E 668 G76 1872 MAIN IN I / IRLF ON THE SOUTH. AFFAIRS AT THE R q c^n n=7 ;EPOET BY GAEL SCHUEZ J 53fl D5M ANDEEVY JOHNSON AJNJJ J5i mm ^lu.m.^.v^rED TO CONGUBSS DECEMBEE 10, 1865. 1ENERAL GRANT CONCERNING JRS AT THE SOUTH. HEADQUARTEBS K THE UNITED STATES, t&ehington, D. C ., Dec. Id, 1805. to your note of the 10th in- a report from me giving such may be possessed of coming |>pe of the inquiries made by the [United States in their resolution taut, I have the honor to submit nproval, and also that of the hon~ y of War, I left Washington City last month for the purpose of lof inspection through some of .ates, or States lately in rebellion, j,t changes were necessary to be jisposilion of the military forces how these forces could be re- mses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, le, the feelings and intentions of [those States towards the general Virginia being so accessible to ty, and information from this tore, being readily obtained, I ;h the State without conversing any of its citizens. In Ualeigh, mo day; in Charleston, S. C., in nah and Augusta, Ga., each in travelling and while stopping conversed freeley with theciti- Itates as well as with officers of |iave been stationed among them, re the conclusions come to by that the mass of thinking men 3ept the present situation of af- ith. The questions which have led the sentiment of the people jons slavery and State rights, State to secede from the Union Is having been settled forever by unal arms that man can re- | pleased, to learn from the lead- I met that they not only ac tion arrived at as final, but, now of ba> time has been given for reflection, that this de cision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving like -benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council. Four years of war, during which law was ex ecuted only at the point of the bayonet through- out the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the American peo ple have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would render the presence of small gar risons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper chan w nel, and civil authority is iully established. I did not meet any one, either those holding places under the government or citizens of the Southern Stafes, who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the South at present. The white and the black mutually require the protection ot the general government. There is such universal acquiescence in the authority of the general government through out the portions of country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintain or der. The good of the country, and economy, require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freed men, (elsewhere in the Southern States than at forts upon the seacoast no force is necessary,) should all be white troops. The reasons for this are obvious with out mentioning many of them. The presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes la bor, both by their advico and by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally ex cite no opposition, and therefore a small num ber of them can maintain order in a given dis trict. Colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is not the thinking men who wonld use violence towards any class of troops sent among them by the general government, but the ignorant in some places might ; and the late slave* seems to be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should, by right, belong to him, or at least shouH ba?a no protection from the col- ini? fro by Buoii , . . Pam ^.^ GRANT AND SCHURZ ON THE SOUTH. LETTEK OF GJBNEJRAL GRANT CONCERNING AFFAIRS AT THE SOUTH, AND EXTRACTS FROM A REPORT BY CARL SCHURZ SUBMITTED TO PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON AND BY HIM COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS DECEMBER 19, 1865. LETTER OF GENERAL GRANT CONCERNING AFFAIRS AT THE SOUTH. HEADQUARTERS ARMIES ov THE UNITED STATES, Washington, D. C., Dec. 18, 1805. SIR: In reply to your note of the 10th in stant, requesting a report from mo giving such information as I may be possessed of coming within the scope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in their resolution of the 12th instant, I have the honor to submit the following : With your approval, and also that of the hon orable Secretary of War, I left Washington City on the 27th of last month for the purpose making a tour of inspection through some the Southern States, or States lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary to be made in the disposition of the military iorces of the country ; how these forces could be re duced and expenses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, as far as possible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of those States towards the general government. The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington City, and information from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained, I hastened through the State without conversing or meeting with any of its citizens. In Raleigh, N. C., I spent one day; in Charleston, S. C., two days; Savannah and Augusta, Ga. , each one day. Both in travelling and while stopping [ saw much and conversed freeley with the citi zens of those States as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed among them. The following are the conclusions come to by me. I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of af fairs in good faith. The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the two sections slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union time has been given for reflection, that this de cision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving like benefits from it, with those who opposed them in the field and iu council. Four years of war, during which law was ex ecuted only at the point of the bayonet through- out the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the American peo ple have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would render the presence of small gar risons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper chan* nel, and civil authority is fully established. I did not meet any one, either thoso holding places under the government or citizens of the Southern Stafes, who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the South at present. The white and the black mutually require the protection ot the general government. There is such universal acquiescence in the authority of the general government through out the portions of country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is suflicient to maintain or der. The good of the country, and economy, require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freed men, (elsewhere the Southern States than at forts upon the seacoast no force is necessary,) should all be white troops. The reasons for this are obvious with out mentioning many of them. The presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes la bor, both by their advico and by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally ex cite no opposition, and therefore a small num ber of them can maintain order in a given dis trict. Colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is not the thinking men who would use violence towards any class of troops sent among them by the general government, but the ignorant in some they regard as having been settled forever by places might ; and the late slave* seems to be the highest tribunal arms that man can re- imbued with the idea that the property of his sort to, I was pleased to learn from the lead- j la.te master should, by right, belong to him, or ing men whom I met that they not only ac- j at least shoul<4 have no protection from the col- cepted the decision arrived Mt- as final, but, now! are ] sold ; uf i o]lisions IK; that tb- f battle \m clearer! $way &nd[ w bruuul"- 911 "My observations lead me </ the coiicluwion i;n t nj Soui IPTM Slates a.-i;i,n agent of tin.- Freed- hat, iln: citizens of Hie Southern Stales are j men s liinvn.ii. and then have all orders from nxious to velum to Btrtf-goverimUMit, within j the head of the bureau sen!, through department a.-* soon as possible; I hut whilst re- commanders. This would create a responsi- nd require protection ; biliiy that would secure uniformity of action the Union const ruciing they want from the government ; that they are in earnest j throughout all the South; would" insure th wishing to do what they think is required by the government, not Humiliating to them as ritizens, and that if such a course were pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to be regretted that there cannot be a greater | commingling, at this time, between the citizens your obedient servant, orders and instructions from the head of the bureau being curried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large number of employees of the government. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, nf (lie two sections, and particularly of those intrust !-d with the law-making power. I did not gitfe the operations of the Freed- men s Bureau that attention I would have done ii more time had been at my disposal. Con versations on the subject, however, with officers connected with the bureau, lead me to think that, in some of the States, its affairs have not been conducted with good judgment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread among the i reedmen of the Southern States, that the lands of their former owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from agents of this bureau. This belief is seriously interfer~ ing with the willingness of the freed men to make contracts for the coming year. In some form the Freedmen s Bureau is an absolute ne cessity until civil law is established and en forced, securing to the freed men their rights and full protection. At present, however, it is in dependent of the military establishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the differ ent agents of the bureau according to their in dividual notions. Everywhere General Howard. the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave : but the complaint in South Carolina was that when he left, things went on as before. Many, perhaps the majority, of the agents of the Freedmen s Bureau advise the freedm en that by their own industry they must expect to live. To this end they endeavor to secure em ployment for them, and to see that both con tracting parties comply with their engagements. In some instances, 1 am sorry to say, the freed- jf or the, purpose of inquiring into the existing man s mind does not seem to be disabused of condition of things, of laying before you what- the idea that a freedman has the right to live ever information of importance I might gather, without care or provision for the future. The and of suggesting to you such measures as my effect of the belief in division of lands is idle- observations would lead me to believe advisable, ness and accumulation in camps, towns, and I accepted the trust with a profound sense of cities. In such cases I think it will be found! the responsibility connected with the perform ance of the task. The views I entertained at the time, I had communicated to you in frequent letters and conversations. I would not have ac cepted the mission, had I not felt that whatever preconceived opinions I might carry with me to the South, I should be ready to abandon or mod- CJ. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General* His Excellency ANDREW JOHXSON, President of the United States. GRANT S letter exhibits his characteristic can dor, consistency and freedom from prejudice, showing his desire for harmony, peace, and re trenchment of expenses connected with the ad ministration of affairs. Schurz s report is lengthy and sensational, in which the personal pronoun I figures very extensively ; and it is anything but flattering to the people of the South, whether white or colored. Although he says that "he has conscientiously endeavored to see things as they were, and to represent them as he saw them," the great inconsistency be tween his views then and his recent utterances must be apparent to the most casual observer of his vacillating political course. REPORT OF CARL SOHURZ ON THE STATES OF SOOTH CAROLINA, GEORGIA, ALA BAMA, MISSISSIPPI, AND LOUISIANA. SIR : When you did me the honor of selecting me for a mission to the States lately in rebellion, that vice and disease will tend to the extermi nation or great reduction of the colored race. It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the South for years can be changed in a lay. and therefore the freedmen require, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but the fostering care of those who will give them | ify, as my perception of facis and circumstances good counsel, and on whom they rely. j might command their abandonment or modifica- The Freedmen s Bureau being separated from tion. You informed me that your " policy of re- the militafy establishment of the country, re- construction" was merely experimental, and quires all the expense of a separate organiza- that you would change it if the experiment did tion. One does not necessarily know what the j not lead to satisfactory results. To aid you m other is doing, or what orders they are acting (forming .your conclusions upon this point I un- undev. It seems to me this could be corrected by regarding every officer on duty with troops . derstood to be the object of my mission, and this understanding was in perfect accordance with the written instructions I received through the \ and \ve are ready to submit to the result of the Secretary of War. war. The war lias practically decided that no These instructions confined my mission to the State shall secede and that the slaves are eman- States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, cipated. We cannot be expected at once to give Mississippi, and the department of the Gulf. I up our principles and convictions of right, bat informed you, before leaving the North, that I j we accept facts as they are, and desire to be re- could not well devote more than three months j instated as soon as possible in the enjoyment to the duties imposed upon me, and that space j and exercise ot our political rights " This de- of time proved sufficient for me to visit all the j ciaratvm was repeated to me hundreds of times States above enumerated, except Texas. j in every State I visited, with some variations of language, according to the different wavs of Before laying the results of my observations before you, it is proper that I should state the thinking, or the frankness or reserve of the ferent speakers. Some said nothing of adherin* modus opcrandi by which I obtained informa- t 1 their o]d prindpleH and convictions of right tion and formed my conclusions. Wherever I j ?. am>s st . lU Argued against the constitutionality went I sought interviews with persons who might be presumed to represent the opinions, or of coercion and of the emancipation proclama tion, others expressed their determination to be- to "have influence upon the conduct, of their i co . me od citizens in strong language, and urged with equal emphasis the necessity of their home institutions being at once left to their own con trol ; others would go so far as to say they were glad that the war was ended, and they had never any confidence in the confederacy : others pro tested that they had been opposed to secession until their States went out, and then yielded to the current of events. Some would me give to un derstand that they had always been good Union men at heart, and rejoiced that the war had terminated in favor of the national cause, but in most cases such a sentiment was exprcswd only in (i whisper ; others again would grumblingly insist upon the restoration of their " rights/ a*s if they had done no wrong, and indicated plainly that they would submit only to what they could not resist and as lony as they could not mm it. Such were the definitions of " returning loyalty I received. Upon the ground, of these declarations, and other evidence gathered in the course of my ob- neighbors ; I had thus frequent meetings with individuals belonging to the different classes of society from the highest to the lowest ; in the cities as well as on the roads and steamboats I had many opportunities to converse not only with inhabitants of the adjacent country, but with persons coming from districts which I was not able to visit ; and finally I compared the impressions thus received with the experience of the military and civil officers of the govern ment stationed in that country, as well as of other reliable Union men to whom a longer resi dence on the spot and a more varied intercourse with people had given better facilities of local observation than my circumstances permitted me to enjoy. When practicable I procured state ments of their views and experience in writing as well as copies of official or private reports they had received from their subordinates or other persons. It was not expected of me that I should take formal testimony, and, indeed, such an operation would have required more time servations, I may group the Southern people than I was able to devote to it. HETURNING LOYALTY. ^ ^ It is a well-known fact that in the States of Tennessee and North Carolina, the number of white Unionists who, during the war, actively aided the government, or at least openly pro- i trsed their attachment to the cause of the Un ion, was very small. In none of these States they strong enough to exercise any de- isive influence upon the action of the people, iot even in Louisiana, unless rigorously suort were cisiv not even in Louisiana, unless rigorously support ed by the power of the general government. I5nt the white people at large being under cer tain conditions charged with taking the prelim inaries of "reconstruction" into their hands, thr success of the experiment depends upon the spirit and attitude of those who either attached themselves to the secession cause from the be ginning, or, entertaining originally opposite i States without delay restored" to their position views, at least followed its fortunes from the time and influence in the Union and the people of the into four classes, each of which exercises an in fluence upon the development of things in that section : 1. Those who, although having yielded sub mission to the national government only when obliged to do so, have a clear perception of the irreversible changes produced by the war, and honestly endeavor to accommodate themselves to the new order of things. Many of them are not free from traditional prejudice but open to conviction, and may be expected to acr, iu good faith whatever they do. This class is composed, in its majority, of persons of mature age plant ers, merchants, and professional men ; some of them are active in the reconstruction movement, but boldness and energy are, with a few indi vidual exceptions, not among their distinguish ing qualities. ,. Those whose principal object is to have the that their States had declared their separation from the Union. The first southern men of this class with whom I came into contact immediately after my arrival in South Carolina expressed their senti ments almost literally in the following lan guage : " We acknowledge ourselves beaten, States to the absolute control of their home con cerns. They are ready, in order to attain that object, to make any ostensible concessions that will not prevent them from arranging things to suit their taste as soon an that object is attained. This class comprises a considerable number* probably a largo majority, of the proi esslunal. politicians who an- extremely active in the re persons, mostly belonging to the first of the construction movement. They are loud in their j four classes above enumerated, are honestly praise of the President s reconstruction policy, ! striving to soften down the bitter feelings and and clamorous for the withdrawal of the Feleral j traditional antipathies of their neighbors; troops and the abolition of the Freedmen s Bu-i others, who are acting more upon motives of reau. j policy than inclination, maintain pleasant re- 3. The incorrigible*, who still indulge in the! lations with the officers of the government. swagger which was so customary before and dur- ^ut, u P on the whole, the soldier of the Union ing the war, and still hope for a time when the is still looked upon as a stranger, an intrnder Southern confederacy will achieve its indepen- as the "Yankee," " the enemy," It would be dence. This class consists mostly of young men, | superfluous to enumerate instances of insult and comprises the loiterers of the towns and the offered to our soldiers, and even to officers high idlers of the country. They persecute Union \ in command ; the existence and intensity of country men and negroes whenever persecute they can do so with impunity, insist clamorously upon their "rights," and are extremely impatient of the presence of the Federal soldiers. A good many of them have taken the oath of allegiance and amnesty, and as- this aversion is too well known to those who have served or are now serving in the South to require proof. This feeling of aversion and resentment with regard to our soldiers may, perhaps, be called sociated themselves with the second class in their S natural. The animosities inflamed by a four This element is by no it is Strong in numbers. political operations. means unimportant ; deals in brave talk, addresses itself directly and incessantly to the passions and prejudices of the masses, and commands the admiration of the women. 4. The multitude of people who have no defi nite ideas about the circumstances under which they live and about the course they have to fol low ; whose intellects are weak, but whose pre judices and impulses are strong, and who are apt to be carried along by those who know how to appeal to the latter. But whatever their differences may be, on one point they are agreed : further resistance to the power of the national government is useless, and submission to its authority a matter of neces sity. It is true, tin is still believed in right of secession in theory most of those who for merly believed in it; some are still entertaining a vague hope of seeing it realized at some future time, but all give it up as a practical impossi bility for the present. OATH-TAKING. Of those who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance most belong to the class of indifferent people who "do not care one way or the other." There are still some individuals who find the oath to be a confession of defeat and a declara tion of submission too humiliating and too re pugnant to their feeling. It is to be expected that the former will gradually overcome their apathy and the latter their sensitiveness, and that at a not remote day, all will have qualified themselves, in point of form, to resume the right of citizenship. FEKTJXO TOWARD TIIK SOLDIERS AND PEOPLE OP THU XORTII. No instance has come to my notice in which the people of a city or a rural district cordially fraternized with the army. Here and there the soldiers were welcomed as protectors against apprehended dangers ; but general exhibitions of cordiality on the part of the population I have not heard of. There are, indeed, honor able individual exceptions to this rule. Many years war, and its distressing incidents, cannot be easily overcome. But they extend beyond the limits ot the army, to the people of the North. I have read in Southern papers bitter complaints about the unfriendly spirit exhibited by the Northern people complaints not un* frequently flavored with an admixture of vitu peration. But, as far as my experience goes, the " unfriendly spirit " exhibited in the North is all mildness and affection compared with the popular temper which in the South vents itself in a variety of ways ar.cl on all possible occa sions. No observing Northern, man can come into contact with the different classes composing Southern society without noticing it. lie may be received in social circles with great polite ness, even with apparent cordiality ; but soon he will become aware that, although he may be esteemed as a man, he is detested as a " Yan- kee," and, as the conversation becomes a little more confidential and throws off ordinary re straint, he is not unfrequently told so ; the word "Yankee" still signifies to them those traits of character which the Southern press has been so long in the habit of attributing to the Northern people ; and whenever they look around them upon the traces of the war, they see in them, not the consquences of their own folly, but the evidences ot " Yankee wicked- SITTTATION OF UNIONISTS. It struck me, soon after my arrival in the South, that the known Unionists 1 mean those who, during the war, had been to a certain ex tent identified with the national cause were not in communion with the leading social and political circles ; and the further my observa^ tions extended the clearer it became to me that their existence in Uie South was of a rather precarious nature. Already in Charleston, S. C., my attention was called to the current talk among the people, that when they had the; con trol of things once more in their own hanJs, and were no longer restrained by the presence of "Yankee" soldiers, men of Dr. Mackey s stamp would not be permitted to live there. WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED. While the generosity and toleration shown by the government to the people lately in re- hellion has not met with a corresponding gen erosity shown by those people to the govern ment s friends, it has brought, forth some results which, if properly developed, will becom e of value. It has facilitated the re-establishment of the froms of civil government, and led many ot those who had been active in the rebellion to take part in. the act of bringing back the States to* their constitutional relations ; and if noth ing else were necessary than the mere putting in operation of the mere machinery of govern ment in point of form, and not also the accep tance of the results of the war and their de velopment in point of spirit, these results, al though as yet incomplete, might be called a satis factory advance in the right direction. But as to the moral value of these results, we must not indulge in any delusions. There are two principal points to which I beg to call your attention. In the first place, the rapid return to power and influence of so many of those who- but recently wore engaged in a bitter war against the Union, has had one effect which was cer tainly not originally contemplated by the govern ment. Treason does, under existing circum. stances, not appear odious in the South. The people are not impressed with any sense of its cirminality. And, secondly, there is, as yet, among the Southern people an utter absence of national feeling. I made it a business, while in the South, to watch the symptoms of " return ing loyalty " as they appeared not only in pri vate conversation, but in the public press and in the speechs delivered and the resolutions passed at Onion meetings. Hardly ever was there an expression of hearty attachment to the great re public, or an appeal to the impulses of patriot ism ; but whenever submission to the national authority was declared and advocated, it was almost uniformly placed upon two principal grounds : That, under present circumstances, tho Southern people could " do no better ; " and then that submission was the only means by which they could rid themselves of the federal soldiers find obtain once more, control of their own affair*. Some of the speakers may have been inspired by higher motives, Jbut upon these two arguments they had principally to rely whenever they wanted to make an impression upon the popular mind. While admitiing that, at present, we have perhaps no right to expect anything better than this submission loyalty which springs from necessity and calculation I do not consider it safe for the government to base expectations upon it, which the manner in which it manifests itself does not justify. KU-KLIIX TN 1805. ^ The organization of civil government is re lieving the military, to a great extent, of its police duties and judicial functions ; but at the time I left the South it was still very far from showing a satisfactory efficiency in the mainte nance of order and security. In many districts robbing and plundering was going on with per fect impunity ; the roads were infested by bands of highwaymen ; numerous assaults occurred, and several stage lines were considered unsafe. It is stated that civil officers are either unwilling or unable to enforce the law ; that one man does not dar^ to testify* agaiiist another for fear of being murdered, and that the better elements of society are kept down by lawless characters under a system of terrorism. Both the Govern ors of Alabama and Mississippi complained of it in official proclamations. Such a state of demor alization would call for extraordinary measures in any country, and it is difficult to conceive how, in the face of the inefficiency/ of the civil authori ties, the removal of the troops can be thought of. It is well known that the levying of taxes for the payment of the interest on our national debt is, and will continue to be, very unpopular in the South. It is true no striking demonstrations have as yet been made of any decided unwilling ness on the part of the people to contribute to the discharge of our national obligations. But most of the conversations I had with Southern ers upon this subject led me to apprehend that they, politicians and people, are rather inclined to ask money of the government as compensation. for their emancipated skives, for the rebuilding of the levees on the Mississippi, and various kinds of damage done by our armies for military pur poses, than, as the current expression is, to "help pay the expenses of the whipping they have re ceived. THE SOUTHERN" PEOPLE EXPECT TO TIE PAID FOE, EMANCIPATED SLAVES BY THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT, AND AIIE OPPOSED TO BEING TAXED TO HELP PAY THE NATIONAL DEl .T. In fact there arc abundant indications which render it eminently probable that, on the claim of compensation for their emancipated slaves, the. Southern States, as soon as re-admitted to Congress, will be almost a unit. In the Missis sippi convention the idea was broached in an elaborate speech, to have the late slave States relieved from taxation "for years to come " in- consideration of debt due them for emancipated slaves. I need not go into details as to the efforts made in some of the Southern States in favor of the assumption by those States of their debts contracted during the rebellion. ^ It may be assumed with certainty that those who want to have the Southern people, poor as they are, taxed for the payment ot rebel debts, do not mean to have them taxed for the purpose of meeting our national obligations. But what ever devices may be resorted to, present indica tions justify the apprehension that the enforce ment of our revenue laws will meet m/.h , -n-.f fac tory spirit, and may require sterner mcan nren than the mere sending of revenue officers into that part of the country. THE LABOR QUESTION. When the war came to a close the labor sys tem of the South was already much disturbed. In some localities, where our troops had not yet penetrated, and where no military post was within reach, planters endeavored and partially succeeded in maintaining between themselves and the negroes the relation of master and slave, partly by concealing from them the great changes that had taken place, and partly by ter rorizing them into submission to their behests. But aside from these exceptions, the country found itself thrown into that confusion which is naturally inseparable from a change so great and so sudden. The white people were afraid of the negroes, and the negroes did not trust the white people; the military power of the na tional government stood there, and was looked up to as the protector of both. GENERAL TREATMENT OF THE NEGKO. A belief, conviction, or prejudice, or whatever you may call it, so widely spread and apparent ly so deeply rooted, as this, that the negro will not work without physical compulsion, is cer tainly calculated to have a very serious influence upon the .conduct of the people entertaining it. It naturally produced a desire to preserve slavery in its original form as much and as long as possible and you may, perhaps, remember the admission made by one of the provisional governors, over two months after the close of the war, that the people of his State still in dulged in a lingering hope slavery might yet be preserved or to introduce into the new system that element of physical compulsion which would make the negro work. Efforts were, in deed, made to hold the negro in his old state of subjection, especially in such localities where our military forces had not yet penetrated, or where the country was not, garrisoned in detail. Hero and there planters succeeded for a limited period to keep their former slaves in ignorance, or at least doubt, about their new rights; but the main agency employed for that purpose was force and intimidation. In many instances ne groes who walked away from the plantations, or were found upon the roads, were shot or other wise severely punished, which was calculated to produce the impression among those remaining with their masters that .an attempt to escape from slaverv would result in certain destruction. Brigadier General Fessenden reports : "A spirit of bitterness and persecution manifests it^ self towards the negroes. They are shot and abused, outside the immediate protection of our forces, by men who announce tlieir determination to take, the lain into their own hands, in defiance of our authority. To protect the negro and punish these still rebellious individuals it will be neces sary to have their country pretty thickly settled with soldiers." * . * * * * * The habit is so inveterate with a great many persons as to render on the least provocation, the impulse to whip a negro almost irresistible. It will continue to be so until the Southern peo ple will have learned, so as never to for f/ct it, that a black man has rights wlticha white man is bound to reject. So far the spirit of persecution has shown it self so strong as to make the protection of the freedrnan by the military arm of the government in many localities necessary in almost all, de sirable. EDUCATION OF THE FREEDMEN. I was forced to the conclusion that, aside from a* small number of honorable exceptions, the popular prejudice is almost as bitterly set against the negro s having the advantage of education as it was when the negro was a slave. There may be an improvement in that respect, but it would prove only how universal the prejudice was in former days. Hundreds of times I heard the old assertion repeated, that " learning will spoil the nigger for work," and that " negro education will be the ruin of the South." An- cther most singular notion still holds a potent sway over the minds of the masses it i, that the elevation of the blacks will be the degrada tion of the whites. They do not understand yet that the continual contact with an ignorant and degraded populatien must necessarily lower the mental and moral tone of the other classes of society. This they might have learned from actual experience, as we in the North have been taught, also by actual experience, that the educa tion of the lower orders is. the only reliable basis of the civilization as well as of the prosperity of a people. The consequence of the prejudice prevailing in the Southern States is that colored schools can be established and carried on with safety only under the protection of our military forces, and that where the latter are withdrawn tho former have to go with them. There may be a few localities forming exceptions, but tlieir num ber is certainly very small. THE RE ACT ION A UY TENDENCY. I stated above that, in my opinion, the solu- t\on of the social problem in the South did not depend upon the capacity and conduct of the negro alone, but in the same measure upon the ideas and feelings entertained and acted- upon by the whites. What their ideas and teelings were while under my observation, and how they affected the contact of the two races, I have aft read} 7 set forth. The question arises, what pol icy wilj be adopted by the " ruling class " when all restraint imposed upon them by the military power of the national government is withdrawn, and they are left free to regulate matters accord ing to their own tastes? It would be presump tuous to speak of the future with absolute cer tainty ; but it may safely be assumed that the same causes will always tend to produce the same effects. As long as a majority of the Southern people believe that " the negro will not work without physical compulsion," and that "the blacks at large belong to the whites at large," that belief will tend to produce a SYS- tern of coercion, the enforcement, of \vliich will announces its policy not to give up tlie control of lw aided by the ho&tU<j feelii% against tbe n<jgfb j tlie free-labor reform until it is finally accora- now prevailing among the whites, and by the general spirit of violence which in the South was fostered by the influence slavery exercised upon the popular character. It is, indeed, not probable that a general attempt will he made to restore slavery in its old form, on account of the barriers which such an attempt would find m its way; but there are systems intermediate between slavery as it formerly existed in the South, and free labor as it exists in the North, but more nearly related to the former than to the latter, the introduction, of which will be at tempted,. ****** When speaking of popular demonstrations in the South in favor of submission to the govern ment, I stated that the principal and almost the only argument used was, that they found them selves in a situation in which " they could do no plished, the progress of that reform will undoubt edly be far more rapid and far less difficult than it will be if the attitude of the government is such as to permit contrary hopes to be indulged CURE FREK LABOR IX THE SOUTH. The machinery by which the government has so far exercised its protection of the negro and of free labor in the South the Freedmen s Bureau is very unpopular in that part of the country, as every institution placed there as a barrier to reactionary aspirations would be- * I feel warranted in saying that not half of the labor that has been done it) the South this year, or will be done there next year, would have been or would be done but for the exertions of the Freedaian s Bureau. better." It was the same thing with regard to ! The confusion and disorder of the transition the abolition was publicly of slavery ; wherever abolition period would have been infinitely greater had advocated, whether in popular not nn agency interfered which possessed the meetings or in State conventions, it was on the ground of necessity noY unfrequently with the significant addition that, as soon as they had once more control of their own State affairs, confidence of the emancipated slaves ; which could disabuse them of any extravagant notions and expectations and be trusted ; which could administer to them good advice and be volun- they could settle the labor question to suit j tarily obeyed. No other agency, except one themselves, whatever they might have to sub- I placed there by the national government, could mit to for the present. Not only did I find this ii ave wielded that moral power whose interpo- to be the common talk among the people, but sition was so necessary to prevent Southern so- the same sentiment was openly avowed by pub- | c i ety from falling at once into the chaos of a lie men in speech and print. | general collision between its different elements. AVIIY TIIE SOUTHERN PEOPLE ARE so PERVERSE. I That the success achieved by the Freedmen s One reason why the Southern people are 8O Bureau is as yet very incomplete cannot be dis- slow in accommodating themselves to the new U mted A , ft P ^ Ol * am f tlOU ud , a order of things is.Uhat they confidently expect more carefully selected personnel maybe de- e permitted u reflate matter s accord- sl ble ? but Jt 1S doubtf , ul Aether a mor ^ soon to be permitted 10 regulate matters accord- able machinery can be devised to secure to free it , B iv their own notions. Every concession , , made to them by the government -has been taken lab .. r m . th ,f South t , h . at , protection a as an encouragement to persevere in this hope, I tm oin g " ^ences which the nature o and, unfortunately for them, this hope is nour- i tlou stl11 imperatively demands, ished by influences from other parts of the coun try. Hence their anxiety to have their State governments restored at once, to have the troops withdrawn, and the Freedmen s Bureau abol ished, although a good many discerning men know well that, in view of the lawless spirit SOUTHERN DELUSIONS. The Southern people honestly maintained and believed, not only that as a people they were highly civilized, but that their civilization was the highest that could be attained, and still prevailing, it would be far better for them to have the general order of society firmly maiu- by the Federal power until things have ought to serve as a model to other nations the world over. The more enlightened individuals among them fell sometimes a vague impression tained arrived tit a final settlement. Had, fromthe be- of the barrenness of their mental life, and the ginning, the conviction been forced upon them i barbarous peculiarities of their social organiza- 1 hat the adulteration of the new order of things ! tion 5 but very few ever dared to investigate by the admixture of elements belonging to the |nd to expose the true cause of these evils, system of slavery would under no circumstances i Thus the people were so wrapt up in self-ad- bo permitted, a much larger number would have | miration as to be inaccessible to the voice even launched their energies into the new channel. \ of the. best-intentioned criticism. Hence the nnd, seeing that they could do "no better," : delusion they indulged in us to the absolute faithfully co-operated with the government. It | superiority of their race a delusion which, in is hope which fixes them in their perverse no- \ spite of the severe test it has undergone, is not tions. That hope nourished or fully gratified, yet given up; and will, as every traveller in i hey will persevere in the same direction. That the South can testily from experience, sorne- hope destroyed, a great many will, by the force limes express iisolf in singular manifestations, ot necessity, m once accommodate themselves to i This spirit, which for so long a time has kept the logic of the change. If, therefore, the na- I the Southern people back while the world be- tional government firmly and unequivocally } sides was moving, is even at this mohuuit still 8 standing as a serious obstacle in the way of progress. The South needs capital. freed man is no longer considered t!u \> of the individual master, lit- is cou;-;id< . ed !l... But capital is no- slave of society, and all independent Staid toriously timid and averse to risk itself, not legislation will share the tendency to m <;.!. him only where there actually is trouble, but where such. The ordinances abolishing slaven there is serious and continual danger of trouble. to consider and thev by the conventions under the pressun !" cir cumstances, will not be looked upon a.- , .ivnng the establishment of a new form of s Practical attempts on the part, of I lie I Capitalist? will be apt are by no means wrong in doing so that no safe investments can be made in the South as | long as Southern society is liable to be con- j people to deprive the nc^ro of his rig vulsed by anarchical disorders. No greater i freeman may result, in bloody collisions, HIM. encouragement can. therefore, be given to j will certainly plunge Southern socii-iy capital to transfer itself to the South than the j less fluctuations and amirehical e assurance that the government will continue to I Such evils can be prevented only by c control the development of the new social sys tem in the late rebel States until such dangers are averted by a final settler; a thorough free-labor basis. NEGRO SUFFRAGE. In discussing the mailer of negro suffrage [ deemed it my duty to confine myself strictly to the practical aspects of the subject. 1 have, therefore, not touched its l merits, nor the control of the national govcrnm- States lately in rebellion until free la are averted by a final settlement of things upon fully developed and (irmly established, a advantages and blessings of the ne 1 . things have disclosed themselves. able result will be hastened by a lir turn on the part of the governmen. tional control of the South wirl not such results are secured. Only in (.-. established in numerous immig can that security discussed the question whether the national which will render government is competent to enlarge, the elect* [sible, and such immigration would ive franchise in the States lately in rebellion aid a favorable development of thi; by its own act ; F.deem it proper, however, to It will hardly be possible to m-ci ofl er a few remarks on the assertion frequently dom against oppressive class le^islat put forth, that the franchise is likely to be ex- vale persecution, unless he be etui- tended to the colored man by the voluntary certain measure of political power. action of the Southern whites themselves. My I desire not to be understood as observation leads me to a contrary opinion, there are no well-meaning men Asule from a very few enlightened men, I found who were compromised in the n-i- but one class of people in favor of the en fran- are many, but neither their numt ; chisement of the blacks: it was the class of [influence is strong eaough to.control Unionists who found themselves politically os- fest tendency of the popular spir r traciscd, and looked upon the enfranchisement great reasons for hope that a drier of the loyal negroes as the salvation of the ! on the part of the national guvrrm whole loyal element. But their numbers and j duce innumerable and valuable influence are sadly insufficient to secure such i This consideration counsels lenity a result. The masses are strongly opposed to such as is demanded by the hum. colored suffrage ; anybody that dares to advo- i lightened spirit of our times, and vi cateitis stigmatized as a dangerous fanatic ;! ness in the carrying out of priucii nor do I deem it probable that in the ordinary i demanded by the national sense course of things prejudices will wear oil to such j tllu exigencies of our situation. I would entreat you to take m step towards relieving the S au-s ... \y iu lion from all national con rol, u; avor- ai) extent as to make it a popular measure. CONCLUSION. I may sum up all I have said in a few words. If nothing were necessary but to restore the machinery of government in the States lately in rebellion in point of form, the movements made able changes are clearly and umu lained. To that end, and by virtue of vou honored me with \viien to that end by the people of the South might comm unicate to you. freely and unn be considered satisfactory. But if itis required m y views as to tneasures of poli v proper I that the Southern people should also accornmo- a( i p} (H i. I would now ivsprcifu! date themselves to the results of the war in vou ;u l v ise i on^nss fo ,v;//</ OIH. point of spirit, those movements fall far shor.t gating cotn.mtttet* into the tioultn of what must be insisted upon. quire for themselves into the ac The loyalty of the masses and most, of the ( things before final action, is t<t!\\ . ople, consists in sub- fan of imck tibiiM to their rcpr< ere is, except in iu^ legislative branch of the govei itire absence of that ; withdrawal ot i he national conti. tjon of the country. I am-, f?ir, very respectfully, y< leaders of the Southern mission to necessity. dividual instances, an national spirit which forms the basis of truo loyalty and patriotism, The eintviioipahon of the slaves is submitted to only in BO fur a* chattel .slavery in the old form WJttld not b kept up, But although the yant, RETURN TO the circulation desk of any University of California Library or to the NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY Bldg. 400, Richmond Field Station University of California Richmond, CA 94804-4698 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 2-month loans may be renewed by calling (510)642-6753 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing books to NRLF Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date. DUE AS STAMPED BELOW SEMTONILL U.C. BERKELEY 12,000(11/95)