bottomed boats, and passing through Hellgate 
 The enemy into the Sound, landed at Frogs' neck, not far 
 
 land at 
 
 Frogs' neck, from West Chester on the east, on Connecticut 
 side of the Sound, and about nine miles from 
 the camp on the heights of Haerlem. 
 
 Frogs' neck is completely surrounded by the 
 water, which, at flood tide, is unfordable ; so 
 that it is, in fact, an island communicating 
 with the main land by bridges thrown over the 
 intervening water. These bridges were broken 
 down by the Americans, and works were im- 
 mediately thrown up to obstruct the march of 
 the enemy from their present encampment into 
 the country. General Washington, who was 
 
 * The command of the upper part of the river, at all 
 times important to the military operations in that quarter, 
 was rendered peculiarly interesting by the certain infor- 
 mation, that a very great proportion of -the inhabitants 
 were in the 1'oyal interest, and were actually meditating, 
 an insurrection for the purpose of seizing the posts in the 
 highlands; to prevent which, the militia of New Hamp- 
 shire were ordered to Fishkill,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 497 
 
 well aware of the intention with which general CHAP. vm. 
 Howe had taken this new position, moved a 1776. 
 part of his troops from York island to join those 
 at King's bridge, and detached some regiments 
 to West Chester, for the purpose of opposing, 
 and skirmishing with the enemy, so soon as 
 they should march from their present station. 
 The road from Frogs' point to King's bridge 
 leads through a strong country, intersected in 
 every direction by numerous stone fences ; so 
 that it would have been very difficult to move 
 artillery, or even infantry, in compact columns, 
 except along the main road, which had been 
 broken up in several places. The general, 
 therefore, entertained sanguine hopes of the 
 event, should a direct attack be made on his 
 present camp. 
 
 General Howe continued some days, quietly 
 waiting for his artillery, military stores, and 
 re-enforcements from Staten island, which 
 were detained by an unfavourable wind, during 
 which, it was impracticable to pass from the 
 East river into the Sound. 
 
 In the mean time, as the habits of thinking 
 in America absolutely required that every im- 
 portant measure should be the result of consul- 
 tation, and should receive the approbation of a 
 majority; a council of general officers was October ie. 
 called, and the propriety of removing the Ame- 
 rican army from its present position laid before 
 them. The obstructions in the North river 
 
 VOL. II. 3 S
 
 498 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, viii. having proved insufficient to stop the ships, 
 1776. and the British having landed, in full force, at 
 Frogs' neck, on the east of the Sound; it was, 
 after much investigation, declared to be im- 
 practicable, without a change of position, to 
 prevent the enemy from cutting off their com- 
 munication with the country, and compelling 
 them, either to fight under great disadvantages, 
 or to surrender themselves prisoners of war. 
 General Lee, who had but two days before 
 joined the grand army, and whose experience, 
 as well as his late success, gave him great 
 weight, maintained this opinion with peculiar 
 earnestness ; and general Clinton was the only 
 officer dissenting from it. At the same time, 
 
 The Ameri- ft was determined still to hold fort Washington, 
 
 can army 
 
 YoritlStani and to defend that post as long as possible. 
 The hope was still cherished, that, by increas- 
 ing the obstructions in the river, ships might 
 be prevented from passing them ; and the 
 object was deemed so all important, as to jus- 
 tify considerable hazard in the attempt to secure 
 it. The resolution of congress of the llth of 
 October, desiring general Washington, by 
 every art and expense, to obstruct if possible 
 the navigation of the river, contributed, not 
 inconsiderably, to the determination for main- 
 taining this post. The necessary measures 
 were now taken for moving the army, so as to 
 extend its front, or left, up the North river 
 towards the White Plains, beyond the right of 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 499 
 
 the enemy, and thus keep perfectly open its CHAP, vm. 
 communication with the country. The right 1775. 
 or rear division remained a few days about 
 King's bridge under the command of general 
 Lee, in order to cover and secure the heavy 
 baggage and military stores, which, in conse- 
 quence of the extreme difficulty of obtaining 
 waggons, could be but slowly removed to a 
 place of safety. 
 
 Having received the expected re-enforce- October is. 
 ments, which landed at Pell's point, to which 
 place he also transported the troops from Frogs' 
 neck, and brought up his military stores ; 
 general Howe moved forward his whole army, 
 except four brigades destined for the defence 
 of New York, through Pelham's manor, towards 
 New Rochelle. Some skirmishes took place 
 on the march, near East Chester, with a part 
 of Glover's brigade, in which the conduct of 
 the Americans was mentioned \vith satisfaction 
 by the commander in chief; and as general 
 Howe took post at New Rochelle, a village on Twenty-first 
 the Sound; general Washington occupied the 
 heights between that place and the North river. 
 
 At New Rochelle, the British army was 
 joined by the second division of Germans under 
 the command of general Knyphausen, and by 
 an incomplete regiment of cavalry from Ireland; 
 some of whom with one of the transports had 
 been captured on their passage. Both armies 
 now moved towards the White Plains, a strong 
 3s 2
 
 500 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vni piece of ground where a large camp had beeil 
 1776. marked out, and was already occupied by a 
 detachment of militia sent for the particular 
 purpose of guarding some magazines of provi- 
 sions which had been there collected. The 
 main body of the American troops formed a 
 long line of intrenched camps, extending from 
 twelve to thirteen miles, on the different heights 
 from Valentine's hill, near King's bridge, to 
 the White Plains ; fronting the British line of 
 march, and the Brunx, which lay between 
 them, so as to collect in full force at any point, 
 as circumstances might require. The motions 
 of the enemy were anxiously watched, not only 
 for the purposes of security, and of avoiding a 
 general action, but in order to seize every occa- 
 sion which might present itself, of engaging any 
 of their out posts with advantage. While their 
 army lay about New Rochelle, major Rodgers, 
 with his regiment, was advanced further east- 
 ward to Mamaraneck, on the Sound, where he 
 was believed to be in a great degree covered by 
 the position of the other troops. An attempt 
 was made to surprise him in the night, by a 
 detachment which should pass between him 
 and the main body of the British army, and by 
 a coup de main bear off his whole corps. 
 Although the plan was well formed, and major 
 Rodgers was actually surprised ; yet the at- 
 tempt did not completely succeed. About sixty 
 of the enemy were killed' and taken, and about
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 501 
 
 ihe same number of muskets, with several 
 
 blankets were brought off. The loss of the 1775. 
 Americans was only two killed, and eight or ten 
 wounded : among the latter was major Green 
 of Virginia, a very brave officer, who led the 
 advanced party, and who received a ball through 
 his body. 
 
 Not long afterwards a regiment of Pennsyl- 
 vania riflemen, under colonel Hand, fell in with 
 and engaged about an equal number of Hessian 
 chasseurs, over whom they obtained some 
 advantage. 
 
 The caution of the English general was in- 
 creased by these evidences of enterprise in his 
 adversary. His object seems to have been to 
 avoid skirmishing, and to bring on a general 
 action, if that could be effected under favour- 
 able circumstances ; if not, he knew well the 
 approaching dissolution of the American army, 
 and calculated, not without reason, to derive 
 from that event nearly all the advantages of a 
 victory. He proceeded therefore slowly. His 
 marches were in close order, his encampments 
 compact, and well guarded with artillery; and 
 the utmost circumspection was used not to 
 expose any part which might be vulnerable. q 
 
 As the sick and baggage reached a place of 
 safety, general Washington gradually drew in _ 
 
 his out posts, and took possession of the heights October25 - 
 
 Annual Register.
 
 502 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vui. on the east side of the Brunx fronting the head 
 1776. of the enemy's columns. The next day he was 
 
 October 35. joined by general Lee, who, with very consi- 
 derable address, had brought up the rear divi- 
 sion, after the sick and the whole baggage of 
 the army had been secured ; an operation the 
 more difficult, as the deficiency of teams was 
 very great, in consequence of which a large 
 portion of the labour usually performed by 
 horses, or oxen, devolved on men. 
 
 General Washington was encamped on high 
 broken grounds with his right flank covered by 
 the Brunx, which meandered so as also to cover 
 the front of his right wing which extended 
 along the road leading down on the east side of 
 that river, towards New Rochelle as far as the 
 brow of the hill where his centre was posted. 
 His left, which formed almost a right angle with 
 his centre, and was nearly parallel to his right, 
 extended along the hills northwardly, so as to 
 keep possession of the commanding ground, 
 and secure a retreat should it be necessary, 
 from his present position, to one still more 
 advantageous in his rear. 
 
 On the right of the army, and on the west 
 side of the Brunx, about one mile from camp, 
 on the road leading from the North river, was 
 a hill, of which general M'Dougal was ordered 
 to take possession, for the purpose of .covering 
 the right flank. His detachment consisted of 
 about sixteen hundred men, principally militia,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 503 
 
 and his communication with the main army was CHAP, vm. 
 perfectly open, that part of the river being 1776. 
 every where passable without any difficulty. 
 
 Hasty intrenchments were thrown up to 
 strengthen, as much as time would admit, 
 every part of the lines ; and make them as 
 defensible as possible. 
 
 The enemy, who had advanced from New 
 Rochelle and Mamaraneck, and were within 
 seven or eight miles of the White Plains, now October 28. 
 made arrangements to attack sreneral Washing:- Battle of * e 
 
 m WhitePlains. 
 
 ton in his camp. Early in the morning they 
 advanced in two columns, the right commanded 
 by sir Henry Clinton, and the left by general 
 Knyphausen, accompanied by general Howe 
 in person. Their advanced parties having en- 
 countered, and driven in the patrols they fell 
 in with on the march, their van appeared, about 
 ten o'clock, in full view of the American lines, 
 and a cannonade commenced without much 
 execution on either side. 
 
 The right of the enemy formed behind a 
 rising ground about a mile in front of the camp, 
 and extended from the road leading from 
 Mamaraneck towards the Brunx, so that it 
 was opposed to the centre of the American 
 army. 
 
 On viewing general Washington's situation, 
 general Howe determined to possess himself 
 of the hill occupied by M'Dougal, which he 
 considered as important to the success of an
 
 504 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. attack on the centre and right of the American 
 1776. camp. He therefore directed colonel Rawle 
 with a brigade of Hessians which he com- 
 manded, to cross the Brunx and make a cir- 
 cuit so as to gain a position from which he 
 might annoy the right flank of general 
 M'Dougal, while brigadier general Leslie with 
 the second brigade of British troops, the Hes- 
 sian grenadiers under colonel Donop, and a 
 Hessian battalion, should attack him in front. 
 When colonel Rawle had gained the position 
 he had been ordered to take, the detachment 
 under the command of general Leslie also 
 crossed the Brunx, and commenced a very 
 vigorous attack on the - Americans/ The 
 militia immediately fled, but the attack was 
 sustained by the regulars with great gallantry. 
 Colonel Smallwood's regiment of Maryland, 
 and colonel Reitzimar's of New York, advanced 
 boldly towards the foot of the hill to meet them ; 
 but after a sharp encounter, those regiments 
 were overpowered by numbers and compelled 
 to retreat. The enemy advanced with great 
 resolution on the remaining part of M'Dougal's 
 forces, consisting of his own brigade, the 
 Delaware battalion, and a small regiment of 
 Connecticut militia, who were soon driven 
 from the hill, but who kept up for some time 
 an irregular engagement from the stone walls, 
 
 r General Howe's U-ticr.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 505 
 
 and other enclosures about the scene of action. CHAP. vm. 
 General Putnam, with general Beal's brigade, 1776. 
 was ordered to their support, but not having 
 arrived while they were in possession of the 
 hill, it was deemed improper to attempt to 
 regain it, and the troops retreated to the main 
 army. 
 
 In this engagement, which, during its con- 
 tinuance, was very animated on both sides, the 
 loss was supposed to have been about equal. 
 That of the Americans was between three and 
 four hundred in killed, wounded, and taken. 
 Colonel Smalhvood was among the wounded. 
 
 General Washington continued in his lines 
 expecting an attack ; to prepare for which his 
 sick and baggage were removed into his rear ; 
 but as a considerable part of the day had been 
 exhausted in gaining the hill which had been 
 occupied by M'Dougal, all attempts on his 
 intrenchments were postponed until the next 
 morning, and the whole British army lay on 
 their arms the following night, in order of 
 battle, and on the ground they had taken 
 during the day. 
 
 The night was employed by general Wash- 
 ington in strengthening his works, removing 
 his sick and baggage, and preparing, by chang- 
 ing the arrangement of his troops, for the 
 expected attack. His left maintained its posi- 
 tion, but his right was drawn back to stronger 
 ground. Perceiving this, and being unwilling 
 
 VOL. IT. 3 T
 
 506 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' vin. to leave any thing to hazard, Howe resolved to 
 
 1776. postpone further offensive operations until lord 
 Percy should arrive with four battalions from 
 New York, and two from the post at Mama- 
 
 ctober 3o. raneck. This re-enforcement was received on 
 the evening of the 30th, and preparations were 
 then made for the attack next morning. In 
 the night, however, and during the early part 
 of the succeeding day, a violent rain fell which 
 induced a further postponement of the assault. 5 
 The provisions, and heavy baggage of the 
 army, being now removed to much stronger 
 grounds, and apprehending that the enemy, 
 whose left wing, on the height taken from 
 general M'Dougal, extended to his rear, might 
 turn his camp, and occupy the strong grounds 
 to which he designed to retreat, if an attempt 
 on his lines should terminate unfortunately, 
 general Washington changed his position in 
 the night and withdrew to the heights of North 
 Castle, about five miles from the White Plains. 
 
 ovember i. At the same time he detached general Deal's 
 brigade to take possession of the bridge on 
 Croton river, which lay a few miles in his 
 rear, and over which is the road leading up 
 the Hudson. 
 
 His present position was so strong that an 
 attempt to force it was deemed imprudent, and 
 general Howe determined to. change.' entirely 
 
 3 General Howe's letter*
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 his plan of operations, and to give a new direc- CHAP. vm. 
 tion to his efforts/ 1776. 
 
 It has been already stated, that the anxiety 
 to preserve, if possible, the navigation of the 
 Hudson above King's bridge, had induced the 
 American general to maintain the posts of forts 
 Washington and Lee, on both sides that river. 
 These posts, while held by the Americans, 
 checked very essentially the movements of 
 general Howe, who very justly deemed the 
 complete possession of York island an object 
 of too much importance to be longer neglected. 
 With a view to the acquisition of them he 
 directed general Knyphausen to cross the 
 country from New Rochelle, and to take pos- 
 session of King's bridge, where a small party 
 of Americans were stationed in fort Indepen- 
 dence. This he eifected without opposition. 
 On his approach the Americans retired to fort 
 Washington, and Knyphausen entered York 
 island, and encamped to the north of fort 
 Washington, between that place and King's 
 bridge. 
 
 In the mean time general Howe broke up his N OV . s. 
 camp at the White Plains, and marched to The British 
 
 t -iii arm y returns 
 
 Dobbs' ferry, from whence he retired slowly ^.K^S ( 
 down the North river towards King's bridge. 
 The American general was immediately aware 
 
 of his views on fort Washington and the Jer- 
 
 j-^ 
 
 r General Hoive'a letter. 
 
 3j 2
 
 508 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vni. seys ; but, apprehending the possibility of his 
 1776. returning suddenly, and endeavouring by a 
 rapid movement, to execute the original plan 
 of getting in his rear, he observed great 
 caution ; and maintained his position about the 
 White Plains, until he was assured by the 
 information given by parties detached to watch 
 the enemy, and harass him on his march, that 
 the movement towards King's bridge was not 
 a feint. 
 
 As on the first movement of the British army 
 towards New York, general Washington had 
 perceived the necessity of throwing a part of 
 his troops into New Jersey, should the design 
 of the enemy be as he apprehended, to change 
 NOV. e. the scene of action, a council of war was im- 
 mediately called. In this council it was deter- 
 mined unanimously, that, should general Howe 
 continue his march towards New York, all the 
 troops raised on the west side of the Hudson, 
 should cross that river, to be afterwards fol- 
 lowed by the eastern troops, should the opera- 
 tions of the enemy render it necessary. For 
 the preservation of the high lands about the 
 North river, three thousand men were to be 
 stationed at Peck's-Kill, and in the passes of 
 the mountains. 
 
 In a letter to congress, communicating the 
 present movement of the enemy, and the de- 
 termination of the council, the general said, 
 (f I cannot indulge the idea that general Howe, 
 supposing him to be going to New York,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 509 
 
 means to close the campaign, and to sit down CHAP. VUL 
 without attempting something more. I think 1776. 
 it highly probable, and almost certain, that he 
 will make a descent with part of his troops into 
 the Jerseys, and, as soon as I am satisfied that 
 the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, 
 I shall use all the means in my power to for- 
 ward a part of our force to counteract his 
 designs. 
 
 " I expect the enemy will bend their force 
 against fort Washington, and invest it imme- 
 diately. From some advices it is an object 
 that will attract their earliest attention." 
 
 He also addressed a letter to mr. Livingston, 
 the governor of New Jersey, advising him of 
 the movement made by the enemy, and giving 
 it as his decided opinion that general Howe 
 would not content himself with investing fort 
 Washington, but would incontestably invade 
 the Jerseys. He urged him to put the militia 
 in the best possible condition to re-enforce the 
 continental army, and take the place of the new 
 levies, a term designating a body of men 
 between militia and regulars, raised under the 
 resolution of congress to serve until the first of 
 December, and \vho could not be depended on 
 to continue with the army one day longer than 
 the time for which they were engaged. He 
 also pressed, very earnestly, the removal from 
 the seacoast and the neighbourhood of New 
 York, of all the stock and other provisions of 
 which the enemy might avail himself.
 
 510 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ctf AP. VIIT. Immediate intelligence of this movement was 
 1776. likewise given to general Greene, who com- 
 manded in the Jerseys, and his attention was 
 particularly called to fort Washington. He was 
 also advised to increase his magazines about 
 Princeton, and diminish those near New York, 
 as experience had demonstrated the extreme 
 difficulty of removing them on the advance of 
 the enemy. Some apprehension was also en- 
 tertained that Howe would attempt to cross at 
 Dobbs' ferry, and envelop the troops about 
 fort Lee as well as fort Washington. Of this 
 too general Greene was advised, who thereupon 
 drew in his parties from about Amboy, and 
 posted a body of troops on the heights to 
 defend the passage at Dobbs' ferry. 
 
 As the British army approached King's 
 bridge, three of their ships of war passed up 
 the North river, by the forts Washington and 
 Lee, notwithstanding their fire, and notwith- 
 standing the additional obstructions which had 
 been placed in the channel. 
 
 On being informed of this, another letter 
 
 Nov - 8 - w r as addressed to general Greene, in which it 
 was stated, that this fact was so plain a proof 
 of the inefficacy of all the obstructions thrown 
 in the river, as to justify a change in the dis- 
 positions which had been made. "If," pro- 
 ceeded the letter, " we cannot prevent vessels 
 from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of 
 the surrounding country, what valuable purpose 
 can it answer, to attempt to hold a post from
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 511 
 
 which the expected benefit cannot be derived ? CHAP, vm. 
 I am, therefore, inclined to think it will not be 
 prudent to hazard the men and stores at Mount 
 Washington ; but as you are on the spot, I 
 leave it to you to give such orders respecting 
 the evacuation of the place, as you may think 
 most advisable ; and so far revoke the orders 
 given colonel Magaw to defend it to the last." 
 
 He, in this letter, repeated his instructions 
 to drive the stock, and destroy the hay, grain, 
 and other provisions, which the inhabitants 
 would not remove from the coast. " The 
 enemy," he added, " have drawn great relief, 
 from the forage and provisions, they have 
 found in the country, and which our tenderness 
 had spared. You will do well to prevent their 
 receiving any fresh supplies, by destroying it, 
 if it cannot be removed. Experience has 
 shown that a contrary conduct is not of the 
 least advantage to the poor inhabitants, from 
 whom all their effects of every kind are taken 
 without distinction, and without satisfaction." 
 
 Measures were now taken to cross the North 
 river with the troops which had been raised on 
 its western side, and general Washington him- 
 self determined to accompany that division of 
 the army. The eastern regiments remained on 
 the eastern side of the North river, under the 
 command of general Lee, who had orders to 
 join the commander in chief, if the enemy 
 should move the whole, or the greater part of
 
 512 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, viii. their force, to the west of the Hudson. In the 
 1776. mean time, as it was yet thought possible that 
 the enemy might strike at this division of the 
 army, he v/as advised to retire further into the 
 country, and to take possession of the strong 
 grounds behind the Croton, at Pine's bridge. 
 
 Having visited the posts about Peck's-Kill 
 in the highlands, and made all the arrangements 
 in his power for their defence, an object 
 
 And general always deemed of the utmost importance, 
 
 Washington ' 
 
 ofhVarmy general Washington passed the North river 
 NonhViver. in the rear of the troops designed to act imme- 
 Nov 1? . diately in the Jerseys, and joined general 
 ~ Greene at his quarters near fort Lee. 
 
 From too great a confidence in the strength 
 of the post at fort Washington, and a hope that 
 by still further increasing the obstructions in 
 the North river, the original object for which 
 that place had been fortified, might yet be 
 obtained ; from an unwillingness, too, further 
 to discourage the;~army by an evacuation of 
 posts, general Greene had not withdrawn the 
 garrison under vthe discretionary orders he had 
 received on thftt 'subject ; but still indulged a 
 hope that the post might be maintained ; or, if 
 its situation .should Become desperate, that 
 means might then be found t6-. transport the 
 troops across the river f 6v the Jersey shore, 
 which was defended by fort Lee. . ' 
 
 j 
 
 Fort Washington is on : a very high piece of 
 rocky ground near the North river, very diffi-
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5^3 
 
 cult of ascent, especially towards the north or CHAP. vm. 
 King's bridge. The fort was capable of con, 1776, 
 taining about one thousand men; but the lines 
 and out works, which were chiefly on the 
 southern side, towards New York, were drawn 
 quite across the island. The ground was 
 naturally very strong, the approaches difficult, 
 and the fortifications, though not sufficient to 
 resist heavy artillery, were believed to be in a 
 condition which would prevent any attempt to 
 carry them by storm. The garrison consisted 
 of troops, some of whom were among the best 
 in the American army, and the command was 
 given to colonel Magaw, a brave and intelligent 
 officer, in whose courage and skill, great con- 
 fidence was placed. 
 
 General Howe, who had retired slowly from 
 the White Plains, encamped at a small dis- 
 tance from King's bridge, on the heights of 
 Fordham, with his right towards the North 
 river, and his left on the Brtinx. Works were 
 erected on Haerlem creek, to play on the op- NOV. 13. 
 posite works of the Americans ; and, every 
 thing being prepared, the garrison w r as sum- 
 moned to surrender on pain of being put to the 
 sword. Colonel Magaw replied that he should 
 defend the place to the last extremity, and the 
 summons he had received was immediately Fi{ ' teenth - 
 communicated -to general Greene at fort Lee, 
 and by him to the commander in chief who 
 was then at Hackensack. He immediately rode 
 VOL. n. 3 u
 
 514 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vni. to fort Lee, and was proceeding, though it 
 1776. was then late in the night, to fort Washington, 
 where he expected to find generals Putnam and 
 Greene ; when, in crossing the river to fort 
 Washington, he met those officers returning 
 from visiting that post. They reported that 
 the troops were in high spirits, and would make 
 a good defence, on which he returned with 
 them to fort Lee. 
 
 Early next morning colonel Magaw posted 
 his troops partly in the lines drawn across the 
 NOV. is. island on the south of the fort; partly between 
 the lines, on the woody and rocky heights 
 fronting the East river, where the works were 
 not closed; and partly on a commanding hill, 
 lying north of the fort. Colonel Cadwallader 
 of Pennsylvania commanded in the lines, 
 colonel Rawlings of Maryland commanded on 
 the hill towards King's bridge where his regi- 
 ment of riflemen was posted among trees, and 
 colonel Magaw himself continued in the fort. 
 
 Notwithstanding the strength of the place, 
 the British general resolved to carry it by storm. 
 He was induced to this determination by a wish 
 to save time, which, at this late season of the 
 year, was an object not to be overlooked; and 
 preparations were made for a vigorous attack 
 early in the morning. About ten o'clock the 
 enemy appeared, and moved on to the assault 
 in four different quarters. Their first division, 
 consisting of two columns of Hessians and 
 Waldeckers, amounting to about five thousand
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 515 
 
 men, under the command of general Knyphau- CHAP, vm. 
 sen, advanced on the north side of the works 1776. 
 against the hill where colonel Rawlings com- 
 manded, who received them with great gal- 
 lantry. The second, on the east, consisting 
 of the first and second battalions of British light 
 infantry, and two battalions of guards, was led 
 on by brigadier general Mathews, supported by 
 lord Cornwallis at the head of the first and 
 second battalions of grenadiers, and the thirty- 
 third regiment. These troops crossed the East 
 river in boats, under cover of the artillery planted 
 in works which had been erected for this pur- 
 pose on the opposite side of the river, and 
 landed within the second line of defence which 
 crossed the island. The third division was 
 conducted by lieutenant colonel Stirling who 
 passed the East river lower down; and the 
 fourth by lord Percy, accompanied by general 
 Howe in person. This division was to attack 
 the lines in front, on the south side. u 
 
 The attacks on the north, and south, by 
 general Knyphausen and lord Percy, were made 
 about the same instant on colonels Rawlings 
 and Cadwallader, who maintained their ground 
 for a considerable time; but while colonel 
 Cadwallader was engaged in the first line 
 against lord Percy on the south, the second and 
 third divisions of the enemy, which had crossed 
 
 u General Howe's letter. 
 3u 2
 
 THE LIFE O? 
 
 CHAP. vni. the East river, made good their landing and 
 1776. soon dispersed the troops fronting that river* 
 as well as a detachment sent by colonel Cad- 
 wallader to support them; These being over- 
 powered, he deemed it necessary to abandon 
 the lines, and a retreat was commenced towards 
 the fort, which, being conducted with confu- 
 sion> a part of his men were intercepted by the 
 division under colonel Stirling, and made 
 prisoners; The resistance on the north was 
 conducted with more courage, and was of 
 longer duration. Rawlings maintained his 
 ground with firmness, and his riflemen did vast 
 execution* The Germans were repulsed several 
 times with great loss; and, had every other part 
 of the action been equally well maintained, the 
 enemy > if ultimately successful, would have 
 had much reason to deplore their victory. The 
 liessian columns by dint of perseverance and 
 numbers, at length gained the summit of the 
 hill, and colonel Rawlings^ who perceived the 
 danger which threatened his rear, retreated un- 
 der the guns of the fort. 
 
 Having now carried the lines and all the 
 strong ground adjoining, the British general 
 
 *~ 
 
 fort Washing- . .. .. 
 
 ton carried again summoned colonel Magaw to surrender. 
 
 thTg^risoli ^Vhile the capitulation was progressing, general 
 
 ^Siere. Washington sent him a billet requesting him to 
 
 hold out until the evening, when he would 
 
 endeavour to bring off the garrison ; but colonel 
 
 Magaw had already proceeded too far to retract, 
 
 atid it is probable the jplace could not have
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 517 
 
 resisted an assault from so formidable a force CHAP, vnt. 
 as now threatened it on every side. The most 1776. 
 essential difficulties had been overcome, the 
 fort was too small to contain all the men, and 
 their ammunition was nearly exhausted 4 Under 
 these circumstances, the garrison surrendered 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 The loss on this occasion was, perhaps, the 
 greatest the Americans had ever experienced. 
 The garrison was stated by general Washing- 
 ton at about two thousand men ; yet, in a report 
 published as from general Howe, the number 
 of prisoners is stated at two thousand six hun- 
 dred, exclusive of officers. If this report was 
 genuine, either general Howe must have in- 
 cluded in its persons, who were not soldiers, 
 or general Washington in his letter must have 
 comprised only the regulars. The last conjee^- 
 ture is most probably correct. The loss of the 
 enemy is stated by mr. Stedman, in his history 
 of the war, at about eight hundred men. This 
 losi fell heaviest on the Germans.* 
 
 * Had the front towards East river been defended with 
 as much gallantry as the hill on the north, the enemy 
 would probably have been repulsed, and would certainly 
 have sustained so heavy a loss as very essentially to have 
 affected their ulterior operations. But among raw troops, 
 however great the exertions of many may be, there must 
 ever be found a defect of courage in some one point, which 
 must defeat any general plan. This results from the cir- 
 cumstance that their conduct depends more on individual 
 firmness, than on habits of discipline.
 
 518 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, viu. The surrender of fort Washington produced 
 
 1776. a determination to evacuate fort Lee, and a 
 
 Evacuation removal of the stores to the interior of Jersey 
 
 f fort Lee. 
 
 was immediately commenced. Before this 
 could be possibly completed, a large body of 
 the enemy, consisting of two battalions of 
 British, three of Hessian grenadiers, two of 
 light infantry, the guards, the chasseurs, the 
 royal highlanders, the thirty-third regiment, 
 and a detachment of the queen's light dragoons, 
 conjectured to amount altogether to about six 
 
 thousand men, under lord Cornwallis, crossed 
 
 Nov - 18 - the North river below Dobbs' ferry, and endea- 
 voured, by a rapid march, to enclose the gar- 
 rison of fort Lee between the North and Hack- 
 ensack rivers. On the first intelligence of their 
 approach, it was determined to meet and fight 
 them; but it was soon discovered that their 
 force was too great to be encountered. It was 
 also perceived that they were extending them- 
 selves across the country, so as to surround 
 the Americans. It was therefore deemed ne- 
 cessary to withdraw the garrison, with the 
 utmost possible dispatch, from the narrow 
 neck of land between the Hudson and Hacken- 
 sack; and, with considerable difficulty, their 
 retreat was effected over a bridge on the latter 
 river. At fort Lee all the heavy cannon, ex- 
 cept two twelve pounders, and a considerable 
 quantity of provisions, and military stores, 
 including three hundred tents, were lost. The 

 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 519 
 
 great difficulty experienced on this, and on all CHAP, vm. 
 other occasions, in obtaining waggons for the 1776. 
 removal of stores, and baggage, rendered this 
 loss inevitable. 
 
 General Washington now took post along the 
 Hackensack, but it was impossible to dispute 
 its passage. He was now in a level country, 
 without a single intrenching tool; at the head 
 of an army consisting of about three thousand 
 effectives, exposed without tents to the incle- 
 ment season which already prevailed; among 
 people by no means zealous in the American 
 cause ; and in other respects, his present situ- 
 ation was a dangerous one. 
 
 This gloomy state of things was not bright- 
 ened by the prospect before him. In casting 
 his eyes around, no cheering object presented 
 itself. No safe reliance could be placed on 
 re-enforcements to be drawn from any quarter. 
 He however made every possible exertion to 
 collect an army, and, in the mean time, to im- 
 pede as much as possible the progress of the 
 enemy. General Carleton having retired from 
 before Ticonderoga, he directed general Schuy- 
 ler to send to his aid, with the utmost possible 
 dispatch, the troops of Pennsylvania and Jersey, 
 which had been attached to the northern army. 
 But the march was long, their terms of service 
 had nearly expired, and they had refused to 
 re-inlist. General Lee was directed to cross 
 the North river and to hold himself in readiness,
 
 520 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CKAP. vni. jf the enemy should continue the campaign, to 
 1776. join the commander in chief;* but his army 
 NOV. 21. too was melting away, under the influence of 
 the same fatal cause which had acted so uni- 
 versally and so banefully, and would soon be 
 weakness of almost totally dissolved. General Mercer, who 
 
 the American 
 
 army. commanded a part of the flying camp stationed 
 about Bergen, was also called in; but these 
 troops had only engaged to serve until the first 
 of December ; and, like the other six months 
 men, had already abandoned the army in great 
 numbers. No hope existed of retaining the 
 remnant of them after they should possess a 
 legal right to be discharged, and very little of 
 supplying their places with other militia. 
 
 The present situation of the American army 
 was precisely similar to that it had abandoned, 
 and of consequence no serious design of attempt- 
 ing to maintain it was formed. The Hacken- 
 sjick lay between them and the enemy, and the 
 Passaic was immediately in their rear, so that 
 the danger of being enclosed between two rivers 
 still existed. While therefore some regiments 
 were disposed along the Hackensack so as to 
 afford the semblance of intending to defend it, 
 and thus for a time to cover the few stores which 
 could not immediately be removed; general 
 Washington, with Seal's, Heard's, and part of 
 Irvine's brigades, crossed over at Acquacka- 
 nunck bridge, and took post at Newark, on the 
 
 * See Note, No. XX, at the end of the volume.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 521 
 
 south side of the Passaic. Soon after he had CHAP. vm. 
 marched, major general Vaughan appeared at 1776. 
 the head of the dragoons, grenadiers, and light 
 infantry, before the new bridge over Hacken- 
 sack ; and the American detachment, left as a 
 rear guard, being totally unable to defend it, 
 could only break up the bridge, and retire 
 before him over the Passaic. 
 
 On the south side of this river, the country 
 being open behind them, it was determined to 
 halt a few days, to make some show of resist- 
 ance, and to endeavour to collect such a force 
 as would keep up at least the semblance of an 
 army. The letters of the commander in chief 
 not having produced among the states, such 
 exertions as the public exigences required; 
 general Mifflin, who was believed to possess 
 great influence in Pennsylvania, was directed 
 to attend the government of that state, and to 
 represent the real situation of the army, and the 
 danger to which Philadelphia would certainly 
 be exposed, unless the most vigorous exertions 
 should be made, and such large re-enforcements ineffectual 
 hastened to his aid, as mierht enable him to raisethe 
 
 militia. 
 
 stop the enemy in the Jerseys. He also dis- 
 patched colonel Reid, his adjutant general, to 
 the governor of New Jersey, to lay before him 
 the critical situation of affairs, and to press upon 
 him the absolute necessity of making further, 
 and immediate exertions, to prevent the whole 
 state from being entirely overrun by the enemy. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 X
 
 522 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vni. While these means were resorted to in order 
 1776. to strengthen himself with militia, he pressed 
 general Lee to hasten his march, and cautioned 
 him to keep high enough up the country to 
 prevent his being intercepted by the enemy, 
 who, having got possession of the mail contain- 
 ing one of his late letters, would certainly en- 
 deavour to prevent the junction of the two 
 armies. 
 
 In this perilous state of things, he found it 
 necessary to detach colonel Forman of the New 
 Jersey militia, to suppress an insurrection which 
 threatened to break out in the county of Mon- 
 mouth, where great numbers were well dis- 
 posed to the royal cause. Nor was this the 
 only place from which there w r as reason to ap- 
 prehend the enemy might derive aid. Such an 
 indisposition to further resistance began to be 
 manifested throughout that state, as to excite 
 very serious fears respecting the conduct which 
 might be observed when the British army 
 should penetrate further into the country. 
 
 General Beine: unable to make any real opposition, as 
 
 Washington J , ' 
 
 retreats the enemy crossed the rassaic, sreneral Wash- 
 through 
 
 jersey. ingtoii abandoned his position behind that river ; 
 
 NOV. 28. and the day lord Cornwallis entered Newark, 
 
 he retreated from that place to Brunswick, a 
 
 small village on the Raritan. Here the time 
 
 December i. arrived when those troops who were drawn from 
 Maryland and Jersey to compose the flying 
 camp, became entitled to their discharge, and
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 523 
 
 he had the extreme mortification to see his CHAP, vm. 
 feeble army still more enfeebled by their entirely irre. 
 abandoning him, though almost in sight of an 
 advancing enemy. In this critical situation, so 
 many of the Pennsylvania militia who were 
 engaged to serve until the first of January, 
 deserted, that it was deemed necessary to re- 
 quest guards of militia to be placed on the roads 
 and ferries over the Delaware, in order to 
 apprehend and send back to camp, soldiers who 
 might be found without a written discharge or 
 a permit to be absent. 
 
 Here he again stated to the governor of New 
 Jersey that the object of the enemy plainly was 
 to pass through that state to Philadelphia, and 
 urged him once more to adopt some proper and 
 efficacious means for calling out the strength of 
 the state to his support, and to its own defence. 
 Without great re-enforcements, he assured 
 him, it would be impossible to maintain his 
 present position one instant after the enemy 
 should advance upon him. But it was not in 
 the power of the governor to furnish the aid 
 required. So much of the lower country as 
 was well affected was overawed entirely by the 
 enemy; and the militia of Morris and Sussex 
 turned out very slowly and reluctantly. 
 
 Here again he urged general Lee to join him. 
 
 After mentioning the advance of the enemy, 
 
 who without doubt designed to press on to 
 
 Philadelphia, he said, " The force I have with 
 
 3x 2
 
 524 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. me is infinitely inferior in numbers, and such 
 1776. as cannot promise or give the least successful 
 opposition. I must entreat you to hasten your 
 march as much as possible, or your arrival 
 may be too late to answer any valuable purpose : 
 I can neither particularize your route nor the 
 place to join me : in these you must be governed 
 by circumstances, and the intelligence you 
 receive ; let the former be secure." 
 
 At Brunswick, the troops were continued in 
 motion, for the purpose of concealing their 
 weakness, and retarding the advance of the 
 enemy by creating an opinion, that the Amer- 
 icans meditated an attack in turn. From that 
 place, the general even moved some men tow- 
 ards them, as if intending offensive operations, 
 and he continued in the town, until they were 
 actually in view; but as the advanced guards 
 showed themselves on the opposite side of the 
 bridge, he marched out of Brunswick, and, 
 leaving lord Stirling in Princeton with two bri- 
 gades from Virginia and Delaware, consisting 
 of twelve hundred men, to watch the enemy, 
 he proceeded himself with the residue of the 
 army to Trenton. He had already directed the 
 boats on the Delaware, from Philadelphia up- 
 wards, for seventy miles, to be collected and 
 guarded, so that a hope might be reasonably 
 
 December 2. entertained, that the progress of tlie enemy 
 would be stopped at this river; and that, in the 
 mean time, re-enforcements might arrive, 
 which would enable him to dispute its passage.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 525 
 
 Having, with great labour, transported the CHAP. VUL 
 Few remaining military stores and baggage over 1776. 
 the Delaware, he determined to remain, as 
 long as possible, with the small force which 
 still adhered to him, on the north side of that 
 river. 
 
 The army which, under the command of 
 general Washington, was thus pressed slowly 
 through the Jerseys, was aided by no other 
 cavalry than a small corps of badly mounted 
 Connecticut militia, commanded by major 
 Shelden; and was almost equally destitute of 
 artillery. Its numbers, at no time during the 
 retreat, exceeded four thousand, and was now 
 reduced to less than three thousand men; of 
 whom not quite one thousand were militia be- 
 longing to the state of New Jersey ; and, even 
 of his regulars there were many whose terms 
 of service were about to expire. 
 
 Nor did his weakness in point of numbers 
 constitute the only embarrassment of his situa- 
 tion. His regulars were badly armed, worse 
 clad, and almost without tents, blankets, or 
 utensils for dressing their provisions. They 
 were composed chiefly of the garrison drawn 
 from fort Lee, and had been obliged to evacu- 
 ate that place with too much precipitation to 
 bring with them even those few articles for 
 their comfort and accommodation, with which 
 they had been furnished. He found himself at 
 the head of this small band, dispirited by their
 
 326 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. losses and fatigues, retreating almost naked 
 1776. and barefooted, in the cold of November and 
 December, before a numerous, well appointed 
 and victorious army, through a desponding 
 country, much more disposed to secure safety 
 by submission, than to seek it by a manly 
 resistance. 
 
 In this crisis of American affairs, a procla- 
 mation was issued by lord and general Howe, 
 as commissioners appointed on the part of the 
 crown for restoring peace to America, com- 
 manding all persons assembled in arms against 
 his majesty's government, to disband and re- 
 turn to their homes; and all civil officers to 
 desist from their treasonable practices, and 
 relinquish their usurped authority. A full par- 
 don was also offered to every person who would 
 within sixty days, appear before certain civil 
 or military officers of the crown, and claim the 
 benefit of that proclamation ; and, at the same 
 time, testify his obedience to the laws by sub- 
 scribing a declaration of his submission to the 
 royal authority. Copies of this proclamation 
 were immediately dispersed through the coun- 
 try; after which, numbers flocked in, daily, 
 for the purpose of making their peace and ob- 
 taining protection. The contrast between the 
 splendid appearance of the pursuing army, and 
 that made by the ragged Americans who were 
 flying before them, diminished in numbers, 
 and destitute of almost every necessary, could
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 537 
 
 not fail to contribute to the general opinion, CHAT. vm. 
 that the contest was approaching its termination. 1 776, 
 
 Among the many valuable traits in the 
 character of general Washington, was that 
 unyielding firmness of mind which resisted 
 these accumulated circumstances of depression, 
 and supported him under them. Undismayed 
 by the dangers which surrounded him, he did 
 not for an instant relax his exertions, nor omit 
 any thing which could obstruct the progress of 
 the enemy, or meliorate his own condition. 
 He did not appear to despair of the public 
 safety, but struggled against adverse fortune 
 with the hope of yet vanquishing the difficulties 
 which surrounded him; and constantly showed 
 himself to his harassed and enfeebled army, 
 with a serene unembarrassed countenance; 
 betraying no fears in himself; and invigorating, 
 and inspiring with confidence, the bosoms of 
 others. To this unconquerable firmness of 
 temper; to this perfect self possession, under 
 the most desperate circumstances ; is America, 
 in a great degree, indebted for her independence. 
 
 The baggage and stores were immediately 
 removed to the south side of the Delaware, and 
 the sick sent to Philadelphia. 
 
 Having accomplished this object, and find- 
 ing that lord Cornwallis still continued in 
 Brunswick, he detached twelve hundred men Decembers. 
 to Princeton, in the hope that by appearing to ~ 
 advance on the enemy, he might not only delay
 
 528 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. their progress, but in some degree cover the 
 1776. country, and reanimate the people of Jersey. 
 
 A part of this short respite from laborious 
 service was devoted to the predominant wish of 
 his heart, that of preparing as far as possible 
 for the next campaign, by impressing suffi- 
 ciently on congress, a conviction of the real 
 causes which had produced their present cala- 
 mities. However the human mind may resist 
 the clearest theoretic reasoning, it is impossible 
 not to discern radical and obvious errors, while 
 smarting under their destructive consequences. 
 The abandonment of the army by whole regi- 
 ments of the flying camp, in the face of an 
 advancing and superior enemy; the impractica- 
 bility of calling out the militia of Jersey and 
 Pennsylvania in sufficient force to prevent the 
 enemy from overrunning the first state and from 
 entering the latter, had not other causes saved 
 it; were practical lessons on the subjects of 
 short inlistments, and a reliance on militia, 
 which could not fail to add great weight to the 
 remonstrances formerly made by the general on 
 this subject, and which he now repeated. 
 
 The exertions of general Mifflin, who had 
 been commissioned to raise the militia of 
 Pennsylvania, though they made but very little 
 impression oh the state at large, were attended 
 with some degree of success in Philadelphia. 
 A large proportion of the inhabitants of that 
 city, capable of bearing arms, had associated
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 52 9 
 
 for the defence of their country ; and, on this CHAP. vm. 
 occasion, fifteen hundred of them marched to 1775. 
 Trenton; and a German battalion was also 
 ordered by congress to the same place. On _ 
 receiving this re-enforcement, amounting to Pecember e - 
 about two thousand men, general Washington 
 commenced his march to Princeton ; but before seventh. 
 he could reach that place, he received intelli- 
 gence that lord Convwallis, who had been 
 strongly re-enforced, was now rapidly advan- 
 cing from Brunswick by different routes, so 
 as to get in his rear. A retreat, now again 
 became indispensable, and it was absolutely 
 necessary to pass the Delaware. 
 
 He crossed that river on the eighth of De- E *g hth - 
 cember; secured all the boats, broke down the 
 bridges on the roads leading along the Jersey 
 shore ; and posted his army in such manner as 
 to guard, as well as was in his power, the 
 different fording places over which it was prac- 
 ticable for the enemy to pass. As the rear 
 guard crossed the river, the van of the British 
 army appeared in sight. Their main body took 
 post at Trenton, and detachments were placed 
 both above and below, so as to render entirely 
 uncertain the place at which they might attempt 
 to pass; while small parties, witnoutany inter- 
 ruption from the people of the country, reconnoi- 
 tred the Delaware for a considerable distance. 
 
 Some intelligence had been received, stating 
 the enemy to have brought boats with them. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 Y 
 
 Washington 
 
 "
 
 550 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vin. Should this be the fact, the river was so com- 
 1776. pletely passable, as to render it impracticable, 
 without a force greatly exceeding that pos- 
 sessed by the American general, to prevent 
 their crossing it. The course of the Delaware 
 from Bordentown below Trenton turns west- 
 ward, and forms an acute angle with its course 
 
 S?, g j r , f- from Philadelphia to that place; so that the 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 enemy might cross a considerable distance 
 above, and be not much, if any further from 
 the metropolis, than the American army. 
 
 In consequence of this state of things, the 
 general advised that lines of defence should be 
 drawn from the Schuylkill about the heights of 
 Springatsbury, eastward to the Delaware,, and 
 general Putnam was ordered to superintend 
 them; while general Mifflin, who had just re- 
 turned to camp, was again dispatched to Phila- 
 delphia to take charge of the numerous stores 
 at that place. 
 
 The enemy made some ineffectual attempts, 
 which were defeated by the vigilance of the 
 Americans, to seize a number of boats guarded 
 by lord Stirling about Coryell's ferry; and, in 
 order to facilitate their movements down the 
 river on the Jersey shore, they repaired the 
 bridges three or four miles below Trenton, 
 which had been broken up by order of general 
 Washington; after which, they advanced a 
 strong detachment to Bordentown, so as to 
 create the impression of crossing at the same
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 535, 
 
 time above and below ; and either proceeding, CHAP. vm. 
 in two columns, directly to Philadelphia, or irrs. 
 completely enveloping the American army. To 
 counteract this plan, and avoid being enclosed 
 in the angle of the river at Trenton, the galleys 
 were stationed so as to give the earliest notice 
 of any movements below, and at the same time 
 afford their aid in repelling any effort to cross 
 the river ; while he made such a disposition of 
 his little army, as to guard against the execu- 
 tion of what he believed to be their real design 
 which was to ford the Delaware above. Four 
 brigades under the generals lord Stirling, Mer- 
 cer, Stephens, and De Furnoy, were posted 
 from Yardly's up to Coryell's ferry, in such 
 manner, as to guard every suspicious part of 
 the river, and to assist each other in case of an 
 attack. General Irving with the remnant of 
 the flying camp of Pennsylvania, engaged to 
 serve until the first of January, and some 
 Jersey militia under general Dickenson, were 
 posted from Yardly's down to the ferry opposite 
 Bordentown. Colonel Cadwallader, the bro- 
 ther of the gentleman taken in fort Washington, 
 with the Pennsylvania militia, occupied the 
 ground above and below the mouth of Ni sha- 
 mmy river, as far down as Dunks' ferry, at 
 which place colonel Nixon was posted with the 
 third Philadelphia battalion. The artillery was 
 apportioned among the brigades, and small 
 redoubts were thrown up at every place where. 
 3 Y 2
 
 532 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vm. it was possible to ford the river. Precise orders 
 irre. were given to the commanding officer of each 
 detachment, marking out as nearly as possible 
 the conduct he should observe in the events 
 which might happen, directing his route in 
 case of being driven from his post, and the 
 passes he should endeavour to defend on his 
 way to the high grounds of Germantown, 
 where the army was to rendezvous, if driven 
 by the enemy from the river. 
 
 Having made this arrangement of his troops, 
 he waited in the anxious hope of receiving re- 
 enforcements; and, in the mean time, watched 
 every motion of the enemy with the utmost 
 vigilance, used all the means he could devise 
 to obtain intelligence, and sent out daily parties 
 over the river to harass the enemy, to make 
 prisoners, and to observe their situation. 
 
 The utmost exertions were made by the 
 civil authority to raise the militia. Expresses 
 \vere sent through the different counties of 
 Pennsylvania, and to the governments of Dela- 
 ware and Maryland, urging them to march, 
 without delay, to join the army. General 
 Mifflin was directed " to repair immediately to 
 the neighbouring counties, and endeavour, by 
 all the means in his power, to rouse and bring 
 in the militia to the defence of Philadelphia." 
 Congress also declared " that they deemed it 
 of great importance to the general safety, that 
 general Mifflin should make a progress through
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 533 
 
 the several counties of the state of Pennsylvania, CHAP, vm. 
 to rouse the freemen thereof to the immediate 
 defence of the city and country;" and they 
 resolved, " that the assembly be requested to 
 appoint a committee of their body to make the 
 tour with him, and assist in this good and 
 necessary work."* 
 
 In the hope that the militia might be pre- 
 vailed on to furnish more effectual aid, so as to 
 enable him even to act offensively, if they saw 
 a large regular army to which they might 
 attach themselves, the commander in chief had 
 directed general Gates to march with the regu- 
 lars from the northern army, and, in the con- 
 fidence that, if any movements should be made 
 by the enemy against the highlands, the New 
 England militia might be depended on to sup- 
 ply the places of the troops now stationed at 
 those posts. General Heath was also ordered 
 from Peck's. Kill. 
 
 Although general Lee had been repeatedly 
 urged, in the most pressing manner, to join 
 the commander in chief, he proceeded slowly 
 in the execution of these orders, manifesting a 
 strong disposition to retain his separate com- 
 mand, and rather to hang on, and threaten the 
 
 * General Armstrong of Pennsylvania, was at the same 
 time sent by general Washington into that part of the 
 state where he possessed most influence, to encourage the 
 recruiting service, and favour the attempt of raising the 
 militia.
 
 534 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, vin. rear of the enemy, than strengthen the army 
 1776. in their front. With this view he proposed 
 establishing himself at Morristown; but on 
 receiving a letter from general Washington 
 stating his disapprobation of this plan, which 
 though proper in itself, and under other cir- 
 cumstances, was now totally inadmissible, as 
 the army, without this re- enforcement, was 
 not strong enough to stop the march of the 
 enemy to Philadelphia; and pressing him to 
 come on ; he still declared an opinion in favour 
 of his own proposition, and proceeded reluct- 
 antly towards the Delaware. While on this 
 march through Morris county, and at the dis- 
 tance of about twenty miles from the enemy, 
 he, very indiscreetly, quartered under a slight 
 guard, in a house about three miles from his 
 army. Information of this circumstance was 
 given by a countryman to colonel Harcourt, at 
 that time detached with a body of cavalry for 
 the purpose of gaining intelligence concerning 
 his movements, who immediately formed and 
 executed the design of seizing him. By a 
 rapid march this corps of cavalry very early in 
 the morning, reached the house where the 
 general had lodged, who received no intimation 
 
 capture of of its approach until the house was surrounded, 
 
 general Lee. 
 
 and he found himself a prisoner to colonel 
 
 December 13. 
 
 Harcourt; who bore him off in triumph to the 
 
 British army, where he was for some time,
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 535 
 
 treated, not as a prisoner of war, but as a CHAP. 
 deserter from the British service. 1776 
 
 This misfortune made a very serious impres- 
 sion on all America. The confidence originally 
 placed in general Lee, created by his expe- 
 rience and real talents, had been very greatly 
 increased by the success which had attended 
 him while commanding in the southern depart- 
 ment. In addition to this, it was generally 
 believed that his opinions, during the military 
 operations in New York, had contributed to 
 the adoption of those judicious movements 
 which had, in a great measure, defeated the 
 plans of the enemy in that quarter. It was also 
 believed, but without any certain knowledge of 
 the fact, that he had opposed the majority in 
 the council of war, which determined to main- 
 tain the forts Washington and Lee. No officer, 
 except the commander in chief, possessed, at 
 that time, so large a portion of the confidence 
 either of the army, or of the country; and his 
 loss was almost universally bewailed as the 
 greatest calamity which had befallen the Ameri- 
 can arms. It was regretted by no person more 
 than by general Washington himself, who 
 esteemed highly his merit as a soldier, and 
 lamented sincerely his captivity, both on ac- 
 count of his personal feelings, and of the public 
 interest. 
 
 General Sullivan, on whom the command 
 of that division of the army devolved after the
 
 536 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, via capture of Lee, obeyed promptly the orders 
 1776. which had been directed to that officer, and, 
 crossing the Delaware at Philipsburg, joined 
 the commander in chief about the twentieth, 
 whose effective force was now increased to 
 nearly seven thousand men. He was also 
 joined on the same day by general Gates with 
 a part of the northern army. 
 
 All attempts of the British general to get pos- 
 session of boats for the purpose of transporting 
 his army over the Delaware having failed, he 
 
 The British appeared to have determined to close the cam- 
 
 go into win- 
 
 paign, and to retire into winter quarters. About 
 four thousand men were cantoned on the Dela- 
 ware, atTrenton, Bordentown, the White Horse, 
 and Burlington ; and the remaining part of the 
 army of Jersey was distributed from that river 
 to the Hackensack. Strong corps were posted 
 at Princeton, Brunswick, and Elizabeth town; 
 but general Washington apprehended that the 
 intention of taking Philadelphia, in the course 
 of the winter, was only postponed till the ice 
 should become sufficiently firm to bear the 
 army. 
 
 To intimidate as much as possible, and 
 thereby impede the recruiting business, was 
 believed to have been no inconsiderable induce- 
 ment with general Howe for covering, with his 
 army, so large a portion of Jersey. To coun- 
 teract his views in this respect, was an object 
 of real importance. For that purpose general
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 537 
 
 Washington ordered three regiments, who were CHAP, via 
 marching from Peck's-Kill, to halt at Morris- 1775. 
 town, and to unite with about eight hundred 
 Jersey militia, who had collected under colonel 
 Ford at the same place. General Maxwell was 
 detached to take the command of these troops, 
 with orders to watch the motions of the enemy, 
 and to endeavour to harass them in their 
 marches, to give intelligence of all their move- 
 ments, and especially of such as might be 
 made from Brunswick towards Princeton or 
 Trenton; to keep up the spirits of the militia, 
 and, as much as possible, prevent the inhabi- 
 tants from going within the British lines, mak- 
 ing their submission, and taking protections. 
 
 The short interval between the enemy's 
 going into winter quarters, and the recom- p^- . 
 mencement of active operations, was employed 
 by general Washington in repeating the repre- 
 sentations he had so often made to congress 
 respecting the army for the ensuing campaign. 
 The extreme dangers resulting from short in- 
 listments, and of relying en militia, had now 
 been fully exemplified; and his remonstrances 
 on that subject were supported by that severe 
 experience, which improves while it encases. 
 He had felt greatly, in the course of the cam- 
 paign, his want of cavalry, of artillery, and of 
 engineers ; he had before stated to congress his 
 ideas on these important subjects, and he now 
 re-urged them on that body. He was earnest 
 
 VOL. II. 3 Z
 
 538 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. viii. with them, too, to increase the number of coit- 
 1776. tinental regiments. It was admitted that those 
 already voted would, most probably, not be 
 completed; but he contended that by directing 
 an additional number, and appointing other 
 officers, more men would be inlisted, as every 
 officer would recruit a few. With respect to 
 the additional expense to be incurred by the 
 measures he recommended, it was observed, 
 " that our funds were not the only object now 
 to be taken into consideration. The enemy, 
 it was found, were daily gathering strength 
 from the disaffected. This strength, like a 
 snowball by rolling, would increase, unless 
 some means could be devised to check effec- 
 tually the progress of their arms. Militia 
 might possibly do it for a little while ; but in a 
 little while also the militia of those states which 
 were frequently called upon, would not turn 
 out at all, or would turn out with so much re- 
 luctance and sloth, as to amount to the same 
 thing. Instance New Jersey ! witness Penn- 
 sylvania! could any thing but the river Dela- 
 ware have saved Philadelphia? 
 
 " Could any thing," he asked, " be more 
 destructive of the recruiting business, than 
 giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks , ser- 
 vice in the militir, who come in, you cannot 
 tell how; go, you cannot tell when; and act, 
 you cannot tell where: who consume your 
 provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you 
 at last in a critical moment.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 539 
 
 <{ These, sir," he added, " are the men ICHAP.VIH. 
 am to depend upon ten days hence. This is 1776. 
 the basis upon which your cause will rest, and 
 must forever depend, until you get a large 
 standing army sufficient of itself to oppose the 
 enemy." 
 
 He also hinted the idea, extremely delicate 
 in itself, of enlarging his powers so as to enable 
 him to act without constant applications to con- 
 gress for their sanction of measures, the imme- 
 diate adoption of which was essential to the 
 public interests. " This might," he said, " be 
 termed an application for powers too dangerous 
 to be intrusted." He could only answer, " that 
 desperate diseases required desperate remedies. 
 He could with truth declare that he felt no lust 
 for power, but wished with as much fervency 
 as any man upon this wide extended continent, 
 for an opportunity of turning the sword into a 
 ploughshare : but his feelings as an officer, and 
 as a man, had been such as to force him to say, 
 that no person ever had a greater choice of 
 difficulties to contend with than himself." 
 
 After stating several measures he had adopted, 
 not within the powers conferred on him by con- 
 gress, and urging many other necessary ar- 
 rangements, he added, " It may be thought I 
 am going a good deal out of the line of my 
 duty, to adopt these measures, or advise thus 
 freely : a character to lose, an estate to forfeit, 
 3z 2
 
 540 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. via. the inestimable blessing of liberty at stake, and 
 1776. a life devoted, must be my excuse." 
 
 The present aspect of their affairs was ex- 
 tremely unfavourable to the United States. 
 The existing army, except a few regiments 
 from Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and 
 New York, affording an effective force of about 
 fifteen hundred men, would dissolve in a very 
 few days. New Jersey had, in a great mea- 
 sure, submitted to the enemy. The militia of 
 Pennsylvania had not turned out with the 
 alacrity expected from them. General Howe 
 would, most probably, avail himself of the ice 
 which was now to be expected, and of the dis- 
 solution of the American army, to pass the 
 Delaware and seize Philadelphia. This event 
 was greatly dreaded, not only on account of 
 its intrinsic importance at any time, but on 
 account of its peculiar importance at this; 
 when that army was to be recruited on which 
 the future hopes of America were to rest, and 
 which was to decide her destiny. It was 
 greatly feared, and with much reason, that this 
 event would make so unfavourable an impres- 
 sion on the public mind, as to deter the 
 American youth from engaging in a contest 
 becoming so desperate. 
 
 Impelled by these considerations, and by 
 
 that enterprise of temper which he possessed 
 
 \ in a very great degree, general Washington no 
 
 sooner perceived the dispersed situation of the
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 541 
 
 enemy, than he meditated a blow which might CHAP, vm. 
 retrieve the affairs of America, in the public 1776. 
 opinion, and recover the ground which had 
 been lost. 
 
 He formed the daring plan of attacking, at 
 the same instant, all the British posts on the 
 Delaware. If successful in all, or any of these 
 attacks, he hoped to wipe off the ill impressions 
 made by his losses, and by his retreat, and to 
 compel the enemy to compress himself in such 
 a manner as no longer to cover the Jerseys, 
 while he should at the same time, relieve Phila- 
 delphia from the immediate and imminent dan- 
 ger with which it was now threatened. 
 
 The position he had taken, to oppose the pas- 
 sage of the river by the enemy, was precisely 
 calculated to favour his present scheme of offen- 
 sive operations. 
 
 Most of his regulars were posted above Tren- 
 ton, from Yardly's up to Coryell's ferry. Gene- 
 ral Irvine with the Pennsylvania flying camp, 
 and Jersey militia, extended from Yardly's to 
 the ferry opposite Bordentown; and general 
 Cadwalader with the Pennsylvania militia, lay 
 still lower down the river. 
 
 The plan now formed was to cross in the 
 night at M'Konkey's ferry, about nine miles 
 above Trenton, to march down in two divisions, 
 the one taking the river road, and the other 
 the Pennington road, both which lead into the 
 town ; the one at the upper, or west end, and
 
 i 
 
 542 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cH\p.vnr. the other at its back, and towards the north. 
 1776. This part of the plan was to be executed by the 
 general in person, at the head of about two 
 thousand four hundred continental troops. It 
 was supposed very practicable to pass them 
 over the river by twelve o'clock, so that suffi- 
 cient time would be allowed to reach their point 
 of destination by five in the morning of the 
 next day, when the attack was to be made. 
 General Irvine was directed to cross at the 
 Trenton ferry, and secure the bridge below the 
 town, so as to prevent the escape of any part 
 of the enemy by that road. General Cadwala- 
 der was to cross over at Bristol, and carry the 
 post at Burlington. It had been in contempla- 
 tion to unite the troops, employed in fortifying 
 Philadelphia, to those at Bristol, and to place 
 the whole under general Putnam; but there 
 were such indications in that city of an insur- 
 rection to favour the royal cause, that it was 
 deemed unsafe to withdraw them. The cold, 
 on the night of the 25th was very severe; a 
 mingled snow, hail, and rain, fell in great 
 quantities, and so much ice was made in the 
 river, that with the utmost possible exertions, 
 the troops, with the artillery, could not be got 
 over until three o'clock, and it was near four 
 before the line of march could be taken up. 
 As the distance to Trenton both by the river, 
 and Pennington roads, is nearly the same, it 
 was supposed that each division of the army
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 543 
 
 would reach its object about the same time, CHAP. vm. 
 and therefore orders were given to attack at the 1660. 
 first moment of arrival, and after driving in the 
 out guards, to press rapidly after them into 
 the town, so as to prevent the main body of 
 the enemy from forming. 
 
 General Washington himself accompanied Battle of 
 
 Trenton. 
 
 the upper division, and arrived at the out post 
 
 December 26. 
 
 on that road, precisely at eight o'clock. He 
 
 immediately drove it in, and in three minutes 
 heard the fire from the division which had taken 
 the river road. The picket guard kept up a 
 fire from behind houses as they retreated, but 
 the Americans followed them with such ardour 
 and rapidity, that they could make no stand. 
 Colonel Rawle, a very gallant officer who com- 
 manded in Trenton, paraded his men, in order 
 to meet the assailants. In the very commence- 
 ment of the action he was mortally wounded, 
 and his troops, in apparent confusion, attempted 
 to file off from the right, and gain the road to 
 Princeton. Perceiving this, general Washing- 
 ton threw a detachment in their front, which 
 intercepted them in the attempt, and advanced 
 rapidly on them. Finding themselves sur- 
 rounded, and their artillery already seized, 
 they laid down their arms and surrendered 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Unfortunately the quantity of ice had ren- 
 dered it impracticable for general Irvine to exe- 
 cute that part of the plan which had been allotted
 
 544 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP. vin. to him. With his utmost efforts he could not 
 1776. cross the river; in consequence of this circum- 
 stance the lower road towards Bordentown 
 remained open. A part of the enemy, about 
 five hundred men, stationed in the lower end 
 of Trenton, availed themselves of this circum- 
 stance, and crossing the bridge in the com- 
 mencement of the action, marched down the 
 river to Bordentown. The same cause pre- 
 vented general Cadwalader from attacking the 
 post at Burlington. With infinite difficulty he 
 got over a part of his infantry ; but finding it 
 absolutely impracticable to cross with the artil- 
 lery, his infantry returned. 
 
 Though this plan failed in so many of its 
 parts in consequence of the extreme severity of 
 the night, the success which attended that part 
 of it, which was to be executed by general 
 Washington in person, was complete ; and was 
 followed by the happiest effects. About twenty 
 of the enemy were killed, and nine hundred and 
 nine, including officers, laid down their arms, 
 and surrendered themselves prisoners. Others 
 were afterwards found concealed in houses, so 
 us to increase the number to about one thou- 
 sand. Six field pieces, and a thousand stand 
 of small arms, were also taken. On the part 
 of the Americans, two privates were killed; 
 two frozen to death; and one officer, and three 
 or four privates, wounded.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 545 
 
 Had it been practicable for the divisions CHAP, via 
 under generals Irvine and Cadwalader to have 1776. 
 crossed the river, it was intended to have pro- 
 ceeded from Trenton to the posts below, at 
 and about Bordentown ; to have entirely swept 
 the enemy from the banks of the Delaware, 
 and to have maintained a position in the Jerseys. 
 But finding those parts of the plan to have 
 entirely failed, and supposing the enemy to 
 remain in force below, while a strong corps 
 was posted at Princeton, it was thought unad- 
 visable to hazard the loss of the very impor- 
 tant advantage already gained, by attempting 
 to increase it ; and general Washington re- 
 crossed the river with his prisoners and the 
 military stores he had taken. Lieutenant 
 colonel Baylor, his aid-de-camp who carried 
 the intelligence of this success to congress, was 
 presented with a horse completely caparisoned 
 for service, and recommended to be appointed 
 to the command of a regiment of cavalry. 
 
 Nothing could surpass the astonishment of 
 the enemy at this unexpected display of vigour 
 on the part of the American general. His con- 
 dition, and that of his country, had been 
 thought desperate. He had been deserted by 
 all the troops having a legal right to leave him. 
 The regiments ordered from Ticonderoga 
 had melted away on returning to the neigh- 
 bourhood of the country in which they had 
 been raised; and of his remaining regulars, 
 
 VOL. II. 4 A
 
 546 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vm. nearly two thirds would be entitled to their 
 1776. discharge on the first day of January. There 
 appeared no probability of prevailing on them 
 to continue longer in the service, and the 
 recruiting business was absolutely at an end. 
 The spirits of a large proportion of the people 
 were sunk to the lowest point of depression. 
 New Jersey appeared to be completely subdued ; 
 and some of the best judges of the public sen- 
 timent were of opinion, that immense numbers 
 in Pennsylvania also, were determined not to 
 permit the sixty days, allowed in the procla- 
 mation of lord, and sir William Howe, to 
 elapse, without availing themselves of the par- 
 don it held forth to them. Instead of offensive 
 operations, the total dispersion of the small 
 remnant of the American army might well be 
 looked for, since it \vould be rendered too 
 feeble by the (discharge of those engaged only 
 until the last day of December, to attempt any 
 longer a defence of the Delaware ; which would 
 by that time, in all probability, be every where 
 passable on the ice. While every appearance 
 supported these opinions, and the British 
 general, without being sanguine, might well 
 have considered the war as approaching its ter- 
 mination ; this bold and fortunate enterprise 
 announced to him, that he had to contend with 
 an adversary, who could never cease to be for- 
 midable, so long as the possibility of resistance 
 remained. Finding the conquest of America
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 547 
 
 further removed than had been supposed, he CHAP. vm. 
 determined, though in the depth of winter, to 1776. 
 recommence active operations ; and lord Corn- 
 wallis, who had retired to New York for the 
 purpose of embarking for Europe, suspended 
 his departure, and returned to the Jerseys in 
 great force, for the purpose of regaining the 
 ground which'h'ad been lost. 
 
 Meanwhile count Donop, who commanded 
 the troops now posted below Trenton, and was 
 himself at Burlington, on hearing the disaster 
 which had befallen colonel Rawle, immediately 
 commenced his retreat by the road leading to 
 Amboy, amd joined general Leslie at Princeton. 
 The next day general Cadwalader crossed 
 over and took post on the Jersey shore. He 
 was ordered to harass the enemy if he could 
 do so safely, but to put nothing to the hazard 
 until he should be joined by the continental 
 battalions, who were allowed a day or two of 
 repose, after the fatigues of the enterprise 
 against Trenton. General Mifflin now joined 
 general Irvine with a detachment of Pennsyl- 
 vania militia amounting to about fifteen hundred 
 men, and those troops were also ordered to 
 cross the Delaware. 
 
 The general, once more finding himself at the 
 head of a force with which it was practicable 
 to attempt something, resolved not to remain 
 inactive. Inferior as he was to the enemy, he 
 yet determined to employ the winter in endea- 
 4A 2
 
 548 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP .VHI. vouring to recover the whole, or a great part 
 
 1776. of Jersey. 
 
 With this view he ordered general Heath, 
 who was stationed atPeck's-Kill for the defence 
 of the highlands, on the North river, to leave a 
 small detachment of troops at that place, and, 
 with the main body of the New England 
 militia, to move into Jersey, anti approach the 
 cantonments of the enemy on that side. General 
 Maxwell was ordered to collect as many militia 
 as possible, to harass their flank and rear, and 
 to attack their out posts when any favourable 
 occasion should present itself. Having made 
 
 December so. these dispositions, he again crossed the Dela- 
 ware himself with his continental regiments, 
 and once more took post at Trenton. Here he 
 exerted all his influence to prevail on the troops 
 from New England, whose terms of service 
 expired on the last day of December, to con- 
 tinue during the present exigency, and, with 
 infinite difficulty, added to a bounty of ten 
 dollars, many of them were induced to re-en- 
 
 ______ gage for six weeks. 
 
 1777. The enemy were now collected in force at 
 
 January 1 
 
 Princeton, under lord Cornwallis, where some 
 
 works were thrown up ; and, from their ad- 
 vancing a strong corps towards Trenton, as 
 well as from their knowledge that the continen- 
 tal troops from New P^ngland were now enti- 
 tled to be discharged, and from some private 
 intelligence, it was expected they would attack 
 that place.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 549 
 
 Generals Mifflin and Cadwalader, who lay at CHAP. vm. 
 Bordentown and Crosswix with three thou- 1777. 
 sand six hundred militia, were ordered to 
 march up in the night of the first of January to 
 join the commander in chief, whose whole 
 effective force, with this addition, did not 
 exceed five thousand men. 
 
 As had been expected, the enemy advanced 
 upon them the next morning; and, after some January 2 . 
 slight skirmishing with troops detached to 
 Maidenhead to harass and delay their march, 
 the van of their army reached Trenton about 
 four o'clock in the afternoon; while their rear 
 was at Maidenhead, about half way between 
 Princeton and Trenton. On their approach, 
 general Washington retired across the Assum- 
 pinck, a creek which runs through the town, 
 behind which he drew up his army. The 
 enemy attempted to cross this creek at several 
 places, but finding all the fords guarded, they 
 halted and kindled their fires. The American 
 troops kindled their fires likewise, and a can- 
 nonade, which had commenced on their first 
 appearance, was kept up on both sides until 
 dark. 
 
 The situation of general Washington was, 
 now again, extremely critical. If he main- 
 tained his present position, it was certain that 
 he should be attacked, next morning, by a 
 force in all respects superior to his own ; and 
 the result would, most probably, be the des- 
 truction of his little army. If he should retreat
 
 550 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vin. over the Delaware, the passage of that river 
 1777. was now so difficult, being filled with ice, 
 which, in consequence of a few mild and foggy 
 days, was not firm enough to march upon, 
 that a considerable loss, perhaps a total defeat, 
 would be sustained, and, in any event, the 
 Jerseys would once more be entirely in pos- 
 session of the enemy ; the public mind would 
 again be depressed, and recruiting discouraged 
 by his apparent inferiority ; and Philadelphia 
 would once more be in the grasp of general 
 Howe. It was obvious that the one event or 
 the other would deduct very greatly from the 
 advantages promised from his late success ; 
 and, if it did not render the American cause 
 absolutely desperate, would very essentially 
 injure it. 
 
 In this state of things, he formed the bold 
 and judicious design of abandoning the Dela- 
 ware, and marching silently in the night by a 
 circuitous route, along the left flank of the 
 enemy, into their rear at Princeton, where he 
 knew they could not be very strong. After 
 beating them there, it was his intention to make 
 a rapid movement to Brunswick, where their 
 baggage and principal magazines lay under a 
 weak guard. He had sanguine expectations 
 that this manoeuvre w r ould call the attention of 
 the British general to his own defence ; in 
 which event very great objects would be ac- 
 complished ; Philadelphia would be saved for 
 the present; great part of Jersey recovered;
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 551 
 
 and, not only the appearance of a retreat CHAP, via, 
 avoided, but the public mind encouraged by 1777. 
 active and offensive operations. If he should 
 even be disappointed in this expectation, and, 
 contrary to every calculation, lord Cornwallis 
 should proceed to Philadelphia, nothing worse 
 could happen in that quarter, than must happen, 
 should the American army be driven before 
 him ; and in the mean time, he would lessen 
 that calamity by expelling the enemy com- 
 pletely from Jersey, and cutting up all their 
 parties in that state by detail. 
 
 The council of war approved the plan, and 
 preparations were immediately made for its 
 execution. The baggage, as soon as it was 
 dark, was removed silently to Burlington ; and 
 about one o'clock, after renewing their fires, J^^T 3 - 
 and leaving their guards at the bridge and other 
 passes over the creek which runs through 
 Trenton, to go the rounds as usual, they 
 decamped with perfect secrecy, and took a cir- 
 cuitous route through Allen's town to Prince- 
 ton. At the latter place three British regiments 
 had encamped the preceding night, two of 
 which commenced their march early in the 
 morning to join the rear of their army a-t Maid- 
 enhead. About sunrise* they fell in with the 
 
 * The march of the enemy had been rendered much 
 more expeditious, than it could otherwise have been, by 
 a fortunate change of weather. On the evening of the 
 second, it became excessively cold, and the roads which 
 had become soft, were rendered as hard as pavement.
 
 552 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vin. van of the Americans conducted by general 
 
 1777. Mercer, and a very sharp action ensued, which 
 
 however was not of long duration. The militia, 
 
 of Princeton of which the advanced party was principally 
 composed, soon gave way, and the few regu- 
 lars attached to them were not strong enough 
 to maintain their ground. General Mercer 
 was mortally wounded while gallantly exerting 
 himself to rally his broken troops, and the van 
 was entirely routed. But the fortune of the day 
 was soon changed. The main body of the 
 army led by general Washington in person 
 followed close in the rear, and attacked the 
 enemy with great spirit. Persuaded that defeat 
 would irretrievably ruin the affairs of America, 
 he advanced in the very front of danger, and 
 exposed himself to the hottest fire of the 
 enemy. He was so well supported by the 
 same troops who had, a few days before, saved 
 their country at Trenton, that the British 
 in turn were compelled to give way. Their 
 line was broken, and the two regiments sepa- 
 rated from each other. Colonel Maw hood who 
 commanded that in front, forced his way 
 through a part of the American troops, and 
 reached Maidenhead. The fifty-fifth regiment, 
 which was in the rear, retreated, by the way of 
 Hillsborough, to Brunswick. The vicinity of 
 the British forces at Maidenhead secured colo- 
 nel Mawhood from being pursued, and general 
 Washington pressed forward to Princeton.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 553 
 
 The regiment remaining in that place saved CHAP. vm. 
 itself without having sustained much loss, by a 1777. 
 precipitate retreat to Brunswick. 
 
 In this action upwards of one hundred of the 
 enemy were killed on the spot, and near three 
 hundred were taken prisoners. The loss of 
 the Americans in killed was somewhat less, 
 but in this number was included general 
 Mercer, a very valuable officer from Virginia, 
 who had served with the commander in chief 
 in the war against the French and -Indians 
 which terminated in 1763, and was greatly 
 esteemed by him. Colonels Haslett and Potter, 
 two brave and excellent officers from Delaware 
 and Pennsylvania ; captain Neal of the artillery, 
 captain Fleming, who on that day commanded 
 the seventh Virginia regiment, and five other 
 valuable officers, were also among the slain. 
 
 On the appearance of day-light lord Corn- 
 wallis discovered that the American army had 
 moved off in the night, and immediately con- 
 ceived the whole plan which had been formed 
 by Washington. He was under extreme ap- 
 prehensions for Brunswick, where magazines 
 of great value had been collected, and \vhere, 
 it has been understood, the military chest, 
 containing about seventy thousand pounds, 
 was deposited. Breaking up his camp, he 
 commenced a rapid march to that place, for 
 the purpose of affording it protection; and was 
 
 VOL. II. 4 B
 
 554 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP. vni. close in the rear of the American army before 
 1777. it could leave Princeton. 
 
 General Washington now again found him- 
 self in a very perilous situation. His small 
 army was exhausted with extreme fatigue. 
 His troops had been without sleep, all of them 
 one night, and some of them two. They were 
 without blankets; many of them barefooted, 
 and otherwise very thinly clad. He was closely 
 pursued by an enemy, very much superior in 
 point of numbers, w r eli clothed, not harassed 
 by loss of sleep, and who must necessarily 
 come up with him before he could accomplish 
 his designs on Brunswick, if any opposition 
 should there be made to him. Under these 
 circumstances, he, very wisely, determined 
 to abandon the remaining part of his original 
 plan ; and, having broken down the bridges 
 over Millstone creek, between Princeton and 
 Brunswick, he took the road leading up the 
 country to Pltickemin, where his army were 
 permitted to refresh themselves, and to take 
 that rest which they so greatly required. Lord 
 Cornwallis continued his march to Brunswick 
 which he reached in the course of that night. 
 General Mathews, who commanded at that 
 place, had been very greatly alarmed, and 
 while he paraded his troops for defence against 
 the American general whom he expected, he 
 also used the utmost industry in guarding 
 agninst the worst, by removing the military 
 stores to a place of greater safety.
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 555 
 
 The sufferings of the American army had CHAP, v HI. 
 been so great from the severity of the season, 1777. 
 and the very active service in which they had 
 been engaged ; their complaints, especially on 
 the part of the militia, were so loud ; their 
 numbers were reducing so fast by returning 
 home, and by sickness; that general Wash- 
 ington found it impracticable, immediately, to 
 prosecute further offensive operations, and 
 deemed it absolutely necessary to retire to 
 Morristown, in order to put his men under 
 cover, and to give them some repose. 
 
 The bold, judicious, and unexpected attacks 
 made at Trenton and Princeton, by an enemy 
 believed to be vanquished, had an influence on 
 the fate of the war much more extensive in its 
 consequences, than, from a mere estimate of 
 the killed and taken, would be supposed. 
 They saved Philadelphia for the present winter; 
 they recovered the state of Jersey; and, which 
 was of still more importance, they revived the 
 drooping spirits of America, and gave a sen- 
 sible impulse to the recruiting service through- 
 out the United States. 
 
 The problem, whether a nation can be 
 defended against a permanent force, by tempo- 
 rary armies; by occasional calls of the husband- 
 man, from his plough to the field, was already 
 solved; and, in its demonstration, the inde- 
 pendence of America had nearly perished in its 
 cradle. All eyes were now turned on the 
 4 B 2
 
 556 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAP, viii. army to be created for the ensuing campaign, 
 1777. as the only solid basis on which the hopes of 
 the patriot couid rest. During the retreat 
 through the Jerseys, and while the expectation 
 prevailed that no effectual resistance could be 
 made to the advance of the enemy, some spi- 
 rited men indeed were only animated to greater 
 and more determined exertions; but such was 
 not the operation of this state of things on the 
 great mass from whence is to be drawn the 
 solid force of armies. There appeared, espe- 
 cially in the middle states, the pause of distrust. 
 Doubts concerning the issue of the contest 
 became more extensive, and the business of 
 recruiting proceeded so heavily and slowly, as 
 to excite for the future the most anxious soli- 
 citude. 
 
 The affairs of Trenton and Princeton were 
 represented, and considered as great victories. 
 They w r ere believed, by the body of the people, 
 to evidence the superiority of their army, and 
 of their general. The opinion that they were 
 engaged in a hopeless contest, yielded to a 
 confidence that proper exertions on their part, 
 would be crowned with ultimate success. 
 
 This change of opinion relative to the issue 
 of the war, was accompanied with an essential 
 change in their conduct; and although the 
 regiments required by congress were not com- 
 pleted, they were made much stronger than, 
 before this happy revolution in the aspect of
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 557 
 
 public affairs, was believed to have been pos- CHAP. vm. 
 sible. irrr. 
 
 The firmness manifested by congress through- Firmness of 
 
 congress. 
 
 out the gloomy and trying period which inter- 
 vened between the loss of fort Washington, 
 and the battle of Princeton, entitles the mem- 
 bers of that day to the admiration of the world, 
 and the gratitude of their fellow citizens. 
 Unawed by the dangers which threatened them 
 and regardless of personal safety, they did not 
 for an instant admit the idea, that the indepen- 
 dence they had declared was to be surrendered, 
 and peace to be purchased by returning to their 
 ancient colonial situation. As the British army 
 advanced through Jersey, and the consequent 
 insecurity of Philadelphia rendered an adjourn- 
 ment of congress from that place to one further 
 removed from the seat of war, a necessary 
 measure of precaution, their exertions seemed 
 to increase with their difficulties. They sought 
 to remove the despondence which was seizing 
 and paralyzing the public mind, by an address 
 to the states, in which every argument Avas 
 suggested which could rouse them to vigorous 
 action. They made the most strenuous efforts, 
 too, to animate the militia, and impel them to 
 the field, by the agency of those whose popular 
 eloquence* best fitted them for such a ser- 
 vice. 
 
 * General Mifflin was on this occasion peculiarly useful.
 
 558 THE LIFE F 
 
 CHAP, vin. When reassembled at Baltimore, the place 
 1776. to which they had adjourned, their resolutions 
 
 December ao. exhibited no evidences of confusion or dismay ; 
 and the most judicious efforts were made, by 
 collecting as soon as possible a respectable 
 military force, to repair the mischief produced 
 by past errors. 
 
 D?C. 27. Declaring that in the present situation of 
 things the very existence of civil liberty 
 depended on the right execution of military 
 powers, to a vigorous direction of which, dis- 
 tant, numerous, and deliberative bodies, were 
 entirely unequal; they authorized general 
 Washington to raise sixteen additional regi- 
 ments, and conferred upon him, for six months, 
 powers for the conduct of the war which were 
 almost unlimited. 
 
 When reduced to their lowest ebb, towards 
 the close* of 1776, while the tide of fortune 
 was running strongest against them, some few 
 members, distrusting their ability to make a 
 successful resistance, proposed to authorise 
 commissioners they had deputed to the court 
 of Versailles, to transfer to that country the 
 same monopoly of their trade which Great 
 Britain had hitherto enjoyed/ This proposition 
 is stated to have been relinquished, because 
 it was believed that conceptions of this kind 
 would destroy the force of many arguments
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 559 
 
 which had been used in favour of independence, CHAP, vm. 
 and, probably disunite the people. It was 1776. 
 next proposed to offer a monopoly of certain 
 enumerated articles of produce. To this the 
 variant interests of the states were so directly 
 opposed, that it received a speedy and decided 
 negative. Some proposed offering to France a 
 league offensive and defensive; but this also 
 was rejected. The more enlightened members 
 of congress argued that, though the friendship 
 of small states might be purchased, that of 
 France could not. They alleged that if she 
 would risk a war with Great Britain by openly 
 espousing their cause, it would not be so much 
 from the prospect of direct advantages, as from 
 a natural desire to lessen the overgrown power 
 of a dangerous rival. It was therefore sup- 
 posed that the only inducement likely to influ- 
 ence France to an interference, was an assurance 
 that the United States were determined to per- 
 severe in refusing to return to their former 
 allegiance. Under the influence of this better 
 opinion, resolutions were again entered into, 
 declaratory of their determination to listen to 
 no terms founded on the idea of their resuming 
 the character of British subjects; but trusting 
 the event to Providence, and risking all conse- 
 quences, to adhere to the independence they 
 had declared, and to the freedom of trade they 
 had proffered to all nations. Copies of these 
 resolutions were sent to the principal courts of
 
 560 THE LIFE OF ^ c - 
 
 CHAP. vm. Europe; and proper persons were appointed to 
 1776. solicit their friendship to the new formed states. 
 These dispatches fell into the hands of the 
 British, and by them were published ; a cir- 
 cumstance by no means unwished for by con- 
 gress, who were persuaded that an apprehension 
 of their making up all differences with Great 
 Britain was a principal objection to the inter- 
 ference of foreign courts, in what was repre- 
 sented to be no more than a domestic quarrel. 
 A resolution adopted in the deepest distress, 
 and in the worst of times, that congress would 
 listen to no terms of re-union with their parent 
 state, would, it was believed, convince those 
 who wished for the dismemberment of the 
 British empire, that it was sound policy to 
 interfere, so far as would prevent the conquest 
 of the United States. 
 
 END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 JVOT....M). I. 
 
 It will not be unacceptable to the reader to peruse this 
 frst report of a young gentleman who afterwards per- 
 jbrmed so distinguished a part in the revolution of his 
 country, it is therefore inserted at large. 
 
 I was commissioned and appointed by the hon. Robert 
 Dinwiddie, esq. governor, Sec. of Virginia, to visit and 
 deliver a letter to the commandant of the French forces 
 on the Ohio, and set out on the intended journey on the 
 same day : the next, I arrived at Fredericksburg, and en- 
 gaged mr. Jacob Vanbraam to be my French interpreter, 
 and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided 
 necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester, and got 
 baggage, horses, &c. and from thence we pursued the new 
 road to Wills' creek, where we arrived the 14th November. 
 
 Here I engaged mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also 
 hired four others as servitors, Barnaby Currin, and John 
 M'Quire, Indian traders, Henry Steward, and William 
 Jenkins; and in company with those persons left the 
 inhabitants the next day. 
 
 The excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which 
 had fallen, prevented our reaching mr. Frazier's, an 
 Indian trader, at the mouth of Turtle creek, on Monon- 
 gahela river, till thursday the 22d. We wei-e informed 
 here, that expresses had been sent a few days before to 
 the traders down the river, to acquaint them with the 
 French general's death, and the return of the major part, 
 of the French army into winter quarters. 
 
 The waters were quite impassable without swimming 
 our horses, which obliged us to get the loan of a canoe 
 from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin and Henry 
 Steward down the Monongahela, with our baggage, to 
 
 VOL. ii. a
 
 2 
 
 meet us at the forks of Ohio, about ten miles ; there, to 
 cross the Alleghany. 
 
 As I got down before, the canoe, I spent some time in 
 viewing- the rivers, and the land in the fork, which I think 
 extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute 
 command of both rivers. The land at the point is twerty, 
 or twenty-five feet above the common surface of the wattr; 
 and a considerable bottom of flat, well timbered land ill 
 around it very convenient for building. The rivers a-e 
 each a quarter of a mile, or more across, and run hen 
 very nearly at right angles; Alleghany, bearing north- 
 east ; and Monongahela, southeast. The former of these 
 two is a very rapid and swift running water, the other 
 deep and still, without any perceptible fall. 
 
 About two miles from this, on the southeast side of the 
 river, at the place where the Ohio company intended to 
 erect a fort, lives Shingiss, king of the Delawares. We 
 called upon him, to invite him to council at theLoggstown. 
 
 As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the 
 situation at the fork, my curiosity led me to examine 
 this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, 
 either for defence or advantages; especially the latter. 
 For a fort at the fork would be equally well situated on 
 the Ohio, and have the entire command of the Monon- 
 gahela, which runs up our settlement, and is extremely 
 well designed for water carriage, as it is of a deep, still 
 nature. Besides, a fort at the fork, might be built at 
 much less expense, than at the other places. 
 
 Nature has well contrived this lower place for water 
 defence; but the hill whereon it must stand being about a 
 quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually 
 on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive 
 to make a sufficient fortification there. The whole flat 
 upon the hill must be taken in, the side next the descent 
 made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away: 
 otherwise, the enemy may raise^ batteries within that 
 distance without being exposed to a single shot from the 
 fort.
 
 Shirgiss attended us to the Loggstown, where we 
 arrived between sun-setting and dark, the twenty-fifth 
 day a/ter I left Williamsburg. We travelled over some 
 extremely good and bad land to get to this place. 
 
 A* soon as I came into town, I went to Monakatoocha 
 (as the half king was out at his hunting cabin on Little 
 Bedver creek, about fifteen miles off) and informed him 
 byJohn Davidson, my Indian interpreter, that I was sent 
 amessenger to the French general ; and was ordered to 
 011 upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them 
 vith it. I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of 
 -.obacco, and desired him to send for the half king, which 
 he promised to do by a runner in the morning, and for 
 other sachems. I invited him and the other great men 
 present, to my tent, where they stayed about an hour and 
 returned. 
 
 According to the best observations I could make, mr. 
 Giff's new settlement (which we passed by) bears about 
 west northwest seventy miles from Wills' creek ; Shana- 
 pins, or the forks, north by west or north northwest about 
 fifty miles from that; and from thence to the Loggstown, 
 the course is nearly west'about eighteen or twenty miles : 
 so that the whole distance, as we went and computed it 
 is, at least, one hundred and thirty-five or one hundred 
 and forty miles from our back inhabitants. 
 
 25th. Came to town, four often Frenchmen, who had 
 deserted from a company at the Kuskuskas, which lies 
 at the mouth of this river. I got the following account 
 from them. They were sent from New Orleans with a 
 hundred men, and eight canoe loads of provisions, to this 
 place, where they expected to have met the same number 
 of men, from the forts on this side of lake Erie, to convoy 
 them and the stores up, who were not arrived when they 
 ran off. 
 
 I inquired into the situation of the French on the 
 Mississippi, their numbers, and what forts they had built. 
 They informed me, that there were four small forts 
 between New Orleans and the Black Islands, garrisoned 
 
 a 2
 
 4 
 
 with about thirty or forty men, and a few small pieces in 
 each. That at New Orleans, which is near the mouth 
 of the Mississippi, there are thirty -five companies o" forty 
 men each, with a pretty strong fort mounting eight carriage 
 guns ; and at the Black Islands there are several conpa- 
 nies and a fort with six guns. The Black Islands are alout 
 a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the Olio, 
 which is about three hundred and fifty above New Orleais 
 They also acquainted me, that there was a small pali- 
 sadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish, aboit 
 sixty leagues from the Mississippi. The Obaish head 
 near the west end of lake Erie, and affords the commu- 
 nication between the French on the Mississippi and those 
 on the lakes. These deserters came up from the lower 
 Shannoah town with one Brown, an Indian trader, and 
 were going to Philadelphia. 
 
 About three o'clock this evening the half king came to 
 town. I went up and invited him with Davidson, privately, 
 to my tent ; and desired him to relate some of the parti- 
 culars of his journey to the French commandant, and of 
 his reception there ; also, to give me an account of the 
 ways and distance. He told me, that the nearest and 
 levellest way was now impassable, by reason of many large 
 miry savannas ; that we must be obliged to go by Venango, 
 and should not get to the near fort in less than five or six 
 nights sleep, good travelling. When he went to the 
 fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by 
 the late commander, who asked him very abruptly, what 
 he had come about, and to declare his business : which 
 he said he did in the following speech : 
 
 " Fathers., I am come to tell you your own speeches ; 
 what your own mouths have declared. Fathers, you, in 
 former days, set a silver bason before us, wherein there 
 was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come 
 and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be chur- 
 lish to one another: and that if any such person should be 
 found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the 
 dish a rod, which you must scourge them with ; and if your
 
 father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you 
 may use it upon me as well as others. 
 
 " Now fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this 
 land, by coming and building your towns ; and taking it 
 away unknown to us, and by force. 
 
 " Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place 
 called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not 
 to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you 
 may dispatch to that place ; for be it known to you, 
 fathers, that this is our land and not yours. 
 
 " Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if 
 not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for 
 the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peace, 
 able manner, like our brothers the English, we would 
 not have been against your trading with us, as they do > 
 but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, 
 and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. 
 
 " Fathers, both you and the English are white, we 
 live in a country between ; therefore, the land belongs to 
 neither one nor the other. But the great Being above 
 allowed it to be a place of residence for us ; so fathers, I 
 desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the 
 English; for I will keep you at arms length. I lay this 
 down as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest 
 regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make 
 equal sharers with us. Our brothers, the English, have 
 heard this, and I come now to tell it to you ; for I am 
 not afraid to discharge you off* this land." 
 
 This he said was the substance of what he spoke to the 
 general, who made this reply. 
 
 " Now my child^ I have heard your speech : you 
 spoke first, but it is my time to speak now. Where is my 
 wampum that you took away, with the marks of towns 
 in it ? This wampum, I do not know, which you have 
 discharged me off the land with : But you need not put 
 yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear 
 you. I am not afraid of flies, or musquitoes, for Indians 
 are such as those; I tell you down that river I will go,
 
 and build upon it, according to my command. If the 
 river was blocked up, I have forces sufficient to burst it 
 open, and tread under my feet all that stand in opposition 
 together with their alliances ; for my force is as the sand 
 upon the sea shore : therefore here is your wampum ; I 
 sling it at you. Child, you talk foolish; you say this 
 land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail 
 yours. I saw that land sooner than you did, before the 
 Shannoahs and you were at war: Lead, was the man who 
 went down and took possession of that river. It is my 
 land, and I will have it, let who will stand up for, or say 
 against it. I will buy and sell with the English (mock- 
 ingly.) If people will be ruled by me, they may expect 
 kindness, but not else." 
 
 The half king told me he had inquired of the general 
 after two Englishmen, who were made prisoners, and 
 received this answer : 
 
 " Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made 
 prisoners of those two people at Venango. Don't you 
 concern yourself with it: we took and carried them to 
 Canada, to get intelligence of what the English were doing 
 in Virginia." 
 
 He informed me that they had built two forts, one on 
 lake Erie, and another on French creek, near a small 
 lake, about fifteen miles asunder, and a large waggon 
 road between : They are both built after the same model, 
 but different in size : that on the lake the largest. He 
 gave me a plan of them of his own drawing. 
 
 The Indians inquired very particularly after their 
 brothers in Carolina goal. 
 
 They also asked what sort of a boy it was who was 
 taken from the south branch ; for they were told by some 
 Indians, that a party of French Indians had carried a 
 white boy by Kuskuska town, towards the lakes. 
 
 26th. We met in council at the long house about nine 
 o'clock, where I spoke to them as follows : 
 
 " Brothers, I have called you together in council, by 
 order of your brother the governor of 'Virginia, to acquaint
 
 you, that I am sent with all possible dispatch, to visit, 
 and deliver a letter to the French commandant, of very 
 great importance to your brothers the English ; and I 
 dare say to you, their friends and allies. 
 
 " I was desired, brothers, by your brother the gover- 
 nor to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, to 
 inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to 
 proceed the nearest and best road to the French. You 
 see, brothers, I have gotten thus far on my journey. 
 
 " His honour likewise desired me to apply to you for 
 some of your young men to conduct and provide provi- 
 sions for us on our way ; and be a safe guard against 
 those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet 
 against us. I have spoken thus particularly to you, 
 brothers, because his honour our governor treats you as 
 good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. 
 To confirm what I have said, I give you this string of 
 wampum." 
 
 After they had considered for some time on the above 
 discourse, the half king got up and spoke : 
 
 " Now my brother, in regard to what my brother the 
 governor had desired of me, I return you this answer. 
 
 " I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say 
 we are brothers, and one people. We shall put heart in 
 hand, and speak to our fathers, the French, concerning 
 the speech they made to me ; and you may depend that 
 we will endeavour to be your guai'd. 
 
 " Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you 
 will be ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company 
 to go with you. The French speech belt is not here, I 
 have it to go for to my hunting cabin. Likewise, the 
 people whom I have ordered in are not yet come, and 
 cannot until the third night from this ; until which time 
 brother I must beg you to stay. 
 
 " I intend to send the guard of Mingos, Shannoahs, 
 and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and 
 loyalty we bear them."
 
 8 
 
 As I had orders to make all possible dispatch, and wait- 
 ing here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked 
 him in the most suitable manner I could ; and told him 
 that my business required the greatest expedition, and 
 would not admit of that delay. He was not well pleased 
 that I should offer to go before the time he had appointed, 
 and told me, that he could not consent to our going 
 without a guard, for fear some accident should befal us? 
 and draw a reflection upon him. Besides, said he, this is 
 a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered 
 into Avithout due consideration ; for I intend to deliver up 
 the French speech belt, and make the Shannoahs and 
 Delawares do the same. And accordingly he gave orders 
 to king Shingiss, who was present, to attend on Wednesday 
 night with the wampum, and two men of their nation to 
 be in readiness to set out with us next morning. As I 
 found it was impossible to get off without affronting them 
 in the most egregious manner, I consented to stay. 
 
 I gave them back a string of wampum which I met 
 with at mr. Frazier's, and which they sent with a speech 
 to his honour the governor, to inform him, that three 
 nations of French Indians, viz. Chippoways, Ottoways, 
 and Orundaks, had taken up the hatchet against the 
 English ; and desired them to repeat it over again. But 
 this they postponed doing until they met in full council 
 with the Shannoah and Delaware chiefs. 
 
 27th. Runners were dispatched very early for the 
 Shannoah chiefs. The half king set out himself to fetch 
 the French speech belt from his hunting cabbin. 
 
 28th. He returned this evening, and came with Mo- 
 nakatoocha, and two other sachems to my tent ; and 
 begged (as they had complied with his honour the 
 governor's request, in providing men, &c.) to know on 
 what business we were going to the French ? This was a 
 question I had all along expected, and had provided as 
 satisfactory answers to, as I could ; which allayed their 
 curiosity a little.
 
 Monakatoocha informed me, that an Indian from 
 Venango brought news, a few days ago, that the French 
 had called all the Mingos, Delawares, &c. together at that 
 place; and told them that they intended to have been 
 down the river this fall, but the waters were growing 
 cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to 
 go into quarters ; but that they might assuredly expect 
 them in the spring, with a far greater number ; and 
 desired that they might be quite passive, and not inter- 
 meddle unless they had a mind to draw all their force 
 upon them : for that they expected to fight the English 
 three years (as they supposed there would be some 
 attempts made to stop them) in which time they should 
 conquer. But that if they should prove equally strong, 
 they and the English, would join to cut them all off, and 
 divide the land between them: that though they had 
 lost their general, and some few of their soldiers, yet 
 there were men enough to re-enforce them, and make 
 them masters of the Ohio. 
 
 This speech, he said, was delivered to them by one 
 captain Joncaire, their interpreter in chief, living at 
 Venango, and a man of note in the army. 
 
 29th. The half king and Monakatoocha, came very 
 early and begged me to stay one day more : for notwith- 
 standing they had used all the diligence in their power, 
 the Shannoah chiefs had not brought the wampum they 
 ordered, but would certainly be in to night; if not, they 
 would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as 
 soon as they arrived. When I found them so pressing 
 in their request, and knew that returning of wampum 
 w'us the abolishing of agreements ; and giving this up 
 was shaking off all dependence upon the French, I con- 
 sented to stay, as I believed an offence offered at this 
 crisis, might be attended with greater ill consequence, 
 than another day's delay. They also informed me, that 
 Shingiss could not get in his men ; and was prevented 
 from coming himself by his Avife's sickness ; (I believe, 
 by fear of the French) but that the wampum of that 
 
 VOL. IT. b
 
 10 
 
 nation was lodged with Kustaloga one of their chiefs at 
 Venango. 
 
 In the evening, late, they came again, and acquainted 
 me that the Shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it 
 should not retard the prosecution of our journey. He 
 delivered in my hearing the speech that was to be made 
 to the French by Jeskakake one of their old chiefs, which 
 was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked 
 for, and repeating nearly the same speech he himself 
 had done before. 
 
 He also delivered a string of wampum to this chief, 
 which was sent by king Shingiss, to be given to Kustaloga, 
 with orders to repair to the French, and deliver up the 
 wampum. 
 
 He likewise gave a very large string of black and white 
 wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the 
 Six Nations, if the French refused to quit the land at 
 this warning ; which was the third and last time, and 
 was the right of this Jeskakake to deliver. 
 
 30th. Last night, the great men assembled at their 
 council house, to consult further about this journey, and 
 who were to go : The result of which was, that only 
 three of their chiefs, with one of their best hunters, 
 should be our convoy. The reason they gave for not 
 sending more, after what had been proposed at council 
 the 26th, was, that a greater number might give the 
 French suspicions of some bad design, and cause them 
 to be treated rudely : But I rather think they could not 
 get their hunters in. 
 
 We set out about nine o'clock with the half king, 
 Jeskakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter; and tra- 
 velled on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 
 fourth of December, without any thing remarkable hap- 
 pening but a continued series of bad weather. 
 
 This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of 
 French creek, on Ohio ; and lies near north about sixty 
 miles from the Loggs town, but more than seventy the 
 way we were obliged to go.
 
 We found the French colours hoisted at a house from 
 which they had driven mr. John Frazier, an English 
 subject. I immediately repaired to it, to know where 
 the commander resided. There were three officers, one 
 of whom, captain Joncaire, informed me that he had the 
 command of the Ohio : but that there was a general 
 officer at the near fort, where he advised me to apply for 
 an answer. He invited us to sup with them ; and treated 
 us with the greatest complaisance. 
 
 The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully 
 with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared 
 in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues 
 to reveal their sentiments more freely. 
 
 They told me, that it was their absolute design to take 
 possession of the Ohio, and by G..d they would do it: 
 For that, although they were sensible the English could 
 raise two men for their one ; yet they knew their motions 
 were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of 
 theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the 
 river from a discovery made by one La Solle, sixty years 
 ago : and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our 
 settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of 
 some families moving out in order thereto. From the 
 best intelligence I could get, there have been fifteen 
 hundred men on this side Ontario lake. But upon the 
 death of the general, all were recalled to about six or 
 seven hundred, who were left to garrison four forts, one 
 hundred and fifty or thereabout in each. The first of 
 them is on French creek, near a small lake, about sixty 
 miles from Venango, near north northwest : the next 
 lies on lake Erie, where the greater part of their stores 
 are kept, about fifteen miles from the other : from this 
 it is one hundred and twenty miles to the carrying place, 
 at the falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small fort, at 
 which they lodge their goods in bringing them from 
 Montreal, the place from whence all their stores are 
 brought. The next fort lies about twenty miles from this, 
 on Ontario lake. Between this fort and Montreal, there 
 
 b2
 
 12 
 
 are three others, the first of which is nearly opposite to 
 the English fort Oswego. From the fort on lake Erie 
 to Montreal is about six hundred miles which, they say, 
 requires no more, (if good weather,) than four weeks 
 voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels, so that they 
 may cross the lake : but if they come in canoes, it will 
 require five or six weeks, for they are obliged to keep 
 under the shore. 
 
 5th. Rained excessively all day, which prevented our 
 travelling. Captain Joncaire sent for the half king, as 
 he had but just heard that he came with me. He affected 
 to be much concerned that I did not make free to bring 
 them in before. I excused it in the best manner of which 
 I was capable, and told him, I did not think their com- 
 pany agreeable, as I had heard him say a good deal in 
 dispraise of Indians in general : but another motive pre- 
 vented me from bringing them into his company: I 
 knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of very 
 great influence among the Indians, and had lately used 
 all possible means to draw them over to his interest, 
 therefore, I was desirous of giving him no opportunity 
 that could be avoided. 
 
 When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed 
 at seeing them. He wondered how they could be so 
 near without coming to visit him, made several trifling 
 presents ; and applied liquor so fast, that they were soon 
 rendered incapable of the business they came about, not- 
 withstanding the caution which was given. 
 
 6th. The half king came to my tent, quite sober, and 
 insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he 
 had to say to the French. I fain would have prevented 
 him from speaking any thing until he came to the com- 
 mandant, but could not prevail. He told me, that at this 
 place a council fire was kindled, where all their business 
 with these people was to be transacted, and that the 
 management of the Indian affairs was left solely to mon- 
 sieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue 
 of thte I agreed to stay ; but sent our horses a little way
 
 13 
 
 up French creek, to raft over and encamp ; which I 
 knew would make it near night. 
 
 About ten o'clock, they met in council. The king 
 spoke much the same as he had before done to the general ; 
 and offered the French speech belt which had before been 
 demanded, with the marks of four towns on it, which 
 monsieur Joncaire refused to receive, but desired him to 
 carry it to the fort to the commander. 
 
 7th. Monsieur la Force, commissary of the French 
 stores, and three other soldiers, came over to accompany 
 us up. We found it extremely difficult to get the Indians 
 off to day, as every stratagem had been used to prevent 
 their going up with me. I had last night left John Da- 
 vidson (the Indian interpreter) whom I brought with me 
 from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their 
 company, as I could not get them over to my tent ; for 
 they had some business with Kustaloga, chiefly to know 
 why he did not deliver up the French belt which he had 
 in keeping: but I was obliged to send mr. Gist over to 
 day to fetch them ; which he did with great persuasion. 
 
 At twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort, and were 
 prevented from arriving there until the eleventh by exces- 
 sive rains, snows, and bad travelling through many mires 
 and swamps ; these we Avere obliged to pass to avoid cross- 
 ing the creek, which was impossible, either by fording 
 or rafting, the water was so high and rapid. 
 
 We passed over much good land since we left Venango, 
 and through several extensive and very rich meadows, 
 one of which I believe was nearly four miles in length, 
 and considerably wide in some places. 
 
 12th. I prepared early to wait upon the commander, 
 and was received, and conducted to him by the second 
 officer in command. I acquainted him with my business, 
 and offered my commission and letter: both of which he 
 desired me to keep until the arrival of monsieur Reparti, 
 captain at the next fort, who was sent for and expected 
 every hour.
 
 -- 14 
 
 This commander is a knight of the military order of 
 St. Lewis, and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an 
 elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. 
 He was sent over to take the command, immediately 
 upon the death of the late general, and arrived here 
 about seven days before me. 
 
 At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for, ar- 
 rived, when I offered the letter, &c. again, which they 
 received, and adjourned into a private apartment for the 
 captain to translate, who understood a little English. 
 After he had done it, the commander desired I would 
 walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it ; 
 which I did. 
 
 13th. The chief officers retired to hold a council of 
 war ; which gave me an opportunity of taking the dimen- 
 sions of the fort, and making what observations I could. 
 
 It is situated on the south, or west fork of French creek, 
 near the water; and is almost surrounded by the creek, 
 and a small branch of it which forms a kind of island. 
 Four houses compose the sides. The bastions are made 
 of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve 
 feet above it, and sharp at top ; with port holes cut for 
 cannon, and loop holes for the small arms to fire through. 
 There are eight six pound pieces mounted in each bastion, 
 and one piece of four pound before the gate. In the bas- 
 tions are a guard house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the 
 commander's private store: round which are laid plat- 
 forms for the cannon and men to stand on. There are 
 several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers >|r dwelling, 
 covered, some with bark, and some with boards, made 
 chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, 
 such as stables, smith's shop, 8cc. 
 
 I could get no certain account of the number of men 
 here ; but according to the best judgment I could form, 
 there are an hundred, exclusive of officers, of which there 
 are many. I also gave orders to the people who were 
 with me, to take an exact account of the canoes which 
 were hauled up to convey their forces down in the soring.
 
 1 ^ 
 
 J. *J 
 
 This they did, and told fifty of birch bark, and an hun- 
 dred and seventy of pine; besides many others which 
 were blocked out, in readiness for being made. 
 
 14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses 
 daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under 
 the care of Barnaby Currin and two others, to make all 
 convenient dispatch to Venango, and there to wait our 
 arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing: if 
 not, then to continue down to Shanapin's town, at the 
 forks of Ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross 
 the Alleghany; intending myself to go down by water, 
 as I had the offer of a canoe or two. 
 
 As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' 
 business, and prevent their returning with me; I endea- 
 voured all that lay in my power to frustrate their schemes, 
 and hurried them on to execute their intended design. 
 They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, 
 which at length was granted them, privately, to the com- 
 mander and one or two other officers. The half king told 
 me that he offered the wampum to the commander, who 
 evaded taking it, and made many fair promises of love 
 and friendship ; said, he wanted to live in peace and trade 
 amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send 
 some goods immediately down to the Loggs town for 
 them. But I rather think the design of that is, to bring 
 away all our straggling traders they meet with, as I pri- 
 vately understood they intended to carry an officer, Sec. 
 with them. And what rather confirms this opinion, I 
 was inquiring of the commander by what authority he 
 had made prisoners of several of our English subjects. 
 He told me that the country belonged to them ; that no 
 Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters ; and 
 that he had orders to make every person prisoner who 
 attempted it on the Ohio, or the waters of it. 
 
 I inquired of captain Riparti about the boy that was 
 carried by this place, as it was done while the command 
 devolved on him, between the death of the late general, 
 and the arrival of the present. He acknowledged that a
 
 16 
 
 boy had been carried past: and that the Indians had two 
 or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some of the 
 Indians at Venango, eight) but pretended to have forgotten 
 the name of the place where the boy came from, and all 
 the particular facts, though he had questioned him for 
 some hours, as they were carrying past. I likewise 
 inquired what they had done with John Trotter and James 
 M'Clocklan, two Pennsylvania traders,' whom they had 
 taken with all their goods. They told me that they had 
 been sent to Canada, but were now returned home. 
 
 This evening, I received an answer to his honour, the 
 governor's letter, from the commandant. 
 
 !5th. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of 
 liquor, provision, See. to be put on board our canoes and 
 appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was 
 exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our 
 Indians at variance with us, to prevent their going until 
 after our departure : presents, rewards, and every thing 
 which could be suggested by him or his officers. I cannot 
 say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I 
 did in this affair: I saw that every stratagem, which the 
 most fruitful brain could invent, was practised to win the 
 half king to their interest; and that leaving him there 
 was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went 
 to the half king and pressed him in the strongest terms 
 to go ; he told me that the commandant would not dis- 
 charge him until the morning. I then went to the com- 
 mandant, and desired him to do their business, and com- 
 plained of ill treatment ; for keeping them, as they were 
 part of my company, was detaining me. This he pro- 
 mised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as 
 he could. He protested he did not keep them, but was 
 ignorant of the cause of their -stay; though I soon found 
 it out. He had promised them a present of guns, Jkc. if 
 they would wait until the morning. As I was very much 
 pressed by the Indians to wait this day for them, I con- 
 sented, on a promise that nothing should hinder them, in 
 the morning.
 
 17 
 
 16th. The French were not slack in their inventions 
 to keep the Indians this clay also. But as they were 
 obliged, according to promise, to give the present, they 
 then endeavoured to try the power of liquor, which I 
 doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than 
 this : but I urged and insisted with the king so closely 
 upon his word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he 
 had engaged. 
 
 We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the 
 creek. Several times we had like to have been staved 
 against rocks ; and many times were obliged all hands to 
 get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, 
 getting over the shoals. At one place, the ice had lodged, 
 and made it impassable by water ; we were, therefore, 
 obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a 
 quarter of a mile over. We did not reach Venango until 
 the 22d, where we met with our horses. 
 
 This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the dis- 
 tance between the fort and Venango, cannot be less than 
 one hundred and thirty miles to follow the meanders. 
 
 23d. When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the 
 half king, to know whether he intended to go with us, or 
 by water. He told me that White Thunder had hurt 
 himself much, and was sick, and unable to walk ; there- 
 fore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I 
 found he intended to stay here a day or two, and knew 
 that monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to 
 set him against the English, as he had before done, I 
 told him, I hoped he would guard against his flattery, 
 and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. 
 He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the 
 French too well, for any thing to engage him in their 
 favour ; and that though he could not go down with us, 
 he yet would endeavour to meet at the forks with Joseph 
 Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his 
 honour the governor. He told me he would order the 
 Young Hunter to attend us, and get provision, &c. if 
 wanted. 
 
 VOL. II. C
 
 - 18 - 
 
 Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the bag- 
 gage so heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the 
 necessaries which the journey would require) that we 
 doubted much their performing it. Therefore, myself 
 and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, 
 gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the 
 baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking dress, and 
 continued with them three days, until I found there was 
 no probability of their getting home in any reasonable 
 time. The horses became less able to travel every day ; 
 the cold increased very fast ; and the roads were becoming 
 much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing : 
 therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report 
 of my proceedings to his honour the governor, I deter- 
 mined to prosecute my journey, the nearest way through 
 the woods, on foot. 
 
 Accordingly, I left mr. Vanbraam in charge of our 
 baggage, with money and directions to provide necessa- 
 ries from place to place for them self es and horses, and 
 to make the most convenient dispatch in travelling. 
 
 I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and 
 tied myself up in a watch coat. Then, with gun in hand, 
 and pack on my back, in which were my papers and pro- 
 visions, I set out with mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, 
 on Wednesday the 26th. The day following, just after 
 we had passed a place called Murdering town, (where 
 \ve intended to quit the path and steer across the country 
 for Shannapins town) we fell in with a party of French 
 Indians, who had lai*. in wait for us. One of them fired 
 at mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately 
 missed. We took this fellow into custody, and kept him 
 until about nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and 
 walked all the remaining part of the night without making 
 any stop, that we might get the start, so far, as to be 
 out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we 
 were well assured they would follow our track as soon as 
 it was light. The next day we continued travelling until 
 quite dark> and got to the river about two miles above
 
 in - . 
 
 JL J 
 
 Shannapins. We expected to have found the river frozen, 
 but it was not, only about fifty yards from each shore : 
 The ice I suppose had broken up above, for it was driving 
 in vast quantities. 
 
 There was no way for getting over but on a raft ; 
 which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and 
 finished just after sun setting. This was a whole day's 
 work : we next got it launched, then went on board of 
 it, and set off: but before we were half way over, we 
 were jammed in the ice, in such a manner, that we 
 expected every moment our raft to sink, and ourselves to 
 perish. I put out my setting pole to try to stop the raft, 
 that the ice might pass by ; when the rapidity of the 
 stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, 
 that it jerked me out into ten feet water : but I fortu- 
 nately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft 
 logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get 
 to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an 
 island to quit our raft and make to it. 
 
 The cold was so extremely severe, that mr. Gist had 
 all his fingers, and some of his toes frozen, and the water 
 was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in getting 
 off the island, on the ice, in the morning, and went to 
 mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors, who 
 were going to the southward to war : but coming to a 
 place on the head of the great Kanawa, where they found 
 seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman with 
 very light hair) they turned about and ran back, for fear 
 the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors 
 of the murder. They report that the bodies were lying 
 about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten 
 by the hogs. By the marks which were left, they say 
 they were French Indians of the Ottoway nation, 8cc. who 
 did it. 
 
 As we intended to take horses here, and it required 
 some time to find them, I went up about three miles to 
 the mouth of Yohogany to visit queen Alliquippa, who 
 had expressed great concern that we passed her in going 
 
 c 2
 
 20 
 
 to the fort, I made her a present of a watch coat, and a 
 bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best 
 present of the two. 
 
 Tuesday, the first of January, we left mr. Frazier's 
 house, and arrived at mr. Gist's at Monongahela, the 
 second, where I bought a horse, saddle 8cc. The sixth, 
 we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores 
 for a fort at the forks of Ohio, and the day after, some 
 families going out to settle. This clay, we arrived at 
 Will's creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible 
 to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From 
 the first day of December to the fifteenth, there was but 
 one day on which it drd not rain or snow incessantly ; 
 and throughout the whole journey, we met with nothing 
 but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which 
 occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after 
 we had quitted our tent which was some screen from the 
 inclemency of it. 
 
 On the 1 1th, T got to Belvoir where I stopped one day 
 to take necessary rest ; and then set out and arrived in 
 William sburg, the 16th; when I waited upon his honour 
 the governor with the letter I had brought from the French 
 commandant ; and to give an account of the success of 
 my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offering the 
 foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable 
 occurrences which happened in my journey. 
 
 I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make 
 your honour satisfied with niy conduct ; for that was my 
 aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study through- 
 out the prosecution of it. 
 
 WO. ii. 
 
 The author is indebted, for the letter alluded to^ to the editor 
 
 of the Lancaster Journal. 
 Sir, 
 
 I am really sorry that I have it not in my power to 
 answer your request, in a more satisfactory manner. If
 
 21 
 
 you had favoured me with the journal a few days sooner, 
 I would have examined it carefully, and endeavoured to 
 point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my 
 advantage, and the public satisfaction ; but now, it is out 
 of my power. 
 
 I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece 
 which is called my journal. The inclosed, are observa- 
 tions on the French notes. They are of no use to me 
 separated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you, yet 
 I send them unconnected and incoherent as they were 
 taken ; for I have no opportunity to correct them. 
 
 In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, 
 that I kept no regular one during that expedition : rough 
 minutes of occurrences I certainly took ; and find them as 
 certainly, and strangely metamorphosed: some parts left 
 out, which I remember were entered, and many things 
 added, that never were thought of; the names of men 
 and things egregiously miscalled ; and the whole of what 
 I saw Englished, is very incorrect and nonsensical : yet, 
 I will not pretend to say that the little body, who brought it 
 to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one. 
 
 Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on 
 Villiers' account of the battle of, and transactions at, the 
 Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less errone- 
 ous than inconsistent. He says the French received the 
 first fire. It is well known that we received it at six 
 hundred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged 
 us to retreat in the most disorderly manner after the capi- 
 tulation. How is this consistent with his other account ? 
 he acknowledges that we sustained the attack, warmly, 
 from ten in the morning, until dark ; and that he called 
 first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not 
 totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account 
 had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that 
 we looked upon his offer to parley, as an artifice to get 
 into and examine our trenches, and refused on this 
 account, until they desired an officer might be sent to 
 them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He
 
 might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth* 
 as he was of vain glory, have said, that we absolutely 
 refused their first and second proposals, and would con- 
 sent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we 
 obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly deceived 
 by our interpreter, in regard to the word assassination, I 
 do aver, and will to my dying moment ; so will every 
 officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, 
 little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore, might 
 not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English ; 
 but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it 
 is, he called it the death, or the loss of the sieur Jumon- 
 ville. So we received, and so we understood it, until to 
 our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise 
 in a literal translation. That we left our baggage and 
 horses at the Meadows is certain ; that there was not 
 even a possibility to bring them away, is equally certain, 
 as we had every horse belongi^p to the camp killed, or 
 taken away during the action ; so that it was impracticable 
 to bring any thing off that our shoulders were not able to 
 bear ; and to wait there, was impossible, for we had 
 scarce three days provisions, and were seventy miles from 
 a supply, yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely 
 false, notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer 
 their Indians to pillage oUr baggage, and commit all kinds 
 of irregularity ; we were with them until ten o'clock the 
 next day ; we destroyed our powder and other stores, 
 nay, even our private baggage to prevent its falling into 
 their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had 
 got about a mile from the place of action, we missed two 
 or three of the wounded, and sent a party back to bring 
 them up ;....this is the party he speaks of. We brought 
 them all safe off, and encamped within three miles of the 
 Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make 
 it evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of 
 danger. The colours he speaks of to be left, was a large 
 flag of immense size and weight ; our -regimental colours 
 were brought off and are now in my possession. Their
 
 23 
 
 gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the 
 most ludicrous light to every considerate person who 
 read#Villiers' journal ;....such preparations for an attack, 
 such vigour and intrepidity as he pretends o have con- 
 ducted his march with, such revenge, as by his own 
 account appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly 
 be thought that compassion was his motive for calling a 
 parley. But to sum up the whole, mr. Villiers pays him- 
 self no great compliment, in saying, we were struck with 
 a panic when matters were adjusted. We surely could 
 not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after 
 capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself. 
 
 I do not doubt, but your good nature will excuse the 
 badness of my paper, and the incoherence of my writing 
 ....think you see me in a public house in a crowd, sur- 
 rounded with noise, and you hit my case. You do me 
 particular honour in offering your friendship : I wish I 
 may be so happy as always to merit it, and deserve your 
 correspondence, which I should be glad to cultivate. 
 
 JVOTE....M). III. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 We your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg 
 leave to express our great concern, at the disagreable 
 news we have received of your determination to resign 
 the command of that corps, in which we have under you 
 long served. 
 
 The happiness we have enjoyed, and the honour we 
 have acquired together, with the mutual regard that has 
 always subsisted between you and your officers; have im- 
 planted so sensible an affection in the minds of us all, that 
 we cannot be silent on this critical occasion. 
 
 In our eai'liest infancy you took us under your tuition, 
 trained us up in the practice of that discipline, which
 
 24 
 
 alone can constitute good troops ; from the punctual 
 observance of which you never suffered the least deviation. 
 
 Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick 
 discernment, ^and invariable regard to merit, wisely irn 
 tended to inculcate those genuine sentiments of true 
 honour and passion for glory, from which the greatest 
 military achievements have been derived, first height- 
 ened our natural emulation, and our desire to excel. 
 How much we improved by those regulations, and your 
 own example : with what alacrity we have hitherto dis- 
 charged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have en- 
 countered the severest toils, especially while under your 
 particular directions ; we submit to yourself, and flatter 
 ourselves that we have in a great measure answered your 
 expectations. 
 
 Judge then, how sensibly we must be affected with the 
 loss of such an excellent commander, such a sincere 
 friend, and so affable a companion. How rare is it to 
 find those amiable qualifications blended together in one 
 man ? how great the loss of such man ! adieu to that 
 superiority, which the enemy have granted us over other 
 troops, and which even the regulars and provincials have 
 done us the honour publicly to acknowledge ! adieu to 
 that strict discipline and order, which you have always 
 maintained! adieu to that happy union and harmony, 
 which have been our principal cement 1 
 
 It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find 
 our unhappy country will receive a loss, no less irrepa- 
 rable, than our own. Where will it meet a man so 
 experienced in military affairs ? one so renowned for 
 patriotism, conduct, and courage. Who has so great a 
 knowledge of the enemy we have to deal with ? who so 
 well acquainted with their situation and strength ? who so 
 much respected by the soldiery? who, in short, so able 
 to support the military character of Virginia? 
 
 Your approved love to your king and country, and your 
 uncommon perseverance in promoting the honour and 
 true interest of the service, convince us that the most
 
 25 
 
 cogent reasons only could induce you to quit it : yet, we 
 with the greatest deference, presume to entreat you to sus- 
 pend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on 
 to assist in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, 
 towards which, so considerable advances have been al- 
 ready made. In you, we place the most implicit confi- 
 dence. Your presence only will cause a steady firmness 
 and vigour to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest 
 dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while 
 led on by the man we know and love. 
 
 But if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exigen- 
 cies of your affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it as 
 our last request, that you will recommend some person 
 most capable to command, whose military knowledge, 
 whose honour, whose conduct, and whose disinterested 
 principles, we may depend on. 
 
 Frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, 
 are the true characteristics of an officer, and we flatter 
 ourselves that you do not think us capable of saying any 
 thing contrary to the purest dictates of our minds. Fully 
 persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure you, that, as 
 you have hitherto been the actuating soul of our whole 
 corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard 
 to your will and pleasure, and will always be happy to 
 demonstrate by our actions with how much respect and 
 esteem we are, Sec. 
 
 JVOT....jVo. 17. 
 
 These, being the Jirst resolutions of any assembly after the 
 passage of the stamfi act) are inserted. 
 
 " Whereas the honourable house of commons in 
 England, have of late drawn into question, how far the 
 general assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws 
 for laying taxes and imposing duties, payable by the people 
 of this, his majesty's most ancient colony; for settling 
 and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house 
 
 VOL. 11. d
 
 26 
 
 of burgesses of this present general assembly have come 
 to the several following resolutions. 
 
 Resolved, that the first adventurers, and settlers of 
 this his majesty's colony and dominion of Virginia, 
 brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, 
 and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in 
 this his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immuni- 
 ties that have at any time been held, enjoyed and pos- 
 sessed by the people of Great Britain. 
 
 Resolved, that by the two 1'oyal chailers granted by 
 king James I. the colonies aforesaid are declared entitled 
 to all privileges of faithful liege, and natural bom subjects, 
 to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding 
 and born within the realm of England. 
 
 Resolved, that his majesty's most liege people of 
 this his most ancient colony, have enjoyed the right of 
 being thus governed by their own assembly, in the article 
 of taxes and internal police, and that the same have never 
 been forfeited, nor any other way yielded up, but have 
 been constantly recognised by the king and people of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Resolved, therefore, that the general assembly of this 
 colony, together with his majesty, or his substitute, have, 
 in their representative capacity, the only exclusive right 
 and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabi- 
 tants of this colony ; and that every attempt to vest such 
 a power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than 
 the general assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional 
 and unjust, and has a manifest tendency to destroy 
 British as well as American freedom." 
 
 Such were the resolutions as agreed to by that part of 
 the assembly, which was most timid. The following 
 resolutions were also introduced by mr. Henry, and 
 passed the committee, but were disagreed to in the house. 
 
 " Resolved, that his majesty's liege people, the in- 
 habitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience 
 to any law or ordinance whatsoever, designed to impose
 
 27 
 
 \ 
 any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws 
 
 and ordinances of the general Assembly aforesaid. 
 
 Resolved, that any person who shall, by speaking or 
 writing, maintain that any person or persons, other than 
 the general assembly of this colony, have any right or 
 power to lay any taxation whatsoever on the people here, 
 shall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony." 
 
 >. v. 
 
 " The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, 
 with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty, to his 
 majesty's person and government, inviolably attached to 
 the present happy establishment of the protestant succes- 
 sion, and with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the 
 present and impending misfortunes of the British colonies 
 on this continent; having considered, as maturely as time 
 will permit, the circumstances of the said colonies, esteem 
 it our indispensable duty to make the following declara- 
 tions of our humble opinion, respecting the most essential 
 rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances 
 under which they labour, by reason of several late acts 
 of parliament. 
 
 I. That his majesty's subjects in these colonies, owe 
 the same allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, that is 
 owing from his subjects born within the realm, and all 
 due subordination to that august body the parliament of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 II. That his majesty's liege subjects in these colonies, 
 are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his 
 natural born subjects, within the kingdom of Great Britain. 
 
 III. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of 
 a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no 
 taxes be imposed on them, but with their own consent, 
 given personally, or by their representatives. 
 
 d2
 
 28 
 
 IV. That the people of these colonies are not, and, 
 from their local circumstances, cannot be represented 
 in the house of commons of Great Britain. 
 
 V. That the only representatives of these colonies are 
 persons chosen therein by themselves, and that no taxes 
 ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed upon 
 them, but by their respective legislatures. 
 
 VI. That all supplies to the crown being free gifts from 
 the people, it is unreasonable, and inconsistent with the 
 principles and spirit of the British constitution, for the 
 people of Great Britain to grant to his majesty the pro- 
 perty of the colonists. 
 
 VII. That trial by jury is the inherent and invaluable 
 light of every British subject in these colonies. 
 
 VIII. That the late act of parliament entitled, ' an 
 act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and 
 other duties, in the British colonies and plantations in 
 America,' Sec. by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of 
 these colonies ; and the said act, and several other acts, 
 by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty 
 beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to 
 subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists. 
 
 IX. That the duties imposed by several late acts of 
 parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these 
 colonies, will be extremely burdensome and grievous; 
 and from the scarcity of specie, the payment of them 
 absolutely impracticable. 
 
 X. That as the profits of the trade of these colonies 
 ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the manu- 
 factures which they are obliged to take from thence, they 
 eventually contribute very largely to all supplies granted 
 to the crown. 
 
 XI. That the restrictions imposed by several late acts 
 of parliament on the trade of these colonies, will render 
 them unable to purchase the manufactures of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 XII. That the increase, prosperity, and happiness of 
 these colonies depend on the full and free enjoyment of
 
 29 
 
 their rights and liberties, and an intercourse with Great 
 Britain mutually affectionate and advantageous. 
 
 XJII. That it is the right of the British subjects in 
 thes"e colonies to petition the king, or either house of 
 parliament. 
 
 XIV. That it is the indispensable duty of these colo- 
 nies, to the best of sovereigns, to the mother country, 
 and to themselves, to endeavour, by a loyal and dutiful 
 address to his majesty, and humble applications to both 
 houses of parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for 
 granting and applying certain stamp duties, of all clauses 
 of any other acts of parliament, whereby the jurisdiction 
 of the admiralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other 
 late acts for the restriction of American commerce." 
 
 Prior Documents, p. 27. 
 
 . JYOTE....M). VI. 
 
 Province of Massachussetts Bay, Feb. 11, 1768. 
 Sir, 
 
 . The house of representatives of this province have 
 taken into their consideration the great difficulties that 
 must accrue to themselves and their constituents, by the 
 operation of the several acts of parliament imposing duties 
 and taxes on the American colonies. 
 
 As it is a subject in which every colony is deeply in- 
 terested, they have no reason to doubt but your house is 
 duly impressed with its importance : and that such con- 
 stitutional measures will be come into as are proper. It 
 seems to be necessary, that ajl possible care should be 
 taken that the representations of the several assemblies, 
 upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with each 
 other: the house, therefore, hope that this letter will be 
 candidly considered in no other light, than as expressing 
 a disposition freely to communicate their mind to a sister 
 colony, upon a common concern, in the same manner as
 
 30 
 
 they would be glad to receive the sentiments of your or 
 any other house of assembly on the continent. 
 
 The house have humbly represented to the ministry 
 their OAvn sentiments ;' that his majesty's high court of 
 parliament is the supreme legislative power over the 
 whole empire : that in all free states the constitution is 
 fixed : and, as the supreme legislative derives its power 
 and authority from the constitution, it cannot overleap 
 the bounds of it, without destroying its foundation ; that 
 the constitution ascertains and limits both sovereignty and 
 allegiance ; and therefore, his majesty's American sub- 
 jects who acknowledge themselves bound by the ties of 
 allegiance, have an equitable claim to the full enjoyment 
 of the fundamental rules of the British constitution ; that 
 it is an essential unalterable right in nature, ingrafted 
 into the British constitution as a fundamental law, and 
 ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within 
 the realm, that what a man hath honestly acquired is 
 absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but cannot 
 be taken from him without his consent ; that the Ameri- 
 can subjects may therefore, exclusive of any consideration 
 of charter rights, with a decent firmness adapted to the 
 character of freemen and subjects, assert this natural and 
 constitutional right. 
 
 It is moreover their humble opinion, which they express 
 with the greatest deference to the wisdom of the parlia- 
 ment, that the acts made there imposing duties on the 
 people of this province, with the sole and express purpose 
 of raising a revenue, are infringements of their natural 
 and constitutional rights ; because as they are not repre- 
 sented in the British parliament, his majesty's commons 
 in Britain by those acts grant their property without their 
 consent. 
 
 This house further are of opinion, that their constitu- 
 ents, considering their local circumstances, cannot by any 
 possibility be represented in the parliament; and that it 
 will forever be impracticable that they should be equally 
 represented there, and consequently not at all, being
 
 31 . 
 
 separated by an ocean of a thousand leagues : t'hat his 
 majesty's royal predecessors, for this reason, were graci- 
 ously pleased to form a subordinate legislative here, that 
 their subjects might enjoy the unalienable right of a 
 representation. Also, that, considering the utter impracti- 
 cability of their ever being fully and equally represented 
 in parliament, and the great expense that must unavoid- 
 ably attend even a partial representation there, this house 
 think, that a taxation of their constituents, even without 
 their consent, grievous as it is, would be preferable to 
 any representation that could be admitted for them there. 
 
 Upon these principles, and also considering that were 
 the right in the parliament ever so clear, yet for obvious 
 reasons it would be beyond the rule of equity, that their 
 constituents should be taxed on the manufactures of 
 Great Britain here, in addition to the duties they pay for 
 them in England, and other advantages arising to Great 
 Britain from the acts of trade ; this house have preferred a 
 humble, dutiful, and loyal petition to our most gracious 
 sovereign, and made such representation to his majesty's 
 ministers, as they apprehend would tend to obtain re- 
 dress. 
 
 They have also submitted to consideration, whether 
 any people can be said to enjoy any degree of freedom, 
 if the crown, in addition to its undoubted authority of 
 constituting a governor, should appoint him such a 
 stipend as it shall judge proper without the consent of 
 the people, and at their expense ; and whether, while the 
 judges of the land, and other civil officers, hold not their 
 commissions during good behaviour, their having salaries 
 appointed for them by the crown, independent of the 
 people, hath not a tendency to subvert the principles of 
 equity, and endanger the happiness and security of the 
 subject. 
 
 In addition to these measures, the house have written 
 a letter to their agent mr. cle Berdt, the sentiments of 
 which he is directed to lay before the ministry ; wherein 
 they take notice of the hardship of the act for preventing
 
 32 
 
 mutiny and desertion, which requires the governor "and 
 council to provide enumerated articles for the king's 
 marching troops, and the people to pay the expense : 
 and also the commission of the gentlemen appointed 
 commissioners of the customs to reside in America} 
 Avhich authorizes them to make as many appointments as 
 they think fit, and to pay the appointees what sums they 
 please, for whose mal-conduct they are not accountable ; 
 from whence it may happen, that officers of the crown 
 may be multiplied to such a degree, as to become dange- 
 rous to the liberties of the people, by virtue of a commis- 
 sion which doth not appear to this house to derive any 
 such advantages to trade as many have been led to expect. 
 
 These are the sentiments and proceedings of the house, 
 and, as 'they have too much reason to believe that the 
 enemies of the colonies have represented them to his 
 majesty's ministers and the parliament as factious, dis- 
 loyal, and. having a disposition to make themselves inde- 
 pendent of the mother country, they have taken occasion 
 in the most humble terms, to assure his majesty and his 
 ministers, that, with regard to the people of this province, 
 and, as they doubt not, of all the colonies, the charge is 
 unjust. 
 
 The house is fully satisfied, that your assembly is too 
 generous and enlarged in sentiment to believe, that this 
 letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or 
 dictating to the other assemblies ; they freely submit 
 their opinion to the judgment of others ; and shall take 
 it kind in your house to point out to them any thing further 
 that may be thought necessary. 
 
 This house cannot conclude without expressing their 
 firm confidence in the king, our common head and father, 
 that the united and dutiful supplications of his distressed 
 American subjects will meet with his royal and favourable 
 acceptance.
 
 33 
 
 " Resolved, by the lords spiritual and temporal in par- 
 liament assembled, that the votes, resolutions, and pro- 
 ceedings, of the house of representatives of Massachus- 
 setts Bay, in the month of January and February last, 
 respecting several late acts of parliament, so far as the 
 said votes, resolutions, and proceedings, do import a de- 
 nial of, or to draw into question, the power and authority 
 of his majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the 
 lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons, in par- 
 liament assembled, to make laws and statutes of sufficient 
 force and validity, to bind the colonies and people of 
 America, subjects to the crown of Great Britain, in all 
 cases whatsoever, are illegal, unconstitutional, and dero- 
 gatory of the rights of the crown and parliament of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Resolved, by the lords spiritual and tempjral in par- 
 liament assembled, that the resolution of. the said house 
 of representatives of the province of Massachussetts Bay, 
 in January last, to write letters to the several houses of 
 representatives of the British colonies in the continent, 
 desiring them to join with the said house of representa- 
 tives of the province of Massachussetts Bay, in petitions 
 which do deny or draw into question the right of parlia- 
 ment to impose duties and taxes upon his majesty's sub- 
 jects in America ; and in pursuance of the said resolution, 
 the writing such letters, in which certain late acts of par- 
 liament, imposing duties and taxes, are stated to be in- 
 fringements of the rights of his majesty's subjects of the 
 said province, are proceedings of a most unwarrantable 
 and dangerous nature, calculated to inflame the minds of 
 his majesty's subjects in the other colonies, tending to 
 
 VOL. n. e
 
 34 
 
 create unlawful combinations repugnant to the laws of 
 Great Britain, and subversive of the constitution. 
 
 Resolved, by the lords spiritual and temporal in par- 
 liament assembled, that, in these circumstances of the 
 province of the Massachussetts Bay, and of the town of 
 Boston, the preservation of the public peace, and the due 
 execution of the laws, became impracticable, without the 
 aid of a military force to support and protect the civil ma- 
 gistrates and the officers of his majesty's revenue. 
 
 Resolved, by the lords spiritual and temporal in par- 
 liament assembled, that the declarations, resolutions, and 
 proceedings, in the town meetings at Boston on the four- 
 teenth of June and twelfth of September, were illegal 
 and unconstitutional, and calculated to excite sedition and 
 insurrections in his majesty's province of Massachussetts 
 Bay. 
 
 Resolved, by the lords spiritual and temporal in par- 
 liament assembled, that the appointment at the town meet- 
 ing of the twelfth of September, of a convention to be 
 held in the town of Boston on the 22d of that month, to 
 consist of deputies from the several towns and districts 
 in the province of the Massachussetts Bay, and the issuing 
 a precept, by the select men of the town of Boston, to 
 each of the said towns and districts for the election of 
 such deputies, were proceedings subversive of his ma- 
 jesty's government, and evidently manifesting a design, 
 in the inhabitants of the said town of Boston, to set up a 
 new, and unconstitutional authority, independent of the 
 crown of Great Britain. 
 
 Resolved, by the lords spiritual and temporal in par- 
 liament assembled, that the elections by several towns 
 and districts in the pi-ovince of Massachussetts Bay, of 
 deputies to sit in the same convention, and the meeting 
 of such convention in consequence thereof, were daring 
 insults offered to his majesty's authority, and audacious 
 usurpations of the powers of government." p r hr Documents.
 
 35 
 
 J\TOTJS..JVb. VIII. 
 
 This address manifests so clearly the then real temper of a 
 
 colony which, took a very active part in the contest ivith 
 
 the mother country, that it cannot be entirely unacceptable 
 
 to the reader. 
 
 " To the king's most excellent majesty: 
 
 " The humble address of his dutiful and loyal subjects 
 of the house of burgesses of his majesty's ancient colony 
 of Virginia met in general assembly. 
 " May it please your majesty, 
 
 " We your majesty's most loyal, dutiful, and affec- 
 tionate subjects, the house of burgesses of this your ma- 
 jesty's ancient colony of Virginia, now met in general 
 assembly, beg leave, in the humblest manner, to assure 
 your majesty, that your faithful subjects of this colony, 
 ever distinguished by their loyalty and firm attachment 
 to your majesty, and your royal ancestors, far from coun- 
 tenancing traitors, treasons, or misprisions of treasons, 
 are ready at any time, to sacrifice our lives and fortunes 
 in defence of your majesty's sacred person and govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " It is with the deepest concern and most heartfelt grief, 
 that your majesty's dutiful subjects of this colony find that 
 their loyalty hath been traduced, and that those measures, 
 which a just regard for the British constitution (dearer 
 to them than life) made necessary duties, have been re- 
 presented as rebellious attacks upon your majesty's go- 
 vernment. 
 
 " When we consider that by the established laws and 
 constitution of this colony, the most ample provision is 
 made for apprehending and punishing all those who shall 
 dare to engage in any treasonable practices against your 
 majesty, or disturb the tranquillity of government, we 
 cannot without horror think of the new, unusual, and> 
 
 e 2
 
 36 
 
 permit us, with all humility, to add, unconstitutional, and 
 illegal mode recommended to your majesty, of seizing 
 and carrying beyond sea the inhabitants of America sus- 
 pected of any crime, and of trying such persons in any 
 other manner than by the ancient and long established 
 course of proceeding; for how truly deplorable must be 
 the case of a wretched American, who, having incurred 
 the displeasure of any one in power, is dragged from liis 
 native home, and his dearest domestic connexions, thrown 
 into a prison, not to await his trial before a court, jury, 
 or judges, from a knowledge of whom he is encouraged 
 to hope for speedy justice; but to exchange his impri- 
 sonment in his own country, for fetters among strangers : 
 conveyed to a distant land where no friend, no relation, 
 will alleviate his distresses, or minister to his necessities, 
 and where no witness can be found to testify his inno- 
 cence; shunned by the reputable and honest, and con- 
 signed to the society and converse of the wretched and 
 the abandoned, he can only pray that he may soon end 
 his misery with his life. 
 
 Truly alarmed at the fatal tendency of these pernicious 
 counsels, and with hearts filled with anguish by such 
 dangerous invasions of our dearest privileges, we presume 
 to prostrate ourselves at the foot of your royal throne, 
 beseeching your majesty, as our king and father, to avert 
 from your faithful and loyal subjects of America, those 
 miseries which must necessarily be the consequence of 
 such measures. 
 
 After expressing our firm confidence of your royal wis- 
 dom and goodness, permit us to assure your majesty, that 
 the most fervent prayers of your people of this colony are 
 daily addressed to the Almighty, that your majesty's reign 
 maybe long and prosperous over Great Britain, and all your 
 dominions; and that after death, your majesty may taste 
 the fullest fruition of eternal bliss, and that a descendant 
 of your illustrious house may reign over the extended 
 British empire until time shall be no more." 
 
 Vide Virginia Gazette, l\Liy IS, 1709,
 
 37 
 
 JVOT....JVb. IX. 
 
 The following arc the resolutions alluded to. 
 
 " The genera] assembly of this his majesty's colony of 
 Massachusetts Bay, convened by his majesty's authority, 
 by virtue of his writ issued by his excellency the governor, 
 under the great seal of the province, and this house think- 
 ing it their duty, at all times, to testify their loyalty to 
 his majesty, as well as their regard to the rights, liberties, 
 and privileges of themselves and their constituents, do pass 
 the following resolutions, to be entered on the records of 
 the house : 
 
 " Resolved, that this house do, and ever will, bear the 
 firmest allegiance to our rightful sovereign king George 
 III. and are ever ready, with their lives and fortunes, to 
 defend his majesty's person, family, crown and dignity. 
 
 " Resolved, that this house do concur in, and adhere 
 to, the resolutions of the house of representatives in the 
 year 1765, and particularly in that essential principle, that 
 no man can be taxed, or bound in conscience to obey any 
 law, to which he has not given his consent, in person, or 
 by his representative. 
 
 " Resolved, as the opinion of this house, that it is the 
 indubitable right of the subject in general, and, conse- 
 quently, of the colonies, jointly or severally, to petition 
 the king for redress of grievances ; and that it is lawful, 
 whenever they think it expedient, to confer with each 
 other, in order to procure a joint concurrence, in duti- 
 ful addresses for relief from their common burdens. 
 
 " Resolved, that governor Bernard, in wantonly dis- 
 solving the last year's assembly, and in refusing to call 
 another, though repeatedly requested by the people, acted 
 against the spirit of a free constitution ; and if such pro- 
 cedure be lawful, it may be in his power, whenever he 
 pleases, to make himself absolute. 
 
 Resolved, that at a time when there was a general dis- 
 content, on account of the revenue acts, an expectation
 
 of the sudden arrival of a military power to enforce the 
 execution of those acts, a dread of the troops being quar- 
 tered upon the inhabitants, when our petitions were not 
 permitted to reach the royal ear, the general court at such 
 a juncture dissolved, and the governor's refusing to call a 
 new one, and the people thereby reduced to almost a state 
 of despair, at such a time it was innocent, if not highly 
 expedient and necessary, for the people to convene by their 
 committees, in order to associate, consult, and advise 
 the best means to promote peace and order, and by all 
 lawful ways to endeavour to have their united complaints 
 laid before the throne, and jointly to pray for the royal 
 interposition, in favour of our violated rights; nor can 
 this procedure possibly be conceived to be illegal, as they 
 expressly disclaimed all governmental acts. 
 
 " Resolved, as the opinion of this house, that governor 
 Bernard, in his letters to lord Hillsborough, his majesty's 
 secretary of state, has given a false and highly injurious 
 representation of the conduct of his majesty's truly loyal 
 and faithful council of this colony, and of the magistrates, 
 overseers of the poor, and inhabitants of the town of 
 Boston, tending to bring on these respectable bodies, and 
 especially on some individuals, the unmerited displeasure 
 of our gracious sovereign, to introduce a military govern- 
 ment into the province, and to mislead both houses of 
 parliament into such severe resolutions, as a true, just, 
 and candid state of facts must have prevented. 
 
 Resolved, that governor Bernard, in the letters before- 
 mentioned, by falsely representing that it was become 
 " necessary the king should have the council chamber in 
 his own hands, and should be enabled by parliament to 
 supersede, by order in his privy council, commissions 
 granted in his name, and under his seal throughout the 
 colonies," has discovered his enmity to the true spirit of 
 the British constitution, and to the liberties of the colonies, 
 and particularly has meditated a blow at the root of some 
 of the most invaluable constitutional and charter rights 
 of this province ; the perfidy of which, at the very time
 
 39 
 
 he was professing himself a warm friend to the charter, 
 is altogether unparalleled by any person in hi^s station, 
 and ought never to be forgotten. 
 
 Resolved, that the establishing a standing army in this 
 colony, in a time of peace, without the consent of the 
 general assembly of the same, is an invasion of the na- 
 tural rights of the people, as well as those which they 
 claim as free born Englishmen, and which are confirmed 
 by magna charta, and the bill of rights, as settled at, the 
 revolution, and by the charter of this province. 
 
 Resolved, that a standing army is not known as a part 
 of the British constitution, in any of the king's dominions; 
 and every attempt to establish it as such, has ever been 
 deemed a dangerous innovation, and manifestly tending 
 to enslave the people. 
 
 Resolved, that the sending an armed force into this 
 colony, under a pretence of aiding and assisting the civil 
 authority, is an endeavour to establish a standing army 
 here without our consent, and highly dangerous to this 
 people, is unprecedented and unconstitutional. His ex- 
 cellency general Gage, in his letter to lord Hillsborough, 
 October 31st, having, among other exceptionable things, 
 expressed himself in the following words: " From what 
 has been said, your lordship will conclude, that there has 
 been no government in Boston ; in truth, there is very 
 little at present, and the constitution of this province 
 leans so much to the side of democracy, that the go- 
 vernor has not the power to remedy the disorders that 
 happen in it." 
 
 Resolved, as the opinion of this house, that his excel- 
 lency general Gage, in this and other assertions, has 
 rashly and impertinently intermeddled in the civil affairs 
 of this province, which are altogether out of his depart- 
 ment; and in the internal police of which, by his letter, 
 if not altogether his own, he has yet betrayed a degree of 
 ignorance equal to the malice of the author. 
 
 With respect to the nature of our government, this 
 house -is of opinion that the wisdom of that great prince,
 
 40 
 
 William III. who gave the charter, aided by an able mi- 
 nistry, men thoroughly versed in the English constitution 
 and law, together with the happy effects that have been 
 derived from it to the nation, as well as this colony, did 
 place it above the reprehension of the general, and should 
 have led him to inquire, whether the disorders complained 
 of have not originated from an arbitrary disposition in 
 the governor, rather than from too great a spirit of de- 
 mocracy in the people. 
 
 And this house cannot but express their concern, that 
 too many in power both at home and abroad so clearly 
 avow, not only in private conversation, but in their pub- 
 lic conduct, the most rancorous enmity against the free 
 part of the British constitution, and are indefatigable in 
 their endeavours to render the monarchy absolute, and 
 the administration arbitrary in every part of the British 
 empire. 
 
 Resolved, that this house, after the most careful in- 
 quiry, have not found any instance of the course of jus- 
 tice being interrupted by violence, even before a single 
 magistrate, nor of any magistrate's refusing to inquire 
 into, or redress any complaint properly laid before him; 
 while it is notorious to all the world, that, even such acts 
 of parliament as have been deemed by the whole conti- 
 nent highly oppressive, have been so far from being op- 
 posed with violence, that the duties imposed, and rigor- 
 ously exacted, have been punctually paid. 
 
 Resolved, that the fining in the small sum of ten 
 pounds only, a high handed offender, viz. one Fellows, 
 in the county of Essex, who by force, and with fire arms 
 loaded with ball, and swan shot, rescued a prisoner law- 
 fully taken by the sheriff of said county, is a grievance, 
 and tends to the encouragement of such crimes for the 
 future. 
 
 Resolved, that the frequently entering noli fir osequi by 
 the attorney and advocate general, in cases favourable to 
 the liberty of the subject, and rigorous prosecutions by 
 information and otherwise in those in favour of power, is
 
 a daring breach of trust, and an insupportable grievance 
 on the people. 
 
 Resolved, that it is the opinion of this house, that all 
 trials for treasons, misprision of treason, or for any felony, 
 or crime whatsoever committed or done in his majesty's 
 said colony, by any person or persons residing therein, 
 ought of right to be had and conducted in and before his 
 majesty's courts held within the said colony, according to 
 the fixed and known course of proceeding ; and that the 
 seizing any person, or persons, residing in this colony, 
 suspected of any crime whatsoever, committed therein, 
 and sending such person, or persons, to places beyond the 
 sea, to be tried, is highly derogatory of the rights of 
 British subjects, as thereby the inestimable privilege of 
 being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as well as the 
 liberty of summoning and producing witnesses on such 
 trial, will be taken away from the party accused." 
 
 Virginia Gazette, fur 1769. 
 
 .WO. X. 
 
 An account of the origin of these committees and of their mode 
 of proceeding, is thus given by mr. Gordon, and is not 
 unworthy of Attention. 
 
 " Governor Hutchinson and his adherents having been 
 used to represent the party in opposition, as only an un- 
 easy factious few in Boston, while the body of the people 
 were quite contented; mr. Samuel Adams was thereby 
 induced to visit mr. James Warren, of Plymouth. After 
 conversing upon the subject, the latter proposed to origi- 
 nate and establish committees of correspondence in the 
 several towns of the colony, in order to learn the strength 
 of the friends to the rights of the continent, and to unite 
 and increase their force. Mr. Samuel Adams returned 
 to Boston, pleased with the proposal, and communicated 
 the same to his confidents. Some doubted whether the 
 measure would prosper, and dreaded a disappointment 
 which might injure the cause of liberty. But it was con- 
 VOL. n. f '
 
 eluded to proceed. The prime managers were about six 
 in number, each of whom, when separate, headed a di- 
 vision ; the several individuals of which, collected and led 
 distinct subdivisions. In this manner the political engine 
 has been constructed. The different parts are not equally 
 good and operative. Like other bodies, its composition 
 includes numbers who act mechanically, as they are 
 pressed this way or that way by those who judge for them ; 
 and divers of the wicked, fitted for evil practices, when 
 the adoption of them is thought necessary to particular 
 purposes, and a part of whose creed it is, that in political 
 matters the public good is above every other consideration, 
 and that all rules of morality when in competition with it, 
 may be safely dispensed with. When any important trans- 
 action is to be brought forward, it is thoroughly consi- 
 dered by the prime managers. If they approve, each 
 communicates it to his own division; from thence, if 
 adopted, it passes to the several subdivisions, which form 
 a general meeting in order to canvass the business. The 
 prime managers being known only by few to be the pro- 
 moters of it, are desired to be present at the debate, that 
 they may give their opinion when it closes. If they ob- 
 serve that the collected body is in general strongly against 
 the measure they wish to have carried, they declare it to 
 be improper: is it opposed by great numbers, but not 
 warmly, they advise to a re-consideration at another meet- 
 ing, and prepare for its being then adopted; if the oppo- 
 sition is not considerable, either in number or weight of 
 persons, they give their reasons, and then recommend 
 the adoption of the measure. The principal actors are 
 determined on securing the liberties of their country, or 
 perishing in the attempt. 
 
 " The news of his majesty's granting salaries to the jus- 
 tices of the superior court, afforded them a fair opportu- 
 nity for executing the plan of establishing committees of 
 correspondence through the colony. The most spirited 
 pieces were published, and an alarm spread, that the
 
 43 
 
 granting such salaries tended rapidly to complete the sys- 
 tem of their slavery. 
 
 " A town meeting was called, and a committee of cor- 
 respondence appointed, to write circular letters to all the 
 towns in the province, and to induce them to unite in 
 measures. The committee made a report, containing 
 several resolutions contradictory to the supremacy of the 
 British legislature. After setting forth, that all men have 
 a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they 
 please, they proceed to a report upon the natural rights 
 of the colonists as men, Christians, and subjects; and 
 then form a list of infringements and violations of their 
 rights. They enumerate and dwell upon the British par- 
 liament's having assumed the power of legislation, for the 
 colonies in all cases whatsoever.. ..the appointment of a 
 number of new officers to superintend the revenues. ...the 
 granting of salaries out of the American revenue, to the 
 governor, the judges of the superior court, the king's 
 attorney and solicitor general. The report was accepted ; 
 copies printed ; and six hundred circulated through the 
 towns and districts of the province, with a pathetic letter 
 addressed to the inhabitants, who were called upon not to 
 doze any longer, or sit supinely in indifference, while the 
 iron hand of oppression was daily tearing the choicest 
 fruits from the fair tree of liberty. The circular letter 
 requested of each town a free communication of senti- 
 ments on the subjects of the report, and was directed to 
 the select men, who were desired to lay the same before 
 a town meeting, which has been generally practised, and 
 the proceedings of the town upon the business have been 
 transmitted to the committee at Boston. This committee 
 have their particular correspondents in the several towns, 
 who, upon receiving any special information, are ready 
 to spread it with dispatch among the inhabitants. It con- 
 sists of twenty-one persons of heterogeneous qualities and 
 
 professions, &C." Cordon's Hist. Am. Wzr, vol. I. p. -12. 
 
 f 2
 
 44 
 
 NOTE....No. XL 
 
 THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF THE MEMBERS COM- 
 POSING THE FIRST CONGRESS : 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 John Sullivan, Nathaniel Fulsom. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 James Bowdoin, John Adams, 
 
 Thomas Gushing, Robert Treat Paine. 
 
 Samuel Adams, 
 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 
 Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 Eliphalet Dyer, Silas Deane. 
 
 Roger Sherman, 
 From the city and county of New York, and other counties 
 
 in the firovince of New York. 
 James Duane, Philip Livingston, 
 
 Henry Wisner, Isaac Low, 
 
 John Jay, John Alsop. 
 
 From the county of Suffolk, in the Jiro-vince of New York. 
 William Floyd. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 James Kinsey, Stephen Crane, 
 
 William Livingston, Richard Smith. 
 
 John Dehart, 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Joseph Galloway, John Morton, 
 
 Charles Humphreys, Thomas Mifflin, 
 
 Samuel Rhoads, Edward Biddle, 
 
 George Ross, John Dickinson. 
 
 Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware. 
 Cesar Rodney, George Read. 
 
 Thomas M'Kean, 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 Robert Goldsborough, Samuel Chase, 
 
 Thomas Johnson, Matthew Tilghman. 
 
 William Paca,
 
 45 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Peyton Randolph, Richard Bland, 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, 
 
 George Washington, Edmund Pendleton. 
 
 Patrick Henry, 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 William Hooper, Richard Caswell. 
 
 Joseph Hughes, 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Henry Middleton, Christopher Gadsden, 
 
 John Rutledge, Edward Rutledge. 
 
 Thomas Lynch, 
 
 NOTE....W. XIL 
 
 These resolutions manifested a degree of irritation which had 
 not before been displayed. They are introduced in the 
 following manner: 
 
 " Whereas the power but not the justice, the ven- 
 geance but not the wisdom of Great Britain, which of old 
 persecuted, scourged, and exiled our fugitive parents from 
 their native shores, now pursues us their guiltless chil- 
 dren, with unrelenting severity ; And whereas this, then 
 savage and uncultivated desert, was purchased by the toil 
 and treasure, or acquired by the blood and valour of those 
 our venerable progenitors; to us they bequeathed the 
 dear-bought inheritance ; to our care and protection they 
 consigned it; and the most sacred obligations are upon 
 us to transmit the glorious purchase, unfettered by power, 
 unclogged with shackles, to our innocent and beloved 
 offspring. On the fortitude, on the wisdom, and on the 
 the exertions of this important day, is suspended the fate 
 of this new world, and of unborn millions. If a boundless 
 extent of continent, swarming with millions, will tamely 
 submit to live, move, and have their being at the arbitrary 
 will of a licentious minister, they basely yield to volun- 
 tary slavery, and future generations shall load their me-
 
 46 
 
 mories with incessant execrations. On the other hand, if 
 we arrest the hand which would ransack our pockets, if 
 we disarm the parricide which points the dagger to our 
 bosoms, if we nobly defeat that fatal edict which proclaims 
 a power to frame laws for us in all cases whatsoever, 
 thereby entailing the endless and numberless curses of 
 slavery upon us, our heirs, and their heirs forever; if 
 we successfully resist that unparalleled usurpation of un- 
 constitutional power, whereby our capital is robbed of the 
 means of life ; whereby the streets of Boston are thronged 
 with military executioners; whereby our coasts are lined, 
 and harbours crowded with ships of Avar ; whereby the 
 charter of the colony, that sacred barrier against the en- 
 croachments of tyranny, is mutilated, and in effect anni- 
 hilated ; whereby a murderous law is framed to shelter 
 villains from the hands of justice ; whereby the unalienable 
 and inestimable inheritance, which we derived from na 
 tuVe, the constitution of Britain, and the privileges war- 
 ranted to us in the charter of the province, is totally 
 wrecked, annulled, and vacated: Posterity will acknow- 
 ledge that virtue which preserved them free and happy ; 
 and while we enjoy the rewards and blessings of the faith- 
 ful, the torrent of panegyrists will roll our reputations to 
 that latest period, when the streams of time shall be ab- 
 sorbed in the abyss of eternity. 
 
 " Therefore resolved," See. &c. Sec. 
 
 JVOT....JVo. XIII. 
 
 " Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British 
 parliament, claiming a power, of right, to bind the people 
 of America by statutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in 
 some acts expressly imposed taxes on them ; and in others, 
 under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of 
 raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable 
 in these colonies, established a board of commissioners
 
 47 
 
 with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdic- 
 tion of courts of admiralty, not only for collecting the 
 said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising 
 within the body of a county. 
 
 "And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, 
 who before held only estates at will in their offices, have 
 been made dependent on the crown alone for their salaries, 
 and standing armies kept in times of peace : And whereas 
 it has lately been resolved in parliament, that by force of 
 a statute, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of 
 king Henry VIII. colonists may be transported to Eng- 
 land and tried there upon accusations for treasons, and 
 misprisions and concealments of treasons committed in 
 the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been 
 directed in cases therein mentioned. 
 
 " And whereas, in the last session of parliament, three 
 statutes were made ; one entitled, ' An act to discontinue 
 in such manner and for such time as are therein men- 
 tioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping of 
 goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within 
 the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts 
 Bay in North America ;' another entitled, ' An act for the 
 better regulating the government of the province of Mas- 
 sachussettsBay in New England;' and another act, entitled, 
 ' An act for the impartial administration of justice, in the 
 cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in 
 the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots 
 and tumults, in the province of the Massachusetts Bay in 
 New England:' and another statute was then made, ' for 
 making more effectual provision for the government of the 
 province of Quebec, Sec." All which statutes are impolitic, 
 unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most 
 dangerous and destructive of American rights. 
 
 "And whereas, assemblies have been frequently dis- 
 solved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they 
 attempted to deliberate on grievances; and their dutiful, 
 humble, loyal, and reasonable petitions to the crown for 
 redress, have been repeatedly treated with contempt by 
 his majesty's ministers of state: the good people of the
 
 48 
 
 several colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, 
 New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New Castle, Kent 
 and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Ca- 
 rolina, and South Carolina, justly alarmed at the arbitrary 
 proceedings of parliament and administration, have seve- 
 rally elected, constituted and appointed deputies to meet 
 and sit in general congress, in the city of Philadelphia, 
 in order to obtain such establishment, as that their reli- 
 gion, laws, and liberties, may not be subverted: where- 
 upon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in 
 a full and free representation of these colonies, taking 
 into their most serious consideration, the best means of 
 attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place, as Eng- 
 lishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done, 
 for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties, 
 BEG LAKE, that the inhabitants of the English colonies in 
 North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the 
 principles of the English constitution, and the several 
 charters or compacts, have the following rights. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. z>. 1st, that they are entitled to life, 
 liberty, and property ; and they have never ceded to any 
 sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either 
 without their consent. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. D. 2d, that our ancestors, who first 
 settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigra- 
 tion from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, 
 liberties, and immunities of free and natural born sub- 
 jects, within the realm of England. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. D. 3d, that by such emigration they 
 by no means foi'feited, surrendered, or lost any of those 
 rights, but that they were, and their descendants now 
 are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of 
 them, as their local and other circumstances enabled them 
 to exercise and enjoy. 
 
 " Resolved, 4th, that the foundation of English liberty 
 and of all free government, is a right in the people to 
 participate in their legislative council : and as the English 
 colonists are not represented, and from their local and
 
 4.Q 
 
 TC +J 
 
 other circumstances cannot properly be represented in the 
 British parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclu- 
 sive power of legislation in their several provincial legis-- 
 latures, where their right of representation can alone be 
 preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity sub- 
 ject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such man* 
 ner as has been heretofore used and accustomed: but from 
 the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual in- 
 terest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the 
 operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are, 
 bona Jide, restrained to the regulation of our external 
 commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial 
 advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, 
 and the commercial benefits of its respective members ; 
 excluding every idea of taxation internal or external, for 
 raising a revenue on the subjects in America without their 
 consent. 
 
 " Resolved, y. c. D. 5th, that the respective colonies 
 are entitled to the common law of England, and more 
 especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being 
 tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the 
 course of that law. 
 
 " Resolved, 6th, that they are entitled to the benefit qf 
 such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of 
 their colonisation; and which they have, by experience, 
 respectively found to be applicable to their several local 
 and other circumstances. 
 
 " Resolved, xr. c. D. 7th, that these, his majesty's co- 
 lonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and pri- 
 vileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, 
 or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. 
 
 " Resolved, if. c. D. 8th, that they have a right peace- 
 ably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and peti- 
 tion the king ; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory pro- 
 clamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. D. 9th, that the keeping a standing 
 army in these colonies, in times of peace, without the 
 
 VOL. II. g
 
 50 
 
 consent of the legislature of that colony in which such 
 army is kept, is against law. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. D. 10th, it is indispensably necessary 
 to good government, and rendered essential by the Eng- 
 lish constitution, that the constituent branches of the le- 
 gislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, 
 the exercise of legislative power in several colonies, by 
 a council appointed, during pleasure, by the crown, is 
 unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the free- 
 dom of American legislation. 
 
 All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf 
 of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, 
 and insist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties; 
 which cannot be legally taken from them, altered or 
 abridged by any power whatever, without their own con- 
 sent, by their representatives in their several provincial 
 legislatures. 
 
 " In the course of our inquiry, we find many infringe- 
 ments and violations of the foreg'oing rights, which, from 
 an ardent desire that harmony and mxitual intercourse of 
 affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for 
 the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures 
 as have been adopted since the last war, which demon- 
 strate a system formed to enslave America. 
 
 " Resolved, N. c. D. that the following acts of parliament 
 are infringements and violations of the rights of the colo- 
 nists; and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary, 
 in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and 
 the American colonies, viz. 
 
 " The several acts of 4 Geo. III. chap. 15, and chap. 
 S4....5 Geo. III. chap. 25. ...6 Geo. III. chap. 52....T Geo. 
 III. chap. 41, and chap. 4 6... .8 Geo. III. chap. 22; which 
 impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in Ame- 
 rica;' extend the power of the admiralty courts beyond 
 their ancient limits ; deprive the American subject of trial 
 by jury; authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the 
 prosecutor from damages, that he might otherwise be 
 liable to; requiring oppressive security from a claimant
 
 51 
 
 of ships and goods seized, before he shall be allowed to 
 defend his property, and are subversive of American 
 rights. 
 
 " Also 12 Geo. III. chap. 24, intituled, ' an act for the 
 better securing his majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships, 
 ammunition, and stores,' which declares a new offence in 
 America, and deprives the American subject of a consti- 
 tutional trial by a jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the 
 trial of any person charged with the committing of any 
 offence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be 
 indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county 
 within the realm. 
 
 " Also the three acts passed in the last session of par- 
 liament, for stopping the port and blocking up the har- 
 bour of Boston, for altering the charter and government 
 of Massachussetts Bay, and that which is intituled, ' an 
 act for the better administration of justice, Sec.' 
 
 " Also, the act passed in the same session for estab- 
 lishing the roman catholic religion in the province of 
 Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, 
 and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, (from, 
 so total a dissimilarity of religion, law, and government) 
 of the neighbouring British colonies, by the assistance of, 
 whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered 
 from France. 
 
 " Also, the act passed in the same session for the bet- 
 ter providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in 
 his majesty's service in North America. 
 
 " Also, that the keeping a standing army in several of 
 these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of 
 the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, 
 is against law. 
 
 " To these grievous acts and measures, Americans can- 
 not submit; but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great 
 Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that 
 state, in which both countries found happiness and pros- 
 perity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue 
 the following peaceable measures : 1 , to enter into a non- 
 
 g 2
 
 52 
 
 importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agree- 
 ment or association. 2. To prepare an address to the 
 people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabi- 
 tants of British America: and, 3. to prepare a loyal ad- 
 dress to his majesty, agreeable to resolutions already en- 
 tered into." 
 
 WOTE....J\ f b. XIV. 
 
 This resolution proposed, "that when the governor, 
 council, and assembly, or general court of any of his 
 majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose 
 to make provision, according to the condition, circum- 
 stances, and situation of such province or colony, for 
 contributing its proportion to the common defence (such 
 proportion to be raised under the authority of the general 
 court, or general assembly, of such province or colony, 
 and disposable by parliament) and shall engage to make 
 provision, also, for the support of the civil government, 
 and the administration of justice in such province or colony, 
 it will be proper, if such proposal should be approved by 
 his majesty and the two houses of parliament, and for so 
 long as such provision should be made accordingly, to 
 forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy 
 any duties, tax or assessment ; or to impose any further 
 duty, tax or assessment, except only such duties as it 
 may be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for the 
 regulation of the commerce, the net produce of the duties 
 last mentioned to be carried to the account of such pro- 
 vince, colony, or plantation, respectively." 
 
 This resolution was communicated to congress, on the 
 30th of May, in the following manner;...." a member 
 informed the congress, that a gentleman, just arrived 
 from London, had brought with him a paper, which, he 
 says, he received from lord North, and which was written, 
 at the desire of his lordship, by mr. Grey Cooper,
 
 tinder secretary to the treasury, and as the gentleman 
 understood it to be his lordship's desire that it should be 
 communicated to the congress, for that purpose he hod 
 put it into his hands. 
 
 The member further observed, that he had shown the 
 paper to a member near him, who was well acquainted 
 with the hand writing of mr. Cooper, and that he verily 
 believes the paper was written by mr. Cooper. The paper 
 being read, is as follows : 
 
 " That it is earnestly hoped by all the real friends of the 
 Americans, that the terms expressed in the resolution of 
 the 20th of February last, will be accepted by all the colo- 
 nies, who have the least affection for their king and 
 country, or a just sense of their own interest. 
 
 " That these terms are honourable for Great Britain, 
 and safe for the colonies. 
 
 " That if the colonies are not blinded by faction, these 
 terms will remove every grievance relative to taxation, 
 and be the basis of a compact between the colonies and 
 the mother country. 
 
 " That the people in America ought, on every consi- 
 deration, to be satisfied with them. 
 
 " That no further relaxation can be admitted. 
 
 " The temper and spirit of the nation are so much 
 against concessions, that if it were the intention of the 
 administration, they could not carry the question. 
 
 " But administration have no such intention, as they 
 are fully and firmly persuaded, that further concessions 
 would be injurious to the colonies as well as to Great 
 Britain. 
 
 " That there is not the least probability of a change of 
 administration. 
 
 " That they are perfectly united in opinion, and deter- 
 mined to pursue the most effectual measures, and to use 
 the whole force of the kingdom, if it be found necessary, 
 to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and 
 colonies, '
 
 54 
 
 " There is so great a spirit in the nation against the 
 congress, that the people will bear the temporary dis- 
 tresses of a stoppage of the American trade. 
 
 " They may depend on this to be true." 
 
 This paper was ordered to lie on the table, and the reso- 
 lution which had been referred to congress by the legisla- 
 tures of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, was not 
 acted on until the last of July, some time after hostilities 
 had commenced, when it was resolved, " that the colonies 
 of America are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege 
 of giving and granting their own money. That this 
 involves a right of deliberating whether they will make 
 any gift, for what purposes it shall be made, and what 
 shall be its amount ; and that it is a high breach of this 
 privilege for any body of men, extraneous to their constitu- 
 tions, to prescribe the purposes for which money shall be 
 levied on them, to take to themselves the authority of 
 judging of their conditions, circumstances, and situations, 
 and of determining the amount of the contribution to be 
 levied. 
 
 That as the colonies possess a right of appropriating 
 their gifts, so are they entitled at all times, to inquire into 
 their application, to see that they be not wasted among 
 the venal and corrupt for the purpose of undermining the 
 civil rights of the givers, nor yet be diverted to the sup- 
 port of standing armies, inconsistent with their freedom, 
 and subversive of their quiet. To propose, therefore, as 
 this resolution does, that the monies given by the colonies 
 shall be subject to the disposal of parliament alone, is to 
 propose that they shall relinquish this right of inquiry, 
 and put it in the power of others to render their gifts 
 ruinous, in proportion as they are liberal. 
 
 That this privilege of giving or of withholding our 
 monies, is an important barrier against the undue exer- 
 tion of prerogative, which, if left altogether without con- 
 trol, may be exercised to our great oppression ; and all 
 history shows how efficacious is its intercession for redress 
 of grievances, and re-establishment of rights, and how 

 
 55 
 
 improvident it would be to part with so powerful a medi- 
 ator. 
 
 We are of opinion that the proposition contained in this 
 resolution is unreasonable and insidious; unreasonable, 
 because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare with-, 
 out reservation, we will purchase the favour of parliament, 
 not knowing at the^ same time at what price they will 
 please to estimate their favour ; it is insidious, because, 
 individual colonies, having bid and bidden again, until 
 they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their 
 powers to satisfy ; are then to return into opposition, 
 divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will 
 have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or 
 by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer. 
 
 That the suspension of the exercise of their pretended 
 power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with 
 the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to 
 make that so. Whereas no experience has shewn that a 
 gift of perpetual revenue secures a perpetual return of 
 duty or of kind disposition. On the contrary, the parlia- 
 ment itself, wisely attentive to this observation, are in 
 the established practice of granting their supplies from 
 year to year only. 
 
 Desirous and determined as we are to consider, in thQ 
 most dispassionate view, every seeming advance towards 
 a reconciliation made by the British parliament, let our 
 brethren of Britain reflect what would have been the 
 sacrifice to men of free spirits, had even fair terms been 
 proffered, as these insidious proposals were, with circum- 
 stances of insult and defiance. A proposition to give our 
 money, accompanied with large fleets and armies, seems 
 addressed to our fears rather than to our freedom. With 
 what patience would Britons have received articles of 
 treaty from any power on earth when borne on the point 
 of a bayonet by military plenipotentiaries ? 
 
 We think the attempt unnecessary to raise upon us by 
 force or by threats our proportional contributions to the 
 common defence, when ali know, and themselves acknow*
 
 5G 
 
 ledge, we have fully contributed, whenever called upon 
 to do so in the character of freemen. 
 
 We are of opinion it is not just that the colonies should 
 be required to oblige themselves to other contributions* 
 while Great Britain possesses a monopoly of their trade* 
 This of itself lays them under heavy contribution. To 
 demand, therefore, additional aids in the form of a tax, is 
 to demand the double of their equal proportion. If we 
 are to contribute equally with the other parts of the em- 
 pire, let us equally with them, enjoy free commerce with 
 the whole world. But while the restrictions on our trade 
 shut to us the resources of wealth, is it just we should 
 bear all other burdens equally with those to whom every 
 resource is open? 
 
 We conceive that the British parliament has no right 
 to intermeddle with our provisions for the support of civil 
 government, or administration of justice. The provi- 
 sions we have made are such as please ourselves, and are 
 agreeable to our circumstances: they answer the sub- 
 stantial purposes of government and of justice, and other 
 purposes than these should not be answered. We do not 
 mean that our people shall be burdened with oppressive 
 taxes, to provide sinecures for the idle or the wicked, 
 under colour of providing for a civil list. While parlia- 
 ment pursue their plan of civil government within their 
 own jurisdiction, we also hope to pursue ours without 
 molestation. 
 
 We are of opinion the proposition is altogether unsatis- 
 factory; because it imports only a suspension of the 
 mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax 
 us: because too, it does not propose to repeal the seve- 
 ral acts of parliament, passed for the purposes of restrain- 
 ing the trade, and altering the form of government of one 
 of our colonies; extending the boundaries and changing 
 the government of Quebec ; enlarging the jurisdiction of 
 the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty ; taking from 
 us the rights of a trial by a jury of the vicinage, in cases 
 affecting both life and property ; transporting us into
 
 57 
 
 other countries to be tried for criminal offences; exempt- 
 ing-, by mock trial, the murderers of colonists from 
 punishment ; and quartering soldiers upon us in times of 
 profound peace. Nor do they renounce the power of sus- 
 pending our own legislatures, and of legislating for us 
 themselves, in all cases whatsoever. On the contrary, to 
 show they mean no discontinuance of injury, they pass 
 acts, at the very time of holding out this proposition, for 
 restraining the commerce and fisheries of the provinces 
 of New England, and for interdicting the trade of other 
 colonies with all foreign nations, and with each other. 
 This proves, unequivocally, they mean not to relinquish 
 the exercise of indiscriminate legislation over us. 
 
 Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been 
 held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there 
 was nothing in dispute between us, but the mode of levy- 
 ing taxes ; and that the parliament having now been so 
 good as to give up this, the colonies are unreasonable, 
 if not perfectly satisfied ; whereas, in truth, our adver- 
 saries still claim a right of demanding ad libitum, and of 
 taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, 
 if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any 
 thing we can call property. But, what is of more impor- 
 tance, and what in this proposal they keep, out of sight, 
 as if no such point was now in contest between us, they 
 claim a right to alter our charters, and establish laws, 
 and leave us without any security for our lives or liber- 
 ties. The proposition seems 'also to have been calculated 
 more particularly to lull into fatal security our Avell 
 affected fellow subjects on the other side of the water, until 
 time should be given for the operation of those arms, 
 which, a British minister pronounced, would instantane- 
 ously reduce the " cowardly" sons of America to unre- 
 served submission. But when the world reflects, how 
 inadequate to justice are these vaunted terms ; when it 
 attends to the rapid and bold succession of injuries, which, 
 during a course of eleven years, have been aimed at these 
 colonies; when it reviews the pacific and respectful expos- 
 
 VOL. ii. h
 
 58 
 
 tulations, which, during that whole time, were the sole 
 arms we opposed to them ; Avhen it observes that our 
 complaints were either not heard at all, or were answered 
 with new and accumulated injuries ; when it recollects 
 that the minister himself on an early occasion declared, 
 " that he would never treat with America, until he had 
 brought her to his feet," and that an avowed partisan of 
 ministry has more lately denounced against us the dreadful 
 sentence " delenda est Carthago," that this was done in 
 presence of aBritish senate, and being unreproved by them, 
 must be taken to be their own sentiment, (especially as 
 the purpose has already in part been carried into execu- 
 tion, by their treatment of Boston, and burning of Charles- 
 town ;) when it considers the great armaments with which 
 they have invaded us, and the circumstances of cruelty 
 with which they have commenced and prosecuted hostili- 
 ties : when these things, we say, are laid together and 
 attentively considered, can the world be deceived into an 
 opinion that we are unreasonable, or can it hesitate to 
 believe with us, that nothing but our own exertions may 
 defeat the ministerial sentence of death or abject submis- 
 sion." 
 
 [Referred to in page 207.] 
 MOTE....W. XIV. 
 
 " To the oppressed inhabitants of Canada. 
 ** Friends and countiymen, 
 
 " Alarmed by the design of an arbitrary ministry to 
 extirpate the rights and liberties of all America, a sense 
 of common danger conspired with the dictates of humanity, 
 in urging us to call your attention, by our late address, to 
 this very important object. 
 
 " Since the conclusion of the late war, we have been 
 happy in considering you as fellow subjects, and from the 
 commencement of the present plan for subjugating the
 
 59 
 
 continent, we have viewed you as fellow sufferers with us. 
 As we were both entitled by the bounty of an indulgent 
 creator to freedom, and being both devoted by the cruel 
 edicts of a despotic administration, to common ruin, we 
 perceived the fate of the protestant and catholic colonies 
 to be strongly linked together, and therefore invked you 
 to join with us in resolving to be free, and in rejecting, 
 with disdain, the fetters of slavery, however artfully 
 polished. 
 
 " We most sincerely condole with you on the arrival of 
 that day, in the course of which the sun could not shine 
 on a single freeman in all your extensive dominion. Be 
 assured, that your unmerited degradation has engaged the 
 most unfeigned pity of your sister colonies; and we flat- 
 ter ourselves you will not, by tamely bearing the yoke, 
 suffer that pity to be supplanted by contempt. 
 
 " When hardy attempts are made to deprive men of 
 rights bestowed by the Almighty ; when avenues are cut 
 through the most solemn compacts for the admission of 
 despotism ; when the plighted faith of government ceases 
 to give security to dutiful subjects,,and when the insidious 
 stratagems and manoeuvres of peace, become more terrible 
 than the sanguinary operations of war; it is high time for 
 them to assert those rights, and, with honest indignation, 
 oppose the torrent of oppression rushing in upon them. 
 
 " By the introduction of ycur present form of govern- 
 ment, or rather, present form of tyranny, you and your 
 wives and your children are made slaves. You have no- 
 thing that you can call your own, and all the fruits of 
 your labour and industry may be taken from you, when- 
 ever an avaricious governor and a rapacious council may 
 incline to demand them. You are liable by their edicts to 
 be transported into foreign countries to fight battles in 
 which you have no interest, and to spill your blood in con- 
 flicts from which neither honour, nor emolument can be 
 derived: nay, the enjoyment of your very religion, on the 
 present system, depends on a legislature in which you 
 have no share, and over which you have no control ; and 
 
 h2
 
 60 
 
 your priests are exposed to expulsion, banishment, and 
 ruin, whenever their wealth and possessions furnish suf- 
 ficient temptation. They cannot be sure that a virtuous 
 prince will always fill the throne, and should a wicked or 
 a careless king concur with a wicked ministry in extract- 
 ing the treasure and strength of your country, it is impos- 
 sible to conceive, to what variety, and to what extremes of 
 wretchedness, you may, under the present establishment, 
 be reduced. 
 
 " We are informed you have already been called upon 
 to waste your lives in a contest with us. Should you, by 
 complying in this instance, assent to your new establish- 
 ment, and a war break out with France, your wealth and 
 your sons may be sent to perish in expeditions against 
 their islands in the West Indies. 
 
 " It cannot be presumed that these considerations will 
 have no weight with you, or that you are so lost to all 
 sense of honour. We can never believe that the present 
 race of Canadians are so degenerated as to possess neither 
 the spirit, the gallantry, nor the courage of their ancestors. 
 You certainly will not permit the infamy and disgrace of 
 such pusillanimity to rest on tyour own heads, and the 
 consequences of it on your children forever. 
 
 " We for our parts are determined to live free or not 
 at all, and a>^ resolved that posterity shall never reproach 
 us with having brought slaves into the world. 
 
 " Permit us again to repeat that we are your friends, 
 not your enemies ; and be not imposed upon by those who 
 may endeavour to create animosities. The taking of the 
 fort and military stores at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
 and the armed vessels on the lake, was dictated by the 
 great law of self preservation. They were intended to 
 annoy us, and to cut off that friendly intercourse and 
 communication, which have hithei'to subsisted between 
 you and us. We hope it has given you no uneasiness, 
 and you may rely on our assurances, that these colonies 
 will pursue no measures whatever, but such as friendship 
 and, a regard for our mutual safety and interest may sug- 
 gest.
 
 61 
 
 " As oui' concern for your welfare entitles us to your 
 friendship, we presume you will not, by doing us injury, 
 reduce us to the disagreeable necessity of treating you as 
 enemies. 
 
 " We yet entertain hopes of your uniting with us in the 
 defence of our common liberty, and there is yet reason 
 to believe, that should we join in imploring the attention 
 of our sovereign, to the unmerited and unparalleled op- 
 pressions of his American subjects, he will at length be 
 undeceived, and forbid a licentious ministry any longer to 
 riot in the ruins of the rights of mankind." 
 
 The committee appointed to draw this letter consisted 
 of mr. Jay, mr. Samuel Adams, and mr. Deane. 
 
 JVOTE....M). xr. 
 
 The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, 
 Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
 York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New- 
 castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
 ginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina: 
 To George Washington, esquire. 
 
 We, reposing special trust and confidence in your 
 patriotism, valour, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these 
 presents constitute and appoint you to be general and com- 
 mander in chief of the army of the United Colonies, and 
 of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them, and 
 of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and 
 join the said army for the defence 'of American liberty, 
 and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof: and you 
 are hereby invested with full power and authority to act 
 as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service. 
 
 And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers 
 and soldiers under your command, to be obedient to your 
 orders, and diligent in the exercise of their several duties.
 
 62 
 
 And we also enjoin and require you to be careful in 
 executing the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict 
 discipline and order to be observed in the army, and that 
 the soldiers be duly exercised and provided with all con- 
 venient necessaries. 
 
 And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect 
 by the rules and discipline of war, (as herewith given you) 
 and punctually to observe and follow such orders and 
 directions from time to time as you shall receive from this 
 or a future congress of these United Colonies,, or com- 
 mittee of congress. 
 
 This commission to continue in force, until revoked by 
 this, or a future congress. 
 
 JVOTE....M). XVI. 
 
 Whereas it has been represented to this congress, that 
 divers well meaning and honest, but uninformed people 
 in these colonies have, by the art and address of ministe- 
 rial agents, been deceived and drawn into erroneous 
 opinions respecting the American cause, and the pro- 
 bable issue of the present contest ; 
 
 Resolved, that it be recommended to the different 
 committees, and other friends to American liberty, in the 
 said colonies, to treat all such persons with kindness and 
 attention ; to consider them as the inhabitants of a coun- 
 try determined to be free, and to view their errors as 
 proceeding rather from want of information, than want of 
 virtue or public spirit; to explain to them the origin, 
 nature and extent of the present controversy ; to acquaint 
 them with the fate of the numerous petitions presented 
 to his majesty as well by assemblies as by congresses, for 
 reconciliation and I'edress of grievances, and that the last 
 from this congress, humbly requesting the single favour 
 of being heard, like all others, has proved unsuccessful; 
 to unfold to them the various arts of administration to
 
 63 
 
 insnare and enslave us, and the manner in which we have 
 been cruelly driven to defend, by arms, those very rights, 
 liberties, and estates, which we and our forefathers had 
 so long enjoyed unmolested in the reigns of his present 
 majesty's predecessors. And it is hereby recommended 
 to all conventions and assemblies, in these colonies, 
 liberally to distribute among the people the proceedings 
 of this and the former congress, the late speeches of the 
 great patriots in both houses of parliament relative to 
 American grievances, and such other pamphlets and pa- 
 pers as tend to elucidate the merits of the American cause, 
 the congress being fully persuaded that the more our right 
 to the enjoyment of our ancient liberties and privileges 
 is examined, the more just and necessary our present op- 
 position to ministerial tyranny will appear. 
 
 And, with 1'espect to all such unworthy Americans as, 
 regardless of their duty to their creator, their country, 
 and their posterity, have taken part with our oppressors, 
 and, influenced by the hope of possessing ignominkms 
 rewards, strive to recommend themselves to the bounty 
 of administration, by misrepresenting and traducing the 
 conduct and principles of the friends of American liberty, 
 and opposing every measure formed for its preservation 
 and security. 
 
 Resolved, that it be recommended to the different 
 assemblies, conventions and committees, or councils of 
 safety of the United Colonies, by the most speedy and 
 effectual measures, to frustrate the mischievous machina- 
 tions, and restrain the wicked practices of these men: 
 and it is the opinion of this congress, that they ought to be 
 disarmed, and the more dangerous among them either 
 kept in safe custody, or bound with sufficient sureties to 
 their good behaviour. 
 
 And, in order that the said assemblies, conventions, 
 committees, or councils of safety may be enabled with 
 greater ease and facility to carry this resolution into ex- 
 ecution,
 
 64 
 
 Resolved, that they be authorized to call to their aid 
 whatever continental troops, stationed in or near their 
 respective colonies, may be conveniently spared from their 
 more immediate duty ; and the commanding officers of 
 such troops are hereby directed to afford the said assem- 
 blies, conventions, committees, or councils of safety, all 
 such assistance in executing this resolution, as they may 
 require, and which consistent with the good of the service 
 may be supplied. 
 
 Resolved, that all detachments of continental troops, 
 which may be ordered on the business in the foregoing- 
 resolution mentioned, be, while so employed, under the 
 direction and control of the assemblies, conventions, 
 committees, or councils of safety aforesaid. 
 
 NOTE....WO. XVII. 
 
 letter is so truly characteristic of the writer, and treats 
 in a manner so peculiar to himself^ the measures of con- 
 gress on this subject that, although it may not be imme- 
 diately connected 'with the Life of General Washington, 
 the reader will not be displeased with its insertion. 
 
 Stamford, January 22, 1779. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 As general Washington has informed the congress of 
 his motives for detaching me, it is needless to trouble 
 you upon the subject. I am therefore only to inform you 
 that I have collected a body of about twelve hundred men 
 from the colony of Connecticut, whose zeal and ardour 
 demonstrated on this occasion cannot be sufficiently 
 praised. With this body I am marching directly to New 
 York to execute the different purposes for which I am 
 detached. I am sensible, sir, that nothing can carry the 
 air of greater presumption than a servant intruding hi$ 
 opinion unasked upon his master, but at the same time
 
 65 
 
 there are certain seasons when the real danger of the 
 master may not only excuse, but render laudable, the 
 servant's offieiousness. I therefore flatter myself that 
 the congress will receive with indulgence and lenity the 
 opinion I shall offer. The scheme of simply disarming 
 the tories seems to me totally ineffectual; it will only 
 embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They 
 can, and will, always be supplied with fresh arms by 
 the enemy. That of seizing the most dangerous will, I 
 apprehend, from the vagueness of the instruction, be 
 attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no 
 good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and pre- 
 judice to the different congresses and committees on the 
 continent, that much discord and animosity "will probably 
 ensue ; it being next to impossible to distinguish who are, 
 and who are not the most dangerous. The plan of 
 explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits 
 of the American cause is certainly generous and humane, 
 but I am afraid, will be fruitless. They are so ri vetted 
 in their opinions, that I am persuaded should an angel 
 descend from heaven with his golden trumpet and ring 
 in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would 
 be disregarded. I had lately myself an instance of their 
 infatuation, which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. 
 At Newport I took the liberty, without any authority but^ 
 the conviction of necessity, to administer a very strong 
 oath to some of the leading tories, for which liberty I ' 
 humbly ask pardon of the congress. One article of this 
 oath was to take arms in defence of their country, if called 
 upon by the voice of the congress. To this colonel 
 Wanton and others flatly refused their assent; to take 
 arms against their sovereign they said, was too monstrous 
 an impiety. I asked them if they had lived at the 
 time of the revolution whether they would have been 
 Revolutionists. ...their answers were at first evasive, cir- 
 cuitous, and unintelligible, but, by fixing them down 
 VOL. ii. i
 
 66 
 
 precisely to the question, I at length drew from them a 
 po'sitive confession that no violence, no provocation on 
 the part of the court, could prevail upon them to act with 
 the continent. Such, I am afraid, is the creed and prin- 
 ciples of the whole party great and small. ...Sense, reason, 
 argument, and eloquence, have been expended in vain ; 
 and in vain you may still argue and reason to the end of 
 time. Even the common feelings and resentments of 
 humanity have not aroused them, but rather with a ma- 
 lignant pleasure they have beheld the destruction of their 
 fellow citizens and relations. But I am running into 
 declamation, perhaps impertinent and presuming, when I 
 ought to confine myself to the scheme I submit to your 
 consideration. It is, sir, in the first place, to disarm all 
 the manifestly disaffected, as well of the lower as the 
 higher class, not on the principle of putting them in a 
 state of impotence (for this I observed before will not be 
 the case) but to supply our troops with arms of which 
 they stand in too great need. Secondly, to appraise their 
 estates and oblige them to deposit at least the value of 
 one half of their respective property in the hands of the 
 continental congress as a security for their good beha- 
 viour. And lastly, to administer the strongest oath that 
 can be devised to act offensively and defensively in sup- 
 port of the common rights. I confess that men so eaten 
 up with bigotry, as the bulk of them appear to be, will 
 not consider themselves as bound by this oath ; particu- 
 larly as it is in some measure forced} they will argue it is 
 by no means obligatory ; but if I mistake not, it will be a 
 sort of criterion by which you will be able to distinguish 
 the desperate fanaticks from those who are reclaimable. 
 The former must of course be secured and carried into 
 some interior parts of the continent where they cannot 
 be dangerous. This mode of proceeding I conceive (if 
 any can) will be effectual. ...but whether it meets with the 
 approbation or disapprobation of the congress, I most 
 humbly conjure them not to attribute the proposal to ar-
 
 67 
 
 rogance, or self conceit, or pragmatical officiousness, but, 
 at worst, to an intemperate zeal for the public service. 
 
 Notwithstanding the apparent slimness of the authority, 
 as I am myself convinced that it is substantial, I think 
 it my duty to communicate a circumstance to congress. 
 I have with me here, sir, a deserter from captain Wal- 
 lace's ship before Newport. It is necessary to inform 
 you that this captain Wallace has the reputation of being 
 the most imprudent and rash of all mortals. ...particularly 
 when he is heated with wine, which, as reported, is a 
 daily incident : that in these moments he blabs his most 
 seci'et instructions even to the common men. This de- 
 serter, then, informs us that the captain a few days ago 
 assembled the sailors and marines on the quarter-deck, 
 and assured them, by way of encouragement, that they 
 were to proceed very soon to New York where they were 
 to be joined by his majesty's most loyal subjects of White 
 Plains, Poughkeepsie, and Long island, and at the same 
 time bestowed abundantly his curses on the admiral and 
 general for their dilatoriness and scandalous conduct in 
 not availing themselves sooner of the invitation they had 
 received from the worthy gentlemen. The congress will 
 make what comments they please on this information, 
 which I must repeat I thought it my duty to communi- 
 cate. Upon the whole, sir, you may be assured that it is 
 the intention of the ministerialists to take possession, and 
 immediately, of New York. The intercepted letters, the 
 unguarded expressions of their officers, in their interviews 
 with ours on the lines, but above all the manifest advan- 
 tages resulting to their cause from this measure, put 
 their intention beyond dispute. With submission there- 
 fore to the wisdom of the congress it behoves them I 
 should think, not to lose a moment in securing this im- 
 portant post, which, if in the hands of the enemy must 
 cut the continent in twain, and render it almost impossible 
 for the northern and southern colonies to support each. 
 
 i 2
 
 68 
 
 other. This crisis, when every thing is at stake, is not 
 a time to be over complacent to the timidity of the inha- 
 bitants of any particular spot. I have now under my 
 command a respectable force adequate to the purpose of 
 securing the place, and purging all its environs of traitors, 
 on which subject I shall expect with impatience the de- 
 termination of the congress. Their orders I hope to 
 receive before or immediately on my arrival. 
 
 This instant, the enclosed, express from the provincial 
 congress of New York, was delivered into my hands, but 
 as these gentlemen probably are not fully apprized of the 
 danger hanging over their heads, as I have received intel- 
 ligence from the camp that the fleet is sailed, and that it 
 is necessary to urge my march, I shall proceed with one 
 division of the forces under my command to that city. A 
 moment's delay may be fatal. The force I shall carry 
 with me is not strong enough to act offensively, but just 
 sufficient to secure the city against any immediate designs 
 of the enemy. If this is to give umbrage, if the gover- 
 nor and captain of the man of war are pleased to con- 
 strue this step as an act of positive hostility, if they are 
 to prescribe what number of your troops are and what 
 number are not to enter the city, all I can say is that 
 New York must be considered as the minister's place, 
 and not the continent. I must now, sir, beg pardon for 
 the length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption 
 in offering so freely my thoughts to the congress, from 
 whom it is my duty simply to receive my orders, and as 
 a servant and soldier strictly to obey; which none can do 
 with greater ardor and affection than, 
 Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant. 
 To the honourable John Hancock, esquire, 
 
 president of the continental Congress.
 
 69 
 
 NOTE....NO. XVIII. 
 
 THE NAMES OF THE MEMBERS WHO SUBSCRIBED THE 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, WERE AS FOLLOW, 
 VIZ. 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 Josiah Bartlett, Mathew Thornton. 
 
 William Whipple, 
 
 Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 Samuel Adams, Robert Treat Paine, 
 
 John Adams, Elbridge Gerry. 
 
 Rhode Island, &c. 
 
 William Ellery. 
 Connecticut. 
 
 William Williams, 
 Oliver Wolcott. 
 New York. 
 
 Francis Lewis, 
 Lewis Morris. 
 New Jersey. 
 
 John Hart, 
 Abram Clark. 
 
 Stephen Hopkins, 
 
 Roger Sherman, 
 Samuel Huntington, 
 
 William Floyd, 
 Philip Livingston, 
 
 Richard Stockton, 
 John Witherspoon, 
 Francis Hopkinson, 
 
 Robert Morris, 
 Benjamin Rush, 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 John Morton, 
 George Clymer, 
 
 Cesar Rodney, 
 
 Samuel Chase, 
 William Paca, 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 James Smith, 
 George Taylor, 
 James Wilson, 
 George Ross. 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 George Read. 
 Maryland. 
 
 Thomas Stone, 
 
 Charles Carroll, ofCarrollton.
 
 70 
 
 Virginia* 
 
 George Wythe, Thomas Nelson, jun. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
 
 Thomas Jefferson. Carter Braxton. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 William Hooper, John Penn. 
 
 Joseph Hughes, 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Edward Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, jun. 
 
 Thomas Hey ward, jun. Arthur Middleton. 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, 
 
 George Walton. 
 
 . XIX. 
 
 In a very long and confidential letter to governor Henry of 
 Virginia, the commander in chief, when adverting to the 
 additional regiments to be raised in that state, thus pressed 
 the necessity of selecting with care the officers to be afi- 
 pointed to them. 
 
 I imagine, before this, congress have made you ac- 
 quainted with their resolutions for raising the new army, 
 and that your colony is to furnish fifteen battalions to be 
 inlisted during the war. As it will occasion the choosing 
 ,a number of new officers, I would, in the most urgent . 
 manner, recommend the utmost care and circumspection 
 in your several appointments. I do not expect that there 
 are many experienced gentlemen now left with you, as, 
 from what I have understood, those who served in the last 
 war, are chiefly promoted ; however, I am satisfied that 
 the military spirit runs so high in your colony, and that
 
 the number of applicants wiH be so considerable, that a 
 very proper choice may be made. Indeed the army's 
 being put upon such a permanent footing, will be a strong 
 inducement for them to step forth on the present interest- 
 ing occasion. One circumstance in this important busi- 
 ness ought to be cautiously guarded against, and that is, 
 the soldier and officer being too nearly on a level. Disci- 
 pline and subordination add life and vigour to military 
 movements. The person commanded yields but a reluc- 
 tant obedience to those he conceives undeservedly made 
 his superiors. The degrees of rank are frequently trans- 
 ferred from civil life into the departments of the army. 
 The true criterion to judge by, when past services do not 
 enter into the competition, is, to consider whether the 
 candidate for office has a just pretension to the character 
 of a gentleman, a proper sense of honour, and some re- 
 putation to lose. 
 
 Perhaps, sir, you may be surprised at my pressing this 
 advice so strongly, as I have done in this letter; but I 
 have felt the inconveniencies resulting from a contrary 
 principle in so sensible a manner, and this army has been 
 so greatly enfeebled by a different line of conduct, that I 
 hope you will readily excuse me. 
 
 . xx. 
 
 " My reasons for this measure," said the commander 
 in chief in his letter to general Lee, ordering him to cross 
 the Hudson, " and which I think must have weight with 
 you, are, that the enemy are evidently changing the seat 
 of war to this side of the North river ; that this country, 
 therefore, will expect the continental army to give what 
 support they can; and, if disappointed in this, will cease
 
 72 . 
 
 to depend upon, or support a force by which no protection 
 is riven to them. It is, therefore, of the utmost impor- 
 tance thai at least an appearance of force should be made, 
 to keep this state in connexion with the others. If that 
 should not continue, it is much to be feared that its influ- 
 ence on Pennsylvania would be very considerable; and 
 the public interests would be more and more endangered. 
 Unless, therefore, some new event should occur, or some 
 more cogent reason present itself, I would have you 
 move over by the easiest and best passage. I am sensible 
 your numbers will not be large, and that the movement 
 ir ay not perhaps be agreeable to your troops. As to the 
 first, report will exaggerate them, and there will be pre- 
 served the appearance of an army, which will, at least, 
 have the effect of encouraging the desponding here ; and, 
 as to the other, you will doubtless represent to them, 
 that in duty and gratitude, their service is due wherever 
 the enemy may make the greatest impression, or seem 
 to intend to do so."
 
 
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