THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 FROM THE LIBRARY OF 
 
 JIM TULLY 
 
 GIFT OF 
 MRS. JIM TULLY
 
 M E M O I R S 
 
 TO SERVE FOR 
 
 THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I
 
 EMPRESS JOSEPHINE.
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 TO SERVE FOR THE 
 
 History of Napoleon I 
 
 From 1802 to 181 5 
 
 BY 
 
 Baron Claude-François de Méneval 
 
 I'rivafe 'secretary io Napoleon, First Consul and Emperor, Maître des Requêtes 
 
 at the Council of State under the Enipire, Officer of the Legion of 
 
 Honour and of the order of the Iron (^rown 
 
 (BoRN_'iN' Paris in 1778, died in the same city in 1850) 
 
 THE WORK COMPLETED BY THE ADDITION OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS, 
 AND ARRANGED AND EDITED BY HIS GRANDSON 
 
 Baron NAPOLEON JOSEPH DE MÉNEVAL 
 
 TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT H. SHERARD 
 
 WITH PHOTOGRAVURE PORTRAITS AND AUTOGRAPH LETTERS 
 VOL. II 
 
 CHEAP EDITION 
 
 LONDON 
 
 H U T C LI I N S O N *!v: CO. 
 
 34 PATERNOSTER ROW 
 1895
 
 PRINTED AT NIMEOUEN (nOLLANI>) 
 
 BY U. C. A. THIEME OF NIMEGUEN (HOLLAND) 
 
 AND 
 
 TALBOT HOUSE, ARUNDEL STREET, 
 
 LONDON, W.C.
 
 ce 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. . ... 
 
 PAGE. 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 78 
 
 
 III. ... 
 
 166 
 
 
 IV. . 
 
 246 
 
 
 V. 
 
 328 
 
 
 VI. 
 
 398 
 
 INDEX . 
 
 
 473 
 
 8^7ie0
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 TO SERVE FOR 
 
 THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 From 1802 to 1815. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Financial Crisis in 1806 — Operations of Ouvrard and the United 
 Bankers — The Emperor's Indignation Against the Job-mongers — Ouvrard's 
 Assurance — Measures Taken to Call in the Treasury Advances — M. 
 Barbé-Marbois"s Disgrace — M. Mollien Succeeds Him — About M. Dufresne, 
 M. de Marbois's Predecessor at the Treasury — Punishment of the General 
 Secretary — Exile of Certain Royalists — Mesdames de Chevreuse, de Staël, 
 and Récamier — Particulars About Them — Ten Years of Exile — Svstem of 
 Fusion and of Conciliation — Death of Pitt — Marriage of the Prince of 
 Baden with Stéphanie de Beauharnais — Ill-will of the Court of Baden — 
 Singular Rumours Concerning the Son of the Prince of Baden — The Emperor's 
 Decision in Favour of the Princess — Creation of Kingdoms, Duchies, and 
 Principalities — System of the French Empire — Prince Louis Bonaparte, King 
 of Holland — Dissolution of the Germanic Empire — The Rhine Confederation — 
 The Emperor of Germany Renounces his Title — Unrealized Project of a 
 Confederation of the North of Germany under the Protection of Prussia — 
 Solicitude of the Emperor for Individual Liberty — The Emperor's Decision 
 on the Triumphal Arches — Works of Improvement and Embellishment in 
 Paris and the Departments — Napoleon Pleased with the General Satisfaction — 
 His Visit to the Castle of Grignon — Napoleon's Private Life — His Physical 
 Constitution — His Illness in 1801 — Susceptibility of His Organs — His 
 Toilet — The Simplicity of his Dress — Bonaparte, as Lieutenant of Artillery — 
 The Imperial Levee — His Meals — Review of New Books — His Campaign- 
 Librar)'^ — Entrées — Couchées — Theatres — Hunts — Management of the Imperial 
 Household — Budget of the Civil List — M. de Talleyrand — Creation of Two 
 Places of Secretary to the Cabinet — A Three Days' Illness — The Emperor's 
 Dictation — I Obtain a Fellow-worker — Decree Establishing the Organization 
 of the Cabinet — Pension Accorded to Three Vaudeville Authors — A Poet 
 Delivered from the Half of a Stigma — Visit to the Manufactory of Calicoes 
 at Jouy — Arrangements for the Return of the Grande Armée to France — 
 Trial and Condemnation of the Bookseller Palm— Unsuccessful Negotiation 
 with Prussia — Circumstance which Brought About Pacific Communications 
 with Mr. Fox, the New English Minister — Unratified Treaty with M. 
 d'Oubril, a Russian Agent — The Death of Air. Fox Breaks off the Nego- 
 tiations — Bellicose Delirium at Berlin — M. de Knobclsdorf's Notes— Rupture 
 with Prussia — The Emperor's Departure for the Army — The Prussian 
 Campaign — Battles of Jena and Aucrstadt — A Letter from the Emperor to 
 
 VOL. II. I
 
 2 MENEVAL S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 the King of Prussia — Annihilation of the Prussian Armies — The Saxon 
 Prisoners Sent Back to Their King — The King of Prussia in Danger of 
 Being Taken Prisoner — The Emperor's Advent in Weimar — The Emperor's 
 Severity Towards the Duke of Brunswick — The Rosbach Column — Stays at 
 Potsdam and Charlottenburg — Details — Entry into Berlin — The Emperor's 
 Clemency Towards Prince Hatzfeld — Decree on the Continental Blockade — 
 Results of the Battles of Jena and Auerstadt — Surrender of Magdeburg — 
 Prince Jerome's Campaign in Silesia — Prussian Flags Sent to the King 
 of Wurtemberg — The Emperor's Resentment Against Those who had Pro- 
 voked the War — Respect Shown to the Members of the Royal Family who 
 had Remained in Berlin — Suspension of Arms not Ratified by the King of 
 Prussia — Entry of the French Army into Poland— The Emperor's Stay at 
 Posen — Enthusiasm of the Poles — Treaty with the King of Saxony — The 
 Madeleine Monument — Entry into Warsaw — Combats at Pultusk and Golymin 
 — The French Soldiers' Courage and Gaiety — Return to Warsaw — Baron 
 de Vincent — An Old Man of One Hundred and Seventeen — News of the 
 Hostile Arrangements of Austria — The Battle of Eylau — Brave Cavalrv 
 Charge — The Emperor's Letter to General d'Hautpoul — Bronze Statue Erected 
 to the Memory of this General— Illness of Marshal Augereau — Te Deinn 
 Chanted at St. Petersburg — Battle of Ostrolenka — The Emperor's Stay at 
 Eylau — His Offer to the King of Prussia to Conclude a Separate Peace with 
 Him — First Winter- quarters at Osterode — Multiplicity of Orders Given There 
 by the Emperor — Second Winter-quarters at the Castle of Finckenstein. 
 
 THE Emperor's return was hastened on by a very 
 grave crisis which affected the Bank of France. 
 The intensity of this crisis was attributed to various 
 causes which are mentioned in detail further on. The 
 depreciation of public paper occasioned thereby was 
 aggravated by a manoeuvre arranged in London, and 
 about which the English newspapers of the time 
 boasted. This manoeuvre consisted in producing by con- 
 certed means a bad rate on the Paris market, in order 
 to spread doubts as to the Bank's solvency, and to 
 excite a public panic, which would send all the holders 
 of Bank of France notes rushing to the Bank to get 
 cash in exchange. * 
 
 * " The object of the operation was to ruin tlic Bank of France by 
 suddenly creating a deficit, tliat is to say, by laking advantage of the 
 present state of things to take the Bank by surprise with a sudden 
 return of all the bank notes in circulation. We abstained from speak- 
 ing of this earlier, so as to await the result of the operation, and not 
 to jeopardize its success by revealing it too soon. As the stroke must 
 have been made at the time of writing, there is no further objection to 
 mentioning W'-Thr Observer, (a London newspaper) Sept. 22nd, 1805.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 3 
 
 The primary cause of the fall in public securities 
 was the emission of a very large number of receiver- 
 general debentures which were negotiated for the 
 realization of funds necessary for an operation made 
 in the name of the contractors to the French provision 
 company. This company had been previously charged 
 with the supply of all the provisions for the Spanish 
 fleet at Brest. This colossal operation proceeded from 
 an agreement which M. Ouvrard, the representative 
 of the company, had induced the King of Spain, who 
 was to share in the profits, to conclude. The company 
 undertook to supply the Spanish-American colonies 
 with everything they required in the way of provisions, 
 and to export all the productions, and all gold and 
 silver which these countries produced. This double 
 commercial and banking operation, almost unexampled, 
 and beyond the forces of the richest banks of the 
 present day, would have secured prodigious profits to 
 the company, had it been able to carry it out. Whilst 
 awaiting the realization of the funds which were to 
 be drawn from the Spanish colonies, immense capital 
 was necessary. The funds at the disposal of the pro- 
 vision society were far from being adequate. The 
 Bank, thanks to the influence of one of its governors, who 
 was one of the directors of the company, readily accepted 
 all the company's paper. The Public Treasury, on its 
 side, gave the company receiver-general debentures in 
 exchange for their promissory notes, so that the Bank 
 was in the position of having issued more notes than 
 it had cash to meet them w^ith, and the Treasury had 
 nothing but the company's paper in its chests, instead 
 of bills of real value. The company succeeded in 
 drawing from the Treasury bonds to the extent ot
 
 4 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon J 
 
 more than one hundred milhon francs in the financial 
 year of 1806. The negotiation of these bonds having 
 become known, and malevolent manoeuvres having 
 intensified the evil, the public took alarm, and stormed 
 the bank to get its notes converted into cash. 
 
 The Emperor heard of this financial crisis with great 
 anxiety. Immediately after his return to Paris he 
 called together a council, in which he caused himself 
 to be informed on all the operations of the provision 
 company, the embarrassed state of which was in con- 
 sequence exposed. The jMinister of the Treasury could 
 with difficulty defend and justify such financial transac- 
 tions. The Emperor could only accuse him of a want 
 of prudence — for his honesty was above doubt — and 
 blame him severely. The Emperor made M. Ouvrard 
 come to the council as the principal author of operations 
 which he was bound to consider as fatal to the Public 
 Treasury. Still under the impression of the critical 
 situation to which the want of resources would have 
 reduced him, and of the incalculable disasters which 
 would have come upon France if he had lost the 
 battle of Austerlitz, Napoleon addressed the severest 
 reproaches to M. Ouvrard. He said, amongst other 
 things, in a violent fit of indig'nation, that he wished 
 he could raise a gallows sufficiently lofty to hang him 
 on, as a lesson to the whole of France. M. Ouvrard, 
 who was standing behind the Grand Judge's chair, 
 bore this attack without appearing in the least affected 
 by it, and without saying a single word in his defence. 
 He withdrew without any confusion, although the 
 Emperor had very roughly ordered him to go away. 
 Whenever bankers were in question. Napoleon always 
 remembered with bitterness how he had been forced,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 5 
 
 on the 1 8th Brumaire — all the public chests being 
 empty — to address himself to the bankers to procure 
 the means for governmental necessities, and how he 
 had to make agreements with them of the kind which 
 young gentlemen of family make with usurers. This 
 resentment, which was perhaps too exclusive, will not 
 surprise those who know how much he detested spe- 
 culative financial operations and usurious profits, and to 
 what a degree he esteemed regularity, order, and economy. 
 
 Napoleon pursued the job-mongers without respite, 
 and when he was unable to bring them into the clutches 
 of the law, he would disgrace them for ever by means 
 of the printing-press. The Moiiiteur is full of articles 
 holding them up to public contempt. The examination 
 which he had made of the accounts of people who had 
 the audacity to represent themselves as creditors of 
 the State had proved, on the contrary, to his satisfaction, 
 that the claims were unsound, and that they were 
 debtors to the Public Treasury. The experience which, 
 in this respect, he had acquired in Italy, and in the 
 command of his armies, had inspired him with a preju- 
 dice against the jobbers, which was often only too 
 well justified. As Napoleon had found amongst the 
 contractors more robbers of the public purse, and more 
 corrupters of morals, than anywhere else, this class 
 more particularly excited his detestation. As much as 
 he hated the publicans, who had grown rich by immoral 
 means, so much did he respect those whose fortunes 
 had an untarnished source, and who had acquired them 
 by their honesty, their industry, and their intelligence. 
 
 On the morrow of the painful scene which M. Ouvrard 
 had had to endure^ one of his friends, a M. Haller, 
 came to dine with the Minister of Finance. He spoke
 
 6 MÉNEVAL'S IMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 to the minister of the bankers' affair, which at that 
 time was occupying everybody's mind, and told him 
 that he had heard with pleasure that this matter, which 
 at first had appeared so menacing for its authors, was 
 under way of settlement, that the Emperor had not 
 wished to appear satisfied with ]\I. Ouvrard's explana- 
 tions, but that in his heart he readily admitted his 
 genius for finance. jM. Haller went so far as to add 
 that M. Ouvrard expected to receive later on the 
 decoration of the Legion of Honour, as a mark of the 
 Emperor's appreciation of his talents. The ]\Iinister 
 was stupefied at the effrontery of those who gave such 
 a complexion to the issue of an operation of which 
 the promoters had so little reason to be proud. If the 
 man who had been the soul of this enterprise enter- 
 tained such a hope, there is less reason for surprise. 
 His confidence in his own genius was unshakable, and 
 he yielded blindly to his vocation for enormous financial 
 enterprises. During the Hundred Days, the Emperor 
 addressed himself again to J\I. Ouvrard, who was to be 
 commissioned with the supplies for the army. The loss of 
 the battle of Waterloo put an end to their relations. 
 
 Napoleon obliged the bankers to return all the bonds 
 they held to the Treasury, and sequestrated their 
 property as security for what they still had to restore. 
 
 Authentic documents* give a total of one hundred 
 and forty millions as the amount owing to the Treasury 
 by M. Ouvrard and his partners. Sixty millions were 
 paid by Spain, by means of a loan which the Spanish 
 government contracted in Holland, and thanks to the 
 co-operation which M. Mollien obtained from ]\Iessrs. 
 
 * The printed but unpublished "Memoirs of M. Mollien," formerly 
 Minister of the Treasury.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 7 
 
 Hope and Baring for the recovery of Spanish piastres 
 in Mexico. The balance of eighty-two millions was 
 covered in part by fourteen millions produced by the 
 seizure of real estate belonging to the bankers; by 
 large returns to the Treasury, which were recovered 
 as the result of a lawsuit between the various partners, 
 in their fight for the spoils; by what was found 
 due to them by the army and navy departments, when 
 their claims against these two services were gone into; 
 by the value of the stores which were seized in their 
 depots for the army and navy; and, finally, because 
 they only received the third, or the half of the price 
 of their suppHes during the years 1806 and 1807, until 
 their liabilities towards the Government were fully 
 discharged. Thanks to these palliatives, the Emperor, 
 continuing the company's commission to supply the army 
 and navy departments, controlled his resentment, and 
 did not put into execution the severe measures which 
 he had ordered against Ouvrard and his partners. 
 
 The general secretary to the Ministry of the Public 
 Treasury, who was guilty of having allowed himself to 
 be bribed by the bankers, was dismissed from the service 
 and forced to restore to the sinking fund a larg-e sum 
 which he was alleged to have received from them. 
 His wife frequently came to the palace bringing 
 petitions and letters of justification, which the Emperor 
 always refused to receive. 
 
 M. Barbé-]\Iarbois lost his portfolio. Everybody 
 was surprised at the reason of his disgrace. He was 
 considered the Cerberus of the Treasury, and showed, 
 in the exercise of his functions, a severity which had 
 made him enemies. A caricature represented him 
 standing on the balcony of the jMinistry building,
 
 8 MÉXEVAL'S ME]\I0IRS of NAPOLEON I, 
 
 noting down the clerks who came late, in a little 
 book; whilst his secretary, who was standing behind 
 him, was drawing millions out of the iMinister's pockets. 
 There are circumstances in life when the mind 
 slumbers, and allows itself to be led away, during 
 this suspension of its free will, to commit unexplainable 
 acts. The Emperor no doubt thought so; for two years 
 later he gave his former IMinister a proof of the trust 
 he had in his honesty in appointing him first president 
 of the Audit Office. Later on he gave him a place 
 in the Senate. Nevertheless, — it must be because 
 wounds inflicted on vanity are incurable — M. Barbé- 
 Marbois, who had been recalled from exile by Napo- 
 leon, and who owed all to him, assisted in Napoleon's 
 overthrow, in 1814, with an ardour which the Emperor 
 might well describe as ungrateful. 
 
 jSI. Barbé-Marbois had succeeded to M. Bertrand- 
 Dufresne in the general direction of the Public Treasury, 
 which, six months later, was raised to a j\Iinistry. M. 
 Dufresne had been proposed by Consul Lebrun, who 
 respected him for his honesty and his talents. He had 
 justified the First Consul's choice by introducing a system 
 of order and clearness into the book-keeping, which 
 enabled one, at a glance, at any time, to see the 
 exact state of the Public Treasury. This was an 
 invaluable quality in Napoleon's eyes, and he showed 
 the greatest regret at the loss of J\L Dufresne. He 
 went to see him some days before his death, and 
 ordered a bust of him to be placed in one of the 
 rooms of the Treasury. Lie had given a fresh proof 
 of his political tolerance in occupying M. Dufresne, 
 whose attachment to the Bourbons was well known 
 to him. It was learned after the Restoration that,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 9 
 
 in accepting the direction of the Treasury, M. Dufresne 
 had had his acceptance ratified by the Comte de Lille. 
 He had written to this prince on the subject and had 
 received from him an answer which was printed in 
 1 814. He was, moreover, not the only one who 
 looked on the Comte de Lille as the lawful master 
 of France. ]\Ij\L Royer-CoUard, Becquey-Beaupré, 
 Cuvier, Boscheron-Desportes, and others, used to cor- 
 respond with the brother of Louis XVI. 
 
 M. MoUien, who combined the strictest integrity 
 with the widest experience of financial matters, and 
 considerable wit, which is never in the way, owed his 
 acquaintance with Napoleon to Joseph Bonaparte. He 
 had submitted to the government a plan of organization 
 of the sinking fund, and had been placed at the head 
 of this department. The Emperor called him to the 
 ]\Iinistry of the Treasury after M. Barbé-jMarbois's dis- 
 grace, and replaced him at the sinking fund by Béren- 
 ger, the Councillor of State. M. Mollicn rendered 
 eminent services in his management of the Public 
 Treasury, both by the creation of a service fund, and 
 by other important improvements. 
 
 The blow struck by the financial crisis at public 
 credit was promptly effticed by the vigorous action of 
 the government. But, in investigating the various 
 causes which had contributed to produce this crisis, 
 the police had discovered that the royalist opposition, 
 in duping the public by means of false alarms, had 
 created a panic amongst the holders of public bonds, 
 and were undermining the credit of the State. 
 
 Twelve or fifteen individuals were condemned by the 
 police as incorrigible, and their removal from Paris was pro- 
 posed. Mesdames d'Avaux, de Chevreuse, and Rccamier,
 
 lo méxeval's :\iemoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 and MM. de Duras, I.assalle, Montrond, and others 
 were of the number. With the exception of Madame 
 de Chevreuse, the order for the banishment of all was 
 sent on from jMunich to the Ministry of Police. Fouché 
 did not omit to tell them that he was only obeying 
 a direct order from the Emperor, whereas, as a matter 
 of fact, it was he who had brought it about. ]\I. de 
 Talleyrand, who was with the Emperor, was in com- 
 munication with the Duchesse de Luynes, Madame de 
 Chevreuse's mother-in-law. He averted the blow which 
 was about to fall on the latter, undertook to be surety 
 for her, and advised the Emperor to appoint her lady- 
 in-attendance in the Empress's palace ; although, as a 
 matter of fact, jMadame de Chevreuse was the le?.der 
 of the royalist intrigues of which the Luynes mansion 
 was the theatre. The disgrace into which this lady 
 afterwards fell was caused by the unceasing sarcasms 
 and bitter railleries which she allowed herself to indulge 
 in at Josepliine's court, and which were patiently endured 
 by the kind-hearted Empress. Napoleon, however, was 
 deeply hurt by this inconsiderate conduct, and his 
 patience, under this persevering and malevolent opposi- 
 tion, broke down one day, when Madame de Chevreuse 
 replied to a lady-in-attendance, who had told her that 
 she had been selected to attend Marie Louise, Queen 
 of Spain, with the words: "I was not made to be a 
 female warder," He was disgusted with Madame de 
 Chevreuse for renewing her offences, after she had 
 accepted her pardon and a place in the Empress's 
 household at his hands. He exiled her to forty leagues 
 from Paris, and would not allow her to return, in spite 
 of all the applications and petitions which were made 
 to him to grant her her pardon.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 11 
 
 jVIadame de Récamier had been drawn over to the 
 opposition by Madame de Staël, and by her own 
 animosity against the Emperor. This was the reason of 
 her enmity : M. Bernard, Madame de Récamier's father, 
 being director of the post-office, had lent his name 
 and patronage to a periodical edited by one of his 
 friends, the Abbé Guyot, which attacked the government, 
 the First Consul, and his family. He was arrested. 
 His daughter in vain protested his innocence. ]\I. Ber- 
 nard having been found guilty of abuse of confidence 
 might have been sent to trial ; he was only dismissed. 
 The Récamier firm having failed during the financial 
 crisis of 1806, Madame de Récamier was forced to 
 leave Paris, which she visited from time to time, spend- 
 ing her time partly there and partly in Coppet, from 
 which place she brought with her the quarrelsome 
 spirit of Madame de Staël and her coterie. She found 
 herself in consequence involved in Madame de Staël's 
 disgrace. Madame de Staël was flattered at being able 
 to hold in bondage a woman celebrated for her beauty, 
 who was the object of the admiration of all the fashion- 
 able world. 
 
 It delighted her to hear people say that the connection 
 of two women famous the one for her graces and the 
 other for her wit, was the alliance of genius and of 
 beauty. During Madame de Récamier's stay at Coppet, 
 Prince Augustus of Prussia, son of Prince Ferdinand, 
 and nephew of the great Frederick, fell violently in 
 love with her, and went so far, it is said, as to sign 
 a promise of marriage with his blood. This promise 
 was returned to him some time later, and was only 
 accepted with reluctance, for he remained constantly 
 attached to her. It was for her that he ordered from
 
 12 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I, 
 
 the painter Gerard the fine picture of Corinna's im- 
 provisation at Cape Misene. Madame de Récamier 
 was not banished. She had condemned herself to 
 voluntary exile in the provinces. It was only when 
 she began to take an active part in Madame de Staël's 
 opposition that she was forbidden to return to Paris- 
 After three years spent at Chalons, Lyons, and Geneva, 
 she made a journey in Italy, and did not return to 
 France till 1814. 
 
 As to Madame de Staël, the merited literary reputa- 
 tion which she enjoyed, her virile talents, her passion 
 for fame, her irresistible mania for meddling with the 
 affairs of the government, her quarrelsome nature, the 
 charm of her conversation — which always sparkled 
 with flashes of wit — had given her an influence over 
 the political men of the period which she abused. 
 Madame de Staël had been an ardent admirer of 
 General Bonaparte. Although her overdone flattery 
 had inspired him with an aversion towards her, he 
 still received her whilst he was First Consul, but he 
 answered her importunities with coldness. This contempt 
 for her advances was sufficient — although it has been 
 said that some financial interest was mixed up in it — 
 to change Madame de Staël's devotion into an antipathy 
 which soon revealed itself in open opposition. The 
 interest which is naturally inspired by a weak woman, 
 who cries out against the tyranny of an all-powerful 
 man, gave her the popularity of persecution. But it 
 has not been said that the Head of the State put up 
 with her continual hostilities during three years; that 
 during this period she had treated his warnings and 
 notices with contempt; that this tolerance had encour- 
 aged her to stir up opposition against him on every
 
 iméxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 13 
 
 side, with a view to punishing him for not calHng her 
 to his council; that her drawing-room was a poUtical 
 club where the acts of the government were bitterly 
 censured, and where, without any concealment, people 
 were urged on to open revolt against the authority 
 of the Head of the State; that this woman was a 
 power who crossed Napoleon in the work of conciliation 
 which he had undertaken ; and lastly, that it was only 
 after three years of long-suffering that she was finally 
 removed from Paris. But this woman, who could not 
 endure an existence far from the theatre on which her 
 active mind wished to bestir itself, took recourse to the 
 most urgent solicitation to be allowed to return to 
 Paris. She knocked at every door, she even managed 
 to creep up close to the beloved Paris, to which she 
 always hoped to be able to return. I had spent several 
 months of the summer of iSoi with her and her two 
 children at Mortfontaine, where she was putting forth 
 all the seductions of her wit to captivate the proprietor 
 of this charming retreat. She took advantage of 
 this circumstance to write me, from Blois, some 
 twenty most eloquent letters to which, however, I was 
 unable to answer in conformity with her wishes. I 
 had no consolation to give this woman, who was as 
 much to be pitied as to be blamed, victim as she was 
 of her nature, and whose judgment, as Napoleon used 
 to say, was not on a level with her brilliant imagination 
 and rare faculties. Madame de Staël was forced to 
 return to Coppet. Her resentment then knew no 
 limits and she went to seek the echoes of her hatred 
 amongst our enemies. She has filled a book — which 
 in the interest of her reputation had better not have 
 been published— with all the bitterness of her feelings,
 
 14 :méneval's jsiemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 expressing the hope that France should suffer reverses 
 which would open her eyes to the fact that Napoleon 
 was the author of all her troubles, and stir her up to 
 shake off his yoke. 
 
 This book, entitled " Ten Years of Exile, " was 
 printed after her death. I have seen a copy which 
 had belonged to Commissary-generar Boisnod. After 
 the title was written: "A work written to justify 
 Napoleon's persecution of the authoress." 
 
 The virulence of this famous woman's temper, and 
 her mental excitability, could not go without food. 
 Several liiiisons were made and broken off at the 
 retreat in Coppet, to while away her leisure hours. 
 M. Barante, a retired magistrate, who was at that 
 time Prefect of Geneva, patronized Madame de Staël, 
 and treated her with more tolerance than was approved 
 of by Napoleon. In the course of this magistrate's 
 frequent visits to the Château of Coppet his son made 
 Madame de Staël's acquaintance, and captivated her 
 with his remarkable intelligence. To such a degree 
 indeed, that when the younger M. de Barante left 
 Coppet to go to Paris to enter upon à career in 
 which, owing to his talents, he could look for a high 
 position, Madame de Staël was so affected by his loss 
 that she tried to commit suicide. * 
 
 * It may be of interest to read two letters written by Napoleon 
 concerning Madame de Staël. These letters have only been published 
 quite recently. The first is dated from Pultusk, Dec. 31st, 1806, and 
 is addressed to " Monsieur Fouché, Minister of the General Police, in 
 Paris": 
 
 "Monsieur Fouché, if M. Chenier ])ermits himself to make the 
 slightest remark, inform him that I shall give orders for him to be 
 sent to the St. Marguerite Islands. The time for fooling has passed 
 by. Let him keep quiet; it is his only right. Don't allow that rascally 
 Madame de .Staël to approach Paris. I know that she is not far frf)m it." 
 
 The second letter was addressed from Venice to Marshal Victor,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon t. 15 
 
 It has been thought that Napoleon was fascinated 
 by the old nobility of the Court. The object which 
 he had in view in drawing to the imperial court 
 representatives of the old families was part of his 
 system of fusion, and proceeded from the determination 
 he had taken to render himself responsible for whatever 
 was distinguished in France. It is certain that he 
 always had a preference for the classes who by the 
 length of their services, as well as by a good educa- 
 tion, more particularly attracted his attention. He 
 used to consider them more interested in the stability 
 of the things he had founded than the Republicans, 
 who were always hostile to the principles of his ad- 
 ministration, and who dreamed of an ideal government. 
 This is the reason why he has always been considered 
 to have taken the inheritance, not the maxims, of the 
 monarchies which had preceded his. That was one 
 of the reasons of his partiality for M. de Talleyrand, 
 who was one of his principal agents in this work of 
 amalgamation and conciliation. Napoleon had already 
 begun it, from the time of his accession to power, 
 by appointing the Dues de Choiseul-Praslin and de 
 Luynes, Senators. He had continued it with success, 
 and there can be no doubt that if his reign had lasted 
 longer all trace of division amongst the classes would 
 
 who was governor of Berlin at that time. It is dated December 6th, 
 and runs as follows : 
 
 " ^ly cousin, I am in receipt of tlie letter in which you inform me 
 that Prince Augustus of Prussia is misconducting himself in Berlin. 
 It does not surprise me, for he is a man of no intelligence. He spent 
 his time in making love to Madame de Staël, at Coppet, and could gain 
 none but bad principles there. He must not be overlooked. Inform 
 him that the very first lime that he says anything, you will have him 
 arrested and locked up in a fortress, and that you Avill Ljnd him Madame 
 do Staël to comfort him. There is nothing more cringing than all tliese 
 Prussian princes." — R. H. s.
 
 1 6 :^iéxeval's memoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 have disappeared. He had recognized the fact that, 
 especially in his relations with the governments of 
 Europe, his ambassadors, if chosen from old families, 
 would be better able to assume a part in the courts 
 to which they were delegated, and that their affiliation 
 to the freemasonry of aristocracy would be of real 
 service to him. 
 
 At the time of the Emperor's return to Paris, Mr. 
 Pitt closed, on January 23rd, his short, laborious career. 
 This Minister, who had entered Parliament at the age 
 of twenty-two, and had become Chancellor of the Exche- 
 quer at twent3'-thrce, died at the age of forty-seven 
 after having, by the ascendency of his genius, exer- 
 cised for many years an almost absolute empire over 
 the destinies of England and Europe, worn-out with work 
 and the cares of office, his constitution undermined 
 by an inherited disease, and mortally wounded by the 
 victory of Austerlitz which overthrew all his plans. He 
 bequeathed to his country the legacy of war to the death 
 against the French Revolution and its representative, as 
 well as a national debt beyond counting. Events uncon- 
 nected with any plans, and catastrophes which it was 
 impossible to foresee, have given the victory to a 
 policy of constant and irreconcilable hatred towards 
 France. * Its fruits were not harvested by England 
 until many years after Pitt's death, whose last moments 
 
 * M. dc Mcncval omits to mention tliat a "policy of constant and 
 irrcconcilal)le hatred " towards lùi^land guided all Napoleon's acts almost 
 from the beginning of his political career. Just before his dcpartiu'e to 
 Egypt, in inviting young Albert Permon, the brother of the future 
 Duchess d'Abrantcs, from whose "Memoirs " I quote his remarks, he 
 exclaimed: "Ah, you think in Paris that we are at last going to attack 
 England ? The Parisians are not mistaken ; it is indeed to abase this 
 impertinent nation that we arc taking up arms. England! If my voice
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 17 
 
 were troubled by the doubts — with which he descended 
 into the grave — of the success of his plans. 
 
 This implacable adversary of Napoleon was suc- 
 ceeded by an illustrious rival, a partisan of peace, who 
 was all the more disposed towards a reconciliation 
 with France, because of his recent relations with the 
 Head of the French Government: we mean Mr. Fox. 
 
 The same policy which had united a princess of 
 Bavaria to Prince Eugene, determined the marriage of 
 the hereditary prince of Baden to one of the Empress 
 Josephine's nieces. This prince of Baden succeeded 
 his grandfather in 181 1, his father having died, in 1801, 
 from the effects of a fall which he met with as he was 
 returning from St. Petersburg, where he had been to 
 visit his daughter, the wife of the Grand-duke Alexan- 
 der, who afterwards became Emperor of Russia. The 
 Prince of Baden, had, in 1 806, tw^o other sisters, mar- 
 ried to the Kings of Sweden and Bavaria. This house, 
 which owes its elevation to Napoleon, only possessed 
 a simple margravate in 1803, and, in spite of this, 
 three of its daughters had already then been placed 
 on thrones. 
 
 The reigning Grand-duke felt sincere gratitude 
 towards the Emperor, but his heart was animated 
 with anti-French feelings. The union of the young heir- 
 apparent with Napoleon's adopted daughter was dis- 
 turbed, at first, by abominable intrigues. I can remem- 
 ber the minute details contained in AI. de Thiars's 
 letters on the insulting expressions which the young" 
 prince's mother, the ]\Iargravine, and the ^Margrave 
 
 has any influence, England shall never have a moment's respite from 
 us. Yes ! Yes ! War to the death vith England ! always .... until her 
 utter destruction". Such were Napoleon's sentiments. — R. H. s. 
 
 VOL. IL 2
 
 1 8 MENEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 Louis, his brother-in-law, used in reference to Napo- 
 leon's brothers and sisters-in-law, and on the efforts 
 which were made in this hostile camp to sow discord 
 between the two spouses. M. de Thiars, one of the 
 Emperor's chamberlains, who during the emigration 
 had established certain relations in some minor German 
 courts, had been sent to Carlsruhe, without any offi- 
 cial character, to prepare alliances with the houses of 
 Bavaria and Baden. 
 
 The Princess Stephanie's virtue and the Emperor's 
 solicitude preserved Josephine's niece from the pitfalls 
 which had been prepared for her. The couple were 
 reconciled by Napoleon's attentions, and the peace, once 
 re-established, was not again disturbed. The Grand- 
 duke, having had the misfortune to lose his son at an 
 early age, was succeeded — at his death in 1818 — by 
 his uncle the Margrave Louis Augustus William. The 
 most sinister rumours were set afloat on the premature 
 death of the Grand-duke's son and a disappearance 
 rather than a death, is still believed in in Germany. 
 If public rumour is to be believed this child was the 
 Jasper Hauser, whose appearance in 1826 gave rise 
 to so many conjectures. The mystery which still 
 envelops this new ]\Ian with the Iron Mask has given 
 the reins to the dreamy imagination of the Germans. 
 Jasper Hauser had been brought up in such a state of 
 sequestration that this wretched child had never seen 
 a human being during the earliest years of his child- 
 hood; his intelligence, deprived of all food, had not 
 been able to develop. When he made his appearance, 
 in 1828, in Nuremberg, he could hardly make himself 
 understood, his language being almost unintelligible. 
 This wretched child was suddenly kidnapped from the
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. I g 
 
 hands of those* to whom he had been entrusted and, 
 some days later, was found bathed in his blood. 
 Having barely recovered from this attempted murder f 
 Jasper Hauser was murdered, and the authors of this 
 double crime were never discovered. It was supposed 
 from the fatal issue of his cruel destiny that his per- 
 secutors, fearing the effects of public interest in the 
 wretched youth, and the discovery of his origin, had 
 sacrificed him for their safety. The well-known feelings 
 of the Margrave Louis, the interest which he had in 
 removing the obstacle which stood between him and 
 the throne, the tendency of human imagination to 
 assign tragic and extraordinary causes to mysterious 
 occurrences in which lofty personages are involved, 
 have given rise in this matter to the strangest suppo- 
 sitions. ** 
 
 The Grand-duke Charles Louis Frederic, Princess 
 Stéphanie Napoleon's husband, had declared, before 
 dying, that the Counts of Hochberg, his half-brothers, 
 the issue of a morganatic marriage contracted by his 
 grandfather the JMargrave Charles Frederick, in 1777, 
 with the Countess of Hochberg, were eligible for the 
 succession to the throne. The Grand-duke Charles 
 Louis, in calling the Counts of Hochberg to the throne, 
 had thus realized the wishes of Napoleon, who was 
 greatly interested in them. The two elder brothers 
 
 * Jasper Hauser was being brought up by Daumer the author and 
 Lord Stanhope. — R. H. S. 
 
 jThe first attack on his life took place on October 17th, 1829, and 
 the second and fatal one on December 14th, 1833, at Anspach. Hauser 
 died three days later. — R. H. s. 
 
 **The falseness of the supposition that Hauser was a member of 
 the royal house of Baden has been proved to the satisfaction of most 
 people by Mittelstaedt. Julius Meyer, in his "Authentische Mitteihtngeii," 
 published in 1872, describes Jasper Hauser as an impostor. — r. h. s.
 
 20 méneval's :\iemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 had served in the French army, under his eyes, with 
 distinction. Prince Leopold Charles Frederic became 
 reigning Grand-duke in virtue of this decision. 
 
 The marriage of Stéphanie Beauhamais with the 
 hereditary Prince of Baden took place on IMarch 4th, 
 1806. Prince Eugene and Queen Hortense, adopted 
 by the Emperor, had added the name of Napoleon to 
 theirs. The same took place with Princess Stéphanie: 
 
 "Paris, March 3rd, 1806. 
 
 " It being our desire that the Princess Stéphanie Napoleon, 
 our daughter, should enjoy all the prerogatives due to her 
 rank — she will place herself at our side in all Court drawing- 
 rooms, fêtes, and at table, and in the case of our absence 
 she will place herself to the right of the Empress. 
 
 "(Signed) Napoleon." 
 
 The result of the latest victories had been the estab- 
 lishment of new kingdoms and grand-duchies in 
 Germany. What Napoleon had done for foreign princes, 
 who might one day forget what they owed to France, 
 he considered his power sufficiently well-established to 
 repeat in the heart of his vast empire. It was naturally 
 in his own family that he had to look for support. 
 Prince Joseph, his elder brother, was placed on the 
 throne of Naples; and Prince Louis, his other brother, 
 received the crown of Flolland. Prince JMurat, his 
 brother-in-law, received the grand-duchy of Berg, 
 composed of provinces which had been ceded by Prussia ; 
 Prince Eugene had the viceroyalty of Italy. These 
 princes retained their dignities as Grand-Elector, Con- 
 stable, Grand Admiral and Archchancellor of State. 
 In conferring these independent sovereignties on the
 
 MÉNEVAL'S jMExMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 2 1 
 
 members of his family, Napoleon wished to retain 
 them at the same time in the interests of their mother- 
 country by bonds destined to remind them at all times 
 of their origin, and their duties towards France. The 
 establishment of the principalities and duchies in Italy 
 was an outcome of the same system. A new dynasty 
 needed to be supported by an intermediate and powerful 
 class, more particularly interested in the stability of insti- 
 tutions, and in the solidity and splendour of the throne; 
 and which might give, as Napoleon expressed it, points 
 of correspondence and support to the Great Empire. 
 These high dignities were in no sense a danger to 
 public liberty, and did not violate the principles of 
 equality which had been consecrated by the French 
 Revolution. They conferred neither rights nor particular 
 privileges on their titularies ; they were purely honorary, 
 and were open to all citizens of every class, in propor- 
 tion to their services and their capacities. They were 
 the means of bestowing rewards which had been deserved 
 and had been promised. They had also the advantage 
 of stimulating a salutary emulation by holding out to 
 all kinds of merit the prospect of these splendid proofs 
 of public gratitude. 
 
 The Emperor bestowed the Duchy of Guastalla on 
 his sister Princess Pauline Borghese. The province of 
 Neufchatel was raised to a principality, and the sove- 
 reignty given to ]\Iarshal Berthier, Napoleon's oldest 
 ■comrade-in-arms. The Archchancellor Cambacérès 
 was created Prince of Parma; the Archtreasurer 
 Lebrun, Prince of Placenza; Talleyrand, Prince de 
 Bénévent; and Bernadette, Prince de Ponte-Corvo. 
 
 Twelve duchies were created in Italy. These duchies 
 conferred no authority, but each carried with it an
 
 2 2 aiéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 income of sixty thousand francs, taken from the 
 revenues reserved to the Emperor. These were the 
 duchies of Dalmatia, Istria, Frioul, Cadora, Belluna, 
 Conegliano, Treviso, Feltre, Bassano, Vicence, Padua, 
 and Rovigo. 
 
 The kingdom of Naples supplied four more, namely 
 the duchies of Gaeta, Otranto, Tarentum, and Reggio, 
 without counting the principalities of Bénévent and 
 Ponte-Corvo. These two small territories, wedged into 
 the territory of the kingdom of Naples, had been incor- 
 porated into this State to the great displeasure of the 
 Papal Government, which alleged a claim to their 
 possession. 
 
 Duchies situated in the kingdoms of Italy and of 
 Naples were held in reserve, to be distributed as rewards 
 for new services. The principal city of Lucca had to 
 its charge the duchy of Massa, which was not filled 
 till 1809, in the person of M. Régnier, the former 
 Grand Judge. In the month of April, 1806, a deputa- 
 tion composed of high Dutch functionaries came to 
 Paris to agree with the Emperor on the basis of a 
 treaty by which a monarchy, based on constitutional 
 laws, should be founded in Holland. After negotiations 
 which lasted several months this monarchy was pro- 
 claimed on June 15th, and conferred on Louis Bona- 
 parte, whose personal inclinations had not been con- 
 sulted, and who would have preferred the government 
 of Genoa or of Piedmont. Napoleon, however, declared 
 to him that he had no right to refuse a throne which 
 he (Napoleon) had erected for him in the interests of 
 the Empire. The death of the last Stadhouder, and 
 his heir's renunciation of his rights, smoothed over the 
 difficulties and calmed the new king's scruples.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 23 
 
 King Louis of Holland left, accordingly, a week later 
 to take possession of his States, accompanied by Queen 
 Hortense and their children. During the week which 
 preceded their departure, he occupied himself with the 
 Dutch deputation in acquiring a general knowledge 
 of the affairs of their country, and had daily conferences 
 with the Emperor. He proceeded at first to the Castle 
 du Bois, near the Hague, and some days later made 
 his formal entry into the capital of the Netherlands, 
 where he received the fealty of the former masters of 
 the country, his new subjects. Royal honours had been 
 paid him during the whole of his journey across French 
 territory. On his entry into Holland the people, and 
 all classes of society, received him with great enthusiasm 
 and manifestations of joy. The new sovereign applied 
 himself from the moment of his arrival, with the 
 assiduity and conscientiousness which characterized 
 him, in providing for the principal needs of the govern- 
 ment. He afterwards went to Wiesbaden, near May- 
 ence, to take the waters, hoping by these means to 
 check the progress of a disease which had been tor- 
 turing him for several years past. The first steps 
 which King Louis took in the government of his 
 kingdom, without any thought of opposition, crossed 
 the views which the Emperor had had in sending him 
 to Holland. Animated by the most straightforward 
 intentions. Napoleon's brother was only acting in 
 obedience to the impulse of his nature, and he always 
 had the courage of his faults. Married against his 
 will, created a king in spite of himself, he revolted 
 at the thought that he was the victim of the arbitrary 
 will of his powerful brother. He wished to be inde- 
 pendent on a throne which he thought purchased by
 
 24 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 the sacrifice of his will and his tastes, as if he had 
 acquired the crown by the right of birth. Jealous of 
 his liberty of rule, encouraged in his resistance by the 
 interested approval of our enemies, we shall soon see 
 him taking pleasure in defying the consequences of 
 his opposition. 
 
 The changes inaugurated in Germany by the treaty 
 of Lunéville, and consummated by the treaty of Pres- 
 burg, had disorganized the ancient German empire, 
 whose edifice was falling into ruins. Austria and 
 the German princes fought for the fragments; the 
 diet was by this fact dissolved. Napoleon was asked 
 by the Prince Elector, the Chancellor Dalberg, and 
 by various other people, to take Germany under 
 his protection. He decided in consequence to form 
 a new confederation which should include the Southern 
 German States. The Elector Archchancellor became 
 the principal agent in these negotiations. The 
 King of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, the Grand- 
 dukes of Baden and of Berg, and the Landgrave of 
 Hesse-Darmstadt subscribed to this reorganization. 
 Austria professed indifference to what was happening". 
 Prussia, who would have been glad to take over some 
 part of the inheritance of Austria, was more active, 
 but was not consulted in the matter, and was excluded 
 from all the arrangements made. At last the nego- 
 tiations, which had been carried on in secret for three 
 months, having been concluded, a treaty establishing 
 the new confederation was signed on the 12th of July, 
 and published some days later. The confederation was 
 placed under the protectorate of the Emperor of the 
 French, and took the title of the Confederation of 
 the Rhine, a title which determined the limits of its
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 25 
 
 sphere of action. The principal negotiator was rewarded 
 with the dignity of Prince-Primate, and with the gift 
 of the grand-duchy of Frankfort which was created 
 in his favour. The Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt 
 became Grand-duke. 
 
 To the notification of the treaty, which was made 
 to him, the Emperor of Germany rephed by resigning 
 this title and assuming that of Francis I., Emperor of 
 Austria. Prussia was invited to form a confederation 
 of the North which would have been composed of the 
 Electorate of Hesse-Cassel, the ducal Saxonies, the 
 two States of Mecklenburg and the secondary princi- 
 palities of Germany. This overture was received with 
 favour by the Berlin Cabinet, but soon suspicion as to 
 the sincerity of the French Government was aroused. 
 The Berlin IMinisters gave credence to certain false 
 allegations, which were supported by the reports of 
 the Prussian agents, accredited to countries which were 
 hostile to France. The adversaries of the French 
 alUance persuaded the King- of Prussia that the Emperor 
 Napoleon was secretly offering provinces belonging to 
 Prussia to the princes of states which were to form 
 part of the confederation of the North, so as to draw 
 them into the Confederation of the Rhine. The truth 
 is that on the contrary Prussia wanted to subjugate 
 the Kingdom of Saxony, and to dominate the Han- 
 scatic towns by drawing them into the confederation 
 of the North. Napoleon, for political reasons which it 
 is easy to understand, approved of Saxony's refusal to 
 subscribe to this scheme, and declared that the Han- 
 seatic towns were to remain separate from any con- 
 lederation. The Court of Berlin submitted and raised 
 no further objections. It had already acknowledged
 
 20 MÉNEVAL'S ^SIEAIOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 the Confederation of the Rhine, and appeared to have 
 no other object in view than to form a confederation 
 of the States which were the neighbours of Prussia. 
 Thus brooded and grew the rancour of Prussia against 
 France, in spite of Napoleon's very sincere desire to 
 make an ally of this rival of his ambition. 
 
 "Whilst occupying himself with these lofty political 
 speculations the Emperor's attention was equally 
 bestowed on the details of the government of the 
 interior of his Empire. He had heard that the prisons 
 of Brussels w^ere crowded with people who had been 
 arrested on the denunciation, too carelessly listened 
 to, of old brigands, who had tried to gain their freedom 
 by denouncing to justice alleged criminals who had 
 escaped punishment. Napoleon wrote the following 
 letter on this subject to Berlier, a Privy Councillor: — 
 
 "MoNS. Berlier, — I hear that there are a large number 
 of arrested persons in the prisons of Brussels, and that they are 
 deprived of the necessaries of life. My desire is that you 
 proceed without any delay to this city, there to confer with 
 my imperial procurer, the president of the criminal court, 
 and with the prefect, that you interrogate each of the pri- 
 soners in turn, and that you report to me what is the reason 
 that such a number of persons are under arrest, and why 
 they are not brought to trial. You know how anxious I am 
 that criminals should be severely punished, but also that no 
 innocent man should suffer. You will base your line of 
 action on these principles. And hereupon I pray God to 
 have you in His holy keeping, 
 
 " (Signed) NxVPOleon." 
 
 "Paris, March 17th, 1806." 
 
 The result of M. Berlier's mission was that five 
 hundred prisoners were set at liberty, their innocence
 
 JMÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 21 
 
 having been proved. The Emperor ordered the Grand 
 Judge to assure M. Berlier of his satisfaction. 
 
 Napoleon had ordered the erection of the triumphal 
 arch on the Place du Carrousel, dedicated to the glory 
 of the French armies during the campaign of 1805. 
 He had the intention of having others erected. The 
 following is a letter on the subject which he dictated 
 on May 14th, 1806. 
 
 "Triumphal arches would be futile works, and productive 
 of no effect whatever, and I should not have ordered them had 
 I not thought that this was a means of encouraging archi- 
 tecture. I wish to stimulate sculpture in France, by means 
 of these triumphal arches, for ten years. M. Denon will lay 
 a plan before me. The Minister of the Interior is to erect 
 another triumphal' arch at the Etoile. A clear understanding 
 must be come to with regard to the description of all the 
 designs. One must be the Arch of Marengo, and the other 
 the Arch of Austerlitz. I shall have another built in some 
 other part of Paris which will be the Arch of Peace, and 
 another, the Arch of Religion. By means of these four 
 arches I expect to advance sculpture in France for twenty years. 
 It is well, however, that M. Denon should know that there 
 are to be four arches, so as not to put on one subjects 
 which are better suited for another. I beg M. Daru to let 
 me know how far the statue of Charlemagne has progressed, 
 and to come to an understanding with M. Cretet on the 
 subject of the two fountains which are to be erected, one 
 on the Place de la Revolution, and the other on the site of 
 the Bastille; they are monumental. There must be statues and 
 bas-reliefs. These subjects may be taken, to begin with, 
 from the Emperor's history; next from the history of the 
 French Revolution; and next from the history of France. 
 No opportunity for humiliating the Russians and the English 
 must, generally, be neglected. William the Conqueror and 
 Duguesclin might be honoured on these monuments."
 
 28 méneval's memoirs of napoleon 1. 
 
 It does not come within the scope of this book to 
 enumerate the various works of improvement and 
 embellishment carried out in Paris, and in the depart- 
 ments of the Empire, or the encouragements which 
 were given to agriculture, the arts, commerce, and 
 industry. In the midst of mighty wars the conduct 
 and details of which absorbed the whole of his atten- 
 tion, Napoleon, in the few moments of leisure at his 
 head-quarters, went over in his mind the condition of 
 the public works, as laid down in the reports of his 
 Ministers, or as the result of the observations he had 
 made himself during his passage through the various 
 old and new departments. He went over in his mind 
 such works as had been begun, those which had been 
 put under examination, and those which would really 
 benefit the localities which had asked for them. When 
 the temporary submission of his enemies gave Napoleon 
 a short respite, he used it in making himself acquainted 
 with the state of progress of these public works, in 
 urging on their completion, and in awarding the necessary 
 funds for this purpose; all this was done without the 
 State being burdened with any debt. The Emperor 
 often presided over commissions of men competent in 
 these matters. At these meetings plans studied in 
 advance were minutely discussed; adopted, if after a 
 careful examination they had been declared satisfac- 
 tory ; or adjourned for ampler information. It was 
 owing to this intelligent system of public works that 
 Napoleon covered old and new France with monuments 
 of liW kinds, of which some were worthy of ancient 
 Rome: roads, canals, bridges, fountains, and harbours 
 fitted to shelter numerous fleets. It was thus that he 
 was able to re-establish, or to create innumerable
 
 MEXEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 29 
 
 manufactures and factories of all kinds, giving con- 
 siderable development to our national industries, 
 naturalizing in France productions for which we had 
 formerly to go abroad ; improving our breeds of horses, 
 etc., etc., creations realized in a period of less than 
 fifteen years, and for which many long and prosperous 
 reigns of former days, even in the midst of complete 
 peace, would have been insufficient. 
 
 Napoleon — satisfied with the march of events, proud 
 of the patriotism with which the glory and the prosper- 
 ity of the Empire inspired the nation — was in the full 
 enjoyment of his high destiny and the public happiness. 
 He accepted a fête at the Château de Grignon, which 
 he had presented to Marshal Berthier, and spent two 
 days there, in the course of which, laying aside all 
 cares of politics and of government, he showed him- 
 self animated by the best of humours. He took part 
 without any reserve in the amusements which were 
 provided for him. Hearing at dinner that the Château 
 de Grignon had belonged to that famous speculator 
 Law, author of the financial system which bears his 
 name. Napoleon was just about to say something 
 unfavourable to this speculator, when he noticed the 
 presence of General Lauriston, who was one of the 
 financier's descendants. So he checked himself, and 
 changed the conversation to avoid hurting the feeling-s 
 of his aide-de-camp. In the evening, little parlour 
 games were played, and the Emperor behaved very 
 gallantly towards the laaies ; he was one of those per- 
 haps who took most pleasure in so-called innocent 
 games, because they helped him to forget the gravity of 
 his rank. The importance of political affairs left the chief 
 of so great an Empire very little time for such amusements.
 
 30 IMÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 Before entering on a description of the events which 
 were being prepared in Prussia, I will say a few words 
 about Napoleon's private life so as to make known 
 liis method of work, his habits, and the order established 
 in the management of the imperial household. 
 
 As a general rule I used to take the morning papers 
 to the Emperor, whilst he was finishing dressing. 
 I read him such articles as he pointed out to me, or 
 which I thought likely to interest him. This reading 
 almost always provoked some remark from him, some- 
 times a notice or an order to one of his Ministers. 
 
 His first doctor, Corvisart, or his surgeon-in-ordinary, 
 Yvan, were often present at his toilet. The Emperor 
 liked Corvisart's conversation. When he received him 
 it was rather for the sake of a chat, than to talk about 
 his health, which he heeded little. He loved to tease 
 the doctor on the impotency of the medical science, 
 and on this subject he would pour out a rolling fire 
 of quips and sallies against the medical profession. * 
 Corvisart defended himself under these attacks with 
 rare presence of mind; his readiness of repartee was 
 always quick and ingenious. Whilst admitting the 
 uncertainties of the medical science, he defended the 
 utility and the services which it rendered with such a 
 strength of argument that the sarcasms were often 
 stayed on Napoleon's lips. 
 
 Since I am speaking about doctors I may take this 
 opportunity of speaking of Napoleon's physical consti- 
 tution. This constitution was naturally robust, and the 
 
 * Duiiii<^ the last clays of his life at .St. Helena, Napoleon used to 
 say that he wanted to die of the disease not of the remedies. He added 
 that Corvisart was the only doctor to whom he would listen. Compare 
 Thiers' History, the chapter on St. Helena. — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 31 
 
 care which he had taken from his youth to break off 
 all bad habits had fortified it. He had all the advan- 
 tages of the bilio-sanguine temperament. This kind 
 of temperament, in spite of certain disadvantages, is 
 considered the best, I never saw Napoleon ill; he 
 was only occasionally subject to vomiting bile, which 
 never left any after-effects, and which were a natural 
 and healthy purge for him. He had feared, for some 
 time, that he was affected with a disease of the blad- 
 der, because the keen air of the mountains caused him 
 a kind of dysuria ; but this fear was found to be without 
 foundation. It has been noticed that men are rarely 
 really suffering from the disease with which they imagine 
 themselves to be afflicted. The existence of the kind 
 of disease which killed the Emperor was not suspected 
 at that time, and I never heard him complain of pains 
 in the stomach. I have heard a skilful doctor main- 
 tain that affections of the kind — of which Corvisart 
 undertook to cure the First Consul, at the beginning 
 of the Consuhite — are incurable when they are not seri- 
 ously treated from the very outset. He asserted that 
 remedies administered too late, and general care, can 
 retard the progress of the virus, but not entirely de- 
 stroy it ; that its presence causes temporary perturbations 
 in the part to which it is attached, and that sooner or 
 later it ends by mastering it and creating mortal 
 ravages. This doctor was persuaded that this virus 
 was the germ of the disease to which Napoleon suc- 
 cumbed at St, Helena, 
 
 So susceptible were Napoleon's organs that the slight- 
 est evil smell was sufficient to upset him greatly. He had 
 so keen a sense of smell that he could detect the vicinity 
 of a subterranean passage, a cellar, or a sewer, a long
 
 32 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 way off; or smells proceeding from places faraway, which 
 were not noticeable to any of the persons in his company. 
 I have heard him say, on this topic, that he would 
 have been very unhappy in the days when four or 
 even six people used to sleep together in the same 
 bed. He had been anxious to gain some acquaintance 
 Avith anatomy, and for this purpose Doctor Corvisart 
 had brought him some anatomical models in wax, 
 representing parts of the heart and the stomach. The 
 Emperor had set aside the hour which followed his 
 luncheon for this study, but the illusion produced by 
 the attention given to these parts of our animal orga- 
 nization filled him with such disgust that it used to 
 make him sick. He tried in vain to resist this revolt 
 of his senses, but he was forced to give up his lessons. 
 Nevertheless the same man, riding over a field of 
 battle after a bloody fight, was not disgusted by the 
 contact of wounds of disgusting appearance and odour. 
 He often used to get off his horse, and place his hand 
 on the chest of the wounded man to see whether he 
 still breathed ; he would raise him up, with the help of 
 his officers, and put to his lips a bottle of brandy, 
 which his servant Roustan always carried with him. 
 
 One would be tempted to believe, if such a sup- 
 position could be admitted, that his body participated 
 to some extent in his marvellous intellectual organi- 
 zation. When his coffin was opened at St. Helena, 
 twenty years after it was closed down. Napoleon 
 appeared to be sleeping. His teeth had preserved 
 their whiteness, his beard and nails seemed to have 
 grown since his death. His hands had the colour of 
 life, they were supple and resisted pressure. It is not 
 impossible that some centuries hence some biographer
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 33 
 
 of this great man should apply to his body the property 
 which Plutarch attributed to that of Alexander the 
 <^Treat. The soul alone is immortal, and reason rejects 
 the belief in such phenomena; but sentiment may admit 
 them. It is a touching superstition which attributes 
 privileges to the mortal remains of men of genius ; for 
 it is only another tribute paid to their memory. 
 
 Napoleon was careful in the matter of personal 
 cleanliness. He took frequent baths. He used to 
 brush his arms and his broad chest himself and loved 
 to joke about the fatness of his breasts. His valet 
 finished by rubbing him very vigorously on the back 
 and shoulders; but he often used to make Roustan, 
 who was much stronger, do this for him. He formerly 
 used to be shaved, but for a long time that is to 
 say, since about 1803, he had shaved himself — after 
 he had changed his valet. A small mirror was held 
 before him, and turned as required, in the process 
 of shaving. He then used to wash himself wùth a 
 great quantity of water in a silver basin which from 
 its size might have been taken for a vat. A sponge 
 dipped in eau de cologne was passed over his hair, 
 and the rest of the bottle was poured over his shoulders. 
 His flannel singlets, his vests and pants of kersey- 
 mere were changed every day. He never gave up 
 wearing his green or blue uniform coats — the only 
 coats he ever wore — until he was told that they were 
 beginning to show signs of wear. His allowance for 
 dress had at first been fixed at sixty thousand francs; 
 he had reduced this amount to twenty thousand francs, 
 all included. He was fond of saying that with an 
 income of twelve hundred francs, and a horse, he should 
 have all he wanted. He often referred to the times 
 
 VOL. II. 3
 
 34 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 when he was an artillery lieutenant, and delighted in 
 speaking of the order he put in his expenditure, and 
 the economies which he attempted to avoid getting into 
 debt, especially when the triumph of the English party 
 in Corsica had cut off all supplies from home, and he 
 had charge of his brother Louis, whom he was bringing 
 up and maintaining on his pay. At such times he 
 would censure the example of luxury which his aides- 
 de-camp, and the principal officers of his household, 
 gave to the officers of lower rank, who were attached 
 to his person. Nevertheless he liked to be surrounded 
 with splendour and a kind of pomp. He often used 
 to say to those on whom he lavished his money: "Be 
 economical and even parsimonious at home ; be mag- 
 nificent in public." He followed this maxim himself. 
 Nobody was more modest in his dress, or less particular 
 about his food, and all that concerned him personally. 
 He told me one day that when he was quite a young 
 officer, he had sometimes travelled from Paris to Ver- 
 sailles in what used to be called the Court carriages, 
 which were a kind of cheap coach; very comfortable, 
 he used to add, and where he met very nice people. 
 Only it was not a very expeditious way of travelling, 
 for these carriages took five hours to do the journey. 
 Although the interior and exterior affairs of the 
 Empire had taken a great development since the rupture 
 of the peace of Amiens, the Emperor's usual way of 
 living had changed very little. He had fixed hours 
 neither for his work, nor his meals, nor for sleep. He 
 used to come to his work-room at seven in the 
 morning, dressed for the whole day in his invariable 
 costume, vest and pants of white kerseymere, the green 
 coat of the chasseurs de la garde during the days of
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 35 
 
 the week, and the blue coat with white lappets on 
 Sundays and reception days. He wore a colonel's 
 epaulettes, the decorations of the Legion of Honour 
 and of the Crown of Iron in his button-hole ; the plate 
 of the Legion of Honour and the grand cordon under 
 his coat; and he was always dressed in white silk 
 stockings. When he had to ride out, to save time, he 
 did not change his stockings, and contented himself 
 with changing his shoes with oval gold buckles for 
 riding-boots lined with silk. 
 
 The levee took place at nine in the morning. The 
 officers were expected to be present to receive their 
 orders, officers not in attendance had permission to be 
 present. After the levee certain persons who by reason 
 of their rank or of their employments were in immediate 
 contact with the Emperor, took advantage of the hour 
 of the levee to pay him their respects, or to obtain a 
 few words with him. 
 
 Napoleon used to lunch alone in a little drawing- 
 room which was close to his work-room. During this 
 repast — which rarely lasted more than ten minutes, 
 but which he prolonged when he had leisure — he used 
 to receive some savants, men of letters and artists with 
 whom he liked to talk. After luncheon he returned 
 to his work-room, attended to some business, and then 
 went to work with one of his ministers, or with some 
 official for whom he had sent, or presided over the 
 Council of State. There were days when the w'ork 
 in his cabinet took up the whole of his time. The 
 Council of Ministers, at which the Archchancellor 
 and Chief Treasurer were present, took place every 
 Wednesday at noon, and lasted till the dinner-hour. 
 This meal was served at six o'clock, but when the
 
 36 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Emperor was busy he let the hour go by. He used 
 to dine alone with the Empress, except on Wednesdays 
 — when the Ministers were invited, and Sundays — which 
 were devoted to a family feast. Napoleon preferred 
 the simplest dishes. He drank nothing but Chambertin 
 mixed with water, hardly ever without water, and never 
 touched liqueurs. A cup of coffee was served to him 
 in the drawing-room, and he used also to take one at 
 luncheon, but never more. He would remain about 
 an hour in the drawing-room, at the end of which the 
 Empress used to go down to her apartment. It was 
 usually after this meal, and once a week, that ]\I. 
 Barbier, his librarian, used to present him with the 
 new books, or books sent by authors in token of 
 homage. The Emperor glanced over them all, throw- 
 ing down on the ground or pitching into the fire those 
 which did not interest him, or which displeased him, 
 and putting one or two — rarely three — aside to read 
 with greater attention. 
 
 When Napoleon left for the army, or to undertake 
 a lengthy journey, he had the latest publications sent 
 on to him with an analysis of each book. It was also 
 his custom to carry with him a travelling library com- 
 posed of boxes in compartments, in which were stored 
 the best works of history, literature, and science, printed 
 in very small editions. Not possessing certain works 
 in this library, which he desired to have, and which 
 did not exist in i2mo, or i8mo editions, he had the 
 intention of creating a portable library, which he drafted 
 out for the first time at Marrac in 1808, and again at 
 Schonbrunn in 1809. The necessity of having these 
 works translated, the delay and cost of carrying this 
 plan out, prevented its accomplishment. Napoleon's
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 37 
 
 ideas on this matter, and his opinions on various works, 
 are contained in memoranda which were handed by 
 his order to M. Barbier. Several of these documents 
 have been or will be published one day by M. Louis 
 Barbier, the son of the Emperor's librarian. 
 
 Sometimes the Emperor, returning to his work-room, 
 would work there till bedtime; sometimes he would 
 spend the rest of the evening with the Empress in the 
 drawing-room, where the entrees were received. This 
 favour was accorded de jure to the great dignitaries, 
 to their wives, and to persons who had been presented, 
 inscribed on a special list, whose presence might be 
 useful and agreeable to the sovereign. The couchée 
 took place at ten o'clock, and orders for the morrow 
 were given there. After the couchée he rarely returned 
 to his work-room ; more often he withdrew to his little 
 apartment to go to bed. 
 
 The Emperor shot and hunted almost every week, 
 less from inclination than for the sake of exercise. 
 These hunts, when he was in Paris, took place at St. 
 Cloud, or at Trianon, or in the Bois de Boulogne, or 
 in the forest of St. Germain, or in the wood of Versailles. 
 His winter residence was the Tuileries palace ; later on 
 he used to live at the Elysée, and enjoyed greater 
 liberty there. He spent part of the year at St. Cloud, 
 a place of which he was fond, and used to come to the 
 Tuileries to hear mass, and to receive the diplomatic 
 corps. He gave great hunting parties at Rambouillet, 
 where he used to reside a fortnight or three weeks; at 
 Compiègne, where he spent as much time ; and at Fon- 
 tainebleau, where he held a large and brilliant court. 
 The stay of the Court in this last residence was prolonged 
 six weeks, or for two months, in September or October.
 
 38 meneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Napoleon only went to the theatre in Paris on very 
 rare occasions. The actors of the principal theatres 
 used to come and perform, in the court theatre, trage- 
 dies and Italian operas — rarely French operas. 
 
 The government of the imperial household was 
 regulated with the same order as that of the Empire. 
 It was divided into as many departments as there were 
 officers of the Crown; the budget of expenditure was 
 fixed each year. The Emperor presided over the 
 household council annually, and sometimes oftener, and 
 would go into the various details of expenditure, often 
 finding it possible to obtain income from sources which 
 had passed unnoticed, or which had been neglected. 
 He used to praise the heads of departments who had 
 economized on their allowances, not because he preached 
 parsimony, but because he could tolerate neither waste- 
 fulness nor carelessness. In this respect he was well 
 seconded by General Duroc, who, as grand-marshal of 
 the palace, was charged with the most difficult depart- 
 ment — the department in which the expenses were 
 minute, variable, and liable to give rise to abuses; the 
 officers of the other departments imitated his example. 
 These various departments were administered by over- 
 seers, who attended to their duties with scrupulous 
 regularity. 
 
 The revenues of the imperial civil list, composed 
 of twenty-five millions paid annually by the Public 
 Treasury, and the revenues from the Crown domains, 
 amounted to thirty or thirty-one millions of francs. 
 The heaviest expenses were in connection with the 
 crown buildings and furniture, with the departments 
 of the Grand Equerry, the Grand Marshal, and Grand 
 Chamberlain, and the military household. The build-
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 3Q 
 
 ings absorbed three millions a year, and the furniture 
 cost one million eight hundred francs annually. The 
 Grand Equerry's department cost four millions in an 
 ordinary year; the Grand Marshal's three millions; 
 and the Grand Chamberlain's about as much. The 
 military household cost eight hundred thousand francs. 
 In the Grand Chamberlain's budget the salaries of the 
 ladies in attendance, the chamberlains, the expenses 
 of offices, libraries, maps, ushers, and servants' wages 
 amounted to close upon twelve hundred thousand 
 francs ; the chapel music, the music in the apartments, 
 and at the theatrical performances cost close upon 
 nine hundred thousand francs. The Emperor's toilet 
 cost twenty thousand francs, and the Empress's ex- 
 penses for toilet, wardrobe, and privy purse amounted 
 to six hundred thousand francs. The annual savings 
 made out of the revenues of the civil list amounted 
 to thirteen or fourteen millions. Thus, thanks to the 
 spirit of order and the good management which obtained 
 in the expenses of his house, the Emperor was able 
 to hold a court fully as magnificent as any other, and 
 to amass a treasure of more than one hundred mil- 
 lions — a part of which, in gold and silver money, was 
 locked up with three keys in the cellars of the Tuileries. 
 The severe and minute attention which Napoleon 
 paid to matters of expense caused him to be accused 
 of avarice, at least he pretended to think so. One 
 day, when the Prince de Bénévent was present : " Tal- 
 leyrand," he said, "people say that I am stingy. . ." 
 The minister replied with commonplaces, saying that 
 Napoleon was the great conservator, and so on. The 
 Emperor, continuing, said, in a meaning way: "You 
 are rich. Talleyrand, when I am in want of money,
 
 40 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 it is to you that I shall apply. Frankly now, how 
 much have you made out of me ? " Prince de Bénévent, 
 not in the least disconcerted, answered that he was 
 far from being rich, that what he possessed he owed 
 to the Emperor, and that accordingly he had nothing 
 which was not entirely at his disposal. This little 
 scene appeared to me to have been provoked by a 
 feeling of distrust of Talleyrand. It took place after 
 the return from Erfurth. The ex-minister sometimes 
 used to pretend to be in embarrassed circumstances. 
 Perhaps this state of embarrassment was not really a 
 sham. Possibly M. de Talleyrand frequently lost his 
 money in the speculations in which he engaged. There 
 were times when he sold his library, his pictures, and 
 other valuables, buying them back again when fortune 
 favoured him. 
 
 I used to take an hour's horse exercise every day, 
 as much for amusement as for the sake of exercise. 
 I felt more than ever the need of some assistance, 
 and I asked the Emperor to give me a companion. 
 The idea then came to him to create two posts of 
 Secretary to the Cabinet, and he appointed General 
 Clarke — who, now that the death of the King of 
 Etruria had closed his mission to this prince, was 
 without employment— to one of these places. The 
 Emperor appearing to neglect him, Clarke followed 
 him step by step during his journey in Alsatia, placing 
 himself before him each time that he had the oppor- 
 tunity of recalling himself to his memory. On his 
 return from this short journey, the Emperor told me 
 that, not wishing to interrupt the unity of the work of 
 his private work-room, he had made up his mind to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 41 
 
 charge the general with the title of Secretary to the 
 Cabinet, with a special class of work, viz., his corres- 
 pondence with the Ministries of War and Marine; 
 and that this would be a notable reduction of m\' 
 day's work. General Clarke was accordingly estab- 
 lished in a private office. But the necessity of sending- 
 for him to write to his ministers often kept the Emperor 
 back from making use of his services; in one word, 
 the post degenerated into a sinecure. The second 
 post of Secretary to the Cabinet was also vacant when 
 the 1805 campaign took place. General Clarke, who 
 followed the Emperor in this campaign with me, was 
 appointed governor of Vienna. He was entrusted with 
 several missions abroad after this campaign, and his 
 post of Secretary to the Cabinet remained as unoccupied 
 as the second post. 
 
 The assistance which it had been the Emperor's 
 intention to give me was accordingly only an illusory 
 one. Another year passed without any change being 
 made in the work in the cabinet. I repeated my 
 application to Napoleon to obtain an assistant. What 
 I needed above all was to be relieved of the care of 
 the papers which had to be classified after having 
 been answered. The multiplicity of my occupations 
 prevented me from keeping these papers in sufficiently 
 good order to be able to find any draft of a letter or 
 a despatch which the Emperor might want to see at 
 a moment's notice. Napoleon avoided satisfying my 
 request for some time longer, either by making 
 promises which he did not keep, or on various pretexts. 
 He used to urge me to get married, assuring me that 
 he would arrange my work in such a manner that I 
 should get some rest. Various matches were proposed
 
 42 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 to me by him and the Empress Josephine, inckiding 
 a lady who was one of her relations, and whom she 
 obliged me to call upon at her house. But at that 
 time I did not feel any vocation for marriage. Besides, 
 I was determined that if I ever did make up my 
 mind to get married I would choose my own wife. 
 As a matter of fact, more than two years passed 
 before I contracted the irrevocable bonds, the solemnity 
 of which so impressed me. Seeing that the Emperor 
 put off keeping his promise every day, I became 
 discouraged and fell ill, as much from worry as from 
 overwork. On hearing this news the Emperor showed 
 his solicitude and sent me Doctor Corvisart, who was 
 charged with a kind message. Pending my recovery 
 he sent for the Empress's private secretary. M. 
 Deschamps was one of our most agreeable vaudeville 
 writers ; he was still capable of more serious w^ork, and 
 lively and brisk, though past middle life. Napoleon 
 despaired from the very first of being able to accustom 
 him to his way of working, and especially to writing 
 from his dictation. He em.ployed General Duroc, the aide- 
 de-camp on service, and the Secretary of State in 
 turn. During my short illness I was to some extent 
 in the position of the man who while yet alive reads 
 an obituary notice of himself, written by some friendly 
 pen at the news of his death. I heard that when the 
 person to whom the Emperor was dictating did not 
 take down his words sufficiently quickly the Emperor 
 would cry out : " I cannot repeat. You make me lose 
 the thread of my thought. Where is Méneval ? " Point- 
 ing to the disorder on his writing-table he would cry 
 out: "If I had ]\Iéneval here, I should soon have 
 cleared all that away." He also used to say that he
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 43 
 
 was postponing all work of importance until after my 
 recovery. As a matter of fact my entire merit con- 
 sisted in the acquaintance I had with the connection and 
 direction of Napoleon's affairs, in the way that thanks 
 to this knowledge I was able to foresee their develop- 
 ment and issue, and in my familiarity with the connec- 
 tion of his ideas, with the precision of his style, and 
 with the originality of his expressions. I did not 
 know any kind of shorthand, and so would have been 
 unable to take down the Emperor's words literally; 
 but I used to note down the principal points which 
 served as memoranda and also the characteristic ex- 
 pressions. I used to rewrite the letters in almost the 
 same terms as he had used, and when he read it over 
 before signing it, which only happened when it was 
 a delicate matter, or one which pre-occupied him, he 
 used to find his own style in my writing —if I may 
 use that expression. Those who have followed the 
 details of the work done in the imperial cabinet for 
 sufficient time, or who made themselves acquainted 
 with Napoleon's method of work, have been in a 
 position to verify the truth of what I have related. 
 I confess that my vanity was flattered by the reports 
 which I heard, and the idea that the Emperor attached 
 importance to my assistance and my work soon re- 
 stored me to strength and courage. When I reap- 
 peared in his cabinet after four days, I may say 
 without boasting that I was received with pleasure. 
 I found Napoleon kinder to me than ever. He 
 authorized me to mention somebody to him as 
 assistant, adding that he left this choice entirely to 
 my personal responsibility. M. Maret — the Due de 
 Bassano — who used to accompany the Emperor on his
 
 44 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 journeys as Secretary of State, was succeeded by one 
 of his heads of departments with whom I was in rela- 
 tions by reason of my service. I knew him as a man 
 trained to business by the knowledge which his 
 duties at the State-secretaryship had given him of the 
 various acts of the government. I further knew him 
 to be a very industrious man and honest to a degree. 
 Before approaching him on this subject I wished to 
 have the opinion of M. Maret, who strongly encouraged 
 me in the idea which I had had of suggesting the name 
 of M. Fain to the Emperor, offering himself as bondsman. 
 I accordingly asked the minister to back up my sugges- 
 tion in favour of his subordinate. M. Fain was accepted. 
 As far as I was concerned, I was delighted with this ar- 
 rangement and as to M. Fain, I never saw a happier man. 
 He embraced me with tears of joy and gratitude. The 
 Emperor promulgated a decree under date of February 
 3rd, 1806, on the new organization of his cabinet. By the 
 terms of this decree the service of the imperial cabinet was 
 entrusted to a Secretary of the Portfolio, assisted by a 
 reporter on petitions and a keeper of archives. I was ap- 
 pointed Secretary of the Portfolio, and I alone had to 
 present for signature all the notes or letters which the 
 Emperor had dictated. I alone had the right to enter 
 into the Sovereign's cabinet. I was entrusted with 
 the keeping of the keys of the Emperor's writing-table 
 and portfolios. If in my absence the Emperor dictated 
 any note or letter, or had any piece of work done, a 
 copy, or at least a draft, of this work had to be handed 
 to me immediately on my return. The reporter on 
 petitions was M. Dcschamps, already secretary to the 
 Empress Josephine, and M. Fain was the keeper of 
 archives. He became later titular secretary to the Em-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 45 
 
 peror. Napoleon had wished to do something pleasant 
 for the Empress Josephine and to improve the position 
 of her secretary. The kindheartedness of this princess, 
 and her goodwill towards her people, are well-known. 
 The Emperor, who always loved her tenderly, never 
 refused her anything that he thought it possible to grant. 
 
 During the first years the papers connected with 
 affairs which the Emperor thought it advisable to with- 
 hold from sending to the archives were put into a 
 small mahogany box, which was placed in the cabinet. 
 The key of this box remained in the hands of the 
 Secretary to the Portfolio. This precaution was only 
 observed for two or three years, at the end of which 
 all papers, with very few exceptions, were immediately 
 sent off to the archives. 
 
 The same decree instituted two guardians of the 
 portfolio who w^ere in attendance a fortnight in turn. 
 They had to wear a uniform and a sword, with a 
 shoulder-belt of a peculiar design. 
 
 I had to wait some time still for the assistance which 
 the Emperor had intended to grant me in appointing 
 M. Fain. The force of habit, Napoleon's dislike to 
 increase the number of people who shared his con- 
 fidence, his habit of acting on experience, fortified by 
 a prudence which was increased by the importance 
 and the gravity of the constant struggle in which he 
 was engaged, prevented him at first from entrusting 
 M. Fain's talents and zeal with the employment on 
 which we had counted. It was only gradually, and 
 when the work became too heavy, that he used to 
 call M, Fain into his work-room to dictate to him, 
 after which the secretary used to return to his office 
 of the archives to write out his fair copy. The Emperor
 
 46 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 accustomed himself to him gradually. He first of all 
 employed him for dictations on questions of adminis- 
 tration, until the time when the breaking-down of my 
 health gave him freer access to the cabinet, which 
 after my retirement was organized on a larger basis. 
 
 The introduction of M. Deschamps into the cabinet — 
 reorganized by the decree of February, 1806 — led us 
 to make the acquaintance of a number of his colleagues 
 of the Vaudeville: JSIIM. Barré, Radet, Desfontaines, 
 Després, Picard and de Vigny, an actor of the Odeon, 
 all people of approved wit and talents. These gentle- 
 men frequently came to luncheon with us. 
 
 M]\I. Barré, Radet and Desfontaines were the 
 first to think of the collaboration of several authors 
 in the writing of a theatrical piece in which a unity 
 of plan, idea, and action should be preserved. M. Des- 
 champs obtained for this inseparable trio — who together 
 had founded the Vaudeville, a theatre on which the 
 glory of France was frequently celebrated in patriotic 
 plays — a pension of four thousand francs apiece from 
 the funds reserved for the press fund, I am not aware 
 whether the authors continued to enjoy this favour under 
 the government of the Restoration. 
 
 In the burst of his gratitude one of the new pensioners 
 cried out: 
 
 "O Vaudeville, heureux d'avoir dans tes domaines, 
 Des champs!" 
 
 To which Deschamps, in his modesty, suggested that 
 he should add: 
 
 "Des prés et des fontaines!"* 
 
 *A punning; and, consequently, an untranslatable allusion to three 
 of the parties concerned — RIM. Deschamps, Desprôs and Desfontaiiics. 
 — R. H. S.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 47 
 
 This anecdote reminds me that a man of letters who 
 had been received at La Malmaison, and who had had 
 one of his tragedies played on the Court stage, obtained 
 a pension of six thousand francs from the Emperor. 
 At the time of the Restoration this braggart of a 
 poet said, speaking of Napoleon: "The devil of a 
 fellow! As soon as he saw somebody in a crowd whose 
 head topped those of the others — bang! he disgraced 
 him with a pension." 
 
 Now it happened that the minister who at that time 
 disposed of pensions and pardons, reduced the pension 
 of our man of letters to three thousand francs. In 
 consequence of this his friends made haste to con- 
 gratulate him on the fact that the Restoration had 
 effaced half of his stain. 
 
 The interest which the Emperor took in the pros- 
 perity of commerce and industry induced him to visit 
 an establishment which at that time was at its highest 
 prosperity. This was the calico-factory which M. Ober- 
 kampf had established at Jouy in the Biévre valley. 
 Napoleon went there one day in the summer of 1806, 
 accompanied by Josephine, and followed by a part of 
 the court. He invested this visit with a certain amount 
 of importance. He went through the various work-rooms, 
 and examined the various processes of manufacture 
 with attention, desired to be informed of all its details, 
 and even went into the meadow where the calicoes 
 were spread out. The Emperor expressed his satis- 
 faction to the modest author of this fine establishment. 
 Then, looking at him with greater attention, he showed 
 his surprise at the fact that M. Oberkampf had not 
 yet been decorated with the Legion of Honour. Then 
 unfastening the cross which he wore in his button -hole.
 
 48 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Napoleon handed it to the manufacturer, saying: 
 " Here is my cross. I am pleased with what I have 
 seen. I like to reward services of all kinds to the 
 motherland. Peaceful war made against the enemy 
 in your workshop is no less efficacious than the war 
 waged on battle-fields." 
 
 During the month of March, 1806, orders had been 
 given to the JMinisters of War and of the War Adminis- 
 tration to assign the places to be occupied in France 
 by the corps of the Grande Armée. The garrisons 
 which they were to hold were in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 
 5 th, 6th, 1 8th, 24th, 25th and 26th military divisions. 
 The news that the Austrians had handed over to the 
 Russians the mouths of the Cattaro, which by the 
 terms of the Treaty of Presburg they had promised to 
 surrender to France, suspended the surrender of the 
 fort of Braunau to the Austrian troops, and the move- 
 ment of the French army back to the Rhine. This 
 incident, which lasted some time, having been termin- 
 ated, the Emperor confirmed his previous orders for 
 the return home of our army. On the 22nd of June 
 he sent an order to the Minister of War, fixing the 
 positions which the various corps were to occupy, 
 modifying the first arrangement, although very few of 
 the military divisions which had been named were 
 altered. The major-general, who had remained in Ger- 
 many, was commissioned with the execution of these 
 orders. The refusal of a ratification of the treaty 
 concluded in Paris with the Russian plenipotentiary 
 d'Oubril; the rupture of the negotiations begun in 
 Paris with England; and finally the armaments of 
 Prussia caused all these orders for the return of the 
 troops to be countermanded.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 49 
 
 The long stay of the French troops in Germany 
 necessarily formed the pretext for accusations of all 
 kinds against the head of the French Government. 
 Libellous pamphlets, which so greatly contributed 
 towards the perversion of public opinion and towards 
 exasperating Europe against France, began to spread, 
 and provoked the peoples of Germany to revolt. 
 Booksellers in the principal towns occupied by the 
 French troops printed, published, and hawked these 
 libellous calumnies against us. One of them. Palm, 
 a bookseller at Nuremberg, was arrested, tried by 
 court-martial, and shot.* The inflexibility of martial 
 law and the safety of the army rendered this act of 
 rigour imperative. Nevertheless the effect produced 
 in Germany was terrible, and this occurrence brought 
 down on the Emperor fresh accusations and a fresh 
 explosion of public indignation. Palm was honoured 
 as the martyr of the German national spirit. The 
 major-general had respited certain other prisoners who 
 had been sentenced to death for the same crime. He 
 asked the Emperor to pardon them and Napoleon 
 wrote at the bottom of his letter: 
 
 "Saint-Cloud, September 4th, 1806. — I leave Marshal 
 Berthier free to act as he chooses. I find that the pardons 
 which he asks for may very well be granted." 
 
 The exasperation, however, which reigned in Berlin, 
 and the hostile preparations ordered by Prussia, in- 
 creased the anti-French agitation. Prussia, who had 
 
 *The pcimphlet for publishing which Johann P. Palm was shot on 
 August 26th, 1806, was entitled "Germ.iny in her lowest abasement" 
 {Deiitschlatid in seiner tiefsten Erniedrigutig.) It was republished in 
 1877. Palm was born in Schorndorf in 1766. A memorial statue 
 was raised to him in 1866, in Braunau, where it still stands. His 
 biography was published in 1842. — r. h. s. 
 
 vol. II. .;
 
 50 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 learned no lesson from the defeat of Austria and of 
 Russia, nor from the want of success of her bellicose 
 intentions in 1805, entered the arena in her turn. 
 This power, whose constant irresolutions worried Na- 
 poleon during five years, tempted by the French 
 alliance, without definite political system of any kind, 
 but secretly inclining towards the coalition, finished by 
 throwing in her lot against France. 
 
 The treaty of an offensive and defensive alliance 
 which had been signed at Vienna, by Count d'Haug- 
 witz, after the victory of Austerlitz, ceded Hanover 
 with other important possessions to Prussia in exchange 
 for the margraviate of Anspach, the principality of 
 Neufchatel, and the duchy of Cleves. Napoleon dis- 
 posed of the margraviate of Anspach in favour of 
 Bavaria. It will be remembered that the marching 
 through this territory by Bernadotte's army had fur- 
 nished Prussia with a pretext to manifest her animosity 
 towards France. The principality of Neufchatel was 
 given to Marshal Berthier; the duchy of Cleves was 
 intended to form part of the grand-duchy of Berg to 
 the sovereignty of which Murat was appointed. The 
 balance of these exchanges was immensely in favour 
 of Prussia, whom the Emperor, despite his well-founded 
 grievances, wished to bind to him in a close alliance. 
 Count d'Haugwitz, on his return to Berlin, found the 
 Anglo-Russian spirit predominant in the King's coun- 
 cils, and the King himself engaged to the coalition. 
 The negotiator of the treaty of Vienna was accordingly 
 blamed, and the King refused his ratification, pure 
 and simple, demanding that the alliance with the 
 French Empire should be neither offensive nor defen- 
 sive, and consenting only to occupy Hanover tempo-
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 51 
 
 rarily, until the conclusion of peace between England 
 and France; an event which alone in his eyes could 
 justify Prussia's acquisition of this Electorate, Emi- 
 nently pacific, this monarch wished to combine an 
 apparent friendship for France with the maintenance 
 of close relations with her enemies, a line of conduct 
 which could not possibly satisfy anybody, and which 
 could not fail to make Napoleon lose all confidence 
 in the good faith of Prussia. The Emperor having 
 been apprised of the hostility towards France which 
 reigned in Prussia, sentiments which the King was 
 po\\-erless to restrain, refused to consider the Prussian 
 Ministry as other than a hidden foe. This government, 
 not daring to break off with ours, although it had torn 
 up the treaty of Vienna, which was so favourable to 
 Prussia, had to accept another treaty the clauses of 
 which were very much less in her favour. By the 
 terms of the new stipulations Prussia was forced to 
 accept the fee simple of Hanover* (which for fear of 
 offending England she had refused) ; and to close her 
 harbours against the English ships — a clause which 
 involved Prussia in the loss of four hundred vessels, 
 seized upon by England. The exasperation of France 
 increased after the conclusion of this new treaty, but 
 was not yet sufficiently strong to break out. The 
 <istablishment of the confederation of the Rhine, from 
 which Napoleon looked for the support in Germany 
 which he did not find in Prussia brought these hostile 
 feelings, which did not dare to manifest themselves 
 
 * " Napoleon had formed the secret design of seizing Hanover again" 
 ■(after and in spite of its cession to Pnissia) " to obtain from England 
 a peace which he could no longer hope to impose on her by means 
 of an alliance with Pnissia." 
 
 Thiers. Histoire de l'Empire, Book VI. — R. H. s.
 
 52 MÉXEVAL'S jNIEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 openly, to the highest degree of irritation. As a 
 matter of fact the Prussian Government held France 
 responsible for the loss of the advantages of which it 
 had deprived itself by its continual tergiversations. 
 
 Whilst France and Prussia were in this equivocal 
 situation the death of Mr. Pitt made way in the British 
 Ministry for Mr. Fox. The new minister took ad- 
 vantage of a peculiar occurrence to approach the 
 French Government, and to address pacific overtures 
 to France. An exile had proposed the murder of 
 Napoleon to Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox, indignant at such a 
 proposal, had brought it to the Emperor's knowledge. 
 A correspondence ensued. * Lord Yarmouth, who hap- 
 pened to be in France, where he was detained with 
 the rest of the English travellers who were arrested 
 on French territory at the time of the rupture of the 
 peace of Amiens, and whose release was obtained by 
 T^lr, Fox, acted as intermediary between the two 
 governments. The English Cabinet having expressed 
 the wish to negotiate in agreement with Russia, this 
 proposal was evaded, and it was agreed upon that a 
 Russian agent should be sent direct to Paris. This 
 agent, M. d'Oubril, concluded a separate agreement 
 with France. The negotiation with England was 
 
 * Between Fox and Talleyrand. In Talleyrand's answer to Fox's- 
 first letter he states that having communicated its contents to Napoleon, 
 the Emperor exclaimed: "I recognise there the principles of honour 
 and virtue, which have always animated Mr. Fox. Thank him in my 
 name and tell him that, whether the politics of his sovereign cause us 
 to remain for yet a long time at war, or whether this quarrel, so 
 useless to humanity, is destined to come to an end as speedily, as must 
 be desired by the two nations, I am pleased with the new character 
 which, owing to this communication, has been assumed by the war^ 
 and which is a token of what may be expected from a Cabinet whose 
 principles I judge according to those of Mr. Fox, who is the best maa 
 to feel in all things what is beautiful, what is really great."— R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 53 
 
 taking a favourable turn ; it had been stipulated that 
 she should retain possession of IMalta and of the Cape 
 of Good Hope, and should surrender all the other 
 colonies. One of the principal difficulties, the main- 
 tenance of King Ferdinand of Sicily, would have been 
 smoothed over, although the union of ]\ialta and Sicily 
 in the hands, or under the influence, of England had 
 grave disadvantages, because the negotiations were 
 inspired with good faith on both sides. In the course 
 of these negotiations the French Government had even 
 undertaken, apart from the relinquishing Malta, to con- 
 sent to restore Hanover to England, without consulting 
 Prussia, this power having shown that she attached 
 but little value to this possession. An equivalent, and 
 even larger indemnity of a kind likely to be agreeable 
 to Prussia, had been stipulated for, it being proposed 
 to give Prussia Fulda, Hoya, and some other prin- 
 cipalities in exchange. Napoleon had undertaken to 
 secure Prussia's consent to these arrangements. Peace 
 was just going to be signed when Fox fell dangerously 
 ill, and died a short time after. Lord Yarmouth was 
 at once replaced by Lord Lauderdale, who was sent 
 by the war party in London — who had conceived the 
 hope of forming another coalition against us — with the 
 mission to break off negotiations. Lord Lauderdale, 
 in consequence, imperiously demanded, in place of the 
 terms agreed upon with Lord Yarmouth, that each 
 country should retain its respective possessions, with 
 the exception of Hanover, which was occupied by 
 Prussia, a proposal which amounted to this, that Eng- 
 land would have kept all her conquests, and that 
 neither Prussia nor France would have obtained any 
 compensation from the British INIinistry, since the only
 
 54 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 English possession on the continent which these powers 
 had in their hands was Hanover. It was evident that 
 peace was not desired in London, that all that was 
 wanted was to obtain a declaration from France that 
 Hanover should be restored to England, a declaration 
 which would have rendered all reconciliation with 
 Prussia out of the question. At the same time th& 
 Emperor of Russia refused to ratify the treaty con- 
 cluded in Paris by M. d'Oubril. Lord Lauderdale 
 demanded the return of his letters of credence. 
 
 Prussia, led astray by lying reports and perfidious 
 manoeuvres, such as are lavished by the English 
 Government, was daily assuming a more menacing 
 attitude. The young Court of Berlin, the Queen and 
 Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia breathed fire inta 
 the councils of the King, and set every head in Ger- 
 many aglow. The beautiful Queen of Prussia, dressed 
 in the uniform of the regiment which bore her name,, 
 used often to parade on horseback at its head, stimu- 
 lating the enthusiasm of the troops. Prince Louis of 
 Prussia, young, ardent but unexperienced, was the 
 leader of a large number of young officers, who 
 intoxicated with the remembrance of the great Frederick, 
 and burning to measure themselves with the French, 
 clamoured aloud for war. They used to go and 
 sharpen their swords on the steps of the French 
 embassy, and broke the windows of the Prussian 
 ministers whom they thought favourably disposed 
 towards our country. Berlin was in a real state of 
 delirium. The King was persuaded that in declaring 
 war with France he would be carrying out the 
 unanimous wishes of the nation. In the first days of 
 the month of September, the Emperor, rendered anxious
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 55 
 
 by Prussia's arming, and the order given to the 
 Prussian royal guards to leave Berlin and to proceed 
 to the frontier, desired M. de Knobelsdorf, the Prussian 
 envoy to Paris, to furnish him with explanations on 
 these matters. M. de Knobelsdorf, faithful to the system 
 which had been adopted by the coalition, denied the 
 arming, and stated that this piece of news was only 
 the result of the action of the enemies of France and 
 Prussia, who were jealous of the cordial understanding 
 which existed between the two countries. Napoleon 
 might have been lulled by so positive a denial, which 
 of course had no other object in view. But on the 
 first of the following October a note from M. de Kno- 
 belsdorf destroyed all illusions he may have entertained. 
 This note contained three injunctions, the first and most 
 important of which was formulated as follows : " The 
 King expects that the French troops, whose presence 
 in Germany is totally unjustifiable, shall immediately 
 and without any exception, recross the Rhine, beginning 
 their march back on the day on which the King 
 expects the Emperor's reply, and continuing it without 
 interruption, etc., etc." The Prussian ambassador 
 added that he had to insist with earnestness — such 
 were his literal words — on a prompt reply, so that in 
 any case it might reach the King's head-quarters on 
 the 8th of October. An ultimatum formulated in such 
 arrogant terms was nothing less than a declaration ot 
 war. Napoleon, forced to take up the gauntlet, was 
 anxious not to annihilate Prussia. He earnestly wished 
 for peace, and peace would have been secured, and 
 Prussia would have been saved, if Fox had lived. 
 
 The Prussian Ministry was so anxious to commence 
 hostilities that without awaiting the arrival of the
 
 56 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Russian troops it suddenly opened the campaign. The 
 Prussian armies were in front of the French canton- 
 ments provoking our soldiers with insults of every 
 kind, before our army corps had received any orders 
 to march. 
 
 The Emperor left St. Cloud for Mayence on Sep- 
 tember 25th. He had sent his guard on in front. It 
 had left Paris some days previously, driving in relays 
 of carriages. The major-general had been ordered a 
 fortnight previously to procure horses, and to ask 
 the King of Bavaria for some. Napoleon fearing that 
 his own, which had only been sent off on September 
 the I ith, might not arrive in time. Napoleon entered 
 Germany on October ist, and went to lunch with the 
 Prince-Primate at Aschaffenburg. He spent two 
 days at Wurtzburg in the palace of the Grand-duke 
 Ferdinand. The King of Wurtemburg paid the Em- 
 peror a visit there to confer with him, and to make 
 certain statements which were of common interest. 
 During his stay in Wurtzburg, Napoleon gave the 
 necessary orders for establishing a great depot in 
 this city. He repeated the orders he had already given 
 and made fresh commands. Volumes would not suffice 
 to describe the multitude of military and administra- 
 tive measures which in his foresight he provided for 
 every section of his army, and the precautions which 
 he took against even the most improbable hazards of 
 war. Suffice it to say that not even the minutest 
 detail was overlooked. 
 
 Important successes were achieved in the first 
 engagements, notably at the combat of Saalfcld, where 
 the young Prince Louis of Prussia was the first victim 
 of the war which he had helped to kindle. The
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 57 
 
 Emperor ordered the major-general to write in his 
 name to the King of Prussia " to express the sympathy 
 Avhich he felt for the sorrow which the news of the 
 premature but glorious death of Prince Louis must 
 have caused him." The rapidity of the march of our 
 soldiers brought the Emperor to Jena on October 
 the 13th. These dates should be remembered. He 
 mounted on horseback forthwith, wishing to make use 
 of the rest of the day to examine the locality, and, 
 having concluded this investigation, he made arrange- 
 ments for a battle which could be fought on the 
 morrow. Part of the night was spent in widening a 
 steep defile by which to convey pieces of artillery on 
 to one of the heights which commanded the town of 
 Jena and which he had chosen as his point of attack. 
 The Emperor was present in person at this operation, 
 and sometimes in his impatience would snatch up a 
 torch to light the engineers. 
 
 Napoleon was on horseback giving his last orders 
 before the break of day. Victory crowned his 
 efforts, and before the end of the day the Prussian 
 army was completely routed. It was only in the 
 night and on the following days, that the immense 
 results of this memorable encounter became known. 
 When the Emperor re-entered Jena in the evening, 
 after having visited the field of battle with his accustomed 
 solicitude — a pious duty in the fulfilment of which 
 nothing was allowed to stand in his way — the whole 
 extent of this great victory was not yet known. But 
 in the night General Romeuf, Marshal Davout's aide- 
 de-camp, arrived with the news of the victory won 
 the same day, a few leagues off, by the Alarshal, a 
 victory which completed that of Jena, and which won
 
 58 ]SIÉNEVAL'S ilEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 for this intrepid warrior the warmest congratulations 
 of the Emperor, and the title of Duke of Auerstadt. 
 Abandoned by Bernadotte, who, yielding to a deplor- 
 able feeling of rivalry, not only refused his urgent 
 appeals for assistance, but left the battle-field on some 
 pretext, Davout remained alone with the three divisions 
 of his army corps, in presence of the second Prussian 
 army, which exceeded the number of his soldiers by 
 more than half. The King of Prussia and the two 
 first generals of the great Prussian army, the Duke 
 of Brunswick, commander-in-chief, and Field-marshal 
 IMollendorf, one of the comrades-in-arms of the great 
 Frederick, were at the head of this army. jMarshal 
 Davout, in spite of his numerical inferiority, did not 
 hesitate to oppose the enemy's passing. The IMarshal's 
 tenacity, backed by the coolness and intrepidity of the 
 Gudin, Priant, and IMorand divisions, won him a com- 
 plete victory. These splendid successes, achieved before 
 the arrival of the Russian troops, had destroyed the 
 Prussian military forces and thrown open the gates 
 of Berlin to the French army. 
 
 The Emperor, master of all the enemy's communica- 
 tions, and assured of victory, had written from Gera 
 to the King of Prussia to declare that in spite of all 
 his advantages, he was disposed to restore peace to 
 the nations; that he had given the Prussian monarch 
 no real cause for war ; and that he asked him to remove 
 from his councils the crackpates who, fourteen years pre- 
 viously, had wanted to take Paris, and who had pro- 
 voked the present war. 1\I. de Montesquieu, Napoleon's 
 officer of ordonnance and chamberlain, who had been 
 commissioned to carry this letter, was detained at the 
 enemy's outposts. The Emperor's letter was sent on
 
 ]méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 59 
 
 to the King, who according to what he said, did not 
 receive it till the following day when the fighting had 
 already begun. But even if the King had received 
 it on the previous evening its perusal would have done 
 no good, so great was the excitement of our adver- 
 saries. 
 
 The remnants of the Prussian army, which had 
 showed itself inferior to its great reputation, dispersed, 
 and, flying in every direction, fell one after the other 
 under the ardent pursuit of the French army. One 
 month after entering the field the enemy's army no 
 longer existed. 
 
 On the morrow of the battle of Jena, the Emperor 
 called together the officers of the Saxon troops which 
 had been taken prisoners, and, through my old com- 
 rade jSIousticr, who acted as interpreter, informed them 
 that he would send them back home, if they would 
 promise not to serve against France again. The Saxon 
 prisoners numbered six thousand men and three hundred 
 officers. This act of generosity won for Napoleon the 
 sympathy of a prince worthy of esteem and respect, 
 the King of Saxony, whose friendly feelings and loyalty 
 towards him never failed, even in the midst of the 
 cruellest adversity. At the same time it was one ally 
 the less for Prussia. 
 
 Napoleon thereupon left for Berlin, halting at Wei- 
 mar. The Grand-duchess, sister of the Emperor 
 Alexander, came to meet him with all her court, and 
 asked for his protection for her States. The Emperor 
 received her with courtesy, although her husband was 
 commanding one of the Russian army corps, and gave 
 orders that this new Athens, the home of the first 
 litterateurs of Germany, should be respected. As he
 
 6o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 passed through Rosbach Napoleon gave orders for the 
 removal of the monument which the Prussians had 
 erected on this spot in remembrance of the battle of 
 that name. This monument, which consisted of a small 
 pillar, was transported to France. The scattered 
 remnants of the vanquished army were pursued with- 
 out respite in all directions. The troop amongst which 
 the King of Prussia found himself tried to rally at 
 Magdeburg. In his flight the King ran the risk of 
 being taken prisoner at Weissensee, where he was cut 
 off by a division of dragoons belonging to the French 
 general Klein. The Prussian general Blucher saved 
 his king by a trick, assuring General Klein that an 
 armistice had been concluded. As a matter of fact 
 the King had asked for an armistice but Napoleon 
 had refused it. The general was blamed in an order 
 of the day for having given credence to the mere word 
 of the enemy in so serious and important a matter. 
 
 Whilst the Emperor was at Wittemberg he received 
 a letter from the Duke of Brunswick, which was 
 brought by an officer of his household. The Duke 
 wrote as a suppliant to commend his country to Napo- 
 leon's generosity, and to place it under French pro- 
 tection. The Emperor took the opportunity to express 
 himself very severely on the Duke of Brunswick's con- 
 duct in 1792, and in the present war, on the violent 
 proclamation with which he had threatened the French 
 nation with sword and fire, and the insolence with 
 which he had summoned our brave army to evacuate 
 (icrmany by gradual stages, and to flee without fighting 
 before the Prussian eagles ; and on his present abasement 
 in coming to-day in person to implore the generosity 
 of a people which he had dared to threaten with
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIllS OF NAPOLEON I. 6l 
 
 shameful chastisement. Napoleon declared that he 
 would not take reprisals, that "General" Brunswick 
 would be treated with all the respect due to a Prus- 
 sian officer, but that he would only be treated as a 
 Prussian general, and consequently not as a sovereign; 
 but that the inhabitants of the Duchy of Bnmswick 
 would find generous enemies in the French soldiers. 
 He repeated several times that to destroy the dwell- 
 ings of peaceful citizens was a crime which could be 
 repaired with time and money, but that to dishonour 
 an army by requesting it to flee before the Prussian 
 eagles was a baseness which only the man who advised 
 it was capable of committing. 
 
 The same Duke of Brunswick who had excited this 
 legitimate indignation was mortally wounded at Auer- 
 stadt by a cannon-shot in the head, and was conveyed 
 to Brunswick. He did not await the French there, 
 and was conveyed on to Altona where he breathed 
 his last. 
 
 The Emperor, as a proof of the satisfaction which 
 he had felt at Marshal Davout's splendid conduct and 
 at the bravery of his army corps at Auerstadt, reserved 
 for them the honour of being the first to enter Berlin. 
 He betook himself there in person towards the end of 
 October. He spent two days at Potsdam, where he 
 visited the castle of Sans-Souci, which he explored 
 with great interest. He made his guides explain to 
 him with all sorts of particulars the sort of life that 
 the great Frederick had led in this residence of his. 
 Writing-tables stained with ink were to be found in 
 most of the rooms. There was an immense alcove in 
 the King's bedroom in which Frederick the Great 
 used to sleep on a small bed, which had been removed
 
 62 ilÉXEVAL'S ME:\I0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 since then. In the same room were to be found a 
 number of music-desks which had been used at the 
 concerts, at which Frederick played the flute himself 
 and performed pieces of music which he himself had 
 composed with the members of his private orchestra. 
 Everything in these rooms showed this great prince's 
 contempt for luxury and pomp. Nothing had been 
 changed since his death. The Emperor found the 
 King's sword, his sash as general, and his cordon of 
 the Order of the Black Eagle, at Potsdam. He seized 
 upon these trophies with eagerness, considering them 
 as priceless, and presented them to the Hôtel des 
 Invalides in Paris. We saw the apartment which Vol- 
 taire had occupied. The drawing-room, or cabinet, of 
 this apartment was hung with a painted and varnished 
 tapestry, which represented apes and parrots perched 
 on trellis-work. The governor of the castle told us 
 that this was the same tapestry which had been 
 there in Voltaire's time, and that the King had placed 
 it in the French philosopher's rooms with a malicious 
 intention. 
 
 M. Chastenet de Puységur's work " On the Art 
 of War, " which we found in the library of Potsdam 
 Castle, was opened at the very page where the King 
 had finished reading it. A small volume, in bastard 
 i8mo, bound in red morocco, printed in Holland, and 
 marked with a "P" on the cover, as were all the 
 other books in this library, was found lying on a small 
 table. It was Montesquieu's work " On the Greatness 
 and Decline of the Romans," and each page of this 
 book was covered with marginal notes in the writing 
 of the great Frederick. I carried this book to the 
 Emperor, and he kept it in his library. M. de Talley-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon r. 63 
 
 rand, who heard speak of it, asked me for it. I gave 
 it to him, but was never able to get it back, though 
 I frequently asked him for it. 
 
 The Emperor went from Potsdam to Charlottenburg, 
 where he slept. This was one of the King's pleas- 
 ances, at about one league's distance from Berlin. He 
 was received on his entry into this beautiful residence 
 with music, which was such that one might have sup- 
 posed that it was performed by the buglers of numerous 
 regiments of cavalry. As a matter of fact this music 
 was performed by one of those mechanical musical 
 instruments which are so common in Germany. This 
 mechanism was in this case placed in a gallery, and 
 was of extraordinary dimensions. 
 
 The harbingers in attendance found, in a drawer in 
 the Queen's toilet-table, a voluminous memorandum 
 from Dumouriez on the best ways of injuring France. 
 
 The Emperor made a triumphal entry into Berlin, 
 passing under the triumphal arch which adorns the 
 Brandenburg gate, accompanied by his marshals, aides- 
 de-camp, and the imperial foot-guards. He spent the 
 best part of the month of November in the Prussian 
 capital. He occupied the King's palace or Schloss, 
 which seemed an unfavourable omen for the future of 
 Prussia, for Berlin was the only capital which Napo- 
 leon had conquered in which he stayed in the sovereign's 
 residence. Napoleon's stay in Berlin was marked by 
 respect towards the members of the royal family, by 
 the act of clemency with which he dealt with Prince 
 Hatzfeldt,* and by the famous decree on the continental 
 blockade. 
 
 * The account of the scene which passed between the Emperor and 
 the Princess Hatzfeldt will be read with pleasure, in the following
 
 64 :méxeval's memoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 England, abusing her maritime supremacy to the 
 last degree, had forbidden all trade by sea between 
 France and the neutral powers; and to carry out this 
 measure the British JMinistry had declared the coasts 
 of France, and of the countries occupied by the 
 French troops, to be in a state of blockade, although 
 as a matter of fact this blockade only existed on paper. 
 
 This unexampled attempt to violate international 
 law — which only acknowledges as blockaded a harbour 
 that is literally blockaded by the presence of a naval 
 force — drove Napoleon to take just reprisals by for- 
 bidding trade of any kind with England. The approach 
 of any coast belonging to countries subjected to French 
 arms was forbidden to the English. Any Englishman 
 so found was declared prisoner by this mere fact; 
 
 letter which was written to the Empress Josephine, under date of the 
 6th November, at Berhn, at nine o'clock in the evening. It is written 
 in the second person singular, and proves the great affection and 
 familiarity of the imperial couple at this time : 
 
 " My Josephine, — I have received your letter in which you seem 
 vexed with me for the nasty things which I say about women. [This 
 is an allusion to a letter which Josephine had written to Napoleon 
 to reproach him for having spoken with harshness of the Queen of 
 Prussia in his bulletins — De M.] It is tnie that I hate intriguing 
 women more than anything. I am accustomed to women who are 
 good, sweet, conciliating ; the sort of women that I like. It is not my 
 fault if they have spoiled me ; it is your fault. And besides, you will 
 see that I have acted very kindly towards one who showed herself 
 sensible and good, that is to say Madame de Hatzfeldt. "When I 
 showed her her husband's letter, she exclaimed naively enough and 
 with intense feeling — sobbing the while : ' Oh, yes, that is his writing.' 
 Whilst she was reading it I was touched to the quick. She really 
 made me feel sorry for her. I said to her : ' W^ell, Madame, throw 
 this letter into the fire, I shall no longer be strong enough to con- 
 demn your husband. She burned the letter, and seemed to me to be 
 very happy. Her husband has been very easy since. Two hours 
 more and he would have been lost. You see that I am fond of 
 good, naïve, and gentle women. But it is true that those are the 
 only women who are like you." 
 
 To avoid a clumsiness of translation I have not reproduced this famili- 
 arity in the translation. — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 65 
 
 any ship having communicated with the coast of Eng- 
 land, or with any of the English colonies, was declared 
 to be a lawful prize ; all goods of English manufacture 
 were confiscated ; all English letters, no matter what 
 they were, were seized in the post and destroyed. 
 The Emperor was not blind to the rigour of these 
 measures ; to the English maritime blockade he opposed 
 the continental blockade. England forbade him the 
 sea; he forbade her the continent. Such is the origin 
 of the decree of Berlin, which declared the British 
 Isles in a state of blockade. * This decree u^as imme- 
 diately notified to the maritime powers who were 
 allied to Erance, and its execution strictly enforced. 
 
 The result of the battles of Jena and Auerstadt had 
 been the total annihilation of the fine Prussian army 
 which had stepped on to the field of battle with as 
 much foolhardiness as courage. It vanished, to make 
 use of Napoleon's expression, like an autumn mist 
 before the rising of the sun. Generals in chief, generals 
 in command of army corps, princes, infantry, cavalry, 
 artillery — all was gone. The pursuit of the disbanded 
 and scattered remnants of this army in every direction 
 resembled a hunt. All the fortified places without 
 exception, some of which were the strongest in Europe, 
 fell one after another into the hands of the French, 
 who had but to present themselves at the gates to 
 have these opened to them. All that remained to 
 the King of Prussia was twenty thousand men fleeing, 
 dispersed, beyond the Oder, and the only refuge 
 that this unfortunate monarch could find was at 
 Ivœnigsberg. 
 
 The surrender of Magdeburg reminded one of the 
 
 * Issued November 21st, 1806. 
 VOL. II. 5
 
 66 ]\iéxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 taking of Ulm: twenty generals, eight tiundred officers, 
 and twenty-two thousand soldiers marched out past 
 Marshal Ney. There were taken fifty-four flags, five 
 standards, eight hundred pieces of cannon, a million 
 of powder, a large pontoon-train and an immense 
 amount of artillery materials. 
 
 Prince Jérôme, commanding an army composed of 
 the French allies, was commissioned to reduce Silesia. 
 He besieged and carried, one after the other, the seven 
 great fortified places which protect this province. He 
 was summoned from Silesia to join the Grande Armée, 
 and to take part in the combats which followed upon 
 the entry of the French into Warsaw. The reports 
 mentioned the distinguished services which he rendered 
 there, and the courage which often drove him right 
 up to the enemy's outposts. He afterwards returned 
 to Silesia and had the glory of achieving the conquest 
 of this province. The Emperor, desiring to stimulate 
 the spirit of emulation among the troops of the con- 
 federation of the Rhine, sent to the King of Wur- 
 temberg a part of the flags which had been captured 
 at Glogau by the Wurtembergers. 
 
 Napoleon had entered Berlin with a soul ulcerated 
 and filled with bitterness against those who had pro- 
 voked the war which had just brought him to this 
 capital. This unexpected triumph, these decisive and 
 immense results, howev^er flattering they might be for 
 his pride, would gladly have been bartered by him 
 for an alliance which was now out of the question. 
 They were the outward and visible signs of the dis- 
 appearance of his favourite political dream. So also 
 his words towards those who had lighted or fanned 
 the flames which had just devoured their country,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 67 
 
 were incisive, severe, and humiliating. Fidelity to the 
 King of Prussia no longer seemed a virtue to him. 
 He transformed all excesses of zeal for the interests 
 of this King into the crime of high treason. His 
 resentment manifested itself in bitter complaints — which, 
 however, were fully justified, — against the Queen, who 
 had allowed herself to be carried by unreasoning hatred 
 far beyond the limits to which her sex and her rank 
 should have restrained her; and he compared her to 
 Armida, in her madness, setting fire to her own 
 palace. The immoderate exaltation of this princess 
 had been as fatal to the Prussian monarchy as the 
 excessive prudence of her husband. 
 
 On the other hand the Emperor treated the members 
 of the royal family, who had remained in Berlin, with 
 respect. He paid a visit to the King's uncle, Prince 
 Ferdinand, v^^hose son had been killed at Saalfeld, and 
 tried to speak some words of consolation. He also 
 visited the widow of Prince Henry, and the King's 
 two sisters, one of whom was in child-bed, and the 
 other ill. He treated these princesses with delicate 
 attentions, and provided for the wants of the second, 
 who, in the confusion of the times, had been left 
 deprived of all the comforts of life. 
 
 Napoleon gave orders that the pensions of Princess 
 Henry, and of Prince and Princess Ferdinand, should 
 be paid to them regularly, and replaced in possession 
 of their revenues and pensions two sisters of the Duke 
 of Brunswick, who had been mortally wounded at one 
 of the last two great battles. 
 
 Several small principalities, independent of, though 
 allied to, Prussia, were exempted from contributing to 
 the war levies. The city of Leipzig was relieved of
 
 68 MÉNEVAL'S ME^^IOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 the extraordinary levy which had been laid upon her. 
 The English goods which had been seized there were 
 left to the merchants, who bought them in for ten 
 million francs. The levy imposed on the Electorate 
 of Hesse-Cassel was put to the charge of the Elector's 
 private debtors, and these were forced to pay into the 
 army treasury the sums which this prince had lent 
 them. In one word the Emperor did his best to 
 diminish, as far as was possible, the burden of the war 
 which weighed on the towns and minor states which 
 had been drawn, against their will, into the struggle 
 between Prussia and France, A suspension of hostilities 
 had been signed at Charlottenburg, during the Emperor's 
 stay in Berlin, where he was endeavouring to negotiate 
 for peace. The King of Prussia having refused to 
 ratify it, on the ground that a part of the Prussian 
 States, which the French troops were to occupy, was 
 in the possession of the Russians, the Emperor left 
 Berlin for Posen. 
 
 If Prussia and her army were annihilated by our 
 great victories, the Russian armies remained intact. 
 Although the season was advanced the Emperor could 
 not hesitate to march against them. The campaign in 
 Poland was announced in a proclamation to the army, 
 which was dated December 2nd, the second anniversary 
 of the proclamation of the Empire. The approach 
 of the French army had revived the undying hopes 
 of the Poles. The people were arming in every 
 direction, and in addresses and by deputations prayed 
 for the re-establishment of their nationality. Napoleon 
 would, however, make no promises. He awaited that 
 the issue of this campaign, as he himself said, should 
 permit him to solve " this great political problem, of
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 69 
 
 which God alone, Who holds in His hands the com- 
 binations of all events, was the arbitrator." Before 
 leaving Posen, the Emperor concluded a treaty of 
 peace with the Elector of Saxony, whose virtues and 
 fidelity he held in high esteem. By the terms of this 
 treaty the title of King was given to this prince, who 
 after the Peace of Tilsitt, added to it that of Grand- 
 duke of Warsaw. 
 
 A decree ordered the erection of the Temple of 
 Glory in Paris. This monument was to bear on its 
 front the words : " The Emperor Napoleon to the 
 Soldiers of the Great Army," and orders were given 
 that a plan of this building, which was to occupy the 
 site of the Madeleine church, should be laid before the 
 Emperor with the least possible delay. 
 
 The Emperor went from Posen towards Warsaw. 
 The roads were in a fearful state. Duroc, the Grand 
 ^Marshal of the Palace, whose carriage was upset 
 under way, broke his shoulder-bone. It was only on 
 the morrow that he could be transported to Warsaw. 
 
 The Emperor's entry into this ancient capital of 
 Poland excited a state of universal delirium. He only 
 spent three days there. Hearing that the Russian 
 generals had stopped their retrograde movement and 
 were marching to the front. Napoleon left Warsaw at 
 one o'clock in the morning of December 23rd to go 
 and encounter them. Several fights took place, notably 
 at Nasielk, where Colonel Plùlippe Ségur was taken 
 prisoner, after bravely defending himself When Na- 
 poleon arrived at Nasielk the Russians were evacuating 
 this town. He followed so close upon them that he 
 entered the town before his servants had finished 
 cleaning out the hut where he was to pass the night.
 
 70 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 A corpse was hidden under some straw in this hut, 
 and the servants had barely the time to remove it, 
 almost under his eyes. 
 
 The encounters at Pultusk and Golymin ended this 
 short campaign. The Russians had heavy losses at 
 these places, but were preserved from certain annihi- 
 lation by the heaviness of the mud, which was so thick 
 that the cannon got stuck. Even soldiers perished in 
 this slough, without being able to extricate themselves. 
 It may be added that in the course of these trying 
 marches, the indomitable courage and patient valour 
 of the soldiers did not for an instant abandon them. 
 The sight of the Emperor marching in the midst of 
 the ranks on roads soaked with rain consoled them 
 for all their sufferings, and their natural gaiety helped 
 them to bear up against all their troubles. Sometimes 
 a joke passed from mouth to mouth and excited general 
 laughter. A soldier, seeing the Emperor struggling 
 painfully against the mud and swaying on his horse 
 which slipped at every step, began to hum this refrain 
 of a song that was fashionable at the time: — 
 
 "On ne saurait trop embellir 
 Le court espace de la vie." 
 
 This parody on Cynéas's advice to Pyrrhus brought 
 a smile to the lips of Napoleon, who was not vexed 
 at the sally. Their privations, however, and the bad 
 weather irritated the soldiers against Poland. There 
 was always some epigram suggested to them by their 
 privations. They had remembered four Polish words 
 amongst others, and used to make up dialogues with 
 them. These were klcba (bread), voda (water), nicvia 
 (no), zara (at once). The soldiers used to say: "When
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 71 
 
 you ask the Poles for bread, they never fail to an- 
 swer 'Nicma kleba' ; but if you ask them for water {voda), 
 oh, then it's ' zara zara zara/'" 
 
 The alternations of snow, frost, and thaw rendered 
 inarching impossible, and the Emperor returned to 
 Warsaw. He spent the whole month of January, 1807, 
 there. During this halt, which gave the army a rest, 
 Napoleon gave fêtes and concerts to the Polish ladies. 
 He did not remain insensible to the charms of one of 
 them, whose tenderness and devotion did not fail him 
 in the days of misfortune. * 
 
 Prince de Bénévent presented General Baron de 
 Vincent to the Emperor at Warsaw. The Baron was 
 the bearer of a letter from the Emperor of Austria, 
 whose protestations and offers did not entirely reassure 
 Napoleon on the equivocal attitude of this power. 
 General Andréossy, French ambassador to Vienna, 
 had described the tendencies of the court of Austria 
 as being very suspicious, repeating this first warning, 
 which he had given in the month of September, 
 tinvards the end of October of the same year, 1806. 
 He sent word that this court was certainly mixed up 
 in the political conspiracy; that Austria, with respect 
 to the rest of the Continent, was in the same position 
 as Prussia had been before the battle of Austerlitz ; 
 that Count Stadion was still at the head of affairs, and 
 
 * :Madame Walcska. Duroc acted as go-between in this matter. 
 On Napoleon's gallantries in general and in particular read Frederic 
 Masson's highly interesting book: " A'apoleon et Les Femmes" (Paris, 
 1893). The following typical love-letter from Napoleon to Madame 
 Waleska will be read with interest. 
 
 "Have I displeased you, Madame? Had I not the right to hope the 
 contrary? Am I mistaken? Your ardour has diminished, whilst mine 
 has increased. You rob me of my peace of mind. Oh! give a little 
 joy, a little happiness to a poor heart all ready to worship you! Is it 
 so difficult to obtain an answer? You owe me two. N." R. H. s.
 
 72 méneval's mExMOIrs of napoleon I. 
 
 that everything was directed by him ; that, under pre- 
 text of cantoning the Austrian army, the troops of 
 the Emperor Francis were being assembled on the 
 Pohsh frontier; that, instead of disarming, Austria main- 
 tained the same attitude, and that her standing army 
 might be estimated at one hundred and thirty thousand 
 men; that, besides, the position and successes of the 
 Great Army was the one object of Austria's poHtics 
 and those of the Continent, 
 
 Marshal Ney wrote to the major-general that the 
 examination of prisoners had informed him, apart from 
 particulars concerning the movements and operations of 
 the Russian and Prussian troops, " that it was gener- 
 ally believed that on the first successes obtained by 
 the Russians — successes which they thought certain by 
 reason of their numerical superiority — the Austrian army 
 would give a diversion in ISIoravia and march into Silesia. " 
 
 An old Polish soldier, born in i6go, was presented 
 to the Emperor during his stay in Warsaw. This old 
 man of one hundred and seventeen was without any 
 infirmity, and in the full enjoyment of his memory. 
 He had known King Sobieski, and remembered the 
 stories which his father had told him of the battle at 
 which he was present when the King of Poland defeated 
 the Turks and forced them to raise the siege of Vienna 
 in 1683. In answer to a petition, written in Polish 
 and in a still firm handwriting, which was handed 
 to him by this patriarch of days gone by, Napoleon 
 ordered that a pension of one hundred napoleons 
 should be paid to him, and one year's pension in 
 advance. 
 
 A serious attack upon our cantonments, made by 
 the Russian army, forced Napoleon to take the field
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 73 
 
 again, in spite of the extreme cold. He left Warsaw 
 to fight with the Russians the battle of Preussisch- 
 Eylau, which was bloody and hardly contested. A 
 horrible spectacle was the sight of this battle-field. 
 covered with corpses, and furrowed with blood, which 
 lay in long lines mapped out on the snow. We had 
 slept the evening before at the little village of Eylau, 
 and returned there on the evening after the battle. 
 The Emperor deeply regretted the loss of one of his 
 aides-de-camp. General Corbineau the elder, w^ho w^as 
 killed whilst carrying an order in the course of the 
 engagement. We had passed the night sleeping on 
 the same straw with this officer, and he had expressed 
 a vague presentiment that the morro\v w^ould be fatal 
 to him. 
 
 One of the most daring cavalry actions known in 
 the history of war must not be passed over in silence 
 here. A body of twenty-four squadrons— composed 
 for the most part of the division of General d'Hautpoul's 
 cuirassiers and mounted grenadiers of the imperial 
 guard, commanded by General Lepic — charged the 
 Russian squares. These intrepid cavalrymen broke into 
 the centre of the Russian army, wheeled round, 
 charged again, and forced their way right up to the 
 third line of the enemy's infantry, which they annihi- 
 lated. General d'Hautpoul was mortally wounded during 
 this magnificent charge. Before dying he had strengtli 
 enough left him to write to the Emperor to express 
 his devotion to him. Napoleon consoled the last 
 moments of this brave soldier wdth the following letter : 
 
 " Preuss. -Eylau, Feb. 9th, 1807. 
 "M. LE General d'Hautpoul— I was extremely touched
 
 74 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 by the letter which you have written to me. Your wound is 
 not such as to deprive your son of his father. You will 
 live to lead other charges at the head of your brave division, 
 and to cover yourself with fresh glory. You and your 
 children may rely upon the interest I take in you. 
 
 " (Signed) Napoleon." 
 
 The Emperor, by a decree dated from Osterode on 
 March 6th, 1807, ordered that an equestrian statue 
 representing General d'Hautpoul in his cuirassier uni- 
 form, should be made from the metal of twenty-foui 
 cannon which had been captured at E3dau. 
 
 ]\larshal Augereau, also, was wounded in this dis- 
 astrous battle. This wound and acute rheumatic pains, 
 with which he was tormented, temporarily affected his 
 mind. I saw him, by chance, riding up to the Em- 
 peror, with his hat in his hand. The perspiration was 
 pouring from his head, though it was bitterly cold at 
 the time. This INIarshal, usually so brilliant on the 
 field of battle, came to say that he no longer under- 
 stood anything about the manoeuvres, and asked to 
 be replaced. Napoleon listened to him with kindness, 
 and said a few words of consolation, and them com- 
 missioned General Compans to take over the temporary 
 command of his army corps. On the morrow permis- 
 sion was granted to the IMarshal to return to France 
 to attend to his health. 
 
 The Russians claimed the victory for themselves 
 and, according to their custom, had a Te Dciivi 
 chanted at St. Petersburg. But during the night which 
 followed this bloody day, they decamped, leaving us 
 masters of the field of battle, with many thousands of 
 prisoners, forty cannon, and sixteen flags. One of the 
 Russian army corps which had fought at Eylau, fell
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 75 
 
 in, on its retreat, with the fifth corps which General 
 Savary was commanding in the absence of Marshal 
 Lannes, who was lying sick at Warsaw. From this 
 encounter came the battle of Ostrolenka, which is men- 
 tioned in the reports as a combat, but at which, as a 
 matter of fact, three divisions of the French army 
 were engaged. The Russians were completely routed. 
 Napoleon expressed his satisfaction at the way General 
 Savary had acted, and awarded him the grand deco- 
 ration of the Legion of Honour. General Savary returned 
 to his service as aide-de-camp to the Emperor. 
 
 Napoleon spent three days at Eylau occupied in 
 arranging for the removal of the wounded, and in 
 hurrying on the arrival of provisions required for the 
 army. Some days after the battle he replied to the 
 proposals which the King of Prussia had made to him. 
 He expressed himself anxious to put an end to Prus- 
 sia's misfortunes. He offered to conclude a separate 
 peace with him, and to reorganize the Prussian 
 monarchy, which, as an intermediary power and as a 
 barrier against Russia, was necessary for the tran- 
 quillity of the whole of Europe. General Bertrand was 
 charged with this letter. The King's answer was 
 brought to Osterode by the Prussian general Klcist, 
 who had orders to add some verbal explanations. 
 The King of Prussia could not resign himself to sign 
 a treaty from which his ally was to be excluded. He 
 proposed the assembly of a congress at which Prussia, 
 Russia, England, and Sweden should be represented. 
 Prussia had just bound herself to England by a con- 
 vention, and had already received the first instalments 
 of an English subsidy. She hoped to find a powerful 
 ally in this state, and thought that a treaty made in
 
 76 méneval's isiemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 conjunction with England and Russia would be less 
 disadvantageous to her than a separate peace. The 
 Emperor, in his turn, answered that the inevitable delay 
 of a congress was not in accordance with the present 
 situation of Prussia, although he also desired to come 
 to an understanding with Russia and England. This 
 correspondence resulted in nothing, though the com- 
 munications between the head-quarters of the belligerent 
 parties were not interrupted during the time which 
 Napoleon spent at Osterode and Finckenstein. 
 
 From Eylau the Emperor went to take up his winter 
 quarters, at first at Osterode, so as to be near his 
 cantonments, and spent the end of February and the 
 whole month of March here. He issued numerous 
 orders from Osterode to provide for means of sub- 
 sistence, flour, wines, brandies, rum, and beer for the 
 soldiers and the invalids, and forage for the horses. 
 He ordered at the same time that detailed reports on 
 the state of the storehouses which had been concentrated 
 at Pultusk, Warsaw, and other places, should be laid 
 before him. He asked the heads of the various corps 
 for information as to how their soldiers were living. 
 Provisions for the soldiers were the first object of his 
 care, and he also paid great attention to the state of 
 the hospitals. Then followed orders to provide for 
 the salubrity and safety of the cantonments, for 
 remounting the cavalry, to bring up distant corps, and 
 thus to reinforce the army; to form provisional regi- 
 ments at ]\Iaycnce, and to march them to Potsdam 
 and other places; to recall French divisions, the Polish 
 legion, and the Polish lancers from Itiily ; and to form 
 with the latter an observation corps, the command of 
 which was given to the Polish general Zayonchek.
 
 MENEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 77 
 
 Other orders provided for the distribution of the funds 
 allotted to the artillery, to the engineers, to the com- 
 missariat, accoutrement and transport services, for the 
 awarding of recompenses, and for watching the move- 
 ments of the enemy. 
 
 On April I St Napoleon went to live in the Castle 
 of Finckenstein, where he spent the months of April 
 and May. During his stay here the same labours 
 were the object of his constant activity. He used to 
 make short excursions from Finckenstein to visit the 
 army corps, and to see the bridge which he had had 
 built over the Vistula. In the prolonged inactivity of 
 his residence in winter quarters Napoleon showed that 
 he knew how to ally patience and tact with the im- 
 petuous outbursts of his genius. Work was his element 
 and beguiled his impatience. The necessity of pre- 
 paring decisive triumphs to master the enemies, who 
 allowed him no hope of safety but in victory; to keep 
 Ills allies to their duty, and to reassure France, all 
 these duties made his time of waiting, so advantage- 
 ously used by him, appear very short. 
 
 As a matter of fact he had barely the time necessary 
 for the operations of the war on the one hand, and the 
 care of the government of his vast empire on the 
 other.
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 Excellent Resnlts of General Sebastiani's Embassy to Constantinople — 
 Decision on the Monument Dedicated to the Great Army — Reception of the 
 Ambassadors of Turkey and Persia — The Ambassador Accompanies the 
 Emperor at a Grand Review — Persian History of Alexander the Great — 
 Treaty with Persia — Failure of the Negotiations Begun with the Turkish 
 Ambassador— Armistice with Sweden — Siege and Taking of Dantzig — 
 Marshal Lefebvre Becomes Duke of Dantzig— Fruitless Negotiations with 
 the Allies — Attack by the Russians — Victory of Heilsberg and Friedland — 
 Tilsitt — Interview Between the two Emperors and the King of Prussia — 
 Stay at Tilsitt— Familiar Life and Intimacy of the two Emperors — The 
 Queen of Prussia at Tilsitt— Plans for the Division of Turkey — Treaties of 
 Tilsitt (Public and Secret Clauses) — Creation of the Kingdom of Westphalia 
 and the Grand-duchy of Warsaw — Constitution — Project for the Exchange 
 of Silesia for Austrian Galicia — Reason why this Plan was Given Up — On 
 the Tilsitt Alliance — Bombardment of Copenhagen — General Indignation in 
 Europe — M. de Talleyrand's Friends Suspected of an Abuse of Conlidence 
 — Death of the Crown Prince of Holland — Tragic End of Sultan Selim — 
 Departure of the Sovereigns from Tilsitt — Their Leave-taking — Napoleon's 
 Stay in Kœnigsberg and Dresden — General Savary's Mission to St. Peters- 
 burg — Arrival of the Emperor at St. Cloud — General Rejoicings — Organization 
 of the Kingdom of Westphalia — Pictures from the Cassel Gallery — Liberal 
 Constitution — Inters'iew between Prince Jérôme and the Princess of Wur- 
 temberg at the Château du Raincy — Civil and Religious Marriage — The 
 King and the Queen Spend Three Months in Paris — Change in the Ministry 
 — M. de Talleyrand appointed Vice-Grand Elector — He Leaves the Foreign 
 Office — Suppression of the Tribunate — Examination of Laws Attributed 
 to Commissions — Re-establishment of the Audit Office — New Arming 
 Against England — Army of Observation Intended to Force Portugal to 
 Accede to the Tilsitt Conventions — Busy Work in the Cabinet — General 
 Confidence — Opening of the Session of the Legislature by the Emperor — 
 Institution of a Hereditary Nobility — Presents Distributed Amongst the 
 Chiefs of the Army — The Extraordinary Domain — The Emperor's Views as 
 to My Future — Stay at Fontainebtean— The Army on the March for Portu- 
 gal — Contentions Between France and Spain — Convention with Denmark — 
 Letters from King Charles IV. and the Prince of the Asturias to the 
 Emperor — Long Conversations on This Subject with the Prince of Bénévent 
 — Madame de Bonchamps — General Ordener, First Equerry to the Empress 
 — ^Journey in Italy — Crossing Mount Cônis — Fêtes Given at Milan — Prince 
 Eugene Declared Heir Presumptive to the Crown of Italy — New Decrees 
 or Reprisals on the New Edict of the British Government — Stay in Venice 
 — Fetes — Interview Between Napoleon and Lucien Bonaparte at Mantua — 
 Lucicn's Eldest Daughter Sent to Paris — The Emperor's Intentions as to 
 This Child — The Emperor's Displeasure : the Child .Sent Back to Her Father 
 — Stay in Alexandria — Return to Paris — The Grand Sanhédrin — Reports 
 Handed in by the Various Classes of the Institute — New Letters from the 
 King of Spain — Suit Against the Prince of the Asturias — The Degeneration 
 of Spain — She Inspires the Emperor with Mistrust— He Thinks of Taking 
 Precautions Against this Doubtful Ally — March of the French Armies 
 
 78
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 79 
 
 Through Spain — They are Marched on to Madrid — The Aranjuez Revolution 
 against the Prince de la Paix — Abdication of Charles IV.— Missions of 
 M. de Tournon and General Savary to Madrid — The Emperor's Letter to 
 the Grand-duke of Berg — Remark on This Letter — Entry of the Grand-dukc 
 into Madrid — Prince Ferdinand's Solemn Entry on the Morrow — Charles 
 IV.'s Protest against His Abdication — Popular Enthusiasm —Last Conference 
 in Paris on Spanish Affairs — The Emperor's Overture to the King of 
 Holland — Departure of the Emperor for Bayonnc — The Château of Marrac 
 — The Prince of Asturia Decides to Come to liayonne — He Halts at Vit- 
 toria — A Letter from the Emperor Decides Him to Continue His Journey 
 — His Arrival in Bayonne — The Emperor Visits Him First and Invites Him 
 to Dinner — The Emperor's Opinion on His Perfidy and on the Mediocrity 
 of His Friends — He speaks of His Projects to Canon Esco'iquitz — Ferdinand's 
 Protest — Arrival of the Old Sovereigns at Bayonne — Their Indignation 
 Against Their Son — Charles IV, Summoned to Resign the Crown — Ferdi- 
 nand's Answer — Fermentation in Madrid Provoked by the Correspondence 
 — The Second Day of May — Violent Scene Between the King and His 
 Son — Napoleon, who is Present, Declares that he Recognizes Charles IV. 
 Alone as King — Refusal of the King to Resume the Crown — Act bj' Which 
 He Cedes It to the Emperor — Indemnities — Reflections on the Means Em- 
 ployed — Courier Sent from Bayonne to King Joseph — The Emperor's Care 
 to Preserve the Colonies — Convocation of a Junta at Bayonne — Departure 
 of Charles IV. for Fontainebleau and of the Spanish Princes for Valançay — 
 Constitution of Bayonne — Joseph Made King of Spain — Murat Made King 
 of Naples — Departure of the Emperor and the Empress — General Dessolles 
 at Auch — Stay at Toulouse and Bordeaux — The Emperor Hears of the 
 Capitulation of Ba'ilen at Bordeaux — His Indignation and Grief — Marescot — 
 Vedel— Answer to the Reproach of Not Having Had the Accused Tried — 
 General Insurrection in Spain — Cruelties Committed — The Emperor Received 
 with Triumph in the Vendée — Return to St. Cloud. 
 
 IT was during his stay at the Castle of Finckenstein 
 that the Emperor heard of the results of General 
 vSebastiani's brilliant embassy to Constantinople. I 
 will not enter into the particulars of the important 
 services which this ambassador rendered to the Porte 
 on this occasion in the interests of France. Napoleon 
 highly praised the energy and skill with which General 
 Scbastiani had raised the courage of the Turks, and 
 had stimulated them to put their capital and the 
 I'osphorus into a state of defence, as well as the 
 activity and the vigour which he had shown in direct- 
 ing the works himself, and in triumphing over the 
 Ottoman apathy. The complete success obtained by 
 our ambassador made French influence predominant 
 in the Divan. The Emperor himself had taken care
 
 8o .méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 to keep up the Sultan's favourable feelings towards 
 France. He kept writing him pressing letters, urging him 
 to place himself at the head of his troops, reminding him 
 of the glory of the Selims and the Amuraths — in one 
 word he had aroused in this weak, but really gifted 
 prince a feeling of generous indignation against the 
 oppression of England. Selim, in his enthusiasm for 
 Napoleon, and disobeying the law of the Koran, which 
 forbids all representations of the human face, had 
 desired to have a portrait of the Emperor, following 
 the example of Sultan Mustapha, who, in his admir- 
 ation for the great Frederick, had placed a portrait of 
 this king in his seraglio — the only portrait that had 
 ever entered its doors. Selim, in exchange sent the 
 Emperor his portrait, which was placed in the Emperor's 
 cabinet. It was the chevalier Amédée Jaubert who, 
 passing through Constantinople on his way back from 
 a diplomatic mission to Persia, brought this portrait, 
 together with the portrait of Feth-Aly-Shah, back to 
 Finckenstein. 
 
 It was at Finckenstein also that the Emperor decided 
 on the plan of the monument which he wished to 
 dedicate to the Great Army, and the erection of which 
 he had ordered on December 2nd, 1806. The buildings 
 of the Madeleine church, which had been abandoned 
 in an advanced state of construction in 1790, and as 
 to the occupation of which Napoleon had frequently 
 hesitated, were definitely appropriated to this monu- 
 ment. The committee of the Institute, charged with 
 the inspection of the plans submitted for the competi- 
 tion, had forwarded various plans, and had indicated 
 which amongst them they had considered the most 
 suitable. Napoleon had charged M. Fontaine, his
 
 MÉNEVAL'S iMEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 8l 
 
 architect, to be present at the inspection of the plans, 
 which was to take place at the Ministry of the Interior, 
 and to report to him on the subject. This report not 
 having reached the Emperor in time, he decided to 
 accept M. Vignon's plan, which had only obtained 
 the second place, but which pleased the Emperor by 
 the grandeur of its dimensions and form. What the 
 Emperor wanted was a building, not of the style of 
 modern churches, but which would recall antique 
 monuments, and be superior both in majesty and 
 magnificence to the finest buildings which antiquity 
 had bequeathed to us. No wood, and nothing but iron, 
 marble, and gold were to be used in the construction 
 of this building. I\I. Vignon's plan fulfilled some of 
 the necessary conditions, but was wanting in general 
 arrangement and in points of detail, M. Fontaine's 
 remarks made Napoleon regret not to have awaited 
 his architect's report before coming to a decision. 
 
 As the author of the successful plan had no practi- 
 cal experience of building, M. Rondelet, an architect, 
 was associated with M. Vignon, to superintend the 
 carrying out of the construction, M. Fontaine having 
 refused the post. M. Rondelet was the most celebrated 
 pupil of the great Soufflet, who, on his deathbed, had 
 mentioned him as the man most capable of finishing 
 the great cathedral of Ste. Geneviève, which has since 
 become the Panthéon. 
 
 The Madeleine, a grandiose specimen of architecture 
 under the Empire, and constructed on the model 
 of the temples of ancient Greece, is not adapted to 
 the requirements of a church. It was proposed to 
 place Napoleon's tomb in this building, and this plan 
 had the advantage of giving the founder of the impe- 
 
 VOL. II. 6
 
 82 MÉNEVAL'S MEINIOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 rial edifice a last home in a monument, at once reli- 
 gious and national, which had been erected under his 
 reign. But the Restoration decided otherwise, and the 
 Madeleine was purely and simply restored to divine 
 worship. 
 
 The Emperor received the Turkish and Persian ambas- 
 sadors at Finckenstein. Mirza-Rizza, a great Persian 
 nobleman, arrived in Warsaw early in March, at the 
 same time as a Turkish ambassador. The Persian 
 envoy was summoned, towards the end of April, to 
 Finckenstein where he was treated with great respect, 
 and put into relations with the vSecretary of State — Maret, 
 Duke of Bassano. The negotiations only lasted a few 
 days, and the treaty was signed on IMay the 8th. 
 The learned orientalist Jaubert, dragoman secretary to 
 the imperial cabinet, acted as intermediary between 
 the two neg'otiators. The Persian ambassador offered 
 the Emperor some pearls and shawls on this occasion, 
 representing them as coming from himself, because 
 he feared that they might give a lower idea than he 
 wished of his sovereign, as a good courtier, or from a 
 feeling of national pride. He pretended that his 
 master's presents had not yet arrived, and presented 
 his own, saying that he prayed the lion to receive the 
 gifts of the ant. He accompanied Napoleon to a great 
 review following the Emperor step by step amidst 
 the ranks of the soldiers, walking on the ploughed 
 fields with his beautiful slippers and trailing robe. 
 It was very hot weather, and he returned to Finckçn- 
 stcin quite worn out. Throwing himself on his couch, 
 he kept exclaiming, exhausting the whole voca- 
 bulary of admiration, "How great! How fine! How 
 magnificent!" Below his breath he muttered: "lam
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 83 
 
 dying of fatigue." The Emperor used to walk out 
 with him in the gardens of Finckenstein every day. 
 One day the poor ambassador found himself in a very 
 awkward position. His supply of henna had run out, 
 a red substance which he used for dyeing his nails and 
 the palms of his hands, and he was as much ashamed 
 to appear before the Emperor with white hands as 
 the habitué of our drawing-rooms in Paris would have 
 been to present himself without gloves. One day the 
 conversation turned on the history of Alexander, and 
 the ambassador said that the true history of this con- 
 queror was to be found in Persia. Mirza-Rizza de- 
 parted on his way back home immediately after the 
 signing of the treaty. He was followed shortly after- 
 wards by General Gardanne, the Emperor's aide-de- 
 camp, who was accredited as ambassador to the court 
 of Teheran. Napoleon at the same time sent some 
 distinguished officers to be attached to his legation. 
 They were intended to act as instructors and auxili- 
 aries to the Persian army. As to General Gardanne, 
 who went to Teheran in the hopes of finding a treasure 
 which had formerly been buried in this capital by his 
 grandfather, his searches were in vain. 
 
 The Turkish ambassador, Seib-Wahid-Emin-Efifendi, 
 arrived in Finckenstein a month later. He was as 
 much lacking in wit and intelligence as ]\Iirza-Rizza 
 had been distinguished for these qualities, and was 
 essentially a formal and fastidious person. Commis- 
 sioned to tighten the bonds of friendship which united 
 us to Turkey, he did not consider himself vested with 
 sufficient powers to conclude a real alliance. During 
 a conference which took place between him and the 
 Emperor in the garden of the castle of Finckenstein,
 
 84 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Napoleon urged him to conclude, making signs with 
 his hand to try and make the Turkish ambassador 
 understand that the Russians had made us proposals 
 of peace. At last, to compel him to come to a deci- 
 sion, the Emperor declared to him that if no arrange- 
 ment was come to between France and Turkey, peace 
 would inevitably be made with Russia to the exclu- 
 sion of the Porte. Wahid contented himself with an- 
 swering that he needed fresh instructions, that the 
 answer to his letter would not occasion a delay of 
 more than forty days, and that he begged the Emperor 
 to wait. Napoleon, who could not submit to delay, 
 was made very impatient by this obstinacy. 
 
 In the meanwhile events were progressing, and in 
 the interests of the campaign Napoleon left for Dantzig. 
 He summoned the Turkish ambassador to join him 
 there, and to continue the negotiations with the Duke 
 of Vicence, who was not a whit more successful. All 
 these conferences came to nothing, and hostilities with 
 the Russians recommenced. Wahid-Effendi proceeded 
 to Paris, where he soon heard of Sultan Selim's deci- 
 sion, which deprived him of his powers. 
 
 The Treaty of Tilsitt was signed, and Turkey had 
 missed her opportunity of uniting herself in a close 
 alliance with France, which would have been advan- 
 tageous to both states. The failure of Napoleon's 
 efforts to bring the Porte to this line of action was 
 of a nature to cool his feelings towards this state; 
 however, in spite of the obstinacy which had been 
 shown in these delays, either owing to the incapacity 
 of the representative sent to Finckenstein, or to the 
 influence of Russia on the Divan, the good understand- 
 ing between Turkey and France did not appear to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 85 
 
 bo in the least diminished; but M. de Talleyrand 
 showed himself very offended that anybody but himself 
 should have been chosen to treat either with Turkey 
 or with Persia. 
 
 The war with Sweden continued. Marshal Mortier 
 received orders to occupy Pomerania and to besiege 
 Stralsund, the garrison of which was a menace to 
 our lines of communication. The Emperor considered 
 the war with Sweden bad policy. He bitterly regretted 
 that the Swedes had set fire to the fine faubourg of 
 Stralsund and that two thousand of the inhabitants 
 were in consequence homeless. 
 
 He deplored the sufferings caused to a nation which 
 was our natural ally. He had in consequence expressed 
 a wish to Marshal Mortier that a suspension of 
 hostilities might be concluded, thanks to which friendly 
 relations might once more be established between the 
 Swedes and ourselves. This wish for a truce was 
 realized, although no definite treaty of peace was 
 concluded. An armistice which had been granted for a 
 period of ten days only, and which the Emperor had 
 had prolonged, lasted until about the middle of July. 
 Peace had just been signed at Tilsitt, when the armis- 
 tice was broken by the King of Sv.eden. It looked 
 as if he had awaited the very moment when Napoleon 
 could dispose of all his forces to commit this impru- 
 dent act. The Swedes were thereupon expelled from 
 Pomerania, which was occupied by the French troops, 
 as also from Stralsund and the island of Rugen. The 
 King, having in this way lost his possessions in Ger- 
 many, retumcd to Sweden. 
 
 During his stay at Osterode, the Emperor had under- 
 taken the siege of Dantzig, which, for the success of
 
 86 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 his military operations, it was highly important for him 
 to occupy. He had intended to appoint Marshal Vic- 
 tor to the command of the besieging army, but this 
 soldier was taken prisoner on his way to his post by 
 the Prussian Schill, whom we shall see playing a 
 more important part in the war of 1809 against Aus- 
 tria. Marshal Lefebvre was then commissioned to 
 conduct the siege. Marshal Kalkreuth, on his side, 
 defended Dantzig with stubborn courage. The Emperor 
 Alexander and the King of Prussia, feeling how neces- 
 sary it was to save this fortified place, sent reinforce- 
 ments, but all their attempts to raise the siege were 
 in vain. An English corvette, the Sans Peur — carrying 
 twenty-four cannons, and freighted with powder and 
 cannon balls — was boarded and captured by a picket 
 of the regiment of Paris. Lacking it is true in deep 
 science. Marshal Lefebvre displayed all his bravery 
 and all his activity in the task which had been en- 
 trusted to him, and General Chasseloup directed the 
 operations of the siege with skill. At last, after a 
 resistance of two months, which did great credit to 
 the Prussian general, at the very moment when the 
 town was going to be taken by storm, Kalkreuth 
 asked to capitulate. In recognition of his brave defence 
 Napoleon granted him honourable terms. The same 
 day. Marshal Lefebvre made his entry into the town. 
 It was at Finckenstein, on ]\Iay 29th, that the 
 Emperor heard the news of the surrender of Dantzig. 
 He at once sent General Rapp to take over the com- 
 mand of this place. Napoleon went himself to spend 
 two days there, and to visit his new conquest. He 
 approved of the works which had been executed by 
 the engineers, and complimented Marshal Lefebvre on
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 8;7 
 
 his splendid conduct. He created him Duke of Dantzig, 
 and handsomely endowed the new title. He authorized 
 him to accept a considerable sum of money, the 
 exact amount of which I forget, which the States had 
 offered of their own accord to the Marshal, but which 
 he had refused to accept without the Emperor's per- 
 mission. On leaving the Sovereign, the new Duke 
 slipped. He was not superstitious, and so, picking 
 himself up, he said good-naturedly : " Egad, my good 
 town of Dantzig is badly paved." Napoleon having 
 distributed numerous rewards amongst the soldiers who 
 had taken part in the siege, returned to Finckenstein 
 by way of Marienburg, to prepare to resume the 
 offensive. 
 
 In spite of his success and of the satisfactory state 
 of his army, which had recruited itself in the can- 
 tonments, the Emperor was anxious on account of his 
 difficult situation between obstinate enemies and doubt- 
 ful allies, and on account also of his prolonged absence 
 from France. He was not in ignorance of the fact 
 that it was the victory of Jena alone which had pre- 
 vented the Austrian ^Ministry from declaring itself 
 against him, and the Spanish Cabinet from attacking 
 him. He strongly inclined to prefer an advantageous 
 peace to continuing the war, although he considered 
 himself very well able to stand against his enemies. 
 Napoleon had showed the most conciliatory disposition. 
 He had offered to conclude a treaty with the Russians 
 on the same conditions as those which were signed in 
 the preceding month of July by M. d'Oubril, at Paris. 
 He was not indisposed to restore his provinces and 
 capital to the King of Prussia. The Prussian Ceibinet 
 had declared that it could not separate its cause from
 
 88 MÉNEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON 1. 
 
 that of its ally, and, as a matter of fact, it was in the 
 hands of Russia. The Austrian Cabinet, which had 
 sent M. Vincent to Warsaw, where the Emperor had 
 left him with M. de Talleyrand, wanted nothing better 
 than to intervene in the negotiation. Forced to declare 
 itself, Austria had offered her mediation with the 
 mental reservation of swaying the negotiations, or of 
 crushing us in case reverses came upon us. The 
 Emperor had accepted the mediation of this power so 
 as to be consistent with the pacific sentiments which 
 he had expressed. England approved, Prussia seemed 
 inclined to accept, but the Emperor of Russia dissuaded 
 the King of Prussia. The Czar's armies had been 
 strongly reinforced, and the half-success of the battle 
 of Eylau, which his generals represented to him as a 
 victory, had given Alexander confidence. He had 
 made tempting promises to the King of Prussia, and 
 had induced this prince to conclude, at Bartenstein, a 
 convention which was a trial of the agreements which 
 were negotiated and concluded in 1813, with greater 
 success. The object of this convention was the re- 
 establishment of the Prussian monarchy, the restoration 
 of their independence to the German States, and the 
 realization of important projects against France in the 
 event of the war having a favourable termination. 
 England and Sweden agreed to the Bartenstein conven- 
 tion, but Austria refused to take part in it. In the mean- 
 while the reunion of a general congress in which all 
 the belligerent powers in Europe were to be represented 
 had been proposed to the Emperor and agreed to by 
 him under certain reservations. The allies expressed 
 a wish to hear on what basis Napoleon proposed to 
 treat, whilst they themselves suggested none. Napo-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 89 
 
 Icon had answered without hesitation that his bases 
 would be equality, reciprocity and a system of equi- 
 table compensations. Our enemies no doubt considered 
 this moderation as a proof of Aveakness on his part, and 
 all the more in consequence staked their hopes on the 
 hazards of war, for, at the very moment when it was 
 thought that the last obstacle to the congress had been 
 remo\-ed, the Russian army marched out of its encamp- 
 ment and attacked the French army. 
 
 The consequence of this attack was to force the 
 Emperor to leave Finckenstein hastily. I followed 
 him as far as Dantzig. I was detained by sickness 
 for a fortnight in this town, at the end of w^hich 
 time I rejoined Napoleon. Marshal Ney, attacked 
 by a large portion of the Russian army, made a 
 firm resistance. He retreated in good order and held 
 his own until the French army had been assembled. 
 It was then Napoleon who took the offensive. The 
 victories of Hcilsberg and Friedland followed. This 
 last battle was decisive, for the Russian army was 
 crushed and forced to take refuge beyond the Niémen. 
 The defeat of her allies deprived Prussia of her last 
 resources and did away with all hope of re-establishing 
 her affairs. The Emperor of Russia was reduced to 
 ask for an armistice, during wliich negotiations for 
 peace might be entered upon. Napoleon made no 
 difficulty in accepting this proposal and despatched 
 General Duroc to arrange the conditions of the truce. 
 
 i\Iy health having been restored by rest, and our 
 great victories having also contributed to my cure, I 
 was impatient to rejoin the Emperor. On my way 
 through Kœnigsberg, where General Savary, whose 
 services and unfailing fidelity were recompensed six
 
 go MÉNEVAL'S IMEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 months later with the title of Duke of Rovigo, had 
 been left as governor of the city, I saw Prince de 
 Bénévent who was awaiting the Emperor's orders 
 there. I preceded him by some days and proceeded 
 in company with the Count de Turenne, chamberlain 
 and orderly officer, to head-quarters. We passed 
 through the forest of Wehlau, which was said to be full 
 of peasants who had taken refuge there, and who used 
 to sally out on expeditions against the rear of the 
 army. Although we were without escort we were 
 lucky enough not to make any bad encounters. 
 
 The Emperor had been in Tilsitt three days when 
 I arrived there. Almost simultaneously, General Duroc 
 arrived from carrying the ratification of the armistice, 
 concluded between the two armies, to the Emperor Alex- 
 ander's head-quarters. I heard that this was his second 
 journey and that an interview between the two 
 Emperors had been agreed upon. It duly took place, 
 two days later, in a tent which had been erected on 
 a raft moored in the middle of the Niémen. Napo- 
 leon who had arrived first crossed through the tent 
 and went to meet the Emperor Alexander. The two 
 sovereigns, with a spontaneous movement fell into 
 each other's arms and embraced. It was a beautiful 
 sight and its impressiveness was increased by the 
 cheers of the two armies drawn up on cither side of the 
 river, cheers which starting from the right shore and 
 echoed back from the left, mingled in one loud 
 shout. A second interview to which the Emperor Alex- 
 ander brought the King of Prussia took place on the 
 same raft, on the morrow. The two foreign sovereigns 
 afterwards established themselves in the town of 
 Tilsitt, which had been rendered neutral for the time
 
 MÉNEVAL'S jSIEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. QI 
 
 being, The two armies kept their respective positions 
 on the two banks of the Niémen and a perfectly friendly- 
 understanding grew up between them. 
 
 On the day on which the two Emperors returned 
 into the town, a dinner was given at Napoleon's 
 quarters. On the morrow and following days they 
 rode out together, accompanied by the King of Prussia. 
 The object of their rides was to visit the various 
 encampments of their armies. They held reviews, 
 they ate of the soldiers' soup, and paid each other all 
 the usual compliments. The Emperor Alexander took 
 pleasure in exhibiting his picked men, the Russian 
 guards and the Cossack regulars. Napoleon admired 
 them, and even distributed some decorations of the Legion 
 of Honour amongst them. So intimate did the two 
 Emperors become, that, when on returning from their 
 excursions the Czar was to dine with Napoleon, the latter 
 would not allow him to go home to change his dress. 
 He used to send somebody to the house where 
 Alexander lived to fetch the things he needed. He 
 used to send him his own cravats and handkerchiefs 
 through his valet. He placed his big gold travelling 
 bag at his disposal, and as Alexander had praised the 
 carvings of the various fittings, and the way in which 
 the bag was arranged. Napoleon made him a present 
 of it before they separated. When they returned 
 before the dinner-hour it was for the sake of a free 
 tctc-(i-ti'tc. On such occasions they used to leave 
 the King of Prussia, and go into a little gallery 
 which adjoined the Emperor's work-room. Sometimes 
 Napoleon would bring the Czar into his study and ask 
 for his maps, which included one of Turkey in Europe. 
 I have seen them bending over this map and then
 
 92 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 continuing their conversation as they walked up and 
 down. Schemes of partition were occupying them. 
 Constantinople was the only point on which they 
 were not visibly agreed.* 
 
 It was easy to see that Napoleon did not wish these 
 questions to give rise to any discussions likely to 
 trouble the harmony which had been re-established 
 between them, and that a tacit agreement had been 
 come to, to maintain, provisionally at least, the statu 
 quo. It would, moreover, be difficult to assign any 
 results to the conversations which I overheard in the 
 study, which for the most part began but, did not end; 
 or having begun outside, ended there. Nothing be- 
 sides was written on this subject. In their familiar 
 conversations the two Emperors often spoke of home 
 politics and forms of government. Alexander used 
 to describe a hereditary crown as a source of abuses, 
 whilst Napoleon could not find arguments enough to 
 prove that it was precisely a hereditary monarchy 
 which assured the peace and the happiness of the 
 people. The Emperor Napoleon in relating these 
 conversations used to say that if the opinions expressed 
 by Alexander were not the outcome of what he had 
 been taught by his tutor, the Swiss colonel Laharpe, 
 they were the effect of his tendencies to mysticism. 
 It may be supposed, seeing that Alexander's conduct 
 was not entirely straightforward, that his arguments, 
 though seriously expressed, were only spoken with a 
 purpose, and were far from being his real opinions. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander was tall, well-built, and 
 elegant. He spoke French without any accent, and 
 
 * " Constantinople ! " Napoleon used to say, "That is the conquest of 
 the world."
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 93 
 
 always expressed himself with grace and dignity. 
 His way of receiving people was familiar rather than 
 imposing, and his manners were open, though his 
 look was not always a frank one. He used to listen 
 to Napoleon with extreme interest, and behaved with 
 filial deference towards him. He used to walk with 
 his head slightly bent on one side, from the habit of 
 bending down to listen through deafness in one ear. 
 Possibly he wanted to resemble Alexander the Great 
 in this respect. 
 
 The Queen of Prussia came to Tilsitt, ten or twelve 
 days after the Niémen interview, accompanied by her 
 mistress of the robes. Countess de Voss. The Queen 
 was a woman of middle height but very imposing, 
 and her profile was an admirable one. Her beauty 
 was splendid although she was at that time no longer 
 in the freshness of youth, being thirty-two years old. 
 I saw her when she came to dine with the Emperor. 
 She had relied on the resources of her wit and her 
 charms to obtain better terms for Prussia. But though 
 Napoleon affected a gallant and respectful bearing 
 towards her, all the complaints, prayers, and impor- 
 tunities of this deeply humiliated queen, all the feminine 
 wiles to which she had recourse were bound to 
 fail, and as a matter of fact did fail before the stern 
 exigencies of politics. Besides, the Queen had come 
 after all had been settled. She effected nothing but 
 to hasten on the conclusion of the two treaties with 
 Russia and Prussia. 
 
 On the morrow of the Queen's arrival, three treaties 
 were signed. One of these was between France and 
 Russia, another was between France and Prussia. 
 The third was a separate treaty which the two emperors
 
 94 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 mutually engaged to keep a profound secret. The 
 two first treaties are known. The secret treaty itself 
 has become public property since the circumstances 
 have ceased to exist under the influence of which it 
 was concluded. The two allied powers engaged in 
 this treaty to make common cause in any and every 
 eventuality, to force England to peace, to take away 
 all the Porte's European provinces, with the exception 
 of Constantinople, to force Portugal and the Northern 
 powers to close their ports against English trade, and 
 to use their influence to induce Austria to declare 
 war on her side against England. 
 
 An article of the treaty with Russia, mentioned that 
 it was out of consideration for the Emperor Alexander 
 that the Emperor Napoleon consented to restore to the 
 King of Prussia the provinces which were left to him. 
 This loss amounted to about half of the whole territory 
 which had belonged to the King of Prussia before the 
 war. The principal conditions of the public treaties 
 were the creation of a new kingdom in favour of 
 Jerome Bonaparte, Napoleon's youngest brother, and 
 the establishment of a Grand-duchy of Warsaw out 
 of the Polish provinces which Prussia had lost. This 
 new state was given to the King of Saxony, with the 
 exception of the district of Byalystock, which was 
 detached from these provinces and ceded to Russia. 
 
 The constitution which Napoleon gave to the Grand- 
 duchy of Warsaw was conceived in a manner to assure 
 to the inhabitants of this State institutions for the 
 protection of thciv liberties conciliating these with the 
 tranquillity of the Polish provinces incorporated with 
 Russia and Austria. This constitution abolished serfdom, 
 and made all citizens equal before the law, declared
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 95 
 
 that the Napoleonic code should be the civil law of 
 the state, and prescribed that all trials, whether civil 
 or criminal, should be held in public. It suppressed 
 the diets, the pospolita, the liberum veto and all the 
 other privileges of the Polish nobility, which had been 
 the causes of troubles and anarchy in the kingdom. 
 The executive power was vested in the Grand-duke, 
 the legislative power was attributed to a Senate com- 
 posed of a minimum of eighteen and a maximum of 
 thirty members, and to a house of nuncios, composed 
 of one hundred deputies from the districts and com- 
 munes. These chambers had the power of passing or 
 of rejecting the laws which in every case had to be 
 presented to them on the initiative of the Grand-duke. 
 The creation of the Grand-duchy of Warsaw in 
 favour of the King of Saxony, whose predecessors had 
 reigned in Poland, had so great an influence on the 
 subsequent relations between the Russian and the 
 French empires that the mere mention of so important 
 an event will not suffice. The Grand-duchy was 
 formed of provinces which had belonged to the old 
 Polish monarchy, which Prussia had obtained at the 
 various divisions, and which she had just lost by the 
 fate of war. Russia had no scruples about profiting 
 by a small part of her ally's losses. The importance 
 of the creation of the Grand-duchy of Warsaw cannot 
 have been misunderstood by the Emperor Alexander, 
 and if he assisted in this matter it was because he 
 did not feel himself sufficiently strong at the time to 
 oppose it. We shall see him later on, when Russia 
 had repaired her losses, had realized the most solid 
 advantages of the treaty of Tilsitt, and had finished 
 the conquest of Finland, expressing his displeasure
 
 gà MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 at the enlargement of the Duchy of Warsaw, which, 
 however, could with difficulty be considered as any- 
 thing else than a stepping-stone. The creation of this 
 State, as a matter of fact, seemed a kind of forerunner 
 to the re-establishment of the Polish monarchy, and 
 this capital question was the rock on which the Franco- 
 Russian alliance was to break. The treaty of Tilsitt 
 might have become the instrument of the reconstitution 
 of the Kingdom of Poland, and it is perhaps a matter 
 of regret that the iniquitous parcelling out of this brave 
 nation was not repaired by its means. The Emperor, 
 encouraged by the prodigious success of the campaign 
 which had rendered him master of the whole Kingdom 
 of Prussia, was for a moment tempted to dispose of 
 Silesia in exchange for Galicia with Austria. Napoleon 
 would in this way have been able to reconstitute the 
 Kingdom of Poland, less the missing Russian provinces, 
 on the most solid basis ; but this restoration could not 
 be but the work of time. At the time of the peace 
 of Tilsitt numerous obstacles stood in the way of the 
 realization of Napoleon's good intentions. The Emperor 
 Alexander could not with decency give countenance 
 to the infliction of fresh sacrifices on his ally. By 
 acting in spite of him Napoleon would have dissatisfied 
 Russia without conciliating Austria, whose tendencies 
 were the constant object of his suspicion. And more- 
 over he was anxious for a settlement; his absence, 
 which had already been too greatly prolonged, the 
 distance he was from France, and other considerations 
 — the influence of which he no doubt had appreciated, 
 and of which he had measured all the importance — induced 
 him to abandon a plan which, no doubt, afterwards he 
 recrrottcd not to have carried out to the end.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 97 
 
 The Russian alliance sealed at Tilsitt, as well as 
 the triumphs of the two immortal campaigns which 
 had preceded it, lifted the power and the glory of the 
 Emperor Napoleon to their highest summits. The 
 consequences to France were, of necessity, immense. 
 It was only after the disaster at ]\Ioscow that cause 
 for blame was found. Adversity undertook, as a matter 
 of fact, to prove that this treaty contained in germ the 
 ruin of the Empire. Adversity discovered that the 
 Emperor could have crossed the Niémen after the 
 victory of Friedland, and could have followed up his 
 successes with a powerful army at a time when the 
 Russian and Prussian forces were almost entirely 
 destroyed. Napoleon had good reasons for acting 
 thus, but no doubt he had better reasons for stopping 
 at the time we are speaking of, and for concluding 
 the important treaty of Friedland, although politicians 
 have blamed him, perhaps not without reason, for 
 placing too much trust in the Emperor Alexander, and 
 for leaving Prussia either too strong or too weak. 
 
 The decree issued at Berlin, by which the British 
 Isles were declared in a state of blockade, in creating 
 the continental system, rendered it necessary to take 
 extraordinary measures for carrying it out, so that no 
 loophole might be left open to English commerce. 
 The uneasiness caused by the interruption of maritime 
 trade, tended, as can easily be understood, to tire out 
 the perseverance of the states involved in the continental 
 system ; but the power which first violated it, although 
 suffering less thereby than other powers, was Russia 
 — restored to confidence and strength by her alliance 
 with France. The treaty of Tilsitt, which inaugurated 
 this alliance, brought with it a system of concessions 
 
 vol. il 7
 
 g8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 the entire advantage of which was in favour of the 
 Russian Empire. Disadvantages and dangers were all 
 that France ever derived from this treaty. The prin- 
 cipal results of this agreement were to place Russia 
 at once, and on easy terms, in possession of Finland, 
 to involve us in the unfortunate Spanish campaign, 
 and to prevent the restoration of Poland. The French 
 alliance stimulated anew the insatiable greed of Russia. 
 This favourable circumstance, arousing the Czar's claims 
 on the Ottoman Empire, encouraged him to ask for 
 its division and the occupation of Constantinople. 
 Napoleon's just refusal awoke a feeling of discontented 
 coolness in Alexander s bosom, which he did his best 
 to disguise under the appearance of the most captivat- 
 ing friendship, and which, after our troubles in Spain, 
 and the inevitable consequences of the continental 
 blockade transformed itself into open enmity. The 
 difficulties created by these various causes were great, 
 but not insurmountable. It needed the disasters of 
 Moscow and of Leipzig to overthrow the beautiful 
 monument of Napoleon's glory. 
 
 One of the most iniquitous and most barbarous 
 acts of English politics, committed shortly after the 
 treaty of Tilsitt, excited general indignation in Europe. 
 An English fleet, freighted with an army of thirty-five 
 thousand men, under the command of General Cath- 
 cart, suddenly appeared off the coasts of Denmark, 
 although the Danish Government had done nothing 
 whatever to furnish England with a pretext for an 
 attack. The only excuse which the British Govern- 
 ment dared to make for this atrocious violation of 
 international law was, that to all appearances, it was
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 99 
 
 the intention of the Danish Government to ally its 
 naval forces with those of France. Denmark was 
 reposing in the security of peace ; no means of defence 
 had been prepared either at Copenhagen or on the 
 island of Zeeland, and as the whole Danish army was 
 on the continent it was impossible to foresee any 
 attack on this island. An English agent * presents 
 himself and without opening any negotiation, without 
 taking the trouble to justify his mission, without giving 
 any alternative, signifies to the Danish Government an 
 order to hand over the Danish fleet to the admiral in 
 command of the English expedition, and on these demands 
 being refused, threatens to burn down Copenhagen. ** 
 So insolent an ultimatum could not be accepted. 
 Accordingly, on September 2nd, 1807, a day of sinis- 
 ter memory, there begins, without any other formality, 
 the bombardment of the Danish capital, which lasted 
 with horrible intensity for three days. A great part 
 of the city was reduced to ashes, and on the 7 th, the 
 governor capitulated to avoid its entire destruction. 
 The Crown Prince, who was away from his capital, 
 had sent orders that the fleet was to be burned, but 
 these orders had never reached their destination. 
 More than sixty vessels, frigates, brigs, and other ships, f 
 together with the entire naval munitions, fell into the 
 hands of the English, who destroyed or burned what- 
 ever they could not carry away. The general feeling 
 
 ♦ Mr. Jackson, former Chargé d'affaires in Paris, before Lord ^^^lit- 
 worth's embassy. — r. h. s. 
 
 ** Mr. Jackson's demand was that the fort of Kronenburg, the port 
 of Copenhagen, and tlie Danish fleet should be handed over on trust, 
 to England, to prevent them falling into the hands of the French. De 
 Mêneval misrepresents the matter. — R. h. s. 
 
 t Incorrect. There were taken sixteen line-vessels, and twenty brigs 
 ard frigates. Only two vessels were destroyed in the docks. — R. h. s.
 
 lOO MENE VAL s ]\IEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 in Europe was one of indignant reprobation of this 
 act of savage violence. The English Ministry replied 
 to the vehement attacks, which were made on it on 
 this occasion in Parliament, by declaring that the re- 
 velations of secret engagements entered upon at Til- 
 sitt by the two Emperors, had made it necessary to 
 order the Copenhagen expedition, but it was unable 
 to furnish any proof of the truth of these allegations. 
 Suspicions have attached in this matter to M. de 
 Talleyrand's friends. Although these suspicions were 
 never proved to be well-founded, I must say that the 
 Emperor had occasion to find out that breaches of con- 
 fidence had been committed before that time under 
 M. de Talleyrand's Ministry, and that important docu- 
 ments taken from the Foreign Office had been com- 
 municated to foreign powers. An act of treachery of 
 this kind was the reason of the dismissal and banish- 
 ment of a former head of the secretary's office in this 
 ministry, whom Napoleon did not allow to return to 
 France until long after. 
 
 The triumphs of Napoleon and of our armies were 
 counterbalanced by a misfortune which came upon the 
 imperial family in May, 1807. The death of the Crown 
 Prince of Holland overthrew the hopes and the projects 
 which were staked on this child's head, and the real- 
 ization of which, if he had lived, might perhaps have 
 prevented the Emperor's second marriage with a foreign 
 princess. Napoleon was much attached to this nephew, 
 the son of his adopted daughter. In the summer 
 months which the Emperor was able to spend at 
 St. Cloud, this child used sometimes to be brought 
 under the windows of his cabinet, which opened out
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. lOl 
 
 on the parterre. When Napoleon saw him he used 
 to go and kiss h"m. I used sometimes to see him 
 carrying the child in his arms as he came in to resume 
 some work in which he had been interrupted. Napo- 
 leon-Charles — such was the child's name — was not yet 
 five years old, when he was suddenly snatched from 
 his mother's arms — leaving her, for some time, demented 
 with sorrow. Napoleon, greatly grieved by this loss, 
 sent his sister Caroline to comfort the unhappy parents, 
 who had retired to the Palace of Loo, in Holland. 
 Queen Hortense left the kingdom on this occasion and 
 went to the springs in the Pyrenees. King' Louis 
 accompanied her, wishing to try the effect of these 
 waters on his health, which time and the damp climate 
 of Holland had considerably affected. He spent the 
 months of June and July there. Croup, of which the 
 young prince died, was at that time little known. 
 Napoleon offered a prize of twelve thousand francs to 
 the author of the best essay on the means to prevent 
 and cure this cruel disease, so sudden in its attacks, 
 and so rapid in its progress. It has been noticed that 
 it was on the same date, IMay 6th, fourteen years 
 later, that the Emperor was by death reunited to the 
 young nephew whom he had thought of appointing his 
 heir. 
 
 The deposition of Selim, and this monarch's tragic 
 death, which shortly followed, were another misfortune. 
 If this prince, who was worthy of a better fate, had 
 lived, the treaty of Bucharest, which was so fatal to 
 us in 1812, would doubtless never have been concluded. 
 
 On July gth, 1807, after an exchange of the rati- 
 fications of the treaties which had been signed the
 
 I02 MÉNEVAL'S ME]\rOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 day before, Napoleon, wearing the grand cordon of 
 the Russian Order of Saint Andrew, proceeded to 
 the Emperor of Russia, who received him at the head 
 of his guard, wearing the grand cordon of the Legion 
 of Honour. Napoleon had the soldier of the Russian 
 imperial guard who had most distinguished himself, 
 presented to him, and handed him the golden eagle 
 of the Legion of Honour as a proof of his esteem for 
 the Russian guardsman. He also presented his portrait 
 to General Platow, hetman of the Cossacks. 
 
 After three hours' conversation Napoleon accompa- 
 nied Alexander to the bank of the Niémen, where 
 the Czar embarked. The two sovereigns separated 
 after the most affectionate leave-taking. The King 
 of Prussia, after an exchange of purely formal visits, 
 took leave of the Emperor Napoleon and proceeded 
 to Memel. Napoleon, on his side, set out at once for 
 Kœnigsberg. 
 
 The Emperors of Russia and France had spent 
 twenty days at Tilsitt, Their residences in this city 
 were quite close to each other, and in the same street. 
 During all this time Napoleon and Alexander showed 
 the greatest friendship for each other. Who would 
 not then have seen in their intimacy a solid guarantee 
 for the peace of Europe? It is necessary to believe 
 that Alexander's professions of friendship were sincere 
 at the time. 
 
 Napoleon halted one day in Kœnigsberg and settled 
 the dates on which the Prussian provinces still occupied 
 by the French troops should be evacuated, assigning 
 to each army corps the place which it should occupy. 
 
 The Emperor sent General Savary direct to St. 
 Petersburg from Kœnigsberg. The mission of this
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEJMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 103 
 
 general— who had received instructions both concise 
 and broad, but which had no official character — had 
 for its object the keeping of the Emperor Alexander 
 in the frame of mind which had dictated the treaty of 
 Tilsitt, and the hurrying on of the execution of the 
 various stipulations of the treaties ; he was also to 
 superintend the choice and speedy departure of a Russian 
 ambassador to Paris, and finally to reside in St. Peters- 
 burg until further orders. 
 
 Napoleon then proceeded to Dresden, where he spent 
 three days. He received sincere proofs of gratitude 
 and attachment from the worthy King of Saxony. 
 He settled with Labouillerie, general paymaster to 
 the Great Army, whom he appointed treasurer of the 
 extraordinary domain, all matters connected Avith the 
 levies on Prussia and the conquered provinces which 
 amounted altogether to more than six hundred millions 
 of francs. 
 
 Napoleon returned to St, Cloud with all speed, and 
 without stopping on the way. He arrived there on 
 July 27th, at five o'clock in the morning. He dined with 
 his family, the Archchancellor Cambacérès being present. 
 In the evening he saw the ministers and on the mor- 
 row he received the congratulations of the great cor- 
 porations of State. 
 
 The Emperor's return, after an absence of ten months, 
 the longest he had ever made, was hailed with uni- 
 versal satisfaction. The prosperity enjoyed by all 
 classes evoked a feeling of gratitude and warm sym- 
 pathy for the man who had just crowned the most 
 unheard-of successes with the most glorious peace. 
 The hope that this peace would be durable filled every 
 heart with gladness. Paris was delighted, and a
 
 I04 MÉNEVAL'S ISIEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 general illumination was spontaneously improvised on 
 the very evening of the Emperor's arrival. 
 
 Napoleon's first care was to develop the prosperity 
 of the country at home and to do everything necessary 
 to strengthen its security, a security which had not 
 been in the least disturbed during his long absence 
 from home. He then turned his attention to foreign 
 affairs, and sought the best means for inducing the 
 European powers, including Austria, to declare against 
 England, — the realization, in short, of the advantages 
 which he had looked for from the treaty of Tilsitt. 
 
 Napoleon proceeded also with the organization of 
 the kingdom of Westphalia, which had been created 
 by this treaty in favour of Jerome Bonaparte. This 
 kingdom had been put together out of the Electorate 
 of Hesse-Cassel, joined to the Duchy of Brunswick and 
 other provinces in Germany which had been ceded by 
 Prussia. Hanover also became an integral part of the 
 kingdom of Westphalia in 1 8 1 o. Marshal IMortier had 
 been commissioned to take possession of these various 
 States. 
 
 There was, amongst other rich artistic collections 
 at Cassel, a fine picture gallery; and some of the 
 finest pictures were sent to Paris. Two of these, of 
 the greatest value — the best works of Paul Potter — 
 were offered to the Empress Josephine, who had tlicm 
 placed in her gallery at La Malmaison. One was " The 
 Farm at Amsterdam," which is more generally known 
 by a vulgar name, and the other was " Men Chased 
 by Animals." I remember seeing these pictures there. 
 They were admired by all connoisseurs, and used to 
 be covered over with green curtains to protect them. 
 When the Emperor looked at them, he seemed to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 105 
 
 regret that the Empress had accepted them. He used 
 to say that it was robbing the Museum. He would 
 have taken 'more pleasure in them at the Museum, 
 because the greatest pleasure that he could afford 
 himself was to enrich France with all the masterpieces 
 which he gained by his victories. 
 
 Napoleon gave to the new Kingdom of Westphalia 
 a constitution the provisions of which are an answer 
 to the reproach that has been cast upon him of being 
 the defender of privileges and the restorer of absolute 
 power. This constitution, like that of the Grand-duchy 
 of Warsaw, and like the constitution of Bayonne, which 
 were drawn up later, consecrated the abolition of serf- 
 dom, the equality of all men before the law, the 
 publicity of trials and the eligibility of all citizens 
 without distinction to fill public offices. Already, as 
 First Consul, he had given a proof of his vigilance 
 for the rights of the people, by causing a special 
 clause to be inserted into the deed by which Louisiana 
 was ceded to the United States, g-uaranteeing that the 
 inhabitants of this colony should be protected in their 
 liberties, their possessions, and religion. Napoleon 
 sent French commissioners to the new Kingdom of 
 Westphalia, charged wùth the organization of the 
 various government departments, and to form a regency 
 council pending the king's arrival. The marriage of 
 Jerome, Napoleon's brother, with the daughter of the 
 King of Wurtemberg, was the consequence of the 
 foundation of this new throne. 
 
 The interview between the future spouses took place 
 at the castle of Raincy, near Paris. Prince Jerome, 
 bright, witty, and fond of pleasure, was not yet twenty- 
 three years of age. Princess Catherine was one year
 
 io6 ]\iéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 older. This union, formed by cold political calculations, 
 was soon strengthened by the mutual affection which 
 sprung up between husband and wife. Catherine of 
 Wurtemberg, whose destiny it was to give an example of 
 conjugal fidelity and constancy under adversity, during 
 a period when so many reputations, till then considered 
 above reproach, went to the wall, was a beautiful and 
 interesting princess. From the first moment she won 
 the sympathies of her new family, and the Emperor 
 embraced her affectionately directly he saw her. The 
 civil marriage was performed with great pomp in the 
 Diana gallery, at the Tuileries Palace, and the Prince- 
 Primate gave the nuptial blessing to the young couple 
 in the chapel of the same palace on the following 
 day. There was a reception at court that day, but 
 the bad weather spoiled the illuminations and prevented 
 the firework display. 
 
 The King and Queen of Westphalia spent three 
 months in Paris, whilst the regency council, composed 
 of the three councillors of State, — Simeon Beugnot 
 and Jollivet and General Lagrange — was organizing 
 the government of the kingdom in the sovereign's 
 name and establishing his authority. Initiated to 
 the science of government by the Emperor, King 
 Jerome had frequent conversations with his brother, 
 and was in constant correspondence with the regency 
 council. A week after the departure of the Emperor 
 for Italy, the King and Queen of Westphalia left 
 Paris to enter upon their States. They were received 
 all along their route with the enthusiastic welcome 
 which was everywhere accorded to the name which 
 they bore. They spent a week at Stuttgart, where 
 the King of Wurtemberg did all in his power to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 107 
 
 treat his daughter and her husband with respect and 
 honour. The week passed in unending banquets and 
 fêtes. What a change seven years later! The old 
 king seemed then to want to make up for the marks 
 of respect which, in 1807, he had shown, through his 
 gnests, to the generous sovereign to whom he owed 
 his royal crown; but Napoleon, in 18 14, was no 
 longer anything more in his eyes than a vanquished 
 enemy, whom he had no longer any need to treat 
 with consideration. The change of times can alone 
 explain such changes of conduct and these things are 
 amongst the contemptible features of human nature. 
 
 After Napoleon's return from Tilsitt, an important 
 change was made in the ]\Iinistry. Prince de Béné- 
 vent, who, dissatisfied with the post of Grand Cham- 
 berlain, coveted a salary equal to that of the two 
 ex-consuls, was given the choice between the dignity 
 of Vice-Grand Elector and of Secretary of Foreign 
 Affairs. M. de Talleyrand preferred to resign his 
 portfolio, but he considered, and not without reason, 
 that his leaving the Ministry was the beginning of his 
 disgrace. The Emperor, without having material 
 proofs of his minister's infidelity, felt that he could not 
 continue to trust him. Napoleon accordingly thought 
 that it would be more advisable to keep Prince de 
 Bénévent at hand, and only to take advantage of his 
 services as occasion might warrant. M. de Champagny, 
 whom the Emperor had employed in certain negotia- 
 tions, whose honesty he appreciated, and who seemed 
 to him endowed with the special capacities that were 
 wanted, seemed to him the right man to manage the 
 Foreign Office, under his own direction. It is to be 
 regretted that Napoleon did not remove Talleyrand from
 
 io8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon r. 
 
 public affairs altogether, at the time when he removed 
 the portfolio of the Foreign Office from his hands ; 
 for the relations which this minister had formed with 
 certain foreign statesmen, and the way in which he 
 had managed to ingratiate himself with certain sove- 
 reigns, gave him powerful resources of influence which 
 he was able to use in a fatal manner against the 
 Emperor. 
 
 M. de Champagny gave up the Ministry of the In- 
 terior to M. Cretct, who was governor of the Bank 
 of France and who was replaced by Jaubert, the coun- 
 cillor of State. General Clarke replaced Marshal 
 Berthier at the War Office — the Marshal being raised 
 to the dignity of Vice-Constable, whilst retaining his 
 post as Major-general of the Great Army. 
 
 M. Portalis, one of the principal writers of the civil 
 code, was succeeded after his death, which occurred 
 in this same month, at the Ministr}'- of Public Wor- 
 ship, by M. Bigot-Préameneu, a learned lawyer, who, 
 like his predecessor, had worked on the civil code. 
 
 The Tribunate was suppressed by a senatus consultum 
 of August, 1807. This institution had not fulfilled its 
 object, even at the time when it was created. It was 
 a wheel in the governmental machine, which experience 
 had proved to be useless and even disadvantageous. 
 The Tribunate was composed, for the most part, of 
 very capable men, whom a new government could not 
 ignore. The danger lay in the fact that these men, 
 loving to shine by eloquence, and being steeped in 
 the ideas which they had advocated during the Repub- 
 lic, possessed a public tribune from which to preach 
 and maintain the same doctrines. These men brought 
 into their debates, in spite of the fact that nine-tenths
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. lOg 
 
 of them could not be suspected of ill-will or of 
 hostility against the authorities, a spirit of opposition 
 and an instinct of distrust, which prompted them to 
 reject measures of generally acknowledged public 
 utility — amongst others the so anxiously expected 
 provisions of the civil code. The modifications which 
 the Tribunate had undergone, a creation incompatible 
 with the idea of stability, did not remedy the fatal objec- 
 tion to the institution as an institution. Its suppression 
 was necessary, and incontestably simplified the elabora- 
 tion and making of laws. ''' The nation, tired of chatter- 
 ings and Utopian ideas, had one wish alone — to rest 
 from its agitations in the institutions which it expected 
 from the man in whom its trust had been placed. It 
 saw with displeasure the opposition which was raised 
 against him, and applauded this change in the consti- 
 tution. Speculative minds have asserted that Napo- 
 leon only suppressed the Tribunate, because he wished 
 to rid himself of an inconvenient censor, and because 
 he hated any publicity of discussion. Others, more 
 impartial, have found that, on the contrary, by this 
 measure the Legislative Body was restored to the full 
 exercise of its powers, and that the new method of 
 discussion which was adopted guaranteed better legis- 
 lation, by doing away with those parliamentary 
 quarrels which kept alive an agitation which was fatal 
 to the steady progress of the government. The exam- 
 ination of the projected laws was as a matter of 
 fact delegated to committees chosen from the Legislative 
 Body, and including its most experienced members. 
 The Council of State drew up the draft bills and 
 
 * It is said that Napoleon went one morning to the Tribunate Ses- 
 sion-room, loclied the door of this room, and put the key in his pocket.
 
 no MENEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 discussed them with the committees. In case of 
 disagreement the sections of the Council of State, and 
 the committees of the Legislative Body used to meet 
 under the présidence of the Archchancellor or of the 
 Archtreasurer, to come to an understanding. The 
 Speaker for the Council of State expounded the reasons 
 of the law to the Legislative Body, The president of 
 the Parliamentary committee was next heard. When 
 the matter had been sufficiently discussed a vote was 
 taken. If the committee of the Legislature did not 
 consider the proposed law acceptable, each of the 
 members of the committee was free to explain his 
 objections before the Chamber. The Legislature was 
 accordingly vested with the necessary authority, and 
 independence, and the examination of the bills remained 
 entrusted to the pick of its members. 
 
 An act which is worthy of mention is the reorgan- 
 ization of the Audit Office. This important measure, 
 which followed closely upon the suppression of 
 the Tribunate, has been praised as an act of wise 
 government, the budget committee having been ad- 
 mitted to be insufficient. But even the best things 
 are open to criticism, and fault has been found with the 
 fact that the annual balance-sheet submitted to the 
 Sovereign was not made public, and that only the 
 budgets of communes possessing an income of over 
 ten thousand francs a 3'ear were audited. The first 
 point was rectified by a subsequent order, by the terms 
 of which thte report of the Audit Office had to be annexed 
 to the accounts laid before the Legislature each year. 
 It was in the government's interest to develop this 
 system of public book-keeping as much as possible, 
 and the reasons for finding fault with the institution
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. Ill 
 
 of the Audit-Office were bound to disappear. Ex- 
 perience, and the restoration of peace, would have 
 brought with them reforms in turn, as well as the 
 improvement of many other services, for which time 
 was lacking. As Napoleon himself used often to say : 
 "Time is the great master of all things." 
 
 M. Barbé-j\Iarbois, from whom the Emperor had 
 been forced to withdraw the portfolio of the Public 
 Treasury^ in 1806, received by his nomination to the 
 presidency of the Audit-Office, a fresh proof of Napo- 
 leon's appreciation of his past services, very different 
 conduct from that of people who, in the day of 
 adversity, have forgotten the injuries they committed 
 against the man who had put a stop to their exile or 
 their proscription, only to remember the disgrace, too 
 often, fully merited, which had befallen them later. 
 
 One of the principal reasons which had induced 
 Napoleon to sign the peace of Tilsitt was the necessity 
 of securing fresh means for excluding England from 
 the Continent. With this object in view he exerted 
 all the forces of his intelligence, and began by weig'hing 
 with all his influence on Spain to obtain from this 
 degenerate power an increase of effort against the 
 common enemy. He exacted in consequence the co- 
 operation of the Spanish Government in forcing Portugal 
 to accept and carry out the continental system. The 
 Emperor on his side had summoned the Lisbon 
 Cabinet to close the ports of Portugal against the 
 English, to seize upon English subjects and merchan- 
 dise, and to declare war against England. The Portu- 
 guese Government had not heeded these behests. A 
 secret understanding, which the English Government 
 did not conceal in Parliament, existed between England
 
 112 MÉXEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 and Portugal, and tended to the evasion by the latter 
 of the decrees of Berlin. Napoleon decided in conse- 
 quence to fight this country. He assembled an army 
 of twenty-five thousand French soldiers, under the 
 command of General Junto near Bayonne, and ordered 
 them to invade Portugal. The Emperor occupied 
 himself in conjunction with the Minister of ]\Iarine 
 (Decrés), in preparing smail maritime expeditions, with 
 the object of ruining British trade and shipping in the 
 waters of the island of France, of the Antillas, and on 
 the coasts of Africa. He applied his indefatigable 
 activity to increasing the number of naval constructions, 
 to the creation of new maritime establishments, and, in 
 one word, to every development of the resources of 
 the French navy. His attention was at the same time 
 directed to the best means for providing for the needs 
 of the Treasury by admitting the finances of the State 
 to share in the profits of the war indemnities. This 
 same zeal for the public good extended itself likewise 
 to public works, to the protection required by commerce 
 and industry, to the reform of the magistracy, to the 
 improvement of the positions of parish priests, to the 
 advancement of science, art, and literature. The feast 
 of Saint Napoleon was celebrated with general enthu- 
 siasm. The peace of Tilsitt, and the hope that it would 
 be followed by peace at sea, opened every heart to 
 confidence. On the morrow, August i6th. Napoleon 
 opened the session of the Legislative Body with pomp, 
 which was further increased by the presence of an 
 immense concourse of people. In a speech, delivered 
 in a firm and sonorous voice, which thrilled the Assembly, 
 Napoleon related what he had done for the greatness 
 and happiness of France, and described the plans which
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAI'OLEON I. 113 
 
 he was meditating for the perfecting of our institutions. 
 This solemn session was terminated by a statement of 
 the magnificent situation of the French Empire. 
 
 The senatus consultum, announced one year previously, 
 which created hereditary nobility, issued from this 
 general state of prosperity. The creation of hereditary 
 titles was the natural sequence of the foundation of the 
 Empire, and the creation of the principalities which 
 had been conferred in 1806. On March ist, 1807 
 there had been registered at the Senate two statutes, 
 one providing for the creation of titles of princes, 
 dukes, counts, barons, and knights ; the other establishing 
 the regukition of the institution and composition of 
 settled estates. The nobility founded by Napoleon was 
 no more in opposition to the principles of equality 
 than the institution of the Legion of Honour. That 
 is what distinguished it from the old nobility, which 
 had been a privileged and feudal aristocracy. The 
 new nobility was injured by what was remembered of 
 the old. The imperial nobility would have needed, 
 before being judged, to have undergone the develop- 
 ments which time would have brought with it. It was 
 • the fruit of an idea of organization, which, as Napoleon 
 used to say, would have characterized the century. 
 The old aristocracy formed an association outside the 
 people which, separated from it by almost insurmount- 
 able barriers, was naturally hostile towards it. In 
 creating a new nobility, open to merit of every kind, 
 Napoleon counterpoised our old close aristocracy and 
 prepared its transformation. In the Emperor's mind 
 the imperial nobility restored the equality which had 
 been proscribed by the old nobility. Napoleon wished 
 to realize three importants objects: The amalgamation 
 
 VOL. ir. 8
 
 114 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 of old France with the new France^ the reconcihation 
 of France with Europe; and the effacement in Europe 
 of the vestiges of feudahty, by attaching the idea of 
 nobiHty to services rendered to the State. The supe- 
 riority which the old nobility arrogated to itself would 
 have been effaced by its fusion with the new. The 
 Princess de Beauvau, whose merits and attachm.ent 
 the Emperor highly esteemed, hearing that her eldest 
 son had been created a baron, could only bring herself 
 by force to recognize a favour in this gift of a title. 
 She ignored that her son would have recovered, in 
 time, the title to which he had a right. The members 
 of the ancient nobility, bearing names recommended 
 by ancient ser\'ices, or remarkably illustrious, would 
 have resumed the titles they had formerly borne, after 
 the peace and under conditions which would have made 
 of the two nobilities, one historical nobility. 
 
 The Emperor had distributed, on June 30th and 
 September 23rd, sums of from two hundred thousand 
 to one million francs to each of nine marshals, sums of 
 one hundred thousand francs to each of thirty-four 
 generals — in one word, revenues exceeding a total of 
 fifteen hundred thousand francs. These cash sums did 
 not cost the treasury one halfpenny, for they were 
 taken from the war indemnities levied on the enemy, 
 and paid into a special army treasury. The endowments 
 consisted in domains which Napoleon had reserved 
 to himself in Poland, Hanover, Westphalia, Holland, 
 and Italy. The Archchanccllor and the Archtreasurer, 
 several ministers and other civil functionaries, had 
 a share, in a given proportion, in these liberalities. 
 I am only speaking of thot,e who had a first share in 
 these gifts, before and after the Emperor's fête. For,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 115 
 
 in proportion as victory put these riches into Napo- 
 leon's hands, new sums of money and new endowments 
 were used as rewards for old and new services, both 
 military and civil. Nor were the foreigners who had 
 assisted in our victories forgotten. The total resources 
 supplied by conquest composed the extraordinary 
 domain, and this domain was exclusively used for 
 rewarding services rendered to France, and Napoleon 
 always abstained from applying any part of it to his 
 personal use. 
 
 The Emperor always wanted me to get married. 
 He was constantly speaking to me on this subject. 
 He was constantly saying: "Well, when are w^e going 
 to get married?" I had had time to think the matter 
 over. But I was so jealous of my independence that 
 I did not want the Emperor or the Empress to inter- 
 fere in my marriage. It was only later that I deter- 
 mined to face this great problem, which was solved 
 to my entire satisfaction. I selected my wife from 
 an honourable family* and in making my choice was 
 not influenced by anybody else. I did not regret 
 what I had done, for the future which opened before 
 us was sufficiently bright to satisfy all our ambitions. 
 The Emperor, when freedom from worry ga.\e the 
 reins to his benevolence, had more than once said to 
 me: "You have had the fortune to rise with me; I must 
 make your fortune. Peace will at last come to enable 
 me to settle my accounts. You will lose nothing by 
 waiting." I quote these words, which penetrated into 
 my heart too deeply for me to forget them. He put 
 that and other matters off till the period which he so 
 earnestly hoped for. After his second abdication, in 
 *Her name was Mile, de Montvernot.
 
 ii6 méneval's me]\ioirs of napoleon I. 
 
 1815, the Emperor expressed his regret to me at not 
 having been able to keep his promises. 
 
 Napoleon spent the last days of September, the 
 whole of October, and half the month of November at 
 Fontainebleau. He had given orders, two years pre- 
 viously, for great improvements in this sumptuous 
 residence, and he had considerably added to the 
 splendid furniture of the palace. He received many 
 foreigners and German princes there. Diplomatic 
 introductions took place here, and the Court at Fon- 
 tainebleau was a very brilliant one. Hunting, theatrical 
 performances of the masterpieces of the French stage, 
 in which Talma and our principal actors took part, 
 were a diversion from the serious business with which 
 the Emperor was taken up. 
 
 England's answer to the proposals of France and 
 Russia, and to Russia's offer of acting as mediator, 
 had been the bombardment of Copenhagen. Portugal, 
 who was bound to England by her sympathies and 
 interests, had evaded all co-operation in the efficacious 
 measures adopted by the naval powers against the 
 excesses of English tyranny. The Lisbon Cabinet, 
 enslaved by the London Cabinet, maintained an attitude 
 of hidden hostility in face of our claims. The Emperor 
 decided to punish this perfidy and to strike a new 
 blow against England by occupying Portugal. A 
 convention was signed on October 27 th, at Fon- 
 tainebleau, between General Duroc and M. Izquierdo, 
 a Spanish gentleman who was engaged in the study 
 of natural history in Paris, and who was the devoted 
 agent of the Prince de la Paix. The object of this 
 convention was to settle the basis of the occupation 
 of Portugal by an army of twenty-five thousand men,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 117 
 
 to which was to be joined a Spanish army of the same 
 force. General Junot, commanding the observation corps 
 which was assembled at Bayonne, received orders to 
 cross the frontier, and to march upon Lisbon by the 
 miHtary route agreed upon with the Spanish Govern- 
 ment. The Emperor, at the same time gave orders 
 for the formation of a second army, and entrusted its 
 command to General Dupont, whose military talents 
 he had had reason to appreciate during the 1805 
 campaign. This second army had the same destination 
 as the first, and was to enter Spain to assist it, in case 
 the English joined the Portuguese. 
 
 The same plenipotentiaries signed a treaty which 
 divided Portugal into three parts, the first of which 
 was given to the King of Etruria in exchange for 
 Tuscany. The second was to form a principality in 
 favour of the Prince de la Paix, who was pleased at 
 the prospect of having an assured independence in 
 case events forced him to cease his rule in Spain. As 
 to the third part, it was kept in reserve for the pur- 
 poses of future exchange, or to be bestowed in way 
 of recompense. The reversion of these territories was 
 reserved, in default of legitimate heirs, to the King of 
 Spain, whom the Emperor undertook to have acknow- 
 ledged as the Emperor of the Two Americas, as soon 
 as the general peace should have been effected. 
 
 Two days later a treaty was signed with the envoy 
 from Denmark, also at Fontainebleau. The Crown 
 Prince of Denmark, profoundly incensed by the odious 
 conduct of the English Ministry, and by the barbarous 
 aggression of which his people had been the victims, 
 had rejected all the proposals of England, answering 
 them with a declaration of war, after having denounced
 
 ii8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 the Copenhagen outrage to the whole of Europe. 
 This prince had taken just reprisals by arresting all 
 English subjects, by confiscating their property, by 
 ordering all money due to them to be sequestrated, 
 and by forbidding all communication with England 
 under pain of death. He made common cause with 
 France, on whose support he could rely, and with 
 Russia, whose alliance offered less guarantee of sin- 
 cerity. Napoleon took into his service the Danish 
 sailors who had been thrown out of work by the 
 capture or destruction of the ships on which they had 
 been engaged. 
 
 It was during the last fortnight of his stay at Fon- 
 tainebleau that the Emperor received a letter dated 
 from the Escurial —October 2gth, 1807, in which King 
 Charles IV. informed him of the discovery of a con- 
 spiracy against his throne and the Queen's life, — a 
 conspiracy at the head of which was the Prince of 
 the Asturias, the eldest son of the Spanish monarch. 
 The Emperor, without placing faith in this serious 
 accusation, saw in the circumstance another proof of 
 the deep misunderstanding which separated the sove- 
 reigns' favourite and the heir to the Spanish crown. 
 On the other hand, Napoleon had received a letter, 
 transmitted by M. de Beauharnais, our ambassador in 
 Madrid, some days before the King of Spain's letter. 
 This letter came from the Prince of the Asturias, who 
 wrote to the Emperor, without his father's knowledge, 
 to implore his protection against the enemies who had 
 decided upon his ruin, and to ask him for the hand 
 of one of the princesses of his family. These letters 
 brought back before Napoleon's mind the thoughts 
 concerning Spain which he had long been meditating.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 119 
 
 He had long and frequent conversations on this sub- 
 ject with the Prince de Bénévent, who, seeking to 
 penetrate the Emperor's secret thoughts, had skilfully 
 seized upon this opportunity of rendering himself 
 useful. Talleyrand, as a matter of fact, did obtain 
 the favour of being allowed to replace Prince Eugene 
 as Archchancellor of State, during his absence. This 
 title conferred upon Prince Eugene a dignity without 
 diplomatic functions. M. de Talleyrand expected to 
 derive more serious advantages from his honorary 
 title. In the course of confidential conversations with 
 Napoleon, conversations in which he chiefly played 
 the part of listener, he hinted the advice, with all the 
 semblances of a studied reserve, that the Emperor 
 should take advantage of the misunderstandings which 
 divided the Court of Spain, to change the dynasty 
 which would never be a useful ally against England, 
 and which, under circumstances which could not fail 
 to arise, would on the contrary favour this power to 
 our disadvantage. As an alternative to this extreme 
 measure, he proposed that a surrender of territory 
 should be obtained from Spain, to the extent of mak- 
 ing her dependent upon us. I was present at several 
 of these conversations, which used frequently to be 
 held in the Emperor's work-room. Napoleon took his 
 time to reflect on this serious matter, before being able 
 to come to any decision himself Events had to be 
 allowed to ripen with time. He did not answer the 
 letter of the Prince of the Asturias, considering it as 
 an attack on the authority of the head of the royal 
 family. He had a declaration made to Prince de 
 Masserano, at that time Spanish ambassador to France, 
 that it did not suit him to interfere in the domestic
 
 I20 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 affairs of the Spanish sovereign. He answered King 
 Charles, advising him to exercise indulgence and 
 moderation, and made his preparations for his journey 
 to Italy, without having expressed himself in any 
 pronounced way, and leaving the whole matter in 
 suspense. During his stay at Fontainebleau, the 
 Emperor had granted an audience to IMadame de 
 Bonchamp, the widow of the Vendéen general of that 
 name, who, dragged into the revolutionary war by a 
 feeling of honour, used to say that he aimed after no 
 human glory, because civil wars can never confer it. 
 His generous conduct won him the esteem of men of 
 all parties. With his dying breath he had saved the 
 lives of six thousand patriots, whose death was being 
 clamoured for by the Vendéens. Napoleon, anxious 
 to honour the memory of this distinguished warrior, 
 received his widow with kindness, and promised to 
 endow her daughter, a child of twelve or thirteen, 
 whom she presented to him. He had rather a long 
 conversation with Madame de Bonchamp, and heard 
 with interest that she herself had been saved from a 
 death-sentence by a conventionnel, a man called Lof- 
 iicial, whose name Napoleon heard then for the first 
 time. Lofficial, after having the sentence which con- 
 demned Madame de Bonchamp as the widow of a 
 Vendéen general to death, respited, had obtained an 
 amnesty in which her name was included by his care. 
 Napoleon did not limit his interest towiirds Madame 
 de Bonchamp to sterile expressions of favour, and 
 granted her a pension of six thousand francs. 
 
 Towards the same period, the Emperor had appointed 
 General Ordcner to the post of first equerry to the 
 Empress. He was a loyal soldier, and an honourable
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 12 1 
 
 man, but was little accustomed to the ways of the 
 court. This post was equivalent to that of knight of 
 honour, which at that time did not exist. Napoleon 
 had noticed that the ladies and gentlemen in attend- 
 ance on the Empress put on somewhat forced airs 
 of aristocracy. He had been informed that on a 
 reception day, when several persons belonging to the 
 noble faubourg had been presented to the Empress, 
 her lady-in-waiting had said: "We have received 
 good company to-day." In appointing General Orde- 
 ner, the Emperor wished to reward and honour the 
 services of a brave officer, and at the same time to 
 give the Empress's household a lesson. He allowed 
 their vexation at his choice to play itself out in certain 
 sarcastic remarks without appearing to notice them. 
 
 When the marriag-e of Napoleon to the Arch-duchess 
 ]\Iarie Louise was decided upon, General Ordener was 
 replaced as first equerry by Prince Aldobrandi Bor- 
 ghése. The General was given the g-overnorship of 
 the palace of Compiègne for his retired service. 
 Count Claude Beauharnais, father of the Grand- 
 duchess of Baden, became knight of honour to the 
 new empress. 
 
 On November 15th, the Emperor left Fontainebleau 
 for a tour in Italy. A fully justified distrust of Austria's 
 political feelings towards him, a desire to visit the 
 Venetians and other inhabitants of Italy, and to bind 
 them more closely to his political system, and to con- 
 fer with his brothers Joseph and Lucien — such were 
 the chief reasons of his journey. Whilst crossing 
 Mount Cenis. Napoleon was overtaken, when on foot, 
 by a storm \\iiich put his life in danger. He was 
 fortunate enouuh to reach a cave in which he took
 
 122 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 refuge. This cave appeared to him, as he afterwards 
 related, "a palace of diamonds." 
 
 Brilliant fêtes were held in Milan and in Venice 
 in honour of the Emperor, and the Court of Bavaria 
 was present. During his stay in Milan the Emperor 
 created Prince Eugene Prince of Venice, and con- 
 ferred upon him the succession to the throne of Italy in 
 default of male issue to himself. He informed himself 
 on the exact signification of the title of heir-presump- 
 tive, and himself looked up the exact meaning of 
 this word in the Academy Dictionary. The eldest 
 daughter of Prince Eugene was created Princess of 
 Bologna, with a rich endowment. During the sitting 
 of the three corporations, the Possidenti, the Dotti, 
 and the Commercianti, at which the adoption of Prince 
 Eugene was declared. Napoleon was seen to inform 
 the Viceroy that the applause that burst forth on 
 this occasion was addressed to him, telling him to 
 acknowledge it with a bow. ]\Ielzi d'Eril, chancellor 
 of the Kingdom of Italy, was created Duke of Lodi, 
 and richly endowed. During Napoleon's journey at 
 this time, the Queen of Etruria came to Milan to pre- 
 sent her son, whose guardian she was, to the Emperor, 
 She left Tuscany, which had just been united to the 
 Empire, after the death of the king her husband. 
 
 New edicts from the British Government having given 
 an indefinite extension to the maritime blockade, and 
 having subjected all ships belonging to neutral powers 
 to the obligation to put into port in England and to 
 pay duty on their cargoes under pain of confiscation, 
 the Emperor retorted on this piratical legislation with 
 a decree issued at Milan, which declared that any 
 ship which allowed herself to be visited by an English
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon 1. 123 
 
 vessel, or which should submit to a voyage to En;^- 
 land, or paid any duty whatever to the English should 
 be considered denationalized. After a short stay at 
 Milan, Napoleon went to visit Venice. The population 
 received him with enthusiasm, and splendid fêtes were 
 given in his honour, in which regattas and gondola 
 races naturally played the principal part. The grand 
 canal w^as covered with boats decorated with the greatest 
 taste, transformed into constructions representing the 
 houses, temples, kiosks, and cottages of different countries, 
 and manned with gondoliers dressed in appropriate 
 costumes. There was not a Venetian noble who did 
 not spend at least a year's income on these fêtes. 
 
 Joseph, King of Naples, came to see the Emperor 
 at Venice, and spent six days with him. He accom- 
 panied Napoleon when he went to visit the port, the 
 batteries, and the various defence works. The Emperor, 
 in the midst of these fêtes, occupied himself actively 
 with the various improvements which could be intro- 
 duced into different parts of the government, and with 
 the best means for raising up the Venetians again to 
 the state of prosperity which they had formerly enjoyed. 
 In consequence he increased or improved the civil, 
 military, and maritime establishments of the ancient 
 city of the doges. 
 
 Napoleon left Venice to visit the fortified places of 
 the old Venetian State, and stopped at Alantua. King 
 Joseph, who had taken leave of the Emperor, on his 
 way back to his States, received a letter from his 
 brother Lucien, to inform him of his presence in 
 Modena. Two days later, when the Emperor was at 
 Mantua, I received the two following letters : —
 
 124 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 " Monsieur Méneval, — In the annexed letter I inform 
 the Emperor of Lucien's arrival. Be good enough to give 
 this letter with your own hands to the Emperor, and to ask 
 him to authorize you to inform Lucien when he can 
 receive him. 
 
 " Your well-disposed, 
 
 " (Signed) Joseph." 
 " MoDEXA, December nth, 1807." 
 
 This letter contained another letter, couched in the 
 following terms : — 
 
 " I beg you. Sir, to hand the enclosed to His Majesty. 
 I am staying at the big inn under the name of secretary to 
 the King of Naples. I beg His Majesty the Emperor to 
 allow you to come and fetch me. The particular feelings 
 of esteem which I have for you will make your selection for 
 this purpose a pleasure to me. 
 
 " Your well-disposed, 
 "(Signed) Lucien Bonaparte." 
 "Mantua, December 13th, 1807." 
 
 After having taken the Emperor's orders I went to 
 fetch Lucien Bonaparte at his inn, towards nine in the 
 evening. I brought him into Napoleon's cabinet, 
 bringing him through a secret entry, as he had said 
 that he did not wish to be seen by anybody. The 
 interview between the two brothers lasted till midnight. 
 On leaving the Emperor, Lucien was deeply affected, 
 and his face was streaming with tears. I conducted 
 him back to his inn, and there I heard that the 
 Emperor had pressed him most strongly to return to 
 France, or to accept a foreign throne, but that the 
 conditions which he imposed wounded him in his
 
 MÈNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 1 25 
 
 domestic affections and political independence. He 
 bade me carry his farewell to the Emperor. " It may 
 be for ever," he added. Napoleon, finding it impossible 
 to shake his brother's resolution, had given him, never- 
 theless, full time to consider his proposals. He 
 charged his brothers and his ministers, Talleyrand and 
 Fouché, to renew his remonstrances to Lucien, but 
 was unable to effect any result. Napoleon regretted 
 to be deprived of the co-operation of a man for whose 
 character and rare talents he had the highest respect, 
 but he was unwilling to 3neld an inch in the matter 
 of what he demanded of him. The promptness with 
 which Lucien rushed to his brother's side when mis- 
 fortunes came upon Napoleon, prompted only by his 
 brotherly love, is his best eulogy. * 
 
 It had been agreed, during this interview between 
 Napoleon and his brother, that Lucien should send his 
 daughter Charlotte, who was thirteen or fourteen years 
 old, to Paris. She was the elder of the two daughters 
 which Lucien had by Catherine Boyer, his first wife. 
 It was proposed that this child should become the wife 
 of the Crown Prince of Spain, in the event of Napo- 
 leon's deciding to grant the request which Ferdinand 
 himself had proffered in this connection. Lucien's 
 daughter was placed in the house of the Lady INIother, 
 who treated her with kindness, but whose tastes were 
 not sufficiently in sympathy with those of the young 
 
 * A final efTort to effect a separation between Lucien and his wife 
 was made by his mother, Madame Laetitia, in 18 10, when she wrote 
 to ]Madame Lucien Jîonajiarte begging her to consent to a divorce, 
 "which would bring happiness to her husband and children" (See: 
 Mémoires de Lucien lionaparie. Vol. Ill, p. 155). This efTort failed 
 as all the preceding ones had failed, Lucien and his wife preferring 
 exile. — R. H. S.
 
 126 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 girl to captivate her entirely. Educated by a step- 
 mother who had disposed her in no friendly manner 
 towards her father's family, Lucien's daughter did not 
 respond to her grandmother's affections, her letters to 
 her parents were full of bitter complaints about her 
 grandmother's avarice, and of sarcastic remarks against 
 her uncles and aunts. These letters Avere handed to 
 the Emperor, who amused himself with reading them 
 one Sunday in presence of liis family, assembled after 
 a famil}'' dinner in the drawing-room at St. Cloud. 
 Each member of the family had been made the target 
 of a more or less well-directed satire. After Napoleon 
 had amused himself for a moment with the sight of 
 the vexation caused by the jests of the imprudent 
 5''oung girl on those present, he assumed a graver 
 air, complained about his niece's ingratitude, and 
 decided that she should be immediately sent back to 
 her parents. On the morrow he sent her away from 
 Paris under the care of a person in whom he had 
 confidence, who escorted her back to Italy and placed 
 her in her father's hands. Thus Napoleon's plan of 
 marrying this daughter of his brother Lucien to the 
 Crown Prince of Spain, fell to the ground and was 
 abandoned. 
 
 The Emperor returned from Mantua to ]\Iilan and 
 spent a week there before returning to Paris. Whilst 
 passing through Alexandria he visited the immense forti- 
 fication works which he had ordered, and which had 
 transformed this town into the strongest fortified place 
 in Europe. The Austrian and Sardinian Governments 
 destroyed these fortifications after the fall of the 
 Empire, and no trace of them remains at the time at 
 which I am writing.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 127 
 
 The Emperor was back in Paris from his tour in 
 Italy on January ist, 1808. During his stay in that 
 country, and before his journey to Bayonne, there 
 was publislied the result of the assembly of Israelites 
 which preceded and followed the convocation of the 
 great Sanhédrin. At the time of the 1805 camipaign, 
 Napoleon had been struck by the invasions of the 
 Jewish race. He had given attention to the best 
 means of remedying the damage caused in certain 
 provinces, and notably in Alsatia, by the system of 
 usury, which threatened to cast the finest estates in 
 certain districts into the hands of a vile and degraded 
 race. He wished also at the same time to lead the 
 Jews on to the practice of mechanic and liberal pro- 
 fessions, and to eng-age in industries of which honesty 
 approved. To effect these useful reforms, an assembly 
 of the principal Jews of France and Italy had been 
 convoked in Paris, and there were appointed as 
 commissioners of the government at this meeting, 
 MjM. INIolé, Portails and Pasquier. The result of 
 this first meeting was the convocation of a great 
 Sanhédrin, an extraordinary superior council, at which 
 formerly state and church matters were decided upon in 
 Jerusalem, and which had never been called together 
 since the days before Jesus Christ. This council sui 
 generis, which was held in Paris, in 1807, whilst Napoleon 
 was fighting the Russians in Eastern Prussia, was 
 composed in conformity with historical traditions. It 
 was to formulate doctrinally the proposals discussed 
 at the first meeting. M. ]\Iolé, the reporter, in his 
 account of the motives which had decided the imperial 
 government to call the Sanhédrin together, gave a 
 magnificent eulogy of Napoleon. The novelt}- of such
 
 128 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 a spectacle, this resurrection of an authority and of 
 customs dating from the darkest ages, excited very- 
 strong curiosity and interest at the time. Although 
 the sittings were held in camera, a number of people 
 managed to be present and the result was awaited 
 with curiosity by the outside world. To the decisions 
 rendered on political, civil and religious questions, which 
 decisions were sanctioned by a decree, the Emperor 
 added special clauses tending to encourage the Jews 
 to engage in agriculture, and to render all illegal 
 trafficking and practices of usury impossible amongst 
 them. The exceptions from the rights common to 
 other citizens which had necessarily to be imposed on 
 the Jews, were limited to a period of ten years. The 
 Emperor's anxiety to settle all these questions won 
 him the gratitude of the enlightened members of the 
 Jewish world. At the same time, the legislation which 
 was the result of this extraordinary assembly did not 
 sufficiently satisfy all the hopes that had been staked 
 upon it, but it w^as a useful precedent, and time might 
 also bring with it efficacious reforms amongst the 
 Jews, as well as a cessation of their hostilities against 
 the Christians. 
 
 A decree, dated March, 1802, had required the 
 Institute to lay before the government, in the Council 
 of State, a general table of the progress and condition 
 of science, literature, and art, from the year 178g on- 
 wards. This report was to have been ready in the 
 month of September, 1803. Extraordinary circum- 
 stances, such as the rupture of the Peace of Amiens, 
 the assembling and arming of the Boulogne flotilla, 
 ;md the wars with Austria and Prussia had prevented 
 the presentation of this important document to the
 
 MÉNEVAL'S ]MEM0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 129 
 
 Emperor. It was only in the months February and 
 March, 1808, that, before his departure for Bayonne, 
 the Emperor was able to listen to this report. The 
 deputation from the class of physical and mathematical 
 sciences was admitted first into his presence, and the 
 Academicians Delambre and Cuvier acted as spokes- 
 men. The Emperor was struck with the eloquence 
 and clear-headedness of M. Cuvier, who spoke for 
 several hours. Making an exception to his rule not 
 to remove savants from their studies. Napoleon ap- 
 pointed M. Cuvier tiiaître des requêtes to the Council 
 of State, and entrusted him with an important post in 
 the imperial University. On February 19th, the class 
 of ancient history and literature presented its report, 
 through M. Dacier. A week later it was the turn of 
 the class of literature and belles-lettres, for whom 
 Chénier spoke. This report, in which Chénier dis- 
 played both taste and tact, and in which he criticized 
 the powers of contemporary celebrities, who are so 
 easily wounded, with as much impartiality as talent, 
 is a model of the style which has become classical. 
 On March 5th following, the class of Fine Arts com- 
 pleted the table of human knowledge with a report 
 which was presented by M. Lebreton, the secretary 
 to this class. This general review of literature, science, 
 and art which had been brought into existence by 
 Napoleon, showed that human intelligence, far from 
 going back, did not halt in its constant march onward 
 towards progress. Napoleon answered each deputation 
 from the Institute in particular, expressing to the 
 reporters the satisfaction he felt at the results obtained 
 by their researches and labours. 
 
 VOL. IL Q
 
 I30 MÉNEVAL'S MEiMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 The Spanish correspondence and some fresh letters 
 which the Emperor had received from King Charles 
 IV. during his journey in Italy had made him ac- 
 quainted with the fresh occurrences of which Madrid had 
 been the scene. The Prince de la Paix, having been 
 informed that conferences were taking place between 
 the councillors of the Prince of the Asturias, Escoï- 
 quitz, the Duke de ITnfantado, San Carlos and other 
 personages of the court — with the object of deposing- 
 him — had had the papers of the Crown Prince seized. 
 Various documents had been found, including a cipher 
 for secret correspondence, and a draft nomination of 
 the Duke de I'lnfantado to the command of New Castile, 
 on which the date had been left blank. It was a 
 matter of no difficulty for the favourite to transform 
 these discoveries into proofs of a premeditated plan of 
 attack against the sovereignty and the person of the 
 king. There was also found amongst the Prince's 
 papers the draft of a letter which he had written to 
 the Emperor Napoleon, in which he had asked for 
 the hand of one of the princesses of Napoleon's family. 
 This application had been through the secret agency 
 of the PVench ambassador, M. de Beauharnais, the 
 eldest brother of the first husband of the Empress 
 Josephine. This envoy whose well-known straight- 
 forwardness and fidelity were such as to keep him at 
 a distance from the favourite Godoï, had all the more 
 willingly consented to transmit this request, that he 
 knew that it would not displease the Emperor, and 
 because he had reasons to hope that, in case the 
 Prince's offer was accepted, the choice of Napoleon 
 might fall on one of his nieces, who were also Jose- 
 phine's nieces. As a matter of fact Napoleon replied
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 13 T 
 
 to his ambassador that he should listen to all that 
 was being- said, should show himself friendly disposed, 
 should bind himself by no engagement, but should 
 learn everything that was going on, and keep Paris 
 constantly informed of what he had learned. These 
 were the only recommendations that could be made 
 to our representative at Madrid, on a question in 
 which no definite instructions could be given, seeing 
 that the government had come to no definite decision, 
 and that the solution of this question had perforce to 
 depend on altogether unforeseen events. It was not 
 diplomacy, but the sword, which was going to play 
 the first and only part in this matter. 
 
 The discovery of the ill-considered actions of the 
 Crown Prince and his councillors brought about their 
 arrest. But the council of Castile, to which the matter 
 was submitted, refused to condemn the heir to the 
 throne. The prince was exonerated, and his councillors 
 were exiled. 
 
 An apparent calm had followed upon these storms. 
 The Prince de la Paix and the Queen, however much 
 a marriage of the Crown Prince, which would place 
 him under an all-powerful protection, might be distaste- 
 ful to them, thought it good policy to take advantage 
 of Ferdinand's application to the Emperor. It was on 
 this account that they urged the king himself to ask 
 for a wife for his son, from the French imperial 
 family. The Prince of the Asturias, without dignity 
 and without courage, had denounced his friends, and 
 had expressed his repentance for his fault to the 
 Queen and the favourite, humbling himself before 
 them with all the tokens of the most abject submission. 
 Nevertheless, and in spite of this cowardice, which
 
 132 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 should have disgusted the pride of the Spanish character^ 
 Ferdinand remained the nation's idol, so intense was 
 the hatred against the Prince de la Paix, 
 
 This unhappy family, so little worthy of notice, put 
 itself at the mercy of a powerful neighbour, who could 
 accord it neither trust not esteem. It laid bare before 
 his eyes all its turpitudes, its impotence, and an inca- 
 pacity which rendered its government worthless, and 
 even a source of danger to France. Spain had indeed 
 fallen, under the reign of Charles IV., to the lowest 
 depths of abasement. Her fleet was nil, reduced to 
 less than thirty seaworthy vessels or frigates, manned 
 by crews short in numbers, whose pay was, for the 
 most part, two years in arrears. The arsenals and 
 the storehouses were empty, the colonies were left to 
 themselves, exhausted, poor, and ready to separate 
 from the metropolis by which they had been deserted. 
 The army numbered about fifty thousand men under 
 arms, badly clothed, badly fed, and badly paid. A 
 staff, out of proportion to the numbers of the land and 
 sea forces, battened on the feeble war supply. Taxation 
 was badly levied and badly collected. The treasury 
 was in debt; industry and commerce had practically 
 ceased to exist; agriculture was neglected — abandoned 
 to old routine and ruined by the annual migrations 
 of innumerable flocks of sheep, which their proprietors 
 had the privilege to drive from the North of Spain 
 to the vSouth, and which devastated the immense districts 
 on which they were allowed to pasture. The monarchy 
 was governed by an incapable and weak-minded king, 
 who abandoned the reins of government to the hands 
 of a vain and unprincipled favourite, who was detested 
 by the nation, and who was the lover of a dissolute
 
 mexhval's memoirs of napoleon I. 133 
 
 <]ueen. The heir-presumptive to the crown was a 
 prince lacking in qualities of heart as well as of 
 intelligence, false, profoundly hypocritical, and the 
 blind enemy of France. 
 
 Such was the state of Spain, a country on our 
 frontiers, whose neighbourhood is of such importance 
 to our safety. Her government and her dynasty 
 <;rawling at Napoleon's feet when they feared his 
 power or his resentment, had wished to join our ene- 
 mies in 1807, at the time of the rupture of the nego- 
 tiations which had been opened between France, Russia, 
 and England ; at the time of the declaration of war by 
 Prussia. The Prince de la Paix, thinking that Napo- 
 leon would be unable to resist this new coalition, 
 which would increase in size at the first reverse he 
 should suffer, had, by a proclamation dated October 
 3rd, called the Spaniards to arms against an enemy 
 whom he did not name, but who was sufficiently 
 clearly indicated to prevent the possibility of any 
 misunderstanding. The victory of Jena had opened 
 the Prince's eyes. He sought, on the one hand, to 
 disavow his proclamation, and on the other, to try and 
 make it believed that it referred to a threatened inva- 
 sion of the floors in Andalusia and a landing of the 
 English. In one word he did all that could be done 
 to secure pardon for his imprudent act of bravado. 
 But the Emperor's confidence was destroyed for ever. 
 Napoleon made up his mind from that day to take 
 his precautions against a perfidious ally, who would 
 rise to crush him if ever an opportunity of doing so 
 with impunity should present itself He demanded 
 that the Spanish Government should send an army 
 of fifteen thousand men to the island of Elba, to serve
 
 134 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 as auxiliaries to the French army, and, in case of 
 necessity, to serve as hostages. 
 
 The events which had since occurred in Spain had 
 found Napoleon in this state of mind. He did not 
 know what line of action to adopt. Should he ally 
 himself to the Spanish royal house by marriage? 
 Should he seize upon the Spanish provinces on this 
 side of the Ebro, or should he change the Spanish 
 dynasty? In his heart of hearts he inclined towards 
 the last alternative. Without having any fixed plan, 
 the Emperor sent into Southern Spain divisions of 
 French troops assembled under the names of the Gi- 
 ronde and Ocean corps, and divisions of the Eastern 
 and Western Pyrenees. He placed all these corps 
 under the orders of the Grand-duke of Berg, and gave 
 him instructions to advance to Burgos and there to 
 await fresh instructions for his subsequent movements. 
 
 The Spaniards at first received the French troops 
 as friends who had come to deliver them from the 
 odious yoke of Godoï and his creatures. Events crowd- 
 ing on, the Grand-duke of Berg had thrown off the 
 mask, and with the corps which, on their entry into 
 Spain, had followed the direction of Lisbon and of 
 Gibraltar, marched upon Madrid. The Spaniards 
 reflected that such a number of troops was not neces- 
 sary to drive out the Prince de la Paix; the capture 
 by surprise of the fortresses of Barcelona, Pampeluna, 
 and Saint Sebastian, only increased their amazement 
 and their suspicions. Napoleon's silence on his plans, 
 his refusal to publish the Fontainebleau convention, 
 which related to the division of Portugal, began also 
 to fill the Spanish court, which had retired to Aran- 
 jucz, with anxiety. Secret preparations for a flight to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 135 
 
 America were made, the pretext of these preparations 
 being- that they were in view of a journey to Anda- 
 lusia. The populations of Madrid and Aranjuez began 
 to grow excited at what was happening. The Court, 
 to reassure the public mind, denied any intention of 
 leaving .Spain, and published this denial in a procla- 
 mation, but all in vain. In the night of March iSth, 
 a revolution broke out in Aranjuez. The maddened 
 mob threw itself upon the house of the Prince de la 
 Paix, broke down the doors of the palace, destroyed 
 the costly furniture in the apartments, and flung the débris 
 out of the windows, hunting for the favourite in every re- 
 cess for the purpose of murdering him. He, escaping the 
 fury of the mob, came forth from the retreat in Vv'hich he 
 had been able to hide himself from search, after thirty-six 
 hours agony. Recognized by a sentinel, who denounced 
 him, he was handed over to the bodyguards. Pro- 
 tected by them he succeeded in reaching their bar- 
 racks, pursued by a furious crowd, and wounded by 
 the blows which he received on his way. The Prince 
 of the Asturias, on the prayer of his distracted parents, 
 consented to intercede in favour of his enemy. He 
 desired the pleasure of enjoying Godoi's humiliation, 
 and of casting up in his face, with perfidious joy, the 
 grace which he accorded to the favourite of his family, 
 in return for all the wrong which he had done him. 
 The King and Queen, terrified by the disaster which 
 had befallen their well-beloved Godoi, feared for a 
 moment for their own safety. Charles IV, declared 
 that he wished to abdicate. By a deed written in 
 haste he resigned to his son a crown which he had 
 long worn without glory, and the people of Aranjuez 
 went to hail with their acclamations their new
 
 136 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 king, in the midst of general transports of delight. 
 
 Napoleon, hearing of these events in Paris, at once 
 sent ]\I. de Tournon off to Madrid. M. de Tournon 
 was one of his chamberlains and orderlies, and had 
 recently returned from Spain, where he had been 
 charged with a mission. General Savary, whose skill 
 and devotion were appreciated by the Emperor, when- 
 ever there was anything difficult to be done was sent 
 off on the morrow with the same destination. 
 
 Here arises a difficulty which till now has remained 
 without solution, as often happens in history. A let- 
 ter addressed by the Emperor to the Grand-duke of 
 Berg, under date of Paris, jSlarch 29th, 1808, supposed 
 to have been entrusted to chamberlain Tournon to carry 
 to its destination, has been quoted by numerous wTiters 
 who have written about the Spanish war and revolution, 
 as though it had reached its destination, although the 
 Grand-duke of Berg never received it. This letter 
 was inserted literally into the IMemorial of St. Plelena, 
 but cannot have been communicated by the Emperor, 
 who was not in possession of his papers. The despatch 
 of which I am speaking is in contradiction to all the 
 orders and despatches which either preceded or followed 
 it. No trace of it has been found either in the archives 
 of the war-office or of the Foreign Office, or in the 
 private archives at the Louvre. No allusion was made 
 to it in any of the letters which followed it. It may 
 be added that it contains several material irregularities. 
 It is dated from Paris, whereas the Emperor was at 
 St. Cloud, where he stayed from ]\Iarch 22nd, till 
 April 2nd, 1808 — the day of his departure for Bayonne 
 — and he always used to date his letters from St. Cloud 
 when he happened to be there. The form of address
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 137 
 
 which he used in his letters to Murat was not "Sir, 
 the Grand-duke of Berg," but "My cousin". The 
 Emperor did not use the expression "My Minister of 
 Foreign Aifairs" — an expression which only dates from 
 the Restoration — but used to say " My Minister of 
 Exterior Relations" — which was the only appellation 
 in use at that time. In spite of these slight anomalies, 
 which may have arisen from unavoidable oversights 
 in the numerous transcriptions of this letter, it has a 
 most authentic character, and can but have been Napo- 
 leon's work, * He alone knew how to write on such 
 matters. His style might be imitated, his thoughts 
 might be rendered; but there are details and allusions 
 in this letter which nobody but himself could have 
 known without having been initiated to the ensemble 
 of his vast conception and his most secret thoughts. 
 How did this letter come to be published? What 
 was the filiation? From whose hands does it proceed? 
 Was the draft taken from the archives of the Louvre 
 in 1 8 14, together with the papers referring to the 
 Duke d'Enghien, and the occurrences in Spain, in 
 which Prince de Bénévent was implicated, and at the 
 time when he got possession of all these documents? 
 Was this despatch neglected by him as of no importance 
 to the object he had in view? or was it saved by 
 chance from the auto-da-fe to which Talleyrand consigned 
 all the papers brought back from the Archives? as 
 was, in so strange a fashion, the First Consul's letter 
 relating to the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien. The 
 most probable hypothesis is that this letter to ISIurat 
 only existed in the form of a draft, that it was only 
 
 * This is also the conclusion of M. Thiers. Compare the long and inter- 
 esting note on this letter. Book xii. — r. h. s.
 
 138 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 one of the hundred plans with which Napoleon's 
 mind was taken up during the laborious elaboration 
 of this most difficult enterprise. The Emperor may 
 have been brought to the ideas which predominate in 
 this letter by the reports which he received from M. 
 de Tournon, who had just travelled through Spain, 
 and had pushed on as far as Andalusia; not that 
 Napoleon would have allowed himself to be influenced 
 by the opinions of his chamberlain, but because M, de 
 Tournon quoted actual facts which he had wit- 
 nessed, and because anything that so candid and 
 truthful an officer might relate could not be listened 
 to otherwise than with great attention. 
 
 All the suppositions that one may indulge in will 
 not, as a matter of fact, supply the key to this 
 enigma of history, and the Emperor's letter to his 
 brother-in-law jMurat, in spite of all investigation, 
 remains surrounded with a mystery which the author 
 of the " IMemorial of St. Helena " did nothing to dispel. 
 The clearness, the precision of the terms of this letter, 
 the allusion to the attitude to be observed towards 
 General Solano amongst others, disposes, in my opinion, 
 of the suggestion of those who have believed that this 
 document was manufactured after the event. Although 
 I have abstained from reproducing in this work histo- 
 rical pieces which are known to the public, I cannot 
 refrain from publishing here, word for word, this most 
 curious letter, so that the reader may have the leading 
 features of the question under his eyes: — 
 
 "Paris, March 29th, 1808. 
 
 "Sir, the Grand-duke of Berg, — I fear lest you be 
 deceiving me on the situation in Spain, and lest you be de-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 139 
 
 ceiving yourself. Events have been singularly complicated 
 by the affair of March 19th. I remain in a state of great 
 perplexity. Do not imagine that you are attacking a dis- 
 armed nation, and that you have only to show your troops 
 in order to reduce Spain to submission. The revolution of 
 March i8th shows that the Spaniards have energy. You 
 have to deal with a young people. It has all the courage, 
 and will have all the enthusiasm, which are to be found in 
 men who have not been worn out by political passions. 
 
 " The aristocracy and the clergy are the masters of Spain. 
 Should they fear for their privileges, and for their existence, 
 they will raise levies in mass against us, which may continue 
 the war for all eternity. I have partisans in Spain, but if I 
 present myself there as a conqueror I shall have no more. 
 
 " The Prince de la Paix is hated because he is accused 
 of having surrendered Spain to France. That is the grievance 
 which served Ferdinand's usurpation. The popular party is 
 the weakest. 
 
 "The Prince of the Asturias has none of the qualities 
 which are indispensable in the head of a nation, but that 
 does not prevent his being set up as a hero to oppose us. 
 I do not wish any violence to be offered to the persons of 
 this family. It is never a good thing to render oneself 
 odious or to inflame hatred. 
 
 " Spain has more than one hundred thousand men under 
 arms, and that is more than is necessary to carry on a war 
 in the interior with success. Divided over several points 
 each division may form the nucleus of a general rising of 
 the monarchy. 
 
 " I am placing before you the ensemble of such obstacles 
 as are inevitable. There are others which you yourself will see. 
 
 " England will not let this opportunity of increasing our 
 difficulties escape. Each day she is sending avisos to the 
 forces which she keeps on the coasts of Portugal and in the 
 Mediterranean, and she is enlisting Sicilians and Portuguese. 
 
 "The royal family not having left Spain to go and settle
 
 I40 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 in the Indies, nothing but a revolution can change the state 
 of affairs in this country. It is perhaps the country in 
 Europe which is least prepared for a revolution. Those who 
 see the monstrous vices of this government, and the state of 
 anarchy which has replaced legal authority, are in the 
 minority; it is the majority who profit by these vices and 
 this state of anarchy. 
 
 " In the interests of my empire I can do much good to 
 Spain. What are the best measures to be taken ? Shall I 
 go to INIadrid ? Shall I play the part of grand protector 
 and decide between the father and the son? It seems to 
 me difhcult to allow Charles IV. to reign. His government 
 and his favourite are so unpopular that they could not 
 survive three months. 
 
 " Ferdinand is the enemy of France, and that is why he 
 is being made king. To place him on the throne would be 
 to play into the hands of the parties who for the last 
 twenty-five years have desired the annihilation of France. 
 A family alliance would be a feeble tie. Queen Elizabeth 
 and other French princesses perished miserably when it was 
 possible to immolate them as the victims of hideous vengeance. 
 I am of opinion that nothing must be hurried on, that it 
 will be a good thing to be guided by the events that will 
 follow. The army corps in position on the Portuguese frontiers 
 should be strengthened, and we should wait. . . . 
 
 " I do not approve of Your Highness's plan of seizing on 
 jNIadrid with such precipitation. The array should be kept 
 at a distance of ten leagues from the capital. You had no 
 reason to be assured that the people and the magistracy 
 ■would acknowledge Ferdinand without opposition. The 
 Prince de la Paix must have partisans in the public offices. 
 The old king moreover is attached to him by force of habit, 
 and this attachment may produce results. Your entry into 
 Madrid, in frightening the Spanish, has served Ferdinand in 
 a powerful manner. I have ordered Savary to go and see 
 what is going on around the old king. He will confer with
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 141 
 
 Your Imperial Highness. I shall decide later on on what 
 must be done, in the meanwhile these are the instructions 
 which I think right to give you. You will not engage me 
 to any interview with Ferdinand unless you deem the position 
 of affairs to be such that I must acknowledge him as King 
 of Spain. You will behave with courtesy and consideration 
 towards the King, the Queen, and Prince Godoï. You will 
 insist that the same honours are paid them as formerly, and 
 you will pay them these honours yourself. You will act in 
 such a way that the Spaniards will not be able to suspect 
 what line of action I intend to adopt, and this will be a 
 matter of no difficulty, seeing that I myself am in ignorance 
 on this point. 
 
 " You will give the nobility and the clergy to understand 
 that should France interfere in Spain's affairs their privileges 
 and immunities will be respected. You will tell them that 
 the Emperor desires that the political institutions of Spain 
 should be perfected with the object of harmonizing them with 
 European civilization, and to save the country from the 
 rule of favourites .... You will tell the magistrates and 
 townspeople, the people of education, that the political 
 machinery of Spain needs recasting, that she is in want of 
 laws which shall guarantee her citizens against arbitrary rule 
 and the usurpations of the feudal families — of institutions 
 which shall revive industry, agriculture, and the arts. You 
 will depict to them the state of ease and repose which is 
 enjoyed by France, in spite of the wars in which she has 
 been engaged, the splendour of the religion which owes its 
 re-establishment to the Concordat which I signed with the 
 Pope. You will point out to them the advantages which 
 they would derive from a political regeneration— order and 
 peace at home, respect and power abroad. Such should be 
 the spirit of your writings and of your speeches. Do nothing 
 hastily. I can wait at Bayonne. I can cross the Pyrenees 
 and strengthening myself towards the Portuguese frontier, carry 
 the war in this direction.
 
 Ï42 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 "I will attend to your private interests; do not you attend 
 to them yourself. . . . Portugal will remain at my disposal .... 
 Let no personal plan occupy your attention nor direct your 
 conduct; that would injure me, and injure you still more. 
 You go too fast in your instructions of the 14th. The march 
 which you ordered of General Dupont is too rapid, because 
 of what happened on March 19th, and there must be changes 
 made. You will give orders for new arrangements; you will 
 receive instructions from my Minister of Foreign Affairs. I 
 command that discipline be most rigorously maintained ; no 
 pardon for small faults. The inhabitants must be treated 
 with the greatest consideration. The churches and the con- 
 vents must especially be respected. The army must avoid 
 any encounter either with the Spanish army or with its 
 detachments. Not a percussion cap must be fired on either 
 side. Let Solano get beyond Badajoz ; have him watched ; 
 give, in person, orders for the marching of my army, so that 
 it may always be at a distance of some leagues from the 
 Spanish troops. All would be lost if war were to break out. 
 
 " The destinies of Spain will have to be decided by politics 
 and negotiations; I advise you to avoid any conversation 
 with Solano, or other Spanish generals and governors. You 
 will send me two couriers each day. Should anything serious 
 happen send me orderly officers. You will at once send the 
 chamberlain Tournon, who carries this despatch, back to 
 me^ and you will hand him a detailed report. And here- 
 upon I pray God, etc., 
 
 "(Signed) Napoleon." 
 
 In the meanwhile the old sovereigns, who had 
 remained at Aranjuez, were the prey of mortal terrors. 
 Hearing that the Grand-duke of Berg was approaching 
 Madrid they secretly sent their daughter the Queen 
 of Etruria to implore him to protect them. Prince 
 Murat sent them an officer of his staff, M. Bailly de
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 143 
 
 ]\Ionthion, to reassure them, and to suggest to them 
 that they should protest against the violence which had 
 !)een offered to them, a proposal to which they lent 
 a willing ear. On March 21st, two days after his 
 abdication, Charles IV. signed this protestation and sent 
 it to the Grand-duke of Berg. 
 
 Murat sent it on to the Emperor, who approved of 
 what he had done. Several orders, coming one after 
 the other, had enjoined on Murat to push forward with 
 all speed to Madrid. Napoleon's brother-in-law, in 
 consequence, made his entry into the Spanish capital 
 on the 24th, at the head of a part of his army. 
 
 On the following day Prince Ferdinand, who had 
 left Aranjuez in a hurry, made haste to make a solemn 
 entry into IMadrid as though to take possession of the 
 rights conferred upon him by his adoption by the 
 popular party. He was on horseback, surrounded by 
 his officers, and was enthusiastically received. The 
 diplomatic corps came to present their respects to the 
 new King. The ambassador of France stayed away, 
 Murat having declared to Ferdinand that he could not 
 acknowledge him as King, as he had received no 
 instructions concerning him from the Emperor. 
 
 As soon as Napoleon was apprised of these facts 
 he decided that the time for action had come. In 
 various conferences which he had with MM. de Talley- 
 rand and Champagny, the Spanish question, once more 
 brought under discussion, came up. Various opinions 
 were pronounced in the course of these conversations 
 on the alternatives of changing the Spanish dynasty, 
 or of maintaining it in power after taking guarantees 
 for the future. At the last conference, which was 
 held on the eve of his departure, Napoleon did not
 
 144 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 express his own opinion on the matter because his 
 mind was not yet made up as to what line of action 
 he should adopt, and because he wished to see with 
 his own eyes. He appeared, in the course of these 
 conversations to be in quest of either strong objections, 
 or of good reasons for strengthening him in the reso- 
 lution to which he himself inclined. At the same time 
 nothing was decided upon at this meeting, and the 
 Emperor left Paris without having expressed any fixed 
 determination. 
 
 Before leaving Paris the Emperor had written to 
 his brother, the King of Holland, to the effect that in 
 case he should decide to change the Spanish dynasty, 
 he had thought of him for the throne of Spain, that 
 this was only a project, but that it was possible, cir- 
 cumstances aiding, that all would be ready in a fort- 
 night, and asked him for a straightforward answer to this 
 question : " If I should create you King of Spain 
 would you accept the throne ?" He added that he 
 expected an answer of "Yes," or "No"; that nobody 
 could be taken into his confidence, as a thing ought 
 to be done before it had been thought over, etc. 
 Louis had refused, and Napoleon answered him that 
 in consequence the matter could no longer be con- 
 sidered. 
 
 The Emperor arrived at Bayonne on April 14th, 
 after having spent a week at Bordeaux, where his 
 stay was not without profit to the commercial interests 
 of this city. He spent two days at Bayonne, waiting 
 that the Château de Marrac, distant about a league 
 from Bayonne, which he had purchased, should 
 be in a state to receive him and the Empress Jose- 
 phine, who was to meet him there.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 145 
 
 The mission of General Savary, in whom Napoleon 
 Iiad every confidence, was to see the French ambassa- 
 dor to find out all that had happened at Madrid and 
 Aranjuez, to assure himself of the real state of affairs, 
 to see whether King Charles's abdication was genuine, 
 and to ascertain what sort of a man the Prince of the 
 iVsturias was, and what degree of confidence he 
 merited. Napoleon made it clear to General Savary 
 that if neither the father nor the son could be trusted, 
 he should make up his mind to dethrone the reigning 
 family. 
 
 On his arrival at jMadrid, General Savary saw Prince 
 Ferdinand and his private councillors. He found them 
 disposed to go to Bayonne to meet the Emperor, 
 with the idea that so marked an action would render 
 the powerful sovereign who held the fate of Spain in 
 his hand, favourable towards the new king. This 
 journey was accordingly decided upon, and General 
 Savary accompanied the prince. 
 
 On arriving at Vittoria, Ferdinand, who had ex- 
 pected to meet the Emperor there, refused to proceed 
 any further, and declared that he would wait for news 
 of Napoleon in that city. Savary, having in vain 
 essayed to get the better of the Spanish prince's ob- 
 stinacy, proceeded to Bayor ne where he arrived some 
 hours before the Emperor. To the searching questions 
 put to him by Napoleon on the character and dis- 
 position of Ferdinand, the General answered by 
 expressing his mistrust of the sincerity of the assur- 
 ances which had been made to him, and declared that 
 in his opinion the prince would be governed by 
 ministers hostile to France. 
 
 The Emperor sent General Savary back on the 
 
 VOL. IL 10
 
 146 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 morrow carrying a letter in which he invited H.R.H. 
 the Prince of the Asturias to come* to Bayonne, but 
 in which he made no promises, and in no way pledged 
 himself towards him. During Savary's absence, several 
 Spanish persons of importance, amongst other Urquijo, 
 the former minister, had been to see the prince, and 
 had pointed out to him that it would be a want of 
 dignity and of prudence on his part to cross the frontier, 
 especially considering that the Emperor Napoleon had 
 not acknowledged him. Ferdinand and his counsellors 
 paid no attention to this advice, and the Emperor's 
 letter having dispelled their hesitations, they decided 
 to leave for Bayonne on the morrow. 
 
 Just as Ferdinand was about to enter his carriage 
 a mob of armed peasants, who had joined in with the 
 people who filled the prince's house, wanted to prevent 
 his departure. The traces of the carriages were cut, 
 and the mules were led back to the stables. The Duke 
 de rinfantado, throwing himself into the midst of the 
 crowd, succeeded in calming the rioters, so that the 
 mules could be put to again, and the carriages were 
 allowed to drive off without further hindrance. On 
 approaching Bayonne, the prince, who was beginning 
 to be surprised at seeing nothing of the Emperor, met 
 General Duroc, who had been sent to meet him, and 
 to compliment him on his arrival. Napoleon, on his 
 side, hearing of Ferdinand's arrival at Bayonne, jumped 
 on horscbiick, and- rode off to pay him a first visit. 
 He embraced him, but only addressed him as Royal 
 Highness. On his return to Marrac the Emperor sent 
 a chamberlain to invite the Prince and his suite to 
 dinner at the castle. 
 
 The converstitions which Napoleon had with Ferdi-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 147 
 
 nand, and the persons who had accompanied him, very- 
 soon showed him the emptiness and vulgar cunning of 
 this prince's character, the mediocrity of his advisers, 
 and their inabihty to direct their master. These first 
 discoveries were not of a nature to modify the Empe- 
 ror's way of thinking. His opinion, accordingly, that 
 the regeneration of Spain under such rulers was an 
 impossiblity, was confirmed. He was disappointed to 
 find that there was not amongst the Prince's suite a 
 single man with whom he could speak on his political 
 views with regard to Spain, It was to Canon Escoïquitz, 
 the most intellig-ent amongst them, and the adviser 
 who was most in the Prince's confidence, that Napo- 
 leon thought fit to open his mind. He accordingly 
 told this priest that the assistance of Spain was 
 indispensable to him to force England to peace, that 
 the deplorable state of the Spanish monarchy was as 
 disastrous to France as to Spain herself, that the 
 scandal of the scenes at the Escurial and at Aranjuez 
 had shown to what a degree the dynasty was degene- 
 rated and degraded, and that it was quite unable to 
 drag the monarchy up out of the slough into which 
 it had fallen. This too plain speaking astounded the 
 canon and brought him down from his castles in the 
 air. In answer to his plea in favour of his pupil, 
 Napoleon made even more positive statements. 
 
 Ferdinand, to whom Escoïquitz reported this conver- 
 sation, protested, alleged the inalienable rights of his 
 famil}^ maintained that he was the legitimate king by 
 his fiither's abdication, and that if Charles IV. wished 
 to withdraw this abdication, it was to him alone that he 
 would surrender the crown. 
 
 The presence of the old sovereigns being alone
 
 148 wéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 likely to put an end to this resistance, the Emperor 
 hurried on their arrival as well as that of the Prince 
 de la Paix in Bayonne. The Prince de la Paix had 
 been treated with extreme severity. Murat was oblig^ed 
 to use force to tear him from the hands of those who 
 detained him, and who were firmly resolved that he 
 should die on the scaffold. Napoleon saw Godoï on his 
 arrival, and disguising the disgust with which this 
 person inspired him, had a long conversation with him, 
 which only gave him fresh cause for persevering in 
 his determination to deprive Ferdinand of his crown. 
 He undertook to assure incomes m proportion to their 
 rank to the old King, the Queen, and the Prince de 
 la Paix.* 
 
 The Spanish sovereigns arrived at last on April 30th. 
 They were received with the etiquette paid to kings. 
 The Emperor went to receive them on their entry 
 into Bayonne. The Empress, who had arrived at Marrac 
 a few days previously, went to comfort the old queen. 
 There was hand-kissing, according to the Spanish 
 custom. Prince Ferdinand came to bow to his father, 
 but Charles indignantly repelled him, and forbade him 
 to follow him into his apartment. There, their dear 
 friend Godoï was awaiting them, and they had the 
 pleasure of embracing him. He told them about 
 Napoleon's plans, and they had no objections to make. 
 
 *I have retained the French appclhition of this person tlnoui;hout 
 the translation, as it is the one by Avhich Manuel, Duke of Alcadia is 
 best known. He was born in Bajadoz on May I2th, 1767, became 
 the Queen's lover at the age of seventeen, and Prime ISIinistcr in 1792. 
 He was created Prince of the Peace, in recognition of his services in 
 concluding peace with France, in 1798. In 1801 he was appointed 
 generalissimo of the Spanish army, and in 1807 was vested with 
 absolute power. He resided in Paris from 1830, published his Memoirs 
 in 1836, in eight volumes, and died on October 7th, 185 1. — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon L 149 
 
 They came to dinner at Marrac on the following 
 day. The old king, weighted by his infirmities, leant 
 on the Emperor's arm as he was mounting the 
 steps of the castle. Napoleon had said to him: "Lean 
 on me, I have strength enough for both of us." 
 
 King Charles's protestation against his abdication had 
 been published in Madrid and was addressed to the 
 junta formed by Ferdinand, before his departure from 
 this city, a junta presided over by his uncle Don 
 Antonio. By the terms of this document Charles addressed 
 a severe letter to his son, reproaching him with his 
 guilty conduct, and summoning him to surrender the 
 crown. Ferdinand answered that although he had 
 received the crown by his father's voluntary abdication, 
 he was ready to resign it on condition that the King 
 should reign in person and that the restitution should 
 take place openly at Madrid before the assembled 
 Cortes. But King Charles, retracting his forced 
 abdication, declared himself sole legitimate king of Spain, 
 and added that in view of his absence from his kingdom, 
 he appointed the Grand-duke of Berg his lieutenant- 
 general, and invested him with all his powers. At 
 the same time orders were given that the Infant Don 
 Antonio, the King's brother, president of the junta, 
 the Infant Don Francis de Paule, and the Queen of 
 Etruria, who had remained in Madrid, should be sent 
 on to Bayonne. 
 
 The Spaniards already excited by the scenes which 
 had taken place, were greatly aroused by the departure 
 of the members of the royal family, one after the 
 other. Ferdinand, b}- means of letters and couriers, 
 who were despatched in disguise from Bayonne, inflamed 
 the excitement of the public and kept it aglow.
 
 I50 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 These couriers were watched and arrested, and the 
 papers found upon them were conveyed to the Emperor's 
 cabinet. These letters were filled with invectives and 
 curses against the French and Napoleon. They con- 
 tained false news, were calculated to excite the anger 
 of the people, and represented the Prince of the 
 Asturias as the victim of the most odious treatment. 
 These lying stories, spread broadcast by means of 
 bulletins and manuscript notes, were read with eagerness 
 everywhere. So greatly did they arouse the popular 
 mind that a general insurrection broke out in Madrid 
 on May 2nd. Wounded French soldiers in the hos- 
 pitals, and soldiers and officers, found tdone in the 
 streets, were massacred without pity by a furious and 
 savage mob. 
 
 The Emperor heard of this sad occurrence as he was 
 returning to Marrac on horseback. The news was 
 brought by one of the Grand-duke's staff-officers, 
 M. d'Haneucourt, who later on became Master of the 
 Hunt. In a violent passion, the Emperor turned his 
 horse round without a moment's delay, and galloped 
 off to find King Charles, to whom he showed these 
 despatches. The King sent for the Infants, and both 
 he and the Queen spoke to Ferdinand with the 
 extrcmest severity. The King brandished his stick as 
 though about to strike his son. The Queen was in 
 such a rage that she forgot herself to the point of 
 walking up to her son and making a gesture as though 
 to box his ears. The prince, standing motionless, and 
 with downcast eyes, did not answer a single word. 
 The Emperor put an end to this painful scene by 
 informing the Prince of the Asturias that he was bound 
 only to his father, thiit he acknowledged Charles alone
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 151 
 
 as King, and that unless Ferdinand surrendered the 
 crown which he had usurped, with all speed, he would 
 be treated as a rebel. Charles IV. cried out that he 
 did not want a crown which was tarnished, and that 
 he renounced a country in which an ungrateful son 
 had roused every passion against its sovereign. Fer- 
 dinand, covered with confusion and vexation, left the 
 room, followed by the small group of courtiers who 
 had waited for him in the outer drawing-room. 
 
 After having spent a moment with the old sovereigns, 
 Napoleon left them and returned to Marrac lost in 
 thought, and only emerging from this state of abstrac- 
 tion to utter bitter reflections on the state of degra- 
 dation into which tliis family had fallen. 
 
 On the same day documents were drawn up which 
 settled the position of the Prince of the Asturias, at 
 the same time as that of the Infants, who were not 
 to return to Spain. The castle of Navarre was given 
 to Prince Ferdinand in fee simple, with an income of 
 one million francs. A pension of four hundred thou- 
 sand francs was allotted to each of the Infants. The 
 Prince signed, in his own name and that of his family, 
 a renunciation of the crown of Spain and all the 
 rights of succession. 
 
 King Charles refusing to accept the crown, whose 
 sole proprietor he was acknowledged to be, he sur- 
 rendered it to the Emperor to dispose of as he might 
 think fit. He received in compensation the palace and 
 forest of Compiègne, for life, and the castle of Chambord 
 in fee simple, with an income of thirty million reals — 
 seven million five hundred thousand francs — to be paid 
 him from the public Treasury of France. 
 
 Such is a plain statement of the facts which brought
 
 152 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 about this great catastrophe, freed from particulars which 
 certain historians have added in induction to the prin- 
 cipal fact, and which they have explained, not always 
 with justice, I have only related what in the sphere 
 of my duties I saw and learned. It does not behove 
 me to set myself up as the judge of Napoleon's conduct 
 in an enterprise the object of which — as must perforce 
 be admitted — was eminently a national one. If the 
 legality of the means employed did not correspond to 
 the grandeur of the scheme, it remains proved that, in 
 the Bayonne transaction, Napoleon was impelled by 
 the interests of France far more than by any other 
 motive, and that the change of dynasty was only the 
 consequence of, and an accessory to, the system which 
 he wished to establish in Spain. 
 
 The forcible act essayed in the peninsula has been 
 explained as caused by a fixed determination on the 
 part of Napoleon to remove the Bourbons from every 
 throne in Europe ; but that was only a secondary idea 
 with him ; it was rather the state of Spain that awoke 
 his solicitude. Spain, whose prosperity was as important 
 to France as to the country itself, which was the 
 continuation of our soil, was in a state of decay which 
 would inevitably have led to her falling an easy prey 
 to England. The future was not in Napoleon's hands. 
 However much the Spanish Government might at that 
 time be subjected to his wishes, this government had 
 none the less desired to join the coalition on the eve 
 of the battle of Jena. As long as Napoleon should 
 reign, this government would not dare to betray him, 
 but would it be the same with the Emperor's success- 
 ors? The ser\'ile submission of this royal family showed 
 the master of France how foolhardy and dangerous it
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 1 53 
 
 would be to rely on such princes. The Spanish Govern- 
 ment placed its ships, troops, and feeble resources at 
 Napoleon's disposal at this moment and without hesi- 
 tation. In spite of certain secret communications with 
 England, suspected by the Emperor, but which had 
 remained without any immediate result, France had 
 not a sufficiently strong motive to declare war with 
 Spain, and to expel the Bourbons by force. This line 
 of action, had it been justifiable by apparent causes, 
 would have been worthier of Napoleon, but he could 
 not adopt it in the absence of any plausible motive, 
 without exciting public reprobation. Louis XIV., 
 acting in a dynastic interest, had been admirably served 
 by Charles II.'s testament. Napoleon, prompted by 
 a national interest, failed; he had no choice of means. 
 He remains exposed to the blame of posterity, which 
 would have absolved him if his work, the defects of 
 which show themselves owing to its want of success, 
 had been able to last and to bring with it the many 
 benefits which would have resulted for France and 
 Spain. This enterprise would have succeeded, as did 
 the War of Succession, if the coalition had not deprived 
 Napoleon of the time and the possibility of applj'ing 
 his strength and his attention to it, by constantly 
 drawing him on to new struggles which rem.oved him 
 from the object in view. The national resistance and 
 antipathy even, would have been overcome in the end ; 
 the influence of men enlightened as to the real interests 
 of their country would have prevailed, and the masses 
 would have followed them. The advantages of the 
 constitution of Bayonne, the prosperity which its appli- 
 cation would have conferred on the people, the pro- 
 tection which the French alliance would have assured
 
 154 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 to our neighbours by the interest we had to render 
 them prosperous and powerful — all these causes together 
 would in time have subjugated the Spaniards. Napoleon 
 can be blamed in this matter neither for precipitation 
 nor for caprice. His plan had been matured and 
 carried out with the necessary slowness and prudence. 
 He had in his favour his omnipotence, the prosperous 
 state of France, Europe at that time pacified, and a close 
 alliance with Russia. The moment seemed favourable; 
 it was neither too late nor too early. Napoleon himself 
 has said that he was forced to seize the opportunity 
 offered to him by fortune to regenerate Spain, to 
 remove her from the clutches of England, and to unite 
 her closely to our system. In doing so, he was, in 
 his opinion, la3dng one of the fundamental bases of 
 the repose and security of Europe. 
 
 The illegality, however, of the means employed was 
 the frequent subject of Napoleon's reflections, and 
 maintained him in a continual state of perplexity. His 
 mind revolted against perfidious conduct, for he had an 
 instinctive loathing for crooked and tortuous ways. He 
 hesitated for a long time between various lines of action. 
 He had thought of a family alliance; but nothing is 
 more precarious than a political marriage. Another 
 plan was to take, in guise of pledges, the Spanish 
 provinces on this side of the Ebro, but that would 
 have deeply offended the inhabitants of these pro- 
 vinces, and would have kept them continually ready to 
 revolt. He was forced to go back to the plan of 
 dethroning the reigning family; the events that crowded 
 on disposed of the Emperor's irresolutions ; an outraged 
 father, supplanted by his son, abandoned by his people, 
 urged on by a fear for his own safety, by the neces-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 155 
 
 sity of having recourse to the protection of his ally, 
 and by the fear with which the violence of the factions 
 inspired him — a guilty son, vile and nerveless, domin- 
 ated by evil passions — both came to throw themselves 
 into Napoleon's arms. This combination of extraordin- 
 ary circumstances, the news of the Madrid insurrec- 
 tion, which had been encouraged by Ferdinand, an 
 insurrection in the course of which Frenchmen had been 
 massacred in the hospitals and in the streets, all these 
 things together urged the Emperor on. When he saw 
 the Spanish princes at his feet, and had gauged their 
 worthlcssness and weakness. Napoleon considered him- 
 self "an instrument of Providence." The scandalous 
 scenes which he witnessed amongst the members of 
 this family deprived him of all confidence in the stabil- 
 ity of an alliance with these princes. The old King 
 refused to return to vSpain. Could Napoleon, even if 
 he had been so disposed, force this prince to resume 
 his crown? King Charles's antecedents, his impotence, 
 the aversion which he had provoked through his favour- 
 ite, made the Emperor see only too clearly that such 
 a restoration was not practicable. Should Ferdinand then 
 have been sent back to Madrid ? But that would have 
 meant handing Spain over to England, and to the 
 parties which were hostile to France. Napoleon con- 
 firmed his resolution, in consequence, to confide the 
 destinies of the neighbouring kingdom to the hands of a 
 Frenchman. The generous wish to rescue so interesting 
 a nation from the state of decay to which it had been 
 reduced by the government of a degenerate race of kings 
 had as much to do in forming Napoleon's resolutions as 
 the necessity of putting an end to a line of policy, vacil- 
 lating in the present, and certain to be hostile in the future.
 
 156 INIÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 The Emperor sent a pressing invitation, by courier, 
 to King Joseph, to come to Bayonne. '^ In the interview 
 which he had with his brother at Venice, in 1807, 
 Napoleon had spoken to him of the various chances 
 which might be brought about by the dissensions by 
 which the Spanish reigning house was divided; but 
 without expressing any definite idea on the subject at the 
 time. Napoleon went to meet the King of Naples on 
 his arrival at Bayonne, informed him of the views he 
 entertained concerning him, and urged him to agree 
 to them. He had hoped that Lucien would have 
 accepted the conditions which he wished to impose on 
 him at Mantua. If Lucien had been more docile under 
 his demands, Napoleon would at this time have placed 
 him on the throne of Naples, which was given to 
 Murat, the Grand-duke of Berg. Whilst awaiting the 
 arrival of his brother Joseph, Napoleon occupied him- 
 self with providing that the Spanish colonies should 
 remain faithful to their allegiance. With this object 
 in view he had sent out from the various ports of 
 Spain, Portugal, and France a number of light ships, 
 freighted with arms and munitions, and carrying pro- 
 clamations, to the ports of Southern America. The 
 
 * Napoleon wrote to King Joseph as follows : " King Charles, by 
 the treaty which I have concluded with him, cedes me all his rights 
 to the Crown of Spain .... I destine this crown to you. The King- 
 dom of Naples is not what Spain is, with her eleven million inhabitants, 
 her revenues of more than one hundred and fifty millions and the 
 possession of all the Americas. It is besides a crown which places 
 you in Madrid, a three days' journey from France, and which entirely 
 covers one of her frontiers. In Madrid, you arc in France. Naples is 
 at the world's end. I therefore desire that immediately on receiving 
 this letter, you leave the regency to whom you choose, and the com- 
 mand of the troops to Marshal Jourdan, and start to proceed to Bayonne 
 by the quickest route from Tijrin, Mount Cenis, and Lyons .... Keep 
 this matter, moreover, secret, etc. " — R. H. s.
 
 mkneval's memoirs of napoleon 1. 157 
 
 Emperor also ordered reports on the state of the 
 Spanish finances, army, and navy, to be laid before 
 him, and gave orders that a subsidy of twenty-five 
 millions, taken from the funds of the extraordinary 
 domain, should be advanced to the Spanish treasury 
 to meet the most pressing needs of the country. And 
 finally, he ordered the dispersion of the Spanish troops 
 in the peninsula, and the distribution of the French 
 soldiers over various parts of the territory, at the 
 points where they were most needed, to be in readiness 
 to check the first attempts at insurrection. 
 
 Napoleon had understood that a change of dynasty 
 could not be effected without the intervention, in some 
 form, of the Spanish nation, and that is the reason 
 why he desired to convoke to Bayonne an assembly 
 of leading men in the various classes of the State. 
 He introduced his brother Joseph to the most influ- 
 ential men, who all offered him their services, and 
 hailed him as the regenerator of their country. The 
 result of this assembly of Spanish notables was a 
 constitution which contained all the elements of the 
 regeneration of Spain. If the fanaticism of the monks, 
 who had a representative in each family; if the influence 
 exercised by the greatness and too generous exaltation 
 of the national feeling of self-respect had not annulled 
 the benefits of this constitution, Spain would to-day 
 have been far advanced on the road of prosperity, 
 which the constitution drawn up at Bayonne opened 
 out before her feet. 
 
 Whilst the deliberations of the junta were proceed- 
 ing, Charles IV., the Queen, and the Prince de la Paix 
 left for Fontainebleau. The Infants, followed by the 
 Duke de San Carlos and Canon Escoiquitz, were sent
 
 158 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 to the Castle of Valançay, which had been selected by 
 the Emperor as the residence of these princes. Taken 
 by surprise, and dragged on by the rapidity with 
 which events had crowded on, Napoleon had only just 
 the time to send word to Prince de Bénévent, to whom 
 this estate belonged, and who had remained in Paris, 
 to proceed to Valançay and to receive the Infants. 
 
 King Joseph passed from the throne of Naples to 
 the throne of Spain and the Grand-duke of Berg went 
 to take his place in Naples. The Grand-duchy of 
 Berg, left vacant by INIurat, was united to the French 
 Empire, and was given, in 18 10, to the eldest son of 
 Prince Louis, after the latter had abdicated and renounced 
 the crown of Holland. 
 
 This business having been disposed of, the Emperor, 
 accompanied by the Empress, left Marrac to return 
 to Paris. He spent a day at Pau and at Tarbes. 
 At Pau he occupied the castle where Henri IV. was 
 born. This castle, situated at a distance of a thousand 
 yards from the town had since been restored, and has 
 become an imperial residence. At Tarbes the Emperor 
 slept at the prefect's mansion, where he noticed, in one 
 of the drawing-rooms, a fine portrait of Lays, the cele- 
 brated Opera singer, one of the glories of the department. 
 
 Napoleon only spent twelve hours at Auch. Hear- 
 ing that General Dessolcs, who had refused to fill 
 the functions of chief of the staff to General Lannes 
 at Boulogne, was living in the neighbourhood, retired 
 in a country house, he charged Prince de Neufcheitel 
 to offer him a post. General Dessoles had disapproved 
 of the' condemnation of Moreau, and, without express- 
 ing his discontent, had found some pretext for retiring 
 from the service. He had been chief of the staff to
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIIIS OF NAPOLEON I. 15g 
 
 this celebrated general. He had filled the same post 
 in the army in Hanover, when this army was under 
 the command of the Prince de Ponte-Corvo, and had 
 even commanded it during the Marshal's absence. 
 General Dessoles had grown to hate the Emperor with 
 a hidden hatred during these two campaigns, a hatred 
 which he had not dared to make public, but which 
 burst out with violence in 18 14. Napoleon, who admired 
 this general officer's talents, had no hesitation in making 
 the first advances. He entrusted him with the com- 
 mand of a division in Spain. General Dessoles asked 
 to be recalled after some time. This inconstancy of 
 humour, or rather this hidden ill-will, did not exhaust 
 the Emperor's patience, and at the time of the expe- 
 dition to Russia he appointed the general chief of the 
 staff to Prince Eugene. After the taking of Smolensk, 
 Dessoles once more asked to be allowed to leave the 
 army on the pretext of bad health. He was present 
 in Paris, in 18 14, at the time of the entry of the allies. 
 It is known how he behaved. * 
 
 The stay of the Emperor and the Empress, for two 
 days, at Toulouse, their journey to Montauban and 
 Agen were marked b}^ the \vild enthusiasm which 
 Napoleon's presence excited everywhere. His appar- 
 ition was always followed by measures calculated to 
 increase the prosperity of the towns and provinces 
 which he visited. Madame de Balbi, an old friend of 
 the Comte de Provence, who afterwards became Louis 
 XVIII., happened to be at Montauban at the time. I 
 had occasion to see her in Paris, after the Restoration, 
 and to hear her boast before me of having been an 
 
 * "Went over to the Restoration and became President of the Council 
 of Ministers in 1818. — R. H. s.
 
 i6o méneval's .memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 honourable exception to the general joy which was 
 manifested at jMontauban at the time of Napoleon's visit. 
 Whilst the Emperor was pursuing his way through 
 the departments of the South, the insurrection in Spain 
 had become general. The news of the double abdi- 
 cation of Charles IV. and of Ferdinand, and King Joseph's 
 proclamation had brought about an explosion of the 
 feelings of hatred which only wanted an opportunity 
 to burst out. In the space of a week, towards the 
 end of j\Iay, the East, North, and West of Spain were 
 on fire. The Spaniards had risen as one man. The 
 arsenals had been ransacked, and the people had armed. 
 Juntas had been formed and a mass levy was being 
 organized on every side. The mob took the initiative 
 everywhere, and imposed its umbrageous and savage 
 authority. In the chiefs who were in authority it saw 
 none but traitors. jNtost of the captains-general were 
 murdered, because they refused blind obedience to 
 the riotous passions of the mob. The least hesitation 
 was punished with a cruel death. Enlightened men, 
 both military and civil, who feared reprisals from France, 
 and who, satisfied with the fall of a shameful govern- 
 ment, looked for the reform of abuses and the benefits 
 of a government which was anxious to cause its usurp- 
 ation to be forgotten, essayed to calm the fury of the 
 mob. They fell victims to their own wisdom and 
 patriotism ; the furious mob pursued them into refuges 
 most worthy of respect, murdering them in the arms 
 of their own soldiers, or of their families. Their bodies 
 were dragged through the mud; their heads were 
 carried at the end of pikes. The remnant of the French 
 fleet which had escaped the disaster of Trafalgar had 
 taken refuge in the port of Cadiz. When this insur-
 
 MÉXEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON I. l6l 
 
 rection broke out, this feeble squadron, having lost all 
 hope of being rescued by General Dupont's corps, 
 hemmed in by the English and the Spaniards, was 
 obliged to surrender at discretion to the latter, to escape 
 destruction without revenge. 
 
 The fury of the Spanish mob kept increasing, and 
 excited the rioters to treat our unhappy prisoners with 
 the refinements of unheard-of ferocity. They crucified 
 some of these wretched soldiers to trees, others were 
 hung up and fires were lighted beneath their feet. 
 Others were buried alive ; some were sawn asunder 
 between two planks. The pen refuses to record the 
 acts of horrible and inhuman barbarism which these 
 cannibals indulged in towards their unfortunate victims. 
 Women and children were treated with the most 
 abominable cruelty. It was whilst at Bordeaux that the 
 Emperor heard the sad news of the capitulation of Baïlen. 
 The dishonourable conditions of this capitulation, the 
 unworthy conduct of the Spanish generals, w^ho, not 
 satisfied with insulting them, had refused bread and 
 water to our soldiers, who were dying of hunger, and 
 who were choking under the burning and implacable 
 sun — all this desolating news filled Napoleon with 
 indignation and grief These feelings reached their 
 highest pitch when he heard how horribly the ferocious 
 mob had treated those of our soldiers whom it could 
 not kill, pursuing them all along the roads with stones 
 and knives. Able-bodied, invalid, or wounded soldiers, 
 not one had been able to escape the most revolting 
 and most ignominious treatment. To crown these 
 horrible excesses of mob fury, the junta of Seville 
 refused to recognize the capitulation, declared the French 
 prisoners of war, and had them conducted to Cadiz, 
 
 VOL. IL II
 
 102 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 which they only reached after having faced a thousand 
 dangers — pillaged, robbed, insulted, and running the 
 risk of being murdered every minute of the day. 
 
 This disastrous day of Baiien, during which twenty 
 thousand French soldiers had marched past and laid 
 down their arms before enemies who had always fled 
 before them in the open field, was a reverse without 
 example in the military history of the new France. 
 It put a stain on our arms and dishonoured the glory 
 which till then they had enjoyed. It struck a most 
 serious blow against our prestige in Spain. This 
 unexpected success, indeed, electrified the Spaniards, 
 and dragged into the revolution those who were still 
 hesitating. Napoleon was thunderstruck by this unex- 
 pected blow. A brave army had been struck by fate, 
 and a spirit of dizziness had disabled its leaders. How, 
 indeed, can so fatal an error be explained on the part 
 of a general — General Dupont — whose military career had 
 been most honourable and often brilliant, and for whom 
 the Emperor destined in the future a Marshal's baton; 
 on the part of another general officer of the highest 
 merit — General Marescot — who till then had been 
 esteemed and appreciated by Napoleon, and finally 
 on the part of General Vedel, who had distinguished 
 himself by brilliant feats of arms before Ulm, and at 
 Friedland, but whose misfortune it was to be too loyal 
 to military discipline ? To crown all, one of the Empe- 
 ror's equerries was one of the staff-ofiicers of this 
 army, and had been sent there on his request to enter 
 the military service. His capacity as an officer of the 
 imperial household had given him, in this deplorable 
 occurrence, a rôle of confidence and a kind of ill-con- 
 sidered authority which had been fatal.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 163 
 
 General Marescot, chief inspector of engineers, hap- 
 pened by chance to be at the head-quarters of the 
 Dupont corps. Charged to reconnoitre the fort of 
 Cadiz, he had been forced to follow the movements of 
 this corps in consequence of the insurrection of the 
 province of Seville. He was present at the affair at 
 Bai'len, and yielding to pressing instances, he had con- 
 sented to undertake to negotiate for a capitulation. 
 He had proceeded at once to the Castagno's camp, 
 dressed, it is said, in the Spanish uniform, for what 
 reason is unknown, and had signed at the bottom of 
 this shameful agreement, a name which till then had 
 been without reproach. The necessity of making an 
 example forced the Emperor to punish this general. 
 He was dismissed from all his commissions. His wife 
 shared his disgrace, and lost her place as lady-in-waiting 
 to the Empress Josephine. Although Napoleon felt very 
 sorry to have to act with such severity towards a 
 lady whom he esteemed, Madame Marescot was forced 
 to understand that it was impossible for her to remain 
 at the palace any longer 
 
 The persons who had signed the capitulation of 
 Bailen were kept in prison for longer or shorter periods.* 
 A draft of a decree was presented to the Council of 
 State to decide upon the manner of their being sent 
 to trial, but no effect was given to this measure. The 
 Emperor has been rightly blamed for not having sent 
 
 * Napoleon afterwards admitted that Dupont had been unfortunate 
 rather than culpable. As a matter of fact Dupont did all he could to 
 rouse his army to a final effort, but both his officers and soldiers 
 exhausted by the terrible heat, and for the most part stricken with 
 disease, refused to move. The famous wagj;ons, in order to jireserve 
 which Dupont was accused of having cajiitulated, only contained a 
 trilling sum. — R. H. s.
 
 104 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 the culprits before a court-martial, which would 
 have published their judgment. The interruption of 
 these proceedings has been attributed to an arbitrary- 
 will. Napoleon's first impulse was to deal out severe 
 justice, but reflection restrained him. It may be that 
 he thought that publicity would put forward beyond 
 recall these shameful circumstances, and thus add fresh 
 ignominy to the insult which stained our flag. To 
 this consideration may be added another which v/ill 
 be equally blamed by the partisans of national justice. 
 An irrevocable condemnation, such as a sentence of 
 death, would have been the probable result of this 
 trial, besides the scandal. These condemnations would 
 have deprived Napoleon for ever of the help of officers 
 whose conduct had been irreproachable until the day 
 of a fatal error which did not in his eyes utterly 
 efface the value of their past services. Extraordinary- 
 circumstances might arise, which would give them the 
 opportunity of making up in a brilliant manner for 
 what they had done, as happened in 1813, for the 
 brave General Vedel, amongst others, whom Napoleon 
 only blamed for having shown a too passive obedience 
 to the orders of the commander-in-chief, Dupont, at 
 Bailen. 
 
 On leaving Bordeaux, Napoleon had proceeded towards 
 the Vendée department, passing by Saintes and Roche- 
 fort. He was received as a benefactor. Men and women, 
 old and young, left their farms to rush in crowds to 
 the road on which the Emperor and the Empress were 
 to pass, and to hail them with acclamations of joy, 
 which certainly were not given to order. The traces 
 of the civil war which had devastated these beautiful
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 165 
 
 provinces had disappeared. Large, fine roads in every 
 direction increased the means of communication. From 
 the desert that it had been, this district had become 
 peopled and flourishing. The principal town in the 
 district, Ville-Napoleon, was already supplied with its 
 chief public establishments, others were in course of 
 construction. Numerous private houses, recently built, 
 were all tenanted. In the audiences which the Emperor 
 gave to the mayors and to the priests, who had come 
 together more than two hundred strong, to the soldiery 
 and to the guards of honour, he questioned each on the 
 needs of his department and accorded new favours. 
 The gratitude which the Vendéens displayed towards 
 the hand which had restored their prosperity was the 
 best guarantee of the resistance which, in case of need, 
 they would oppose to any fomenters of fresh discords. 
 From Napoléon-Ville the Emperor went to spend 
 three days at Nantes, where he was not idle. He 
 visited Angers, Tours, and Blois and arrived at St. 
 Cloud on August 14th, 1808.
 
 CliAPTER m. 
 
 The Emperor's Fête — Presents Offered by the Russian and Persian Ambas- 
 sadors— Visit to David's Studio— General Revolt in Spain — HonourableReception 
 Paid by the City of Paris to the Columns of the Great Army — The Erfurth 
 Interview — Details — Fête given at Weimar — Presentation of Goethe and 
 Wieland to the Emperor Napoleon — Baron Vincent at Erfurth — Convention 
 Between the two Emperors — Adieux — The King and Queen of Prussia visit 
 Emperor Alexander on his Return — M. de Romanzoff — Landing of the 
 French Army from Portugal at Rochefort — M. de Bourmont — The Belem 
 Bible — Prince de Bénévent's Conduct at Erfurth — His Nocturnal Conversations 
 with Emperor Alexander — His Intelligences with Austria — Marriage of his 
 Nephew to the Princess Dorothea of Courland — Reasons by which Prince 
 de Bénévent Justifies his Conduct at Erfurth — The Marquis de la Romana's 
 Escape from the Danish Isles — His Landing in Spain — The Emperor's Departure 
 for the Army — My Journey from Marrac to Vittoria — Occupation of Burgos — 
 The Castle of Lerma — The Soma-Sierra Defile — Arrival before Madrid — 
 Summonses — Spanish Monks at the Bivouac — Entry of the Army into Madrid — 
 The Emperor's Head-quarters at Chamartin — King Joseph arrives there — He 
 Establishes Himself at the Pardo — Queen of Naples's Correspondence found 
 at Chamartin — Acts of Severity and of Clemency — Pillage Repressed — March 
 to Meet the English Army — Crossing the Guadarama — Stay at the Convent 
 of Tordesillas — Audience Given to the Abbess of this Convent — Her Ingenu- 
 ousness — The Emperor's Kindness towards Her — Reflections of the Emperor 
 on Convents — News of the Armings in Austria — Return to Valladolid — A 
 Deputation from the City of Madrid — Marshal Lannes Sent to the Siege of 
 Saragossa — Portrait of Saint Napoleon found in the Dominican Convent — 
 Results of this Short Campaign — Return at Great Speed to Paris — Marshal 
 Berthier sent out to the Army— Decree against the French in Foreign Services — 
 Violent Reproaches Addressed to Prince de Bénévent at the Issue of the 
 Privy Council — The Ex-Minister's Impassibility — His Apparent Oblinon of the 
 Humiliation which he had Undergone — M. de Montesquieu is Appointed 
 Grand Chamberlain — Pensions Accorded to ^lembers of the Ancient Reigning 
 Family — Exile of Certain Persons belonging to the Faubourg St. Germain — 
 The Duchess of Gesvres — The Emperor goes into the Elysée — Surrender 
 of Saragossa — Notre Dame de Pilar — Picture Representing the Emperor 
 in his Cabinet— Nominations to the two Vacant Posts of Secretary of the 
 Cabinet — Note on. M. Mounier, one of the New Secretaries — Organization 
 and Staff of the Topographical Office — The Austrian Army enters Bavaria 
 Without previously DcclaringWar — The Emperor's Departure for the Campaign 
 of 1809 — Misunderstanding of His Orders — Opening of the Campaign — Battle of 
 Eckmuhl — The Emperor is Wounded before Ratisbon — Encounter at Abensbcrg — 
 Taking of Vienna— Short Stay at Schonbrunn — The Island of Lobau — Battle 
 of Essling — Death of Marshal Lannes — Regrets Caused by his Loss to the 
 Emperor — Return to Schonbrunn — The Army assembled in the Island of 
 I.,obau — The Austrian General Chasteler — The Partisans Kats, Dornberg, 
 Schill — Irruption of the Duke of Brunswick-Ocls into Westphalia — Success 
 of the Army in Italy — It Joins the Great Army— The Battle of Raab — 
 Second Crossing of the Danube — Battle of Wagram — Alert — Visit to the 
 Field of Battle— Colonel Oudet— Macdonald, Oudinot and Marmont appointed 
 
 166
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 167 
 
 Marshals — Armistice of Znaim — Conference of Altenburg Transferred to 
 Vienna — Attempted Murder — Peace of Vienna, Public and Secret Clauses — 
 Fnlari^ement of the Duchy of Warsaw — Lot Accepted by Russia — Numerical 
 Weakness and Kcjuivocal Conduct of the Russian Conting^ent — Duplicity of the 
 St. Petersburg Cabinet — Deputation of Hungarians — Napoleon Regrets having 
 left Austria too Powerful — Napoleon's Solicitude for His Soldiers — Condem- 
 nation of Treacherous Military Agents — Fruitless Expedition of the English 
 against the Island of Walcheren — Bemadottc's Command — Contentions between 
 tlic Pope and the Emperor — Occupation of the Marches and of Rome — 
 Kemoval of the Pope — Creation of New Duchies and Principalities — Order of 
 the Three Golden Fleeces — Erection of an Obelisk on the Pont-Neuf Terre- 
 plein — Seizure of Letters — Pardon Refused — The Penury of the Viennese 
 Relieved by the Emperor — Crescentini and Talma — Doctor Corvisart at 
 Vienna — Destruction of the Ramparts of this Capital — The Emperor Awaits 
 the Ratification of the Treaty of Peace at this Capital — Return to France — 
 Arrival at Fontainebleau — Large Court — Intrigues of the Queen of Etruria 
 at Nice — She is Sent to a Convent in Rome — Bad State of Affairs in Spain — 
 General Suchet's Success in Aragon — Ferdinand Congratulates the Emperor 
 on the Victories Gained in Spain 
 
 THE Emperor's return took place on the eve of his 
 fête, which was celebrated with the customary- 
 solemnities. The same day the Senate gave a very 
 beautiful fete in the Luxembourg gardens — Free per- 
 formances were given at all the theatres — The staff 
 officers of the imperial guard celebrated Saint Napoleon* 
 with a banquet of three hundred covers in the rooms 
 of the Palais-Royal. The City of Paris offered a 
 banquet, followed by a ball to the Emperor, who was 
 present with the Empress and the whole of the Court. 
 At the audience on the following Sunday the Rus- 
 sian ambassador presented gifts consisting of jasper 
 
 ♦After the signing of the Concordat the I5lh of August was appointed 
 by Rome as the day of celebration of the feast of a certain saint — the 
 first martyr found in the catacombs, whose name, which somewhat 
 resembled that of Napoleon — it was Naponius or Napbneone or some- 
 tiiing similar — was, to please the Emperor, transformed into Napoleon. 
 It may be mentioned that in the Jesuit colleges where each evening 
 Meditations arc held on the saint whose feast falls on the morrow, the 
 first thing that used to be said by the professor to his pupils at the 
 Meditations on the eve of St. Napoleon was : " Consider tliat we know 
 little or nothing of Saint Napoleon but etc." After the fall of the 
 Empire Saint Napoleon was relegated to the obscurity of All Saints 
 Day. His fcastday was again established under the second Empire. — R. H. S.
 
 1 68 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 v\ises, and malachite tables, columns, and cups of 
 extraordinary size. 
 
 On the same day Napoleon's statue, which was 
 intended for the Place Vendôme, and which had just 
 been cast most successfully, was conveyed to this 
 square. This statue, executed by Chaudet, had been cast 
 out of the metal of the cannons taken from the enemy. 
 
 The Emperor spent the five weeks which followed 
 on his return from Bayonne at St. Cloud. He received 
 there the new Persian ambassador at a solemn audience 
 given on this occasion. The ambassador's name was 
 Asker-Khan. He had been sent to him to continue 
 the friendly relations which had been established at 
 Finckenstein by Mirza-Rizza. The ambassador spoke 
 in the name of the hereditary Prince of Persia. He 
 was commissioned to offer the swords of Tamerlane 
 and Thamas-Koulikan to the Emperor. Amongst the 
 presents which he offered were some fine Cashmere 
 shawls, some of which were given to the Empress and 
 the ladies of her court, in the Emperor's name. 
 
 Napoleon went to Paris several times, to be present 
 at the fête at the Hôtel de Ville, to visit constructions 
 of public utility, to see the panoramas, and for the 
 receptions of the diplomatic corps which took place at 
 the Tuileries. During one of his short stays in Paris 
 he went to view the great picture of the coronation 
 in David's studio. He was accompanied on this occa- 
 sion by the Empress and her court. Napoleon had 
 pardoned David's errors, on condition that he would 
 devote himself exclusively to the art in which he 
 excelled, and had appointed him his first painter. The 
 Emperor's visit to David's studio was an encouragement 
 given to the arts.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S JMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. l6g 
 
 The news of the capitulation of Baïlen, by which 
 twenty thousand French soldiers had laid down arms, 
 in the open field, an event more deplorable for 
 French arms than the surrender of Ulm had been to 
 Austria, had produced the worst possible impression in 
 Madrid. A general defection declared itself, not only 
 amongst the Spanish grandees who after having taken 
 the oath of allegiance to Joseph Bonaparte had accom- 
 panied him to ]\Iadrid, but even amongst the persons 
 in his service. The wildest and most absurd reports 
 were spread abroad by the monks and all the enemies 
 of France to excite the mob, blind in its anger, to the 
 most extreme excesses. The fiery and savage character 
 of the idle and excitable populations of the towns and 
 country exaggerated these reports still more. The 
 most sensitive fibres of the people were worked upon, 
 its national pride, its religion, its attachment to its 
 princes. A new divine scourge had come upon them 
 to destroy their nationality, to tear them from their 
 homes and to send them to perish in icy climates and 
 in distant wars, victims of an all-devouring ambition. 
 Shackles for chaining them two by two had, it was 
 said, been brought with the French troops. From 
 these impressions greedily accepted by the Spanish 
 mob, there had resulted a hatred of the French, pro- 
 found, implacable, and exalted to the pitch of ferocity. 
 The occupation of Madrid had become impossible. King 
 Joseph decided to evacuate it. He left in broad 
 daylight on July 31st, passing through the town in 
 the midst of the extreme agitation which had been 
 caused by the announcement of his departure. He was 
 followed by some of his ministers * and retired to Vittoria 
 
 * Scuores Pinuela and de Cevallos abandoned King Joseph without
 
 i^o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 with a portion of the first French army which had 
 entered into Spain. The general rising which followed, 
 the animosity which began to characterize the war in 
 this country, the resolution which the Emperor had 
 taken to go there in person, made Napoleon feel the 
 necessity of assuring himself that Russia's disposition 
 was the same, and of conferring on this subject with 
 the Emperor Alexander. An interview was accord- 
 ingly proposed to the Czar. 
 
 The time and place of this interview having been 
 settled, the Emperor left Paris on September 22nd to 
 proceed to Erfurth, where the interview was to take place. 
 
 On the same day the first column of the Great Army 
 arrived in Paris. It was received at the Pantin gate 
 by the municipal body, and was offered the gold crown 
 which had been voted to the Great Army after the 
 battle of Austerlitz. This column was followed by 
 several others, which passed through Paris one after 
 the other on their way to Spain. All were received 
 with the same solemnity by the municipal authorities, 
 and the City gave banquets and fûtes in their honour 
 on this occasion. 
 
 Marshal Lannes had been sent to receive the Emperor 
 of Russia on the frontier of the district occupied by 
 the French army. Napoleon arriving at Erfurth first, 
 went to meet Alexander at a league and a half from 
 the town, which the two sovereigns entered to the 
 sound of bells and the firing- of cannon. They had 
 exchanged the insignia of their orders. During the 
 stay of the emperors at Erfurth Napoleon always placed 
 the Emperor Alexander on liis right hand to show that 
 
 a word of explanation. D'Azanza, O'Fanill and d'Uiqnijo followed 
 him on his retreat. — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 171 
 
 it was he who was doing the honours and was in his own 
 place. The houses which they occupied had been 
 furnished by the garde-meuble of the French crown 
 and the cost had been paid by the French civil list. 
 The Kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, the Prince 
 Primate, the Grand-duke and Grand-duchess of Baden, 
 the Dukes of Saxony and most of the Princes of the 
 Confederation of the Rhine came to Erfurth. The 
 Emperor Napoleon received the Emperor Alexander, the 
 Grand-duke Constantine, his brother, and the sove- 
 reigns to dinner every day. At one of these dinners 
 Napoleon noticing that Alexander had forgotten his 
 sword, presented him with his own. 
 
 The leading actors of the Théâtre-Français gave 
 numerous performances of our best tragedies. On the 
 first day the Emperors occupied a box situated in the 
 centre of the theatre. This distance from the stage 
 prevented Alexander from hearing the actors' voices 
 distinctly, he being rather deaf. Napoleon then gave 
 orders that a dais should be raised in the orchestra, 
 and two arm-chairs for the emperors and chairs for the 
 kings were placed upon it. It was during one of 
 these performances that Alexander bending over to 
 Napoleon quoted to him this line of the " Oedipus " to 
 which Voltaire's great reputation could not give the 
 celebrity, which it acquired after this occurrence: 
 
 " The friendship of a great man is a gift of the gods. " 
 
 Alexander's conduct was altogether in harmony 
 with the feeling, feigned rather than sincere, which 
 had prompted him to make this quotation. The two 
 sovereigns spent three weeks at Erfurth, on terms of 
 the most intimate familiarity, riding out together and
 
 172 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 reviewing the French troops. Hunting-parties, banquets, 
 balls, and theatrical performances were given at Weimar 
 to the whole Court of Erfurth by the Duke of Saxe- 
 Weimar. The battle-field of Jena was visited by the 
 two Emperors. 
 
 Goethe and Wieland were presented to Napoleon 
 who was very anxious to make their acquaintance. 
 These two illustrious poets were received by him with 
 the highest distinction and justified in his eyes the 
 opinion he had formed of their merits. Napoleon car- 
 ried away with him, from the long conversations which 
 he had with them, a high esteem for their talents and 
 for their character. He gave them a proof of this by 
 decorating them with his own hands with the order 
 of the Legion of Honour. 
 
 On his return to Erfurth the Emperor gave an 
 audience to Baron Vincent, the Austrian cnvoyc. 
 The suspicious conduct of the Vienna Cabinet aroused 
 too much distrust in Napoleon's mind to make him 
 wish to invite the Emperor Francis or his Prime IMinister 
 to the Erfurth meeting. ]M. de Vincent came to bring 
 to Napoleon the protestations of friendship of which 
 the Austrian Cabinet was so lavish; he also came to 
 see what was going on. I will mention later what 
 support this envoyé hoped to find at Erfurth for the 
 success of his mission. 
 
 On the same day a convention was signed between 
 the two Emperors. Its object was to renew the 
 Tilsitt alliance, to make an application in common to 
 the London Cabinet, and finally to acknowledge the 
 new acquisitions of Russia and the new state of things 
 in Spain. After this business had been settled the 
 sovereigns took leave of each other and presents were
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 173 
 
 exchanged. The Emperor Alexander, who professed to 
 treat me with great kindness presented me, as a mark 
 of his favour, with a box ornamented with his cipher 
 in diamonds, worth about ten thousand francs. I first 
 lieard of it from the Emperor Napoleon, who authorized 
 me to accept it. Alexander came to take leave of 
 Napoleon, who accompanied him on horseback to the 
 place where his carriages were waiting for him. 
 During this long ride the two sovereigns conversed 
 together alone. Alexander embraced Napoleon, on 
 leaving him, with all the appearances of great cordi- 
 ality. They were to meet again, sword in hand. * 
 The vivacity of these demonstrations was the last expres- 
 sion of a friendship which had no other motive than 
 Alexander's ambition. It had been agreed at Tilsitt 
 that they should meet again later on to come to an 
 understanding, as the Czar hoped, on the Turkish 
 question. Napoleon's refusal to agree to Alexander's 
 demands, or for the time being to permit anything 
 further than the annexation of Wallachia and Moldavia 
 to Russia, began to cool this prince towards an alliance 
 which appeared to him sterile, seeing that it did not 
 carry all the fruits that he had hoped to win from it. 
 
 It may not be useless to point out that about two 
 months after Alexander's return from Erfurth to 
 St. Petersburg the King and Queen of Prussia entered 
 the Russian capital. Their Prussian ^lajesties had 
 arrived the evening before — ^January 6th, iSog — at 
 Strelna, an imperial pleasure house, situated at a 
 distance of two stages from St. Petersburg. Alexander 
 hastened to see them and had a long conference with 
 them. He returned to Strelna on the following morn- 
 
 * Figuratively. They never met again in person. — R. H. s.
 
 174 :méneval's memoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 ing, before the solemn entry into St. Petersburg and 
 remained closeted for two hours with the King and Queen. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander was accompanied to Erfurth 
 by Count Romanzoff, whom I mention because Napoleon 
 paid special attention to him. This Minister enjoyed 
 his master's entire confidence and showed himself the 
 outspoken partisan of the French alliance. M. de 
 Romanzoff urged on the realization of Peter and 
 Catherine's projects on the Orient Empire. M'^hen the 
 friendly relations which he had so carefully maintained 
 between Russia and France, broke off, he sent in his 
 resignation from all his posts, either because he saw 
 in this change of policy an abandonment of the scheme 
 of a division of Turkey, or because he did not wish 
 to co-operate in the system of an alliance with Eng- 
 land against which he always declared himself. He 
 carried with him, into his retirement, the respect of all 
 and retained his sovereign's esteem, which was frequently 
 expressed in the most honouring terms. He devoted 
 his leisure to letters and science. An enlightened pro- 
 tector of Russian commerce and industry, he employed 
 the largest part of his immense fortune in founding 
 philanthropical establishments, in maritime expeditions, 
 in the publication of articles and ancient documents 
 on the history of Russia. He gave encouragement to 
 Russian and foreign savants and opened his vast and 
 wealthy library to them. 
 
 In the memoirs left by M. de Talleyrand, memoirs 
 of which some passages have been made public, which 
 his secretaries copied and in the writing of whicli 
 some of them even co-operated, there is to be found a 
 curious chapter of which I give the substance further 
 on. It refers to the conferences which took place
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 175 
 
 between the two sovereigns of France and Russia at 
 Erfurth, in 1808, previous to the campaign which Napo- 
 leon made in person in Spain. After the Restoration 
 I\r. de Talleyrand spoke with complacency of his con- 
 duct at that time. The revelations which follow are 
 accordingly no betrayal of a secret. Moreover if I 
 anticipate the time fixed by himself at which the public 
 is to be initiated into his confidence, I shall be par- 
 doned his want of discretion. Already and from now 
 on, this important person belongs to history as a 
 public man. He has fallen into the domain of the 
 chronicler. 
 
 When the Erfurth interview had been agreed upon 
 between the two sovereigns, the Emperor Napoleon, 
 although the Prince de Bénévent was no longer a 
 JMinister and had been replaced by IM. de Champagny, 
 took both of them with him to Erfurth. Long accus- 
 tomed to the Prince's services he could not dispense 
 with him altogether under certain circumstances. He 
 considered that this minister's skill in diplomatic confe- 
 rences and his knowledge of his political view^s, might 
 be useful to him. If this imprudence towards a man 
 who had acted badly to him and whom he had 
 not allowed— and rightly so — to add the Ministry of 
 Exterior Relations to the dignity of Vice-Grand-Elcctor 
 and the post of Grand Chamberlain — was often harmful 
 to Napoleon, it may be said that the fault he committed 
 in allowing Talleyrand to come to Erfurth was fatal 
 to the Emperor. At Erfurth Napoleon specially em- 
 ployed Prince de Bénévent in his confidential com- 
 munications with the Emperor Alexander, I do not know 
 whether the Emperor was well informed of the nature 
 of the nocturnal conversations which Talleyrand used
 
 176 MÉXEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON L 
 
 to have with the Czar at the house of the Princess of 
 Thurn and Taxis, after the theatre, which the sovereigns 
 visited almost every evening. What were these con- 
 versations? Prince de Bénévent undertook to answer 
 that question not only in his jMemoirs, but in his 
 private conversations. 
 
 M. de Talleyrand used to come to the levee every 
 morning at Erfurth. When everybody had left, Napo- 
 leon detained him. He spoke to him of his plans, of 
 his views on the Ottoman Empire, of Spanish affairs, 
 of the attitude which he wished to maintain towards the 
 Emperor Alexander, of the advantages which he hoped 
 to derive from his alliance with him, and of the gradual 
 concessions, which he proposed to make him. Prince 
 Talleyrand admits that he had no scruples in betraying 
 these confidences to the Czar in their conversations in 
 the evening. He thus prepared this prince for the 
 communications which were to be made to him by 
 Napoleon warning him of the hidden purpose of the 
 insinuations which would be made to him. Alexander 
 used to speak at Erfurth of his ardent desire to visit 
 Paris, of how pleased he should be to be pressent at 
 the meetings of the Council of State presided over by 
 Napoleon, and to be able to initiate himself under such 
 a master to the science of government. I do not know 
 how far this wish was sincere. I heard the Czar speak, 
 about it with apparent earnestness, but Talleyrand's 
 revelations must have considerably modified the Czar's 
 wish to increase his intimacy with Napoleon. Admit- 
 ting that this ex-minister did not envenom his master's 
 confidences, it will easily be understood that this 
 kind of confidences always touches on delicate matters, 
 which, when they are approached without mission
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 177 
 
 and without being treated with the necessary op- 
 portuneness and circumspection, are liable to be 
 wrongly interpreted and to produce deplorable effects. 
 
 I*rince de Bénévent did not content himself with 
 abusing Napoleon's confidence, as regards Russia. 
 He rendered Austria — another service. M. de jMetternich 
 having been unable to procure an invitation to his 
 sovereign to come to Erfurth, had remained in Paris, 
 where he was kept by his functions as ambassador. 
 The Austrian Cabinet could not dispense with the presence 
 of a representative at Erfurth. The Emperor Francis 
 accordingly despatched an envoyé there, bearing a 
 letter of which the apparent purpose was to congra- 
 tulate Napoleon on the occasion of his presence in 
 Germany and to reassure him on the justly suspected 
 disposition of the Austrian Cabinet: the real object of 
 this mission being to find out what was going on at 
 Erfurth and to try and gather what was being planned 
 against Austria. The Baron de Vincent, w^hom the 
 Prince de Bénévent had already presented to the 
 Emperor at Warsaw, under almost analogous circum- 
 stances was, as we have seen, selected for this mission. 
 He received orders to see M. de Talleyrand and to 
 listen to what he would tell him. The Prince de 
 Bénévent used to explain his secret relations with the 
 Emperor of Russia and with the Austrian minister in 
 a manner which is related below. It is difficult, however, 
 to believe that they were totally disinterested on his 
 part, although I have no proof of the price which 
 Austria paid for such precious advice. As concerns 
 the reward given by the Emperor Alexander, we may 
 quote the following fact, amongst other proofs of the 
 Czar's gratitude. 
 
 vol. il 12
 
 178 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 In the course of one of the audiences which Napo- 
 leon accorded to the Prince de Bénévent, and of which 
 the latter made the use which has been seen, the 
 Emperor told him that in his private conversations 
 with Alexander the latter had come to speak of the 
 eventuality of a divorce on Napoleon's part and the 
 necessity of his remarrying and at the same time had 
 indirectly offered him the hand of one of the Grand- 
 duchesses of Russia, 
 
 M. de Talleyrand at once saw the advantage to 
 himself that he could derive from this confidence. 
 He congratulated the Emperor Alexander on the subject 
 and then skilfully seizing his opportunity, said to 
 him : " Sire, since your Majesty is in so happy 
 a matrimonial disposition, you will allow me to ask 
 a favour. I have had the misfortune to lose my eldest 
 nephew, a young man full of promise. * There remains 
 one whom I wish to marry with advantage, but there 
 is no prospect of doing so in France. The Emperor 
 keeps all his rich heiresses for his aides-de-camp. ** Your 
 Majesty has amongst your subjects a family with which 
 it is my greatest desire to ally myself. The hand of 
 the Princess Dorothea of Courland would crown the 
 
 * Count Louis de Périgord, sent as a courier to St. Petersburg had 
 returned on the homeward journey without taking any rest. He had 
 just died a victim to his zeal at Berlin, of an inflammation of the hmgs. 
 
 ** The following characteristic letter from Napoleon to General 
 Savary, Due de Rovigo, Minister of tlie General Police, bears out 
 Talleyrand's statement. — R. H. s. 
 
 "Fontainebleau, November 8th, 1810. 
 
 "My Lord Duke of Rovigo. I approve of what you propose witli 
 reference to the individuals in the departments of Belgium and beyond 
 the Alps, statistics of Avhom you have sent me. You will inform those 
 who have daughters to marry that they are not at liberty to dispose of 
 them without my consent, my intention being to marry them to French- 
 men who have distinguished themselves in my armies. — Napoleon."
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 179 
 
 wishes of my nephew Edmund. " The Emperor Alexan- 
 der, who had often declared his wish to be agreeable 
 tf) Prince de Bénévent, at once promised him his 
 assistance in the matter and told him that it was his 
 intention on returning to St. Petersburg to stop at 
 the house of the Duchess of Courland, that he would 
 take Edmund de Périgord with him, who being at 
 that time attached to the French embassy in Russia 
 had accompanied the Duke of Vicence to Erfurth, that 
 lie would undertake that the Duchess would accept 
 him and that the matter might be considered settled. 
 After the stories which M. de Talleyrand has told 
 himself, with all particulars, of what passed between 
 him and the Emperor of Russia and the Austrian 
 envoyé at Erfurth, one would like to know what pre- 
 text he puts forward to justify his conduct. This is 
 the pretext. Frightened by the dangerous progress in 
 power of Napoleon, Prince de Bénévent had the patriotic 
 inspiration to endeavour to check the impetuosity of 
 his upward flight and to put obstacles in the way of 
 the execution of his adventurous projects, to bring him 
 back to moderation. He pretended to believe that in 
 arousing the vigilance of Russia and Austria in this 
 matter, he would be rendering a signal service first of 
 all to Napoleon and then to France and Europe. Such 
 an apology reminds one of the excuses made by the 
 unfaithful regimental treasurers, who having been pun- 
 ished by the imperial government, posed before the 
 government of the Restoration as victims of the Empire, 
 alleging in their justification that they had desired to 
 starve the usurper and to reduce him to impotence by 
 depriving him of the sinews of war. It was only much 
 later that the Emperor heard what had been the nature of
 
 t8o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 M. de Talleyrand's night-conversations with the Emperor 
 Alexander at the house of the Princess of Thurn and Taxis. 
 
 It was during his stay at Erfurth that the Emperor 
 heard of the Convention of Cintra by the terms of 
 which the French army secured its return to France 
 with arms and baggage, conveyed on English vessels. 
 The capitulation was an honourable one. However 
 much Napoleon was grieved by this issue to the expe- 
 dition in Portugal he showed no resentment to the Duke 
 d' Abrantès, who was a brave and loyal soldier, of rare 
 courage and entirely devoted to him. The French 
 army landed shortly afterwards at Rochefort. M. de 
 Bourmont, whom General Junot had found in Portugal 
 was amongst them. The commander-in-chief, in acknow- 
 ledgement of the services which Bourmont had rendered 
 in Lisbon, had asked the Emperor for a post for him, 
 which Napoleon had refused and it was against his 
 orders that the old Vendéen leader had followed the army. 
 
 After the return of General Junot, complaints had 
 been made to the Emperor about the too great extension 
 which the Duke d' Abrantès had given to the right of 
 conquest in Portugal, amongst other things the seizure 
 of the famous Bible at the convent of Belem. To 
 understand the value attached to this manuscript by 
 the Portuguese Government, it is necessary to give a 
 brief outline of its history. At the time of the discovery 
 of the route to East India by the Cape of Good Hope, 
 Vasco de Gama sent the King of Portugal, Dom Manuel, 
 the firstfruits of the riches of these countries, consisting 
 in gold, pearls, and diamon'ds. According to the ideas 
 current at that time Dom Manuel thought it his duty 
 to offer these firstfruits to the holy See. Julius IL, 
 who at that time occupied the pontifical chair, sent back
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. l8l 
 
 in return a manuscript to the King of Portugal. This 
 manuscript was remarkable for the perfection of its 
 writing, the beauty of the vignettes, picked out with 
 gold, for the magnificence of its binding and of its 
 clasps which were enriched with precious stones. This 
 manuscript was a Bible with a commentary by Dom 
 Thomas de Lira, in seven big quarto volumes. Dom 
 Manuel had just founded a convent of Hieronymites at 
 Belem with all the magnificence which at that time 
 was the lot of religious foundations. He had the work 
 deposited there and placed it under the prior's care. 
 This book was only shown, even in quite recent times, 
 with the greatest circumspection. The monks were 
 not allowed to part with it without an authorization 
 not only signed but entirely written by the King. 
 General Junot having heard this marvel spoken about, 
 and using the right of conquest, had it brought to him, 
 promising to return it in three days, a promise which 
 he forgot to keep. Events brought on the battle of 
 Vimciro and the Convention of Cintra, which stipulated 
 for the evacuation of Portugal by the French troops. 
 The prior of the Hieronymites made the English Gen- 
 eral interfere to regain possession of the Bible and an 
 officer was despatched to General Junot to ask for its 
 restitution. Junot alleged that the manuscript had been 
 sent to France by the aviso which had informed the 
 Emperor of the Convention of Cintra and expressed 
 his regret at not being able to restore it. This Bible 
 accordingly remained in Paris in the General's library. 
 At his death his furniture, pictures, and books were sold. 
 The Bible was not included in the catalogue and was 
 reserved for sale by private treaty. A Frenchman who 
 h 1(1 lived twelve years in Portugal and who had
 
 1 82 ]\iéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 returned to France was charged to write to the Em- 
 peror, who was in Dresden at the time, to inform him 
 of the matters related and to solicit his interference 
 for the restitution of this Bible. The Emperor wrote 
 to the Duke of Rovigo, Minister of Police, on the 
 subject who took the steps prescribed by Napoleon. 
 The wretched Duke d'Abrantès had died in consequence 
 of a deplorable mental aberration. Out of interest for 
 Madame d'Abrantès, left a widow and without fortune^ 
 and considering perhaps that time had, so to speak, 
 legitimized the possession of a booty taken in war, the 
 Emperor did not insist on the order of restitution which 
 he had given. He was, moreover, much too busy to 
 pay any serious attention to this matter and it re- 
 mained as it stood. The Restoration came. JMarquis de 
 Palmella, Portuguese ambassador to Paris, and Count 
 de Funchal, Portuguese ambassador to Rome, took 
 steps for the restitution of the precious manuscript. 
 Count Funchal asked for an audience with King Louis 
 XVIIL and obtained an order from him, which obliged 
 the Duchess d'Abrantès to restore the Bible. But, 
 in view of Madame d'Abrantès's precarious position, 
 the King insisted that a sum of eighty thousand francs, 
 the sum at which the Bible had been estimated, should 
 be paid to the Duchess. Thanks to this arrangement, 
 the Bible, with the commentary of Dom Thomas de 
 Lira, found its way back to the Hieronymite convent, 
 where it is to this day. The poor prior of the monas- 
 tery had been exiled for three years for having allowed 
 himself to be deprived of this manuscript, in spite of 
 the fact that he had been quite powerless to oppose it. 
 
 On his return to Erfurth, the Emperor only spent
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 183 
 
 ten days at St, Cloud. He heard there of the landing 
 in Spain of the army of the Marquis de Romana, 
 the evasion of which from the Danish islands where 
 it had been in cantonment, had been announced to him 
 in the preceding month of August. This event was 
 calculated to increase the excitement of the inhabitants 
 of the Peninsula and to fortify the spirit of resistance 
 which animated them. The preceding Spanish Govern- 
 ment, directed by the Prince de la Paix — had on the 
 demand of the Emperor added a corps of fifteen 
 thousand men to the French army in atonement for 
 his hostile proclamation of October 3rd, 1806, about 
 which we spoke in its place. This corps, the command 
 of which had been confided to the Marquis de la 
 Romana, was intended for the North of Germany. 
 Placed under the orders of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo — 
 Bernadette — it was charged with the defence of the 
 island of Fionia. The Spanish general, hearing of 
 what had happened at Bayonne, conceived the design 
 of leading his troops back to Spain and depriving the 
 French army of their assistance, to add them as 
 auxiliaries to the insurrection. With this purpose in 
 view he entered into communication with the English 
 Admiral Keates, who was in command in the Baltic, 
 by the intermediary of a Spanish priest of Scotch 
 origin whose name was Robertson. He then set to 
 work to collect his scattered troops, by means of 
 schemes plotted with great dissimulation, on the points 
 on the coast where the boats of the English transport 
 were ready to receive them. La Romana had been 
 able to inspire Bernadette with such confidence that 
 Spanish companies formed part of the bodyguard of 
 the commander-in-chief. Thanks to orders supposed
 
 1 84 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 to emanate from the staff, he had been able to have 
 marches executed by his troops, on the longest days 
 in the year, which should have aroused suspicion. 
 Detachments dispersed in the island of Fionia and in 
 Jutland were in this way able to reach the island of 
 Langeland which had been fixed upon as a general 
 meeting place, without attracting attention. The 
 Spanish troops who were nearest to Copenhagen, 
 and who had committed certain acts of violence were 
 disarmed by the Danes. All the others were assembled 
 within three days and embarked. During their passage 
 these troops put into port in England where the 
 English government armed and equipped them at the 
 public cost. After a long sea-voyage. General La 
 Romana landed in the first days of October, at San- 
 tander, with nine thousand men who went to swell 
 General Blake's army in Biscay. 
 
 The Emperor left on October 2gth to put himself 
 at the head of the armies in Spain, to which several 
 corps coming from Germany had been added. He only 
 passed the night at Marrac and rode thence to Vitto- 
 ria where King Joseph was staying. He spent five 
 days in this town to give the soldiers time to come up, 
 and devoted his attention to ensuring his communica- 
 tions and ordering military arrangements in Bisca}^, 
 Navarre, and Aragon. I left Bayonne on the morrow 
 and rode at full speed to Vittoria with M. Yvan, the 
 Emperor's surgeon in ordinary, leaving my carriage 
 behind me. We were surprised to find at Vittoria 
 the old foot grenadiers of the guard, who had left 
 Bayonne the day before and who had marched nearly 
 twenty-five leagues in two days, laden like Roman 
 soldiers. At Oyarsun the postmaster and his wife did
 
 mlxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 185 
 
 us the excellent turn of keeping us back till daybreak, 
 because armed peasants had been seen on the roads. 
 At a distance of a mile from Oyarsun, as it happened, 
 we found a French officer, who had been murdered, 
 lying by the wayside. Mondragon, through which we 
 passed had a festive air which quite reassured us. 
 However, at different points along our route we came 
 across young conscripts, placed on solitary sentry duty, 
 who were in a very nervous state of mind. At last 
 we succeeded in reaching Vittoria safely. I had had 
 some small pistols sent on to me from Paris and car- 
 ried them on me. When the Emperor heard of this 
 excess of prudence, he told me that I had acted 
 wrongly as it would make people think that he was 
 in personal danger. But when I had told him about 
 our journey, he did not blame my precaution any 
 longer. It was, however, only necessary in the case of 
 isolated individuals, for the safety of the Emperor and 
 of his household was never for a moment in danger. 
 On November nth the Emperor was at Burgos, 
 after having fought an engagement on the outskirts 
 of this town at which flags were captured which Napo- 
 leon sent to the Legislative body. The public estab- 
 lishments, the churches of this unhappy town were 
 all given up to pillage. The bivouac fire, established 
 in the bishop's palace, where the Emperor lived, was 
 stoked with broken bits of furniture. The officers 
 warmed themselves at this, sitting round it on gilded 
 armchairs. The abbey, which contained the tombs of 
 the Cid and of Chimenes, received numerous visitors. 
 It was situated outside Burgos. M. Denon with whom 
 I went there brought back with him one of Chimcnes's 
 teeth which he placed in a reliquary in which he had
 
 1 86 méneval's :memoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 collected together fragments of the mortal remains 
 of many celebrated persons. 
 
 The Emperor spent ten or twelve days at Burgos. 
 He proceeded thence in the direction of Madrid by 
 the Aranda route. The beautiful Castle of Lerma, which 
 was on our way, contained an enormous quantity of 
 excellent wine in its cellars. This wine was given up 
 to the soldiers. They used it for making cakes which 
 they baked under the warm ashes of their bivouac- 
 fires. Without any exaggeration, the air was scented 
 with the smell of this wine poured about with that 
 careless prodigality which is so characteristic of the 
 soldier. 
 
 The defile of Somo-Sierra fortified by the Spaniards 
 who deluded themselves with the hope of holding the 
 French army in check and closing the road to INIadrid, 
 a defile defended by ten thousand men and fifteen 
 pieces of cannon, was taken by storm by a brave 
 charge of the Polish light cavalry of the guard, under 
 the command of General Montbrun. Philip de Ségur 
 was dangerously wounded in this engagement No 
 further obstacle impeding the marching of the arm}»-, 
 it advanced rapidly on Madrid. The Emperor presented 
 himself before the walls of this city on December 2nd, 
 the fourth anniversary of his coronation and the third 
 of the battle of Austerlitz. King Joseph had joined 
 him the evening before at head-quarters. 
 
 Aladrid was in the hands of a fanatical mob. A stafF 
 officer who had been sent in to parley, was attacked 
 in the interior of the town by a gang of murderers and 
 narrowly escaped being killed. The Emperor could 
 have taken this capital by storm, as it was not fortified, 
 but he wished to spare the inhabitants the horrors of
 
 ]méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 187 
 
 an attack. He parleyed for two days with the furies 
 who were encouraged by his humanity. Some Spanish 
 prisoners were brought to the bivouac at which I was, 
 amongst whom were some young monks dressed in long- 
 frockcoats buttoned up to the chin, and wearing 
 swordbelts without any sword. They wanted to pass 
 themselves off as officers and affected a military air. 
 Then they were ordered to go through their drill and 
 tried to do so, but did it like men who had never 
 handled any weapons. They were thereupon asked to 
 what regiments they belonged. At last when we had 
 sufficiently enjoyed their embarrassment, their hats 
 were taken off and the fresh shaven tonsures were 
 exposed, which to their great confusion betrayed the 
 disguise which they had assumed. 
 
 The occupation of Buen Retiro, a royal castle situated 
 on a height, at one of the gates of Madrid, where 
 certain defence works had been executed, put it in 
 Napoleon's power to annihilate the city. He, however, 
 decided to try the effects of a fresh summons. The 
 junta of the defence answered by sending Captain 
 General Thomas de Morla, one of the generals who 
 had treated the soldiers who had capitulated at Bailcn 
 with such inhumanity. He came to ask that the 
 French troops mig^-ht be withdrawn so as to give the 
 junta time to calm the popular effervescence. But the 
 Emperor received him with a severity which frightened 
 him. Napoleon addressed him with such crushing and 
 just reproaches that he withdew in terror without effect- 
 ing his mission. The ultimatum had been signified 
 to him that unless the city were surrendered within 
 twelve hours, he and his garrison would be shot. 
 
 The Emperor gave orders for a general disarming.
 
 1 88 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. , 
 
 The authorities of the town came to make their sub- 
 mission and to acknowledge King Joseph, who refused 
 to receive the Spanish grandees who had remained in 
 Aladrid, Those who were most compromised had 
 followed the Spanish troops who had left the capital 
 by gates which were not yet occupied by us. Others 
 were arrested and sent to France, Madrid was occupied 
 in a military fashion and the King did not inhabit the 
 palace. He went and established himself at the Prado, 
 a royal castle situated at about one league from the 
 capital. The Emperor also refused to live in jMadrid 
 and took up his quarters at Chamartin, a country house 
 situated at about a league's distance from Madrid, the 
 property of the Duke de I'lnfantado. Chamartin is a 
 small castle without dependencies, used as a country- 
 box during the fine weather. The cold was rather 
 severe when the Emperor came to live here, and there 
 were no fireplaces in any of the rooms. The only 
 heating-apparatus was some braseros, which were great 
 copper basins filled w^ith live coals which were placed 
 in the centre of the rooms. Temporary fireplaces were 
 fitted up in his bedroom and study, thanks to which 
 the house was inhabitable during the fortnight he 
 remained there. I may say, in passing, that as a rule 
 he did not feel the cold, though he suffered from 
 the heat. In spite of this he never broke his custom, 
 even in the hottest weather, of wearing his uniform 
 buttoned right up to his neck. 
 
 During his stay at Chamartin, Napoleon occupied him- 
 self with making arrangements for the complete subjec- 
 tion of vSpain. He issued several laws endowing the 
 country with the institutions which it lacked. Each day 
 moreover he reviewed his troops under the walls of Madrid.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 189 
 
 Some curious letters from Queen Caroline of Naples 
 to her daughter, the Princess of the Asturias, were 
 found at Chamartin. These letters had been left be- 
 hind, by forgetfulness, in a drawer. 
 
 Some were written in secret ink, and dated in Janu- 
 ary, 1806. It was at the time that the French were 
 about to enter into Naples. The bitterness with which 
 the unhappy Queen spoke of her allies, the English, 
 whom she accused of perfidy and cowardice — such 
 were her expressions — prompted Napoleon to publish 
 these letters. This correspondence, moreover, did not 
 establish that any great union existed between the 
 royal houses of Spain and Naples, though naturally 
 enough it revealed the existence of strong hatred 
 against the French. There was also found a small 
 almanack of the Court of Naples for the year 1802, 
 which was the year of the marriage of the Prince of 
 the Asturias with the Princess of Naples, a marriage 
 which had been celebrated at Barcelona with great 
 magnificence. This almanack, which was probably a 
 souvenir of the aforesaid royal marriage was ornamented 
 with twelve pretty water-colour paintings representing 
 the town of Naples, the palace, and various royal resi- 
 dences in the Two Sicilies, one painting to each month. 
 
 The Emperor's stay at Chamartin was marked bv 
 an act of severity and by an act of clemency. An 
 order of the day had commanded that the strictest 
 discipline should be observed — till then it had been 
 too much neglected — and threatened the delinquents 
 with all the rigours of military law. Two light infantry 
 soldiers of the imperial guard, found giiilty of pillage, 
 theft, and odious violences committed on the persons 
 of inhabitants of ^Madrid, were condemned to be shot
 
 I go méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 in sight of the city. The Emperor judging their 
 execution necessary for the maintenance of military 
 discipline, refused to pardon these soldiers although 
 their previous good conduct was urged in their favour. 
 I cannot refrain in connection with this act of severe 
 justice to rebut the accusation brought against Napo- 
 leon of having tolerated disorder in his armies, by a 
 kind of tacit understanding between himself and his 
 soldiers, who, resembling in this the undisciplined 
 hordes of the middle ages, were said to serve their 
 chief only because of his tolerance of their excesses. 
 Those who have followed the imperial armies know 
 with what care Napoleon checked all pillage. If he 
 heard that marauders were behaving in a disorderly 
 manner behind his rear-guard, he used to order columns 
 to be formed to pursue them, and rendered the com- 
 manding officers in the forts and at the points of defence 
 of his communications, responsible for their crimes. 
 His orders of the day enjoined the greatest respect 
 for property and scathed those who tolerated disorder. 
 Vienna, Berlin, Madrid and other cities witnessed the 
 condemnation and execution of soldiers belonging as 
 well to the imperial guard as to other army corps, 
 when these soldiers had been found guilty of pillage. 
 The Marquis of St. Simon, a Frenchman in Spanish 
 service, had been taken sword in hand, in command 
 of a troop of rebels and had been sentenced to death 
 by court-martial. Napoleon pardoned him. The daughter 
 of this emigre, protected by some officers of the im- 
 perial household, who had been touched by her filial 
 piety, and especially by Captain Duchand, orderly on 
 service, was placed on the Emperor's passage and 
 threw herself at his feet imploring her father's pardon.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. lyi 
 
 Napoleon could not refuse it at the sight of Mile, de 
 St. Simon's tears. He, moreover, considered that the 
 lesson was a sufficient one. 
 
 The Emperor had been a fortnight at Chamartin, 
 awaiting news of the English army with great impa- 
 tience when he at last heard that it had entered Spain 
 from Portugal, by Salamanca, and that it was marching 
 on Valladolid. Napoleon went off to meet it. He 
 crossed the Guadarrama, which is a mountain situated 
 to the North-East of Madrid. We were overtaken 
 whilst crossing this mountain by a snowstorm which 
 threatened to swallow us up, and by icy cold which 
 destroyed some of our soldiers. In this crossing our 
 army had a foretaste of the sufferings which we were 
 to undergo, later, at the time of the terrible retreat 
 from ^Moscow. It was impossible to remain on horse- 
 back. The Emperor was obliged to alight and order 
 his light cavalry guards to march on foot, he in the 
 midst of them, thus tracking out the road for the 
 infantry which was coming on behind. On arriving 
 at the bottom of the mountain he halted to assemble 
 all his troops. Impatient as the Emperor was to get 
 up with the English army, which kept retreating before 
 him, he was forced to spend two days at Tordesillas, 
 awaiting the arrival of his regiments. He took up his 
 quarters in a building attached to the Convent of 
 Ste. Claire, which was reserved for the bishop's lodging, 
 when coming on a pastoral visit. 
 
 What follows about Napoleon's stay in this convent, 
 was told me by M. d'Hédouville, who was acting 
 as orderly to the Emperor in Spain and as interpreter. 
 
 Whilst at dinner Napoleon ordered this officer to 
 bring the Lady Superior of the convent to him. At
 
 192 aiéneval's memoirs of XAPOLEON I. 
 
 first she refused to follow M. d'Hédouville, saying- 
 that she was not allowed to go out of bounds and could 
 not pass beyond the gates of the cloister. She gave 
 way when it was pointed out to her that the commands 
 of a sovereign were a dispensation. Hesitatingly she 
 took her conductor's arm. On reaching the wicket, 
 she trembled so that she could not advance and 
 M. d'Hédouville had to hold her up. She told him 
 that it was more than sixty years since she had entered 
 this convent, being at that time six years of age, and 
 that since then she had never been outside its gates. 
 On being introduced into the Emperor's presence, her 
 first impulse was to kneel down before him. On a 
 sign from him M. d'Hédouville held her back. The 
 plate and decorations of the Emperor's orders were 
 what most struck this poor and simple nun and she 
 could not refrain from stretching out her hand to 
 touch them. M. d'Hédouville checked her and pointed 
 out to her how indiscreet was such curiosity. The 
 Emperor asked her several questions. He first of all 
 asked her if she were the abbess of the convent. 
 She said that she only held the second place, and 
 added: "Luckily for me." Napoleon asked her why 
 she said that and she answered that she preferred to 
 obey than to command, that it was more meritorious, 
 and that her conscience was more at ease. The Emperor 
 could not repress a smile at the ingenuousness of this 
 answer. He then asked her if Jane the Mad, mother 
 of Charles V., who had died at Tordesillas, was 
 buried in the convent. She reflected for a moment 
 and in the end answered that there were princes and 
 queens buried in the vaults, but that she did not know 
 their names. Asked whether she knew anything about
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 193 
 
 the history of Spain, she said that she knew nothing 
 but her prayerbooks and the passages of the Bible 
 which her confessor allowed her to read. The Emperor, 
 who found that in spite of her age, her eyes were bright, 
 asked her if she had been pretty. She answered 
 naively, that she thought so, but that she had never 
 had a looking-glass and that nobody had ever told 
 her so. The conversation continued in this way for 
 some time and the nun's answers betokened a natural 
 wit. Napoleon, pleased with her innocence and . her 
 ingenuousness, told her that he wished to grant her 
 a favour and that she might ask him for anything she 
 chose. Before answering the nun asked if anything 
 that she asked for would be granted to her. On being 
 told that the Emperor did not promise in vain, she 
 asked for the pardon of the director of the convent, 
 who had been taken at the head of an armed gang, 
 with his crucifix in his hand. Napoleon granted it, as 
 he had promised, but added that this monk should be 
 careful not to commit such a mistake again as it would 
 be out of his power to pardon him a second time. 
 The nun promised that she would see that he should 
 not leave the convent and answered for him. The 
 Emperor then said that he had granted a favour, on 
 her account, to somebody who was not connected with 
 her family, but that it was for her personally that 
 he wished to do something. As she hesitated about 
 answering, he had her asked if she had any relations. 
 She answered that she had a brother in Holy Orders. 
 "Would she like me to make a bishop of him?" said 
 Napoleon. She knelt down to thank him for this 
 unexpected favour, which, however, as it happened, 
 could not be carried out, the monk in question being shut 
 VOL. n. IÎ
 
 194 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 up in Saragossa. Before the prioress returned to the 
 convent, the Emperor had her served with some coffee. 
 She did not hke it, had never tasted coffee and was 
 accustomed to chocolate alone. The poor nun, after 
 having thanked the Emperor again for the kindness 
 with which he had received her and having kissed his 
 hand, was reconducted by M. d'Hédouville to her 
 cloister, touched and grateful. 
 
 Before the Emperor left Tordesillas, M. d'Hédouville 
 came to me in his name to ask me for a hundred 
 napoleons to give to the lady superior of the convent. 
 He was received with curiosity and kindness by the 
 sisters to whom the Lady Superior had described her 
 visit. They all ran up to see him, touched his hand 
 and examined him with all the curiosity of islanders 
 seeing Europeans for the first time. When M. d'Hé- 
 douville handed the prioress the hundred napoleons, 
 she refused them, saying that if she were to take them, 
 the convent would lose the small merit of its hospitality. 
 On being told, as she frequently had been told before 
 during her visit, that she was not free to refuse a 
 sovereign's gift, she consented to accept it, and gave 
 orders that this sum should be placed in the treasury 
 of the chapter and only be used on extraordinary 
 occasions, so that the proof of the Emperor's goodwill 
 might be preserved as long as possible. 
 
 The nun having asked whether these pieces of gold 
 were stamped with the Emperor's likeness, M. d'Hédou- 
 ville broke open the paper roll and took out some of 
 the coins to show to her. She seized them hastily and 
 examined them with interest, assuring her companions 
 who were watching her eagerly that she found the 
 Emperor's portrait very like him.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 195 
 
 On returning to Napoleon, M. d'Hédouville related 
 what had passed. The Emperor had taken a real 
 interest in the nun's visit. He found her full of tact. 
 He regretted that instead of cultivating her natural 
 talents, she had been subjected at so early an age to 
 the education of the convent, the effect of which had been 
 to choke these natural tendencies. And, nevertheless, 
 in spite of the state of ignorance in which she had 
 vegetated, in spite of the horror of the world with which 
 this simple and credulous mind had been inspired, in spite 
 of her minute religious practices, which left no freedom 
 of exercise to the judgment, the gentleness and sweet- 
 ness of her temper had not been changed and her 
 good natural disposition had resisted these lethargic 
 influences. "After all," he added, "this good soul is 
 happy in her present situation. If convents have often 
 their victims, they have also consoled many." Napoleon 
 spoke of the relative utility of convents and dwelt at 
 length on the subject. It could be seen that he had 
 frequently thought over these refuges of meditation 
 and prayer. He said that there were circumstances 
 where convent life might have its advantages, that 
 the cloisters must often be very well suited to tender 
 minds, resigned and weary of the world, that these 
 retreats might be opened with advantage, for example, 
 to the widows of colonels and general ofiicers, who 
 losing by the death of their husbands the income which 
 they had enjoyed during their lifetime, might combine 
 their pensions and other resources together so as to be 
 able to procure a carriage and other comforts, which 
 singly they would not be able to afford; that in liis opinion 
 pcqDCtual vows should be forbidden, and that in any case 
 nobody should be admitted under the age (^f forty, and so on.
 
 I go méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Thus the first impulse of his ardent and dreamy soul 
 bore him towards benevolent ideas, which were matured 
 and modified by time and by reflection, or abandoned 
 when experience showed that they would be dangerous 
 in practice. 
 
 During his march on Benavent, whilst close upon 
 the heels of the English army and almost within reach 
 of it, Napoleon received a courier bearing the portfolio 
 in which the director of the Post-office used to place 
 the letters addressed to the Emperor. As I had the 
 key of this portfolio and was at that time a league be- 
 hind, Napoleon was too impatient to await me. He 
 tore the portfolio open and took out his despatches. 
 There were amongst them letters from Champagny, 
 the Minister of Exterior Relations, and one from the 
 King of Bavaria to the Prince of Neufchâtel (Berthier). 
 These letters announced that Austria was arming her 
 landwehr, that the Bavarian States were threatened 
 with an invasion, that the Austrian troops were 
 manoeuvring to cross the Inn and were calling the 
 peoples of Germany to insurrection. This news did 
 not surprise the Emperor. His eye had followed 
 Austria's plots and he was expecting an early out- 
 break of hostilities, but he was prepared to meet them. 
 
 Nor did he ignore the intrigues which were in 
 progress in Paris, as will be seen presently from the 
 violent reproaches which he addressed to Prince de 
 Bénévent. He decided accordingly to hasten his return 
 to France. He pushed on as far as Astorga, and there 
 reviewed his troops as they came up. He then dictated 
 his instructions for Marshal Soult whom he charged 
 with the pursuit of the English army on retreat.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 197 
 
 Napoleon then returned to Benavent, which he left 
 hastily for Valladolid, In this city he received a depu- 
 tation of the principal authorities and the most important 
 inhabitants of ]\Iadrid. This deputation came to implore 
 him, with the strongest protestations of loyalty to the 
 new king, to put no obstacle in the way of the return 
 of King Joseph into the capital. The Emperor, having 
 spoken to them with severe frankness and having 
 called upon their loyalty, promised to write to the 
 king to advise him to act in accordance with their 
 wishes. He spent a week at Valladolid, awaiting the 
 news of his brothers return to Madrid and attending 
 to the dispatch of the most urgent orders. 
 
 Marshal Lannes, recovering from a long illness, had 
 come to meet the Emperor in Spain and had followed 
 the head-quarters for some days. As he was still 
 unable to mount on horseback, the Emperor had placed 
 his own carriage, which he did not use, at the Marshal's 
 disposal. I accompanied the IMarshal in this carriage. 
 Before Napoleon left Valladolid, jNIarshal Lannes, who 
 felt himself able to undertake more active service, was 
 sent by the Emperor, who wanted to spare his strength, 
 to take the superior command of the siege of Saragossa. 
 
 During our stay at Valladolid, I had the curiosity 
 to pay a visit to the Dominican monastery which the 
 Emperor had ordered to be suppressed because a French 
 officer had been murdered there. In this refuge, con- 
 secrated to the patron of the Inquisition, I came across 
 what I had scarcely expected to find there. Amongst 
 the portraits of vSaints which covered the walls of the 
 cloister, I saw a picture, representing St. Napoleon, 
 the head crowned with an aureole and wearing 
 the costume of a Roman kniçht. In one corner
 
 198 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 of the picture was a brief description in Spanish. 
 
 The Emperor during this short campaign of two 
 months and a half had reoccupied INIadrid and the 
 neighbouring provinces, and had dispersed like dust 
 the Spanish troops which had opposed his passage. These 
 bands, after being defeated only went off to reassemble 
 again thirty leagues away. At the same time these 
 successes would have effaced the disastrous impression 
 produced on the Spaniards by the catastrophe at Bailen, 
 if we had been able to follow them up. But their 
 fruit was lost by Napoleon being forced to abandon 
 Spain in great haste, to march against the Austrians 
 who were invading Bavaria, without being able to return. 
 
 The Emperor left Valladolid for Burgos and rode 
 this distance at full speed in some hours, by means 
 of relays of horses which had been prepared in advance. 
 He only stopped two hours at Burgos and rode on 
 to Bayonne at such speed that his household could not 
 follow him. He traversed the road from Bayonne to 
 Paris with the same speed and on January 23rd was 
 at the Tuileries. 
 
 On arriving at Paris, Napoleon without losing a 
 moment, applied himself to making the necessary 
 arrangements to be in readiness to meet the attack 
 with which he was menaced. He gave orders that his 
 corps and the contingents from the Confederation of 
 the Rhine should hold themselves in readiness to begin 
 the campaign. He sent Marshal Berthier off, to as- 
 semble the confederate troops on the Danube and to 
 assume the command of the army for the time being. 
 
 A privy council was summoned a few days after 
 his return to Paris. The Emperor who had well-founded 
 reasons for displeasure with Prince do Bcnévent, re-
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 199 
 
 strained his resentment as long as the council lasted. 
 At last the dam burst. Napoleon who grew hotter 
 and hotter as he spoke, under the influence of his 
 indignation, lost control of his anger which was only 
 awaiting the opportunity to break forth. He spoke to 
 Prince de Bénévent with the greatest harshness. Thanks 
 to his various sources of information the Emperor had 
 heard things about M. de Talleyrand which perhaps 
 justified the violent scene which was witnessed by 
 certain members of the privy council. In the convers- 
 ations which Prince de Bénévent had had, on various 
 occasions, with Napoleon, concerning Spanish affairs, I 
 had heard him quote the example of the Jesuits ]\Ialagrida 
 and Alexander, and after having insisted on the necessity 
 of the Emperor's presence in Spain, speak of the pre- 
 cautions which he would have to take to defend himself 
 against the poison or the dagger of some fanatical 
 monk. Napoleon felt quite sure that Prince de Bénévent, 
 foreseeing the possibility either of such an event or of 
 his death by means of the bullet of a gucrillo, which 
 might strike him down on his triumphant march, had 
 thought of the formation of a government council, the 
 organization of which, in case of need, was quite ready 
 to be carried into execution. The members of the 
 future government had already been named. Nobody 
 knew the reconciliation, which, with some object or 
 other in view, had taken place between Fouché and 
 Talleyrand. Napoleon, however, showed no resentment 
 towards the former. The confidences and the remarks 
 of M. de Talleyrand on the events in Spain, on the 
 trial of the Due d'Enghien, his disapproval of these 
 acts and his denial of having taken any part in them 
 were well known to the Emperor. The immobility of
 
 200 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 the patient, the impassiveness of his features had provoked 
 Napoleon's anger to the point that he forg'ot his imperial 
 dignity and threatened Talleyrand with his fist. " And 
 you dare, " he cried, " you dare to deny the part you 
 took in the condemnation of the Due d'Enghien. * And 
 you dare to say and publish broadcast that you had 
 nothing to do with the affairs in Spain," and so on 
 and so on. The paroxysm of this indignation having 
 reached its climax fell by its own excess and 
 Napoleon, tired of dashing himself against this impassive 
 face, gave in. Prince de Bénévent knew the Emperor 
 well and knew that it was in his nature, the more he 
 had allowed himself to be carried away by his resent- 
 ment, the more to try and have it forgotten. Talley- 
 rand had no real feeling of dignity and so he deemed 
 it a good thing to pretend to have forgotten this scene. 
 There was a drawing-room at Court on the morrow, 
 which happened to be a Sunday. One of the Ministers, 
 the Duke de Gaete — Gaudin — who had been charged by 
 the Emperor with some work that was wanted at once, 
 had devoted this Sunday to finishing it. Remembering 
 that Napoleon liked his ISIinisters to attend the Court 
 regularly, he decided that he might sacrifice an hour 
 in the accomplishment of this duty. The JMinister of 
 Finances, accordingly, went to the Tuileries early, with 
 the intention of placing himself near the door by which 
 the Emperor would enter, so as to be free to withdraw 
 after having saluted him and to return to his work. 
 The Minister arrived at the palace before anybody else 
 and whilst the rooms were being lighted, lie wanted 
 
 * Compare this with Méneval's statement (Vol. I, p. 267) that 
 Napoleon never reproached Talleyrand for his connection with the 
 murder of the Due d'Enghien. — k. h. s.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 201 
 
 to cross the Throne room and place himself where it 
 would be easiest for him to make his escape as he 
 had intended. What was his surprise to see Prince de 
 Bénévent standing alone by the fireplace. A feeling 
 of shame for the man who had so quickly forgotten 
 the humiliation which he had undergone the day before, 
 and his embarrassment at finding himself alone with 
 him after the scene which he had witnessed, prompted 
 the Duke de Gaete to go back into the adjoiningdrawing- 
 room where he spent his time, waiting for the Throne 
 room to fill up, so that he might cross it without 
 coming face to face with Prince de Bénévent, in 
 walking up and down. From the position where he 
 had placed himself, he was the first to salute the 
 Emperor and was free to retire. His curiosity, however, 
 detained him. Napoleon, according to his custom 
 walked round the room, holding his snuff-box, from 
 which he frequently helped himself, in his hand, con- 
 versing with the persons who were standing in the 
 front rank. On reaching the person who was standing 
 on the left of Prince de Bénévent, who had remained 
 rooted to the spot which he had occupied from the 
 beginning, near the fireplace, the Emperor addressed 
 some words to him, passed by Talleyrand with averted 
 head and stopped before the person on the latter's 
 right hand. On the following Sunday, without being 
 in the least disconcerted, Talleyrand placed himself 
 again in the Emperor's way and seeing his neighbour 
 hesitate at a question put to him by Napoleon, answered 
 for him, forcing the Emperor's attention. The ice 
 having been broken in this way, Talleyrand took every 
 opportunity of attracting Napoleon's attention, who in 
 spite of the characteristic attributed to his countrymen.
 
 202 MÉNEVAL'S ]ME:M0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 was unable to bear a grudge, because the feeling of 
 his own power and the superiority of his mind over 
 petty passions rendered him naturally indulgent. Prince 
 de Bénévent continued to frequent the entrees and 
 was as assiduous as in the days of his favour. The 
 Emperor, who on certain occasions was as severe in 
 public as on the other hand he was indulgent and 
 patient in his private relations, disarmed by so much 
 patience or shaken in his conviction by so much assur- 
 ance, never thought of forbidding access to his court 
 to a man against whom he had not sufficient proofs 
 to send him to trial, but who in Napoleon's eyes was 
 sufficiently guilty to be removed for ever from all 
 direction of affairs. 
 
 This anecdote, of which I heard the first part from 
 members of the privy council, who were present at 
 the scene which Prince de Bénévent had to undergo, 
 was afterwards told me in detail by the man who of 
 all men was most worthy of confidence, IMy lord Duke 
 of Gaete, IMinister of Finances under the Empire. May 
 I be allowed since I have mentioned his name to add 
 that the Emperor had no more devoted nor more 
 skilful Minister than he, that no administrator was 
 purer, more honest and more firm, that no man in his 
 private capacity combined more solid and more amiable 
 qualities, that he was good and affectionate, modest 
 with dignity, enlightened without display,and afaithfulpre- 
 server of those traditions of urbanity and politeness which 
 unfortunately are becoming rarer and rarer every day. 
 
 In consequence of this scene Prince de Bénévent lost 
 the post of Grand Chamberlain which was given to 
 M. de Montesquiou. This was the time, indeed, of 
 intrigues of every kind. The faubourg St. Germain
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 203 
 
 had to submit to the exile of Madame de Chevreuse 
 and of several other people whom the Emperor recalled 
 later on, excepting from this amnesty four or five of 
 the most influential persons or those who most strongly- 
 persevered in active opposition. Some of these persons 
 had excited Napoleon's anger rather by their sarcasms 
 or spiteful remarks than by their acts. He might 
 have disdained these impotent clamourings. He was 
 strong enough to be able to do so. He used to 
 revenge himself more nobly by granting daily restitu- 
 tions and favours to members of the old aristocracy. 
 Some members of the former reigning family even re- 
 ceived pensions from him. The Duchess of Orleans, the 
 Duchess of Bourbon and the Prince of Conti were 
 living in retirement at Figuicres in Spain, enjoying a 
 moderate pension which had been granted to them by 
 the Directoire, this pension being subjected to all the 
 formalities exacted in the case of life annuitants. Napo- 
 leon on the request of General Canclaux, the warm 
 and persevering friend of the Prince of Conti, increased 
 the pension of each of these members of the royal 
 family to sixty thousand francs which were paid to 
 them at the residence which these princes had chosen, 
 through the agency of a banker who was in account 
 with the Treasury. These pensions were freed from 
 all personal formalities. And consequently the princes 
 whose names we have mentioned, never failed, as each 
 year came round to send the Emperor their wishes 
 for his prosperity. 
 
 The Emperor doubled these pensions during the 
 Hundred Days and authorized the Duchesses of Orleans 
 and of Bourbon to continue residing in Paris at the 
 same time. They thanked Napoleon and Queen Hor-
 
 204 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 tense, who had interceded for these princesses with 
 the Head of the State, by letter. 
 
 A Madame Poitrine, nurse of Madame the Duchess 
 of Angouléme and the nurse to the last Dauphin, 
 whose name I forget, received pensions from the impe- 
 rial munificence. 
 
 In removing to a distance from Paris the malcontents 
 whose opposition became troublesome or harmful. Na- 
 poleon was not, as has been said, blindly dominated 
 by a spirit of despotism which could brook no contra- 
 diction. Amongst the persons whose exile was pro- 
 posed to him was the Duchess de Gesvres. When 
 the Emperor heard that this lady was an octogenarian, 
 pity silenced all desire for severity in his heart, and 
 when he had further discovered that this duchess was 
 a descendant of Duguesclin's, this name stirred within 
 him the French fibre. Not only did Napoleon forbid 
 that Madame de Gesvres should be interfered with in 
 any way, but he had inquiries made as to the needs 
 of her old age. To supplement her small fortune the 
 Emperor insisted on granting to the descendant of 
 Duguesclin a pension, the amount of which would 
 allow her to keep a carriage. 
 
 Shortly after his return to Paris Napoleon went to 
 live at the Elysée, a beautiful house which he had 
 bought from Prince Murat when the latter, as the 
 soldiers used to say, " had been promoted King of 
 Naples. " Murat received in exchange certain estates 
 situated in the Kingdom of Naples which the Emperor 
 had reserved for himself after the conquest of this 
 country. The situation of the Elysée afforded Napo- 
 leon a pleasant and commodious residence. Here he 
 was able to walk about in the vast garden attached
 
 meneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 205 
 
 to this residence, without being importuned, and 
 could go out without being noticed. He found him- 
 self deliv'ered here from the pompous imprisonment 
 which he had to undergo at the Tuileries, and only 
 went to the latter palace on Sundays to hear the mass 
 or for ceremonious receptions. 
 
 The Emperor had just settled down in the Elysée 
 when he heard the news of the surrender of Saragossa. 
 The remnants of the Spanish army which had been 
 defeated at the battle of Tudela and various scattered 
 corps, composing an army of about fifty thousand 
 men, had shut themselves up in Saragossa, where 
 protected by the walls and energetically seconded by 
 the armed population, they defended themselves with 
 a fanaticism which was kept alive by their leaders and 
 by the monks. The city was not fortified, but was 
 surrounded with a thick brick and granite wall which 
 had been strengthened and covered with parapets. In 
 the interior of the city the entrance to each street was 
 barricaded and in a state of defence. The garrison 
 was provided with numerous store-houses and armed 
 with two hundred pieces of artillery. The commander- 
 in-chief was General Palafox, who being shut up in 
 Saragossa was elected captain-general. This man dear 
 to the population, whose exaltation he shared, was 
 moreover under the influence of skilful and fanatical 
 monks. He had taken an oath to bury himself beneath 
 the ruins of the city rather than to surrender it to the 
 French. Gallows-trees, permanently standing, threat- 
 ened the life of anybody who should dare to speak of 
 capitulation. ^larshal Lannes had come to take over 
 the superior command of the siege on January 20th, 
 three weeks after the trenches had been opened. One
 
 2o6 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 of the Emperor's aides-de-camp, General Lacoste, 
 seconded by Colonel Rogniat and Major Haxo, two 
 officers who became famous, commanded the engineering 
 works. Gener9.1 Lacoste met with a glorious death 
 before Saragossa and was deeply regretted by Napoleon. 
 Six days after his arrival Marshal Lannes stormed the 
 city at the head of his troops. All the outer works 
 fell into our hands, and the result should have been 
 the surrender of the place, but the fanaticism of some 
 of the most excited of the inhabitants inspired terror 
 and froze the word, capitulation, on every mouth. 
 Then began a war in the streets and houses, in the 
 defence of which the women and the monks distin- 
 guished themselves by their resistance. The ground 
 was fought for inch by inch, each house had to be 
 carried by sap and by mine. Our soldiers, exposed to 
 privations and dangers of every kind, were disgusted 
 Avith this hideous warfare. The wretched inhabitants 
 of Saragossa were decimated by hunger, disease, and 
 by the losses which resulted from each encounter. 
 Palafox himself was dying, but the monks and the 
 clergy governed in his name. The taking of an 
 important suburb, the destruction of the convents and 
 principal buildings, which were used as places of 
 assembly for the besieged soldiers rendered any contin- 
 uation of resistance at last impossible. The council 
 of defence, with the mad object of corftinuing the 
 struggle, had asked for the free pass of officers com- 
 missioned to see whether the city could not be relieved. 
 Marshal Lannes refused all conditions and demanded 
 that the city should surrender at mercy. The French 
 army occupied its ruins on February 2 1 st after a siege, 
 which has only been paralleled twice or thrice in
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 207 
 
 history and which had devoured more than half the 
 population. The Marshal moved to pity, treated what 
 remained of the town with the greatest humanity. He 
 protected the inhabitants, their property, and the exercise 
 of their religion. The garrison laid down arms and 
 was made prisoner of war. — Travellers' narratives make 
 mention of the inestimable riches of the cathedral of 
 Our Lady del Pilar. On the entry of the French 
 into Saragossa there were found none of the gifts in 
 gold, silver, and precious stones which were said to 
 have been sent there by Catholic sovereigns. These 
 treasures had no doubt been used for the expenses of 
 the siege or for expenses outside, or else had been 
 removed before the invasion of the French, I remember 
 having seen a little box brought to the Tuileries, 
 containing specimens of fragments of ornaments, clumsily 
 carved in open-work, in silver, silver gilt or copper 
 gilt, set with some stones of small value. These debris 
 came from the famous chapel of Our Lady del Pilar. 
 It was at the picture exhibition of this same year, 
 1809, that the Emperor wished to be represented in 
 full length in his cabinet and gave orders that I should 
 appear in the picture, writing from his dictation. The 
 painter Garnier received the order to excute this por- 
 trait. I did not happen to be in Paris whilst the 
 painter was working at it, for I had accompanied the 
 Emperor on one of his journeys. The painter Tsa.bey 
 was good enough to make up for this drawback by 
 helping Garnier with his memory and on my return 
 to Paris Garnier asked me to sit to him so that he 
 might give the last touches to his work. I do not 
 know in what way it came to the Emperor's ears that 
 the execution of this picture left a good deal to be
 
 2o8 méneval's aieaioirs of napoleon I. 
 
 desired, but he ordered General Duroc to write on the 
 subject to J\I. Denon, director-general of museums, 
 who took the painter's defence. At last the picture 
 was accepted and was placed in one of the galleries 
 at the Tuileries. In 1814 it was relegated to the 
 lumber room with all those which had for subject the 
 history of " the usurper, " or else it was given back to 
 the author as were other pictures of the same kind 
 which were restored to their painters. Found in 1839 
 at a picture-dealer's, by the son of one of my old 
 friends, Count Lemarrois, he bought it, from attachment 
 to the Emperor's memory and in remembrance of the 
 friendship which bound me to his father. 
 
 At the beginning of the year 1809 the Emperor 
 at last decided to fill the two places of secretary to 
 the cabinet which had been created in 1804. One of 
 the new secretaries was charged, amongst other func- 
 tions with translating the foreign newspapers and 
 periodicals and entered, though rarely. Napoleon's cabinet. 
 This was Baron Mounier, auditor to the Council of 
 State, who had been employed at the time of the war 
 of 1806 — 1807 in the government of the province of 
 Silesia. M. Mounier was the son of the deputy of the 
 Constituent Assembly, whom Napoleon had recalled 
 from exile and whose capacity and merit he had 
 rewarded by appointing him, on his return to France, 
 Prefect of Rennes, and afterwards by calling him to 
 a post at the Council of State. The Emperor's esteem 
 for the father descended upon the son, who was an 
 intelligent and well-informed young man, of much 
 promise which, later, he fully realized. 
 
 The second secretary to the cabinet, who was 
 specially charged with all concerning artillery and
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 209 
 
 engineering, was Baron de Ponthon, at that time colonel 
 of engineers. He had taken part in the memorable 
 campaign in Egypt and enjoyed a well-deser\ed 
 reputation in his branch of the service. This officer 
 afterwards became lieutenant general and member of 
 the committee of engineers. 
 
 The Emperor completed his cabinet later on by placing 
 at the head of his topographical office, Colonel Bâcler 
 d'Albe, who afterwards became general. He was the 
 author of the military map of Italy, was endowed with 
 a most happy facility for the arts, and was animated 
 with what Napoleon used to call the sacred fire. 
 D'Albe was assisted by two geographical engineers 
 of merit, MM. Lameau and Duvivier. 
 
 In forcing the Emperor to return at full speed from 
 Spain, the coalition effected the objects it had in view, 
 namely of preventing the pacification of this country 
 and of dividing our forces. The Emperor heard, by 
 telegraph, on April 12th, that Arch-duke Charles had 
 entered Bavaria and that his troops had passed the 
 Inn without any previous declaration of war. This 
 declaration was only notified to the outposts on the 
 morrow of the day on which the invasion had taken 
 place. Napoleon left the Elysée on the 13th April 
 at four in the morning. He passed on with unheard- 
 of speed and reached head-quarters at Donawerth on 
 the fifth day, after having stopped at Louisburg and 
 Dillingen to see the Kings of Wurtemberg and Bavaria. 
 
 The Emperor found Marshal Berthicr at Donawerth. 
 He learned here that through a misunderstanding- of 
 his orders the communication between the corps of 
 Bavarians commanded by Marshal Lefcbvre and 
 Marshal Davout's corps was cut off. New activity 
 
 VOL. n. 14
 
 2IO méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 was given to his genius by the necessity of repairing 
 this fault. The battles of Thann and of Abensberg, 
 won with the troops of the Confederation of the Rhine 
 and the victory of Ecmuehl, which earned for Marshal 
 Davout the title of Prince of Ecmuehl, bestowed 
 later, were the results of these clever manoeuvres. 
 So rapid had been the movements that Napoleon's 
 household had not been able to follow him, and that 
 he had to live like a soldier, only riding borrowed 
 horses. 
 
 I have often heard the Emperor complain of how 
 inferior we were to the Romans. Yet, according to the 
 best military writers, he had no reason to envy any one of 
 the heroes of antiquity either for the rapidity of the 
 marches or for the preciseness of the manoeuvres 
 which characterized the commencement of this campaign. 
 
 Two occurrences marked this victorious march. 
 The first might have deprived the army of its leader. 
 Napoleon was seated on a spot from which he could 
 see the attack on the town of Ratisteon. He was 
 beating the ground with his riding-whip when a 
 bullet, supposed to have been fired from a Tyrolean 
 carbine struck him on the big toe. The news of his 
 wound spread rapidly from file to file and he was 
 forced to mount on horseback to show himself to the 
 troops. Although his boot had not been cut, the 
 wound was a very painful one. Napoleon, however, 
 put a good face on the matter, but nature would not 
 forgo her rights. On returning from this short excur- 
 sion to a small house which was at a distance of some 
 gun-ranges from the spot where he had been wounded, 
 his courage being exhausted he fainted right away. 
 This wound had fortunately no evil consequences.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. .? I I 
 
 A feat of arms of unparalleled bravery, the taking 
 by storm of the Ebersberg position, which was reputed 
 inexpugnable, also marked this campaign. A wooden 
 bridge of more than six hundred feet in length, pro- 
 tected by a stronghold and precipitous heights which 
 were crowned by superior forces and a hundred pieces 
 of artillery, was carried by General Coëhorn. * Thé 
 gates of the city were broken down and a most violent 
 encounter ensued. The houses in which a number of 
 wounded soldiers and combatants had been driven 
 back, without being able to escape, caught fire and 
 were burned down to the ground with every man 
 inside them. The sight presented by this unha.ppy 
 city, with its streets strewn with corpses half-consumed 
 by fire and spreading a fearful stench, was one of the 
 most horrible that can be imagined. The Emperor was 
 painfully impressed by it. He could not refrain from 
 praising General Coëhorn for his rare courag-e, but he 
 deplored the losses which would have been avoided if 
 ]\'Iarshal jMasséna had given orders to turn this posi- 
 tion. 
 
 The Emperor saw for a second time the city of 
 Vienna whose sovereign had sworn to him in 1S05, 
 at the memorable interview at the bivouac at Sar- 
 Uschitz, that he would war on him no more. This 
 time Vienna tried to defend herself Marshal Lannes 
 had sent Captain jSIarbot, with a flag of truce, carrving- 
 a summons. The young aide-de-camp was attacked by 
 a gang of ruffians, ill-treated and even wounded. 
 Arch-duke Maximilian approved of the conduct of these 
 wretches by allowing it to pass unreproved and kept 
 
 * One of the dau<;hters of General Baron de Coëhorn married the 
 eldest son of the author of these Memoirs.
 
 2 12 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 the captain prisoner. After this violation of interna- 
 tional law and the refusal of the Arch-duke to open the 
 gates of the city, a bombardment was decided upon. 
 It has been stated, in error, that Arch-duchess Marie 
 Louise, being ill, had remained behind in the imperial 
 palace. It has been added that on hearing this the 
 Emperor gave orders that the cannons should not be 
 fired in that direction. The human mind hankers too 
 much after the belief that great men have a mysterious 
 foresight of their destinies. Arch-duke Maximilian, 
 frightened perhaps at the responsibility which he had as- 
 sumed left Vienna hastily and crossed the bridges without 
 leaving any orders. On May 12th a French army 
 occupied Vienna after that city had capitulated, at the 
 request of a deputation which was presented to the 
 Emperor at Schonbrunn where he had taken up his 
 quarters. Napoleon assured the delegates of his pro- 
 tection and promised them that the city of Vienna 
 should be treated with the same consideration as at 
 the time of the first occupation in 1805. 
 
 The Emperor remained a week at vSchonbrunn. 
 In the meanwhile the Island of Lobau, which is situated 
 at a distance of two leagues from Vienna and which 
 divides the Danube into several branches, was occupied 
 by the French army with a view of establishing a 
 point at which our troops could cross the river. Three 
 bridges were thrown across it, thanks to which our 
 army was able to commence to cross on May 20th, to 
 attack the enemy on the left bank. But hardly had 
 Marshal Masséna got into touch with the Austrian 
 army when a part of the little bridges was broken. 
 The Austrians, masters of the upper reaches ot the Danube 
 set loose large barges filled with stones and ctmnon-
 
 ménev^vl's memoirs of napoleon I. 213 
 
 balls, which borne along by the rapidity of the current, 
 which had been increased by a sudden rising of the 
 river, dashed against the bridges breaking them down 
 in several places. The inferiority of strength of our 
 fourth corps was compensated for by the heroic tena- 
 city of Masséna and the impetuous courage of Lannes. 
 The latter, separated from his corps by the breaking- 
 down of the bridges, but impatient to take part in the 
 action, marched at the head of the Boudet division, 
 which he directed with the greatest courage. The two 
 armies faced each other during the night. On the 
 morrow the second corps, the guards and the cuirassiers 
 were able to cross the bridges which had been repaired 
 during the night. Marshal Davout's corps was to 
 follow, as also the other corps as they came up. The 
 battle of Essling which had been suspended the day 
 before began again, and victory, the price of the most 
 vigorous efforts, was just about to declare itself for 
 us when the sinister report that the big bridge had 
 broken down was suddenly spread. Anything beyond 
 keeping our ground until the end of the day and 
 returning at nightfall to the Island of Essling, became 
 out of the question. This critical position was to be 
 aggravated by the cruel loss which the Emperor and 
 the army experienced in the person of Marshal Lannes. 
 A spent cannon-ball shattered both legs of this valiant 
 soldier. When the Emperor saw the litter on which 
 the ^Marshal was being carried, his face overdrawn 
 with the pallor of death, he ordered it to be carried 
 to one side and walking quickly up to it threw him- 
 self upon the hero who was dying, and embraced him 
 with choking sobs. The impression produced by this 
 heart-rending scene cannot be described. The Empe-
 
 214 :méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 ror's grief was so great that two days later, the 
 remembrance of it still filled his eyes \\'ith tears in spite 
 of all his efforts to conceal them. The ]\Iarshal trans- 
 ported to the village of Ebersdorf, died there a week 
 later from the consequence of his terrible wounds. 
 
 In Marshal Lannes the Emperor had had a loss for 
 which he could not console himself. He never wearied 
 in his praises of the merits of one of his oldest com- 
 rades-in-arms. He used to express his astonishment 
 at the way in which each year the jNIarshal developed 
 his talents, his prudence, and his knowledge of the 
 military art. Considered apart from his capacity as a 
 soldier, the Duke of Montebello had an extremely 
 original mind, A book could be made of the piquant, 
 energetic and always expressive sayings which escaped 
 him. It was he who said to M. de Talleyrand after 
 the battle of Austerlitz, that victory had sharpened the 
 points of the pens of diplomacy with cuts of the sabre. 
 He used to say of Talleyrand's impassiveness that if he 
 were to receive a kick in his seat of honour his face 
 would not betray the event, and summed him up in 
 this saying which is perhaps strictly true, if expressed 
 in somewhat too military language: "It's a lot of.... 
 mud in a silk stocking." 
 
 By way of an anecdote, I will speak of an accident 
 which will appear the merest trifle compared to the 
 misfortune which had just robbed the army of a glorious 
 captain. I happened to be on foot, on the left bank 
 of the Danube, in front of the bridge which communi- 
 cated with the Island of Lobau, when I saw the Emperor 
 come up and climb up on to the top of a mill-house 
 to see what was going on. I was looking at him 
 when I felt myself struck with a blow —it was a horse's
 
 méneval's mExMoirs of napoleon I. 215 
 
 kick — which stretched me full-length on the ground. 
 Napoleon saw me fall just as he was coming down 
 from his point of observation, thought that I was danger- 
 ously wounded, and gave orders at once that I should 
 be picked up and transported to the island. I had only- 
 been rendered rather dizzy by the blow so he reassured 
 himself and said : " Get away as fast as you can. You 
 gave me a great fright." I felt no consequences from 
 this accident. 
 
 General Espagne, commanding the cuirassiers, was 
 killed by a cannon-ball, and General St. Hilaire was 
 seriously wounded. It was feared at first that we had 
 to deplore the deaths of Generals Durosnel and Fouler 
 but we had the satisfaction of learning that the first 
 of these officers had not been wounded at all and the 
 second only slightly. They had fallen into the hands 
 of the enemy who sent them back to French head- 
 quarters after the battle of Wagram. 
 
 The troops who were shut up in the Island of Lobau, 
 and especially the wounded, suffered great privations 
 during the first days. Soon, however, stores of pro- 
 visions and ambulances were established there. Instead 
 of evacuating the island, the Emperor had works worthy 
 of the Romans carried out there under the direction 
 of General Bertrand. Napoleon spent twelve days at 
 Ebersdorf, a village situated opposite the Island of 
 Lobau, occupied with caring for the wounded and 
 providing for the needs of the soldiers who remained 
 on the island. The works were commenced under his 
 eyes and he distributed the rest of the army into 
 cantonments, after which he returned to Schonbrunn. 
 
 The indignation felt by the Emperor at the conduct 
 of the Austrian general Chastcler in Tyrol, where seven
 
 2 là MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 hundred French conscripts and eighteen hundred Ba,- 
 varians had been massacred in his presence by the 
 rebels, had prompted an order of the day providing 
 that this general, in case he should be made prisoner, 
 should be tried by court-martial and put to the edge 
 of the sword. The Emperor of Austria having heard 
 of his order, had declared that the Generals Durosnel and 
 Fouler would be kept as hostages to answer for the 
 way in which General Chasteler was treated. When 
 this declaration was notified to Napoleon, he gave the 
 necessary orders that the persons of the Princes Colloredo 
 and iMetternich as well as Counts Pergen and Hardeck 
 who had remained in Vienna should be seized, and that, 
 by way of reprisal, these persons should be conducted 
 to France after their arrest. The Emperor at the same 
 time authorized a deputation from the city of Vienna 
 to go to the Austrian sovereign to enlighten him on 
 the particulars of the massacre of French prisoners in 
 Tyrol. Emperor Francis, better informed, retracted his 
 order concerning the two French generals. 
 
 During the months of April and May the intrigues 
 of the agents of England and of the coalition had been 
 directed towards raising to insurrection the provinces 
 in the North of Germany which had belonged to 
 Prussia, or which had been dependent on this power. 
 These provinces were filled with former soldiers, pri- 
 soners of war who had returned home or who had 
 escaped from the last defeats. Katt, a Prussian ofiicer, 
 had assembled a large number of these persons, had 
 seized on the public treasuries, and had cut off the 
 communications, seeking to stir the country up to revolt. 
 Pursued by the Wcstphalian troops he had succeeded 
 in reaching Bohemia, where with the remnants of his
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 217 
 
 gang, he had joined the Duke of Brunswick-Oels, who 
 was organizing a corps of volunteers for Austria. This 
 prince, son of the last Duke of Brunswick — who had 
 lost his life at the battle of Jena — wishing to avenge 
 the death of his father and the ruin of his house, had 
 made himself the leader of secret societies and of 
 insurrections in Germany. He had given his corps a 
 black uniform with the emblems of death. 
 
 Towards the end of April an aide-de-camp of the King 
 of Westphalia, colonel of the light infantrymen of his 
 guard, a certain Doernberg, at the head of a troop of 
 smugglers and employés, partly military, partly civilian, 
 which was increased by armed peasants recruited in 
 Westphalia and in Hanover, had raised the standard 
 of revolt and had marched on Cassel, hoping to sur- 
 prise this city in a defenceless state and had then thrown 
 himself back on Magdeburg. The activity and vigour 
 which the young King of Westphalia, seconded by the 
 leaders of his army, had displayed in dealing with this 
 attempt at an insurrection had ended by getting 
 the best of it. But Doernberg who had been reduced 
 to flight in company with some officers had succeeded 
 in joining the Duke of Brunswick, who was the soul 
 of all these revolutionary movements. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the Prussian major, Schill, former 
 partisan in the war in 1806, marched out of Berlin at 
 the head of five hundred hussars of his regiment on 
 the pretext, as it appears, of manoeuvres. He was 
 joined by a battalion of infantry which had formed 
 part of his corps of partisans. After fruitless attempts 
 against the fortresses in the North of Germany he had 
 drawn back on Westphalia to give a hand to the 
 remainder of Docrnberg's insurgents. Schill having
 
 2i8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 assembled the forces which he considered sufficient, 
 tried a coup de main on Magdeburg and having failed 
 marched on the lower Elbe. In the meanwhile the 
 Duke of Brunswick was tardily entering Saxony to 
 join the Prussian partisan. But the latter was approach- 
 ing the Baltic to put himself in communication with 
 the English fleet and to receive from it the arms and 
 ammunition, which he lacked. Schill invaded INIecklen- 
 berg and, followed by five or six thousand men — 
 Prussian and Austrian deserters — of IMecklenbergers 
 whom he had enrolled, and a multitude of vagrants, 
 had entered the city of Stralsund which he had forti- 
 fied. General Gratien — I am not quite sure about the 
 name of this general — with a Dutch division, backed 
 up by a column of Danish soldiers, marched on 
 Stralsund and carried its retrenchments by storm. 
 Schill, to cover his retreat had wished to set fire to 
 the city in which a stubborn street-by- street fight was 
 fought. The whole band was taken or killed and vSchill 
 himself lost his life. 
 
 The Duke of Brunswick, on his side, had broken 
 into Westphalia where he hoped that the people of 
 his ancient duchy would flock under his banner, but 
 he only succeeded in raising a few villages. Neglected 
 by Austria who was sufficiently taken up with her 
 own reverses, forced to flee by the troops which 
 tracked him on every side, the Duke had to gain the 
 sea-side with all speed, where together with the rest 
 of his supporters he was received by the English fleet. 
 
 These attempts at insurrection necessarily found 
 support in the anti-French spirit of the provinces whose 
 situations and interests had been changed by our con- 
 quests. They were the preludes of a general insur-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 219 
 
 rection in Germany, which was only realized much 
 later, but which the coalition always hoped for. If the 
 ill-arranged enterprises of Doernberg, Schill, and the 
 Duke of Brunswick had taken place simultaneously, 
 French domination in the North of Germany would 
 have been seriously embarrassed at this time. 
 
 The French army in Italy, commanded by the vice- 
 roy, aided and stimulated by the splendid successes of 
 the Great Army, had taken grand revenge for the 
 reverse which it had experienced at the beginning of 
 the campaign, a reverse which had forced it to retreat 
 as far as the Adige. The battle of Pavia and several 
 encounters in which the Austrian army, under the 
 command of Arch-duke John lost half its forces, glori- 
 ously avenged the army in Italy for this defeat. The 
 arch-duke, pursued at the point of the sword, got no 
 breathing-time until he had crossed the frontier which 
 separates Upper Italy from the Austrian hereditary 
 States. The viceroy still on the heels of his adversary 
 reached Bruck on May 26th, where he joined in with 
 the Great Army. The appearance of the runners of 
 the army of Italy on the Simmering was quite an 
 event. The Emperor, who expected it, had sent Lau- 
 riston, his aide-de-camp to meet it. A chasseur of the 
 Qth regiment of the army of Italy met with a chas- 
 seur of the 20th, sent to reconnoitre by General Lau- 
 riston. The two soldiers after having watched each 
 other some time saw that each was French and fell 
 into each other's arms. Prince Eugene arrived in Ebers- 
 dorf two days later where he received the Emperor's 
 compliments which he had so fully deserved. 
 
 Arch-duke John had joined the army of the Arch-duke
 
 2 20 méneval's me.moirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Palatine, his brother. Prince Eugene marched to meet 
 them and came up with them near Raab, a fortified 
 town in Hungary. On June 14th, he attacked this 
 combined army which exceeded the French forces by 
 fifteen thousand men. The enemy was completely 
 routed and lost six thousand men, killed and wounded, 
 cannons and flag's. Napoleon expressed his satisfaction 
 to the viceroy for a victory which, won on June 14th, 
 was honoured by him with the name of " Granddaughter 
 of the battle of INIarengo," which had been won on 
 the same date, on this spot, eight years previously. 
 On the 24th, our troops entered the fortified place of 
 Raab, the garrison of which, two thousand five hundred 
 men strong, became prisoners of war. 
 
 The Island of Lobau had become a large entrenched 
 camp guarded by ]\Iarshal Masséna's corps, or rather 
 I should say a fortified place defended by one hundred 
 and twenty cannon of big calibre, by mortars and 
 howitzers in batteries. Three large bridges had been 
 built there of a solidity able to resist anything, which 
 were protected by bridge-heads covering a space of 
 more than sixteen hundred fathoms, composed of 
 palisaded redouts and surrounded with ditches full 
 of water. During the month which the Emperor 
 spent at SchOnbrunn he had made frequent excursions 
 to Ebersdorf and had occupied himself with his usual 
 activity in the reconstruction of the bridges as well 
 as in giving orders for assembling round Vienna 
 sufficient forces to be ready for an emergency. 
 Napoleon's solicitude had been applied to the state of 
 the hospitals which he had made his aides-de-camp visit. 
 They had orders to put sums amounting to sixty 
 francs for a soldier and twelve hundred francs for an
 
 MÉNEVAL'S JMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I, 22 1 
 
 officer on the beds of the wounded soldiers and officers. 
 
 After the army had rested, the artillery had been 
 reorganized and ammunition of all kinds had been got 
 together, the Emperor left Schonbrunn and transported 
 his head-quarters to Ebersdorf. On July 4th, the whole 
 army was assembled in the Island of Lobau. On the 
 night of the same day it marched out in perfect order 
 which was not troubled by a fearful storm accompanied 
 by a deluge of rain, crossing six bridges which had 
 been prepared in advance, under the protection of 
 strong stockades, and which had been thrown over the 
 river in a space of two hours with admirable precision. 
 
 During this time I was shut up with M. de Cham- 
 pagny, Minister of Exterior Relations, in a room in 
 the Emperor's lodgings at Ebersdorf where we awaited 
 the result of the crossing of the river with keen anxiety. 
 We listened in mute dismay to the peals of thunder 
 which shook the ground and to the torrents of rain which 
 threatened to drown us all, not knowing whether this 
 riot of the elements would favour or impede the army's 
 crossing. We heard at last, towards daybreak, of 
 the entire success of this brave operation. A fine day 
 had followed on this terrible night. The enemy deceived 
 by false demonstrations on the other side of the river 
 was astonished to see deploying in the plain of Enzers- 
 dorf, the imposing masses of one hundred and fifty 
 thousand men, backed by four hundred pieces of 
 artillery which had appeared as though by magic very 
 far from the spot at which they were expected. On 
 the evening of the same day began the attack on an 
 important position, a combat which was the prelude 
 to the great battle of Wagram which was fought 
 on the morrow, the 6th. I spent this day in the
 
 222 MÉXEVAL'S :\IEM0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 neighbourhood of the field of battle, riding about on 
 horseback in company of the Colonels Czernitchefif and 
 Gorgoli, aides-de-camp to the Czar, who had been sent 
 to the Emperor and who found themselves at his head- 
 quarters. These two officers were rather dissatisfied 
 at not being called to form part of the Emperor's 
 staff during the action. One of them said with a cer- 
 tain amount of vexation that it was no doubt on account 
 of their white crests that they had been excluded. 
 
 On the evening of the battle I joined the Emperor's 
 bivouac. Hardly had Napoleon reached it when a 
 cry of ^^ sauve qui peuV spread a panic, which for- 
 tunately was not of very long duration. A stray band 
 of the enemy had come upon our outposts and had 
 caused this affray. 
 
 The battle of Wagram was a murderous one. The 
 Austrians lost twenty-five thousand men, and three of 
 their generals were killed. Our losses were less impor- 
 tant, but we also lost three g-enerals including General 
 Lasalle, one of the best general officers in our army. 
 By a sinister presentiment of his approaching end 
 General Lasalle had the evening before recommended 
 his children to the Emperor's care in a touching letter. 
 
 Napoleon rode over the field of battle to have the 
 wounded removed and attended to, which was a duty 
 which he entrusted to nobody but himself From time 
 to time he would halt and order silence so that he 
 might hear the groans of the wounded. He would 
 ride in the direction of these groans, when he was not 
 detained by having to attend to soldiers on the spot 
 where he happened to be, or else he would send people 
 with help. With this object in view he used to spread 
 the men of his escort out in different directions.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 223 
 
 Oudet, colonel of the 9th infantry regiment, who 
 died in consequence of the wounds which he received 
 in this battle, has been a great deal talked about. 
 Lying rumours collected by the historian of the secret 
 societies of the army and of the military conspiracies, 
 have represented this colonel as the leader of these 
 imaginary associations and describe him as having 
 fallen a victim to a murder carried out by Napoleon's 
 orders. The falseness of this calumny has already 
 been easily proved, but its very absurdity should have 
 sufficed for its refutation. 
 
 On the morrow of the battle of Wagram, the Emperor 
 whilst visiting the corps and distributing the rewards 
 which each had merited, met General Macdonald and 
 stretched out his hand to him in sign of reconciliation. 
 Macdonald, a friend of Moreau, had been for a long 
 time in disgrace and kept away from the army. On 
 his asking to be allowed to resume his service. Napoleon 
 who esteemed his talents had entrusted him, during 
 this campaign, with the command of the right wing of 
 the army of Italy under Prince Eugene. He created 
 him Marshal of France as well as Generals Oudinot 
 and jSIarmont. 
 
 The victory of the French at Wagram had not 
 destroyed the Austrian army, which in spite of the 
 losses which it had experienced retreated in good order. 
 It was on the nth August only that Prince John von 
 Lichtenstein presented himself at Znaim with powers to 
 conclude an armistice and even to treat for peace. 
 The armistice had been proposed by Arch-duke Charles 
 in virtue of his unlimited powers. The Emperor of 
 Austria, who had retired to Baden, refused to ratify 
 this armistice and removed the Arch-duke from the
 
 2 24 MÉNEVAL'S ME:M01RS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 command of his army. Napoleon sent him the decor- 
 ation of a simple Knight of the Legion of Honour. The 
 Emperor Francis, better advised, accepted the armistice 
 five days later, with the mental reservation that it would 
 give him the time to reject it during the period fixed 
 for its duration. The Emperor Napoleon after having 
 distributed his troops over the districts designated by 
 the treaty of armistice proceeded to Schonbrunn. 
 Conferences were opened at Altenburg between M. de 
 Champagny and M. de Metternich, The negotiation 
 dragging, because the Austrian plenipotentiary, counting 
 no doubt on the diversion which the English expedition 
 in the island of Walcheren would cause, wanted to 
 gain time, the Emperor summoned his Minister of 
 Exterior Relations to Vienna. After long tergiversa- 
 tions to which Napoleon's firmness put a stop, peace 
 was signed in his presence, on October 14th, by M. 
 de Champagny and Prince von Lichtenstein who had 
 taken IMetternich's place. 
 
 It is very probable that the signing of the peace 
 was hurried on by an event which produced a strong 
 impression on Napoleon, though he tried not to let 
 this be seen. One day in October, at Schonbrunn, 
 whilst the troops were marching before him at noonday 
 parade a young man tried to approach the Emperor. 
 This person held a paper in his hands which was 
 thought to be a petition. He was told to hand it to 
 the aide-de-camp in attendance, who was General Rapp, 
 but he answered that he wished to speak to Napoleon. 
 As often rebutted so often he returned. This manner 
 of insisting appeared suspicious, his decided though calm 
 appearance, the expression of his eyes, his right hand 
 which he held in his bosom, struck General Rapp's
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 225 
 
 attention. The General ordered him to be arrested and 
 to be taken to the castle. All this was done without 
 being noticed. It was soon known that a large kitchen- 
 knife had been found on this young man, who was a 
 student of the University of Erfurth, named Staaps. 
 Asked as to what he intended to do with this knife he 
 had no hesitation in declaring that he wanted to kill Napo- 
 leon. Informed of this fact, the Emperor on his return 
 to the castle, ordered that the young man should be 
 brought into the drawing-room where the Prince of Neuf- 
 châtel, Bernadette and the Generals Duroc and Savary 
 were present. Staaps approached the Emperor with 
 a respectful but determined air. He admitted to Napo- 
 leon that he had come with the intention of killing 
 him, although the French sovereign had done him, 
 personally, no harm. He declared that he had the 
 conviction that in killing the Emperor he should render 
 a great service to his country and to Europe, and 
 added that he was neither ill nor mad and that he had 
 spoken of his plan to nobody. Napoleon had Doctor 
 Corvisa.rt, who was then at Schonbrunn, sent for, 
 and asked him if he could not find any traces of 
 madness in this young man. The doctor felt his 
 pulse and declared that he could not find any symptoms 
 of mental alienation in him. Napoleon struck by this 
 fanaticism, and touched with pity for this precocious 
 murderer, offered to pardon him if he would express 
 his regret for the odious act which he had wished to 
 commit. Staaps rejected any idea of pardon, and said 
 that he regretted bitterly that he had not been able 
 to carry out his plan. " But, " said Napoleon, " you 
 have a family whose ruin you will cause. You will 
 fill the heart of the young girl who loves you with 
 VOL. IL 15
 
 22b MÉNEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 despair. If I grant you your life will you be grateful 
 to me for it ?" "I will kill you none the less. " The 
 Emperor gave order that he should be removed, hoping 
 that this young madman would express his repentance 
 and make some revelations. Staaps remained three 
 days without eating and as impassive as ever. He 
 walked on foot to the place of execution cr3àng: 
 " Long live Germany. Death to the tyrant. " Napo- 
 leon heard of his execution whilst on his way from 
 Vienna to INIunich. 
 
 By the public and secret clauses of the treaty con- 
 cluded with Austria, this power ceded territories con- 
 taining a population of three and a half millions of 
 inhabitants, which for the most part fell to the lot of 
 the kings and princes who were allied to France. 
 Austria undertook by the secret clauses to reduce 
 its army to one hundred and fifty thousand men during 
 the war between France and England; to dismiss from 
 the Austrian service all military, civil, and political 
 employés who had been born in French provinces; and 
 finally to pay a war-indemnity of eighty-five millions 
 of francs. 
 
 An article of the treaty added a population of fifteen 
 hundred thousand inhabitants to the Grand-duchy of 
 Warsaw\ To induce Russia to agree to this fresh 
 step towards the re-establishment of Poland, a territory 
 of four hundred thousand inhabitants which rounded 
 off its frontier on the Ukraine was ceded to this power 
 which took part in the treaty. Russia took it over 
 as cheerfully as she had done with the district of 
 Bialistock, at Tilsitt, w'hen this province was taken 
 from Prussia, her ally. One might have thought that 
 the Russian Government, sharing in the spoils wrested
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I, 227 
 
 from its allies, kept them back to be restored to them 
 when circumstances should allow it, but the events of 
 18 1 4 and 1815 occurred without Russia's ever dreaming 
 of restoring her acquisitions. 
 
 The conduct of the Russian Government during this 
 •campaign seemed to justify the extension which was 
 given to the Grand-duchy of Warsaw. Alexander had 
 undertaken at Warsaw to declare against Austria in 
 ■case she should again make war on France. Although 
 Napoleon had no reason to expect that the Russian 
 Cabinet would make any great efforts to free the pro- 
 vinces, which formerly had been Polish, and the suc- 
 cessive emancipation of which might appear menacing 
 in the eyes of Russia, which had taken a large part 
 in the division, he still was authorized in considering 
 himself discharged of all obligations towards the Emperor 
 Alexander who had not kept the promises which he 
 had made at Erfurth. Napoleon who had counted upon 
 the effective co-operation of Russia, about equal to 
 that which she had formerly tendered to her allies in 
 the v/ars of the coalition, had just been completely 
 disappointed on this point. The Russian contingent 
 consisted of a body of fifteen thousand men, com- 
 manded by Prince Galitzin, who refused to concert with 
 the French army in any way. The co-operation of 
 this corps consisted in re-establishing Austrian autho- 
 rities everywhere where they had been replaced by 
 Polish authorities, and in seizing upon Cracow by sur- 
 prise, to establish themselves before the Poles, to whom 
 the Russians refused entrance. On Prince Ponia- 
 towski threatening to force his way in, the Russians 
 agreed to occupy the town in common with the Poles. 
 This attitude showed Napoleon how little he could
 
 228 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 rely on the Russian alliance, but he hid his resentment. 
 What would he have thought if he had known at the 
 time the truth about Prince Schwarzenberg's mission 
 to St. Petersburg ? This envoyé, who afterwards became 
 ambassador to Paris and negotiator for Napoleon's 
 marriage with Princess ]\Iarie Louise and later on 
 commander-in-chief of the united armies in 1814, had 
 been charged to urge Russia to join Austria in the 
 campaign which had just finished. Alexander, indeed^ 
 had refused these proposals, but not for the motive 
 which he alleged to our ambassador at St. Petersburg; 
 when the Czar spoke to the latter of his firm resolution 
 to persevere in the Tilsitt alliance, and to co-operate 
 by his efforts to repel Austria's unjust aggTCssion upon 
 his ally. Emperor Alexander's true motive was to 
 gain time to prepare himself for the struggle which 
 was inevitable in the future, but which at that time he 
 was unable to support against us, owing to the remote- 
 ness of his armies, occupied the one in Sweden and 
 the other in Turkey. It was this last motive, the only 
 genuine one, which dictated Alexander's replies to the 
 overtures of the Vienna Cabinet. This reply was not 
 a defection on Russia's part towards Austria, for its 
 sincerity could be tested in the Russian declarations 
 which were expressed after Napoleon's fall. It cannot 
 be doubted that if Russia had retilly wished to prevent 
 Austria from making war against us in i8og, a simple 
 declaration on her part to the Vienna Cabinet would 
 have sufficed. Such was unfortunately the sincerity 
 ot Emperor Alexander's sentiments. The Mussulman 
 does not consider himself bound by his promises to 
 the unfaithful, and the united armies treated us, it 
 may be said, as the Turks might have done.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 229 
 
 The discontent on one side and on the other was 
 strong, and the circumstance of Napoleon's marriage, 
 about which I shall speak in its place, envenomed the 
 already strained relations between France and Russia. 
 The divergence of interests of these two powers, the 
 moral obligation under which France seemed to con- 
 sider herself to re-establish the kingdom of Poland, 
 Russia's evident hostility towards such a project, all 
 combined to conduct the Paris and St. Petersburg 
 Cabinets, through a series of alternating squabblings 
 and patchings-up, to an irreparable and open rupture. 
 
 A deputation of Hungarians had presented itself to 
 the Emperor at Schonbrunn to beg him to take 
 Hungary under his protection and to back up her 
 efforts to separate herself from Austria. Napoleon had 
 at the time conceived the project of placing the Grand- 
 duke of Wurtzburg on the imperial throne, but made 
 no fixed determination on the subject. The Hungarian 
 revolution and the change of the Austrian succession 
 were two enterprises which might have led him fur- 
 ther than he washed to go, and he did not allow himself 
 to be drawn on. These reasons and the fact that his 
 absence had already been too greatly prolonged under 
 doubtful circumstances, prompted him to sign the peace 
 of Vienna which he did with but little confidence in 
 his mind. Napoleon often afterwards blamed himself 
 for his fault in leaving Austria too strong for future 
 safety, and for not having taken full advantage of 
 his success at Austerlitz when he might have taken 
 or have annihilated the entire Russian and Austrian 
 armies. He had not forgotten that the Austrians had 
 asked for peace twelve 3'ears earlier, when the French 
 were at Leoben, that whilst he was in Egypt Austria
 
 230 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEOX I. 
 
 had taken up arms again, that she only signed the- 
 treaty of Lunéville after having lost the battle of 
 Hohenlinden, that she had begun war again as soon as 
 she had seen us seriously engaged in making prepa- 
 rations for the expedition to England, that she had 
 only signed the peace of Vienna after the battle of 
 Austerlitz, that Emperor Francis had promised at the- 
 interview at Sar-Uschitz not to make war on France 
 again, that this time Austria had once more hoped to 
 surprise Napoleon taken up with the pursuit of the 
 English army in the remotest parts of Spain, and that 
 it was only after Vienna had been occupied a second 
 time that the Austrian Government resigned itself to- 
 signing peace. 
 
 The English, on their side, seeing the Emperor seriously 
 engaged in Germany and encouraged by the hope that 
 the consequences of the battle of Essling would cause 
 him serious embarrassments, attempted an expedition 
 into the island of Walcheren, not indeed to serve their 
 ally's cause but with the very English object in view 
 of seizing upon the fleet at Antwerp and of setting 
 fire to it, and of destroying the dockyards. Napoleon's 
 foresight had assured the defence of this immense 
 dockyard of our navy. At the first report of the 
 invasion of the island of Walcheren, every class of 
 citizen in the neighbouring provinces was aroused. 
 Without awaiting orders from the Minister of War,^ 
 men, horses, carriages, provisions, and fodder were 
 offered to the functionaries of State, who had no difii- 
 culty in making a regular use of the same; the national 
 guards hurried up. Marshal Bernadotte had been 
 deprived of the command of the 9th corps of which 
 he was the leader in Germany. The Emperor had sent
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 231 
 
 him back to France on the pretence of taking- a cure 
 at the waters. As a matter of fact the Emperor had 
 been seriously displeased with him, because of his 
 insubordinate and violent character, his boasting, and 
 the order of the day by which he arrogated to himself 
 the right of attributing the victory of the battle of 
 Wagram to the Saxons who were a part of his corps, 
 whilst in his letters he used to complain about their 
 want of vigour and inactivity. This Marshal, well 
 knowing that Napoleon would not have selected him 
 to face the English, greedily seized upon the oppor- 
 tunity to impose and render himself indispensable, in 
 spite of the Emperor, on this occasion. Helped by 
 his friend Fouché, who said that Napoleon must be 
 shown that the territory could be defended and the 
 enemy driven out, without his help, Bernadotte suc- 
 ceeded in getting himself sent to Antwerp by the 
 Minister of War. The English expedition had already 
 failed in its object at the time of his arrival, but King 
 Louis of Holland, who had undertaken the command 
 of the operations out of zeal, seeing Bernadotte arrive, 
 without having received any notice that he was being 
 sent to take over the command in chief, returned to 
 Amsterdam in a very dissatisfied state of mind. Ber- 
 nadotte made a great deal of noise, but as a matter 
 of fact did nothing more than Alarshals Kellermann, 
 Moncey, and Bessières who were very little talked 
 about. The zeal of the officers of all branches of the 
 service, the bravery of the troops and above all the 
 devotion of the national guard and of the inhabitants, 
 the vigorous measures ordered from Schonbrunn by 
 the Emperor, and finally the utter incapacity of the 
 English commander caused the total failure of this.
 
 2 32 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 gigantic enterprise. The English expedition forced to 
 retire pitifully lost about a third of its men and its 
 material. The unlucky issue of this important attempt 
 brought with it the fall of the English IMinistry, Each 
 minister tried to discharge himself of the responsibility, 
 and to shift it on to another of his colleagues, a dénoue- 
 ment which reminds one of Racine's epigram on the 
 subject of the tragedy of Iphigenia the authorship of 
 which two writers, Leclerc and Coras, claimed, 
 " But as soon as the piece had appeared, 
 " Neither one nor the other wished to have had any- 
 thing to do with it. " 
 
 I will allude, in connection with this campaign, to 
 the solicitude with which the Emperor insisted that his 
 regiments should be commanded by brave and well- 
 educated officers. The proposals for advancement 
 were submitted to him by the Minister of War. Napo- 
 leon charged one of his aides-de-camp, the one whom he 
 considered best suited for work of this kind, to sub- 
 mit the results of this classification for his signature, 
 and weighed each candidate's merits. As he was 
 personally acquainted with each officer, his selections 
 were cari-ied out with discernment. Whilst with the 
 army or when the various corps were passing through 
 Paris, the Emperor used to hold frequent reviews, which 
 were not mere empty parades. He used to cross- 
 examine officers whom he did not know and would 
 invite them to command and carry out manoeuvres 
 under his eyes. The manoeuvres which were not in 
 the usual routine used sometimes to trouble the 
 officers who had made a special study of their profes- 
 sion. Napoleon obliged the officers with whom he 
 was not altogether satisfied to study these manœuvres,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 233 
 
 placing them under the supervision of the colonels and 
 generals in command. He missed no opportunity to 
 assure himself that they had profited by this completion 
 of their military education. 
 
 Often whilst reviewing a corps d'année or even on 
 the field of battle the Emperor w^ould pull up in front 
 of a regiment and calling the officers around him would 
 address each by his name. He would ask them to 
 mention whom amongst them they considered most 
 worthy of promotion or of a decoration, and then 
 passed on to the soldiers. Such testimony delivered 
 by the peers bound the various regiments together 
 with the bonds of confidence and esteem, and these 
 promotions, granted by the soldiers themselves, had 
 all the more value in their eyes. In the course of 
 one of these distributions of military rewards, which 
 were like family scenes, an under-officer was desig- 
 nated to the Emperor as the bravest and the best. 
 The colonel whilst agreeing that he possessed all the 
 qualities necessary to make a good officer added that 
 in rendering him this justice, he regretted that on 
 account of a serious drawback he was unable to 
 recommend him for promotion. "What is it?" asked 
 Napoleon quickly. — "Sire, he can neither read nor 
 write." "I appoint him officer, colonel, you will have 
 him admitted as such." 
 
 During these reviews Napoleon used to inform him- 
 self of the w^ants of the soldiers, of the state of their 
 accoutrements and equipments, of the quality of the 
 rations and finally of the way in which the military 
 regulations were carried out. Each soldier was autho- 
 rized to leave the ranks and to address himself directly 
 to the Emperor, presenting arms, to submit a demand
 
 2 34 :méxeval's m e:\ioirs of napoleon i, 
 
 or to make a complaint. No request was ever neg- 
 lected but was immediately answered. If the petitioner 
 was worthy of interest his request was usually granted, 
 unless it was of a nature to render an inquiry necessary. 
 There is perhaps no example that indiscreet or un- 
 founded complaints were ever addressed to the Emperor 
 in this way. 
 
 In the course of one of the reviews which he held 
 at Vienna Napoleon heard that certain regiments had 
 received defective articles of clothing or of equipment» 
 and that embezzlement had taken place in the supply 
 of provisions and fodder. As information had been 
 laid with him on this subject, he ordered that an 
 inquiry should be held. The report having established 
 that these complaints were well-founded Napoleon sent 
 the papers to a court-martial before whom the culprits 
 were brought for trial. They were condemned to death. 
 The Emperor rejected all pleas for pardon, for he 
 wished to make an example. This act of severity 
 acted as a warning to other delinquents. 
 
 I remember in this connection that one day the 
 Emperor entered his work-room in an excited state : 
 "Just imagine," he said to me, "that I have just put 
 my hand upon a man who robbed the army in Italy 
 in a disgraceful manner. He had protectors under the 
 Directoire, who assured him of impunity. Thanks to 
 God I have found him again, and I mean to make a 
 severe example of him." The said F had been a con- 
 tractor for provisions during the first campaig-ns in 
 Italy at the time when General Bonaparte was com- 
 manding the army. His conduct had given rise to the 
 most serious complaints and he had been denounced 
 to the Directoire as guilty of malversations and
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 235 
 
 infidelities in the supply of provisions. This contractor 
 had escaped all prosecution, and since that time Napoleon 
 had heard nothing more about him. I do not know 
 in what way he was put on the scent of his re-appear- 
 ance. He dictated me an order for his examination and 
 confinement. But be it that this individual found the 
 means of evading the vigilance of the authorities, or 
 that Napoleon recoiled before the scandal of a trial in 
 which people whom he did not want to ruin might 
 
 be compromised, F once more escaped all punishment. 
 
 My object is to show that Napoleon really objected 
 to causing capital sentences, and that his personal 
 inclinations prompted him to clemency, a virtue which 
 in his case often resembled arbitrariness. 
 
 An event of the highest importance which occurred 
 during the Austrian campaign was the forcible removal 
 of the Pope from Rome. Apart from the questions 
 which concerned the discipline of the Church, other 
 discussions, which were to be brought to exploding 
 point by the clash of temporal and political interests, 
 had placed fresh stormclouds between the Emperor and 
 the Pope. Since the Holy Father's return to Rome the 
 enemies of France had worked upon Pius' vexation at 
 not having brought back with him from France certain 
 concessions to which he considered his condescension 
 had entitled him. However it might be, Rome had 
 become a hotbed of intrigues against the Empire. The 
 influence of our enemies, and notably of England, 
 predominated there. Summoned by Napoleon to close 
 his ports upon the English vessels which were cruising 
 in the Adriatic, the Pope had replied with a formal 
 efusal, alleging that as the common father of all the
 
 236 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 faithful he could not and should not enter into any 
 league against any one of his children. This answer 
 gave rise to interminable correspondence, which first of 
 all tended towards a reconciliation, then became menacing 
 on the Emperor's part, whilst on the part of the Pope it 
 remained obstinate, invariably negative, and bearing 
 the imprint of the ideas of the Gregories and Bonifaces, 
 written in a language which was not that of the cen- 
 tury. This language irritated the Emperor's patience, 
 who saw each of his requests rejected by the Pope 
 from whom he was able to obtain nothing. The dis- 
 content of the Roman Court against Napoleon blinded 
 this government to the inequality of the struggle and 
 increased in proportion to the impotent resistance which 
 it opposed to this redoubtable adversary. One might 
 Tiave said that the Court of Rome wished to carry 
 matters to extremes and to defy the Emperor. Napoleon 
 then gave orders that Rome should be occupied, without 
 any interference in the affairs of the pontifical govern- 
 ment and with the greatest consideration for the Holy 
 Father and his Court. This violent measure provoked 
 the irritation of the Pope's counsellors to its extreme 
 limits. The Papal Nuncio, immediately recalled to 
 Rome from Paris, received orders to leave without 
 taking congé. Rome raised its temporal and spiritual 
 arms against France. The French General, in command 
 in Rome, received orders in his turn to seize upon 
 the government without interfering with the Pope in 
 spiritual matters and to take measures for preserving 
 the tranquillity of the country. The state of hostility 
 became bitter. The Pope, having issued the bull of 
 excommunication which he held in reserve, shut himself 
 up in his palace, round which barricades protected
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I, 237 
 
 by armed men were placed. The agitation amongst 
 the Roman population increased when lying reports 
 had spread the rumour of the critical position in 
 which, as it was said, the French army, found itself 
 placed in consequence of the battle of Essling. The 
 open opposition of the partisans of the Holy See became 
 dangerous for the French occupation of Rome. A 
 collision was to be feared which might place the person 
 of Pius VIL in danger. The Pontiff, obstinately 
 persisting in his voluntary captivity, deaf to the demands 
 of the Governor-General, remained unable to calm the 
 effervescence of the public mind. This functionary 
 accordingly took it upon himself to remove the Pope 
 from Rome, and in the night of July 6th — 7th the 
 Pope was kidnapped in his palace. "Whilst this 
 extreme measure was being carried into effect the 
 Emperor was on the plains of Wagram. The ever- 
 increasing obstinacy of the Pope in refusing what 
 the Emperor asked of him, must have made Napoleon 
 foresee that circumstances might arise which would 
 make such an act of violence necessary. Napoleon, 
 however, denied ever having given any order for kid- 
 napping the Pope. Fie would have wished the Pope 
 not to leave Italy so brusquely. But the Grand-duchess 
 of Tuscany and the Governor-General of Piedmont, 
 who had received no instructions in this matter refused 
 to receive the Holy Father either at Florence or Turin. 
 The Emperor did not wish to disavow the governor 
 of Rome and could not and did not wish to send the 
 Pope back to his capital. He accordingly gave orders 
 that the Pope should be conducted to vSavona, since 
 he had passed Florence and Turin when this order 
 reached its destination. The Pope, who was lodged
 
 238 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 in Savona in the bishop's palace, was treated with 
 the necessary respect and dignity.* 
 
 A general distribution of promotions and rewards 
 took place after the battle of Wagram, on the Emperor's 
 feast-day, which was celebrated at Vienna in all 
 the army corps. The three principalities of Wagram, 
 Essling, and Eckmuehl were created in favour of JNIar- 
 shals Berthier, Masséna, and Davout. The dignity of 
 ]\Iarshal, as we have related was, moreover conferred 
 on Generals Macdonald, Oudinot, and ]\Iarmont and the 
 duchies of Gaete, Cadore, Otranto, ]\Iassa, Bassano 
 and Feltra were given to Ministers Gaudin, Cham- 
 pagny, Fouché, Régnier, Maret, and Clarke. 
 
 At the same time the Emperor issued a decree 
 creating an Order of the Three Golden Fleeces. Napo- 
 leon, whilst increasing his means for rewarding his 
 brave soldiers, wished to eclipse the rival orders of 
 the Golden Fleece which existed simultaneously in 
 Spain and Austria and to resuscitate the order as it 
 had originally been founded by Philip the Good, Duke 
 of Burgundy. He hoped by means of this competition 
 with the Spanish and Austrian orders to annihilate the 
 latter in course of time. All French subjects would 
 be forbidden to accept the orders of these two powers. 
 The reunion of the conditions necessary for admission 
 into the order of the Three Fleeces would have given 
 the French order pre-eminence over the order of the 
 Legion of Honour. In spite of the publication of the 
 
 * Cf. the very interesting wori<, entitled "Le Pope Pie VI 1. n Savoric" 
 by H. Chotard (Paris, Plon, Nourrit, & Cif^-), written from unjoubiishcd 
 drafts and letters from General Berthier to Prince Borghese, and from 
 the un]iub!ishcd memoirs of Herr von Lebzeltern, councillor of the 
 Austrian Legation. — R. H. s. •
 
 MÉNEVAL'S ISIEAIOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 239 
 
 decree of institution concerning this creation, nobody- 
 was appointed to the new order. Whatever may have 
 been Napoleon's reasons for abandoning his first idea 
 on this subject, the fact remains that he never spoke 
 of it again. Another decree ordered the erection of 
 an obeHsk in Cherburg granite on the tcrre-plciii of 
 the Pont-Neuf, in Paris, bearing the inscription: 
 "Napoleon to the French People." The principal 
 feats of arms of the two campaigns of Jena and Poland 
 were to be represented in bas-reliefs on the pedestal. 
 The Emperor made a mistake one day which might 
 have had consequences untimely rather than dangerous. 
 It was at Schonbrunn, if I remember rightly, after 
 the signing of the peace with Austria, Napoleon had 
 written to the Emperor of Russia and to the Emperor 
 of Austria at the same time. He wanted, as a pastime, 
 to place the letters in their envelopes, which were 
 ready addressed for the purpose, with his own hands. 
 After having sealed up one he carried it to the Austrian 
 general who was waiting for the letter addressed to 
 his sovereign. Before sealing up the other I took the 
 precaution of looking at the envelope and noticed that 
 it was addressed to the Emperor of Austria, the letter 
 addressed to this prince had been placed in the enve- 
 lope to the Emperor of Russia. A messenger was 
 immediately sent off at full speed after the Austrian 
 officer, who was carrying off the letter intended for 
 the Czar. This quid pro quo, might, had it been 
 repeated, have occurred under circumstances which 
 might have had evil consequences. The Emperor 
 saw this and became so circumspect that whenever 
 he was tempted to close up some letter on which 
 he meant to put his beautiful seals with his own hands,
 
 240 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 he used to throw it away saying that he had been 
 near placing me under some heavy responsibiUty. 
 
 One day at Schonbrunn, a lady in mourning, 
 accompanied by two young children came to ask for 
 a pardon which the Emperor was forced to refuse. 
 This is what had caused this person's visit. A Mrs. 
 Dombray or Combray — of Caen — had associated herself 
 with certain people of good family, who were committing 
 acts of brigandage of which the whole country complained, 
 but who had the pretension of continuing the Vendée 
 by robbing travellers and stage-coaches. This lady 
 shared the spoils which were carried to the country- 
 house which she lived in on the side of the road, with 
 the thieves. Napoleon had given the strictest orders 
 for the repression of these criminal attempts against 
 public safety which were filling the department with 
 consternation. Madame de Combray, arrested, had been 
 found guilty and was condemned. A respite was 
 granted her because the idea had been suggested to 
 her to declare herself enceinte. In spite of the fact 
 that this plea was known to be false, this lady took 
 advantage of the respite to have her pardon prayed 
 for. The Emperor, taken by surprise, having received 
 no report on the appeal for mercy, nor any document 
 which might help him to form an opinion, complained 
 bitterly that the Minister of Police should grant passports 
 which enabled people to come and take him by surprise 
 at four hundred leagues from Paris leaving to him all 
 the odium of refusing a pardon which he was not in 
 a position to grant. An example moreover was neces- 
 sary. He expressed to the relation of the sentenced 
 woman, all his regret that she should have had to 
 undertake so hard a journey in vain. He told her
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 241 
 
 that his iMinister had supphcd him with no information, 
 adding that the nature of the crime in question did not, 
 unfortunately, put it in his power to use his right of 
 pardon. He concluded with a few words which showed 
 the compulsion he was putting upon himself, and gave 
 (orders that his petitioner should be well treated. I 
 quote this anecdote because people have tried to use 
 it as a pretext for accusing Napoleon of inhumanity. 
 The reader must decide on the point himself. 
 
 During Napoleon's stay in Vienna, the inhabitants 
 were the victims of a famine Avhich was caused by the 
 action of the Austrian authorities in forbidding any 
 provisions to be sent into the town, because the French 
 soldiers would have made use of them. A deputation, 
 which the Emperor had authorized to visit the Emperor 
 of Austria to obtain the recall of this order, had returned 
 without obtaining any immediate satisfaction. Napoleon, 
 touched by the distress of the Viennese, paid a visit 
 to the suburbs and, together with the Intendant General 
 of the army, took measures for diminishing the sufferings 
 of the inhabitants. The winter coming on, he authorized 
 the poor of Vienna to help themselves to wood in the 
 imperial forests. We saw files of people passing 
 loaded with stacks of wood which they had cut in 
 these forests, for several days. Napoleon tried to preserve 
 people, as far as lay in his power, from the evils of war. 
 
 In 1809, the Emperor had again fallen in with at 
 Vienna, the celebrated singer Crescentini, who had 
 been the delight of the Italian theatres. He remem- 
 bered with pleasure, that formerly at Milan Crescentini 
 had sung cantatas intended to glorify the triumphs of 
 the French army. Although this clever singer was no 
 longer a young man. Napoleon attached him to the 
 
 vol. il 16
 
 242 ]\IÉXEVALS MEMOIPvS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 imperial orchestra and sent him to Paris with a 
 salary of thirty thousand francs. From this time on, 
 Crescentini g-ave up singing on the stage. When age 
 and infirmities had weakened his voice, the Emperor 
 appointed him professor to the Bologna conservatory, 
 where he was ordered to write a book on the laws of 
 his art. At the same time Napoleon created him a 
 knight of the Order of the Iron Crown. It was not 
 only with a view of rewarding his musical merit that 
 the Emperor accorded him this distinction to which 
 his title of professor gave him a claim. In decorating 
 Crescentini, Napoleon had another purpose and was 
 trying an experiment, for he wished to decorate Talma 
 with the Legion of Honour. A foreign distinction 
 awarded to a professor of singing in Italy, the classical 
 home of music, a favour justified by superior merit, 
 was likely to excite less opposition there than in France. 
 At the same time this nomination was generally criti- 
 cized in Italy and the Emperor was forced to admit 
 that great as was his power, it had its limits. Napoleon 
 saw himself forced to draw back before this manifestation 
 of public opinion, but he regretted that this scruple, 
 praiseworthy in its principle, prevented him from honour- 
 ing a great artist like Talma, who was endowed with 
 unrivalled talents and whom he held in high esteem. 
 Corvisart, first doctor to the Emperor, came to Paris 
 during the 1809 campaign. His presence at head- 
 quarters gave rise to the belief that Napoleon was 
 dangerously ill, a circumstance which specially attracted 
 the attention of the English Government. Corvisart's 
 journey had not been caused alone by a slight indis- 
 position on the Emperor's part, caused by the fatigues 
 of the campaign, but which neither prevented him from
 
 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 243 
 
 riding on horseback nor from holding reviews. The 
 doctor, impelled by curiosity and the interests of science 
 had asked permission on his side to come to Vienna. 
 He wished to visit the medical establishments of this 
 cajDital and to make the acquaintance of the celebrated 
 Doctor Franck who was first doctor to the Emperor of 
 Austria. Numerous cases of dysentery having declared 
 themselves in the army which it was feared might 
 degenerate into an epidemic, Corvisart's advice became 
 very desirable. I remember that the Emperor jested 
 the doctor on a danger to which the latter had exposed 
 himself whilst visiting the battle-field of Wagram, 
 where, it is said, he approached a shell which, thoughi 
 the battle had taken place several days before, had 
 not yet been extinguished. 
 
 Immediately after signing peace Napoleon left Schon- 
 brunn to return to France. Before leaving he gave 
 orders that the fortifications of Vienna should be destroyed. 
 He remembered how he had been twice stopped before 
 the walls of this capital and, pre-occupied with the 
 idea that he might have to come there a third time, 
 thought of the serious embarrassment which an energetic 
 defence of the city might cause him. Such threatening 
 leave-taking struck dismay into the hearts of the Viennese, 
 who considered themselves humiliated by a precaution, 
 which, ordered after peace had been signed, appeared 
 to them to be dictated by a spirit of revenge and rancour. 
 
 Napoleon went to await the Emperor of Austria's 
 ratification of the peace at Nymphenburg, where he 
 spent two days, and took leave of the King of Bavaria 
 after having received this ratification. He stopped one 
 day at Stuttgart, passed through Strasburg without
 
 244 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 stopping and spent some hours at Jeand'heures, near 
 Bar, under ^Marshal Oudinot's roof. On October 29th 
 the Emperor arrived at Fontainebleau at nine in the 
 morning, without having been announced. Empress 
 Josephine, not having been told in time, was not there 
 to receive him. Napoleon made this a pretext for showing 
 some bad temper. He seemed to wish to prelude the 
 painful declaration which it was in his mind to make 
 by some subject for discontent. As a matter of fact 
 his mind was fully made up on his divorce from 
 Josephine. He prepared himself exclusively for it 
 whilst at Fontainebleau where for three weeks he held 
 a large and brilliant court. 
 
 On his return to Paris, on November i6th, Napoleon 
 heard that the ex-Queen of Etruria, who had retired 
 to Nice, with her son, a young child, on the pretext 
 of ill-health, was giving herself up to intrigues of all 
 kinds. She used to write to the English Prince Regent 
 to offer to employ her influence with the Spanish pri- 
 soners in cantonment in the depots in the South of 
 France. She wrote to this prince of the embarrass- 
 ment which her presence in Spain would cause to the 
 PYench. The ex-Queen was mistaking matters. There 
 was danger for her alone. The Emperor, not wishing 
 to leave an element of disturbance which might add 
 fresh complications to the state of affairs in Spain, in 
 the hands of the English, gave orders that she should 
 be conducted to Rome. She was placed in a convent 
 of which a Princess of Parma, her relation, was the abbess. 
 Napoleon informed King Charles IV., at that time in resi- 
 dence at Marseilles, of what had happened, and pointed out 
 to him what steps had been, as a measure of prudence, ren- 
 dered necessary by his daughter's ill-considered conduct.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 245 
 
 Before approaching the great event of the Emperor's 
 marriage and divorce, it may be well to pass in rapid 
 survey the state of our affairs in the Spanish peninsula. 
 Austria's declaration of war, in forcing Napoleon to 
 leave Spain, had served the coalition better than the 
 untimely rising of the Spaniards. Napoleon's absence 
 was sadly felt in the Peninsula, where our military 
 operations were characterized by a want of ensemble 
 and harmony. Brilliant successes had been achieved 
 but had not been followed by any decisive results. A 
 want of unity in the command and the dissensions of 
 the ]\Iarshals amongst themselves prevented the fruits 
 of these victories from being gathered in. To remedy 
 this bad state of affairs, Napoleon replaced IMarshal 
 Jourdan in the functions of major general to King 
 Joseph, by Marshal Soult, who was younger and had 
 more experience in making war in the Emperor's own 
 fashion. As to Portugal, she had been abandoned. 
 Military operations were being carried on with more 
 success on the East. General Suchet, appointed com- 
 mander to the army of Aragon, had restored discipline, 
 abundance, and victory. The taking of the fortified 
 places of Aragon and Catalonia and the occupation 
 of Valcntia won this general the bâton of ]\Iarshal and 
 the title of Duke of Albuféra. 
 
 It is sad to have to add that Ferdinand, on hearing 
 of the victories which had been gained ever his country- 
 men, who formerly had been his subjects, addressed 
 to the Emperor, in his and his brother's names, the 
 most obsequious congratulations, couched in the most 
 humble expressions and protested his sincere respect 
 for and blind submission to the imperial will.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Thoughts of Divorce — Arg^iments in favour of a New Marriage — Fouché's 
 Strange Behaviour — Secret Interview with Emperor Alexander — Three 
 Marriages Under Consideration — Empress Josephine's Anxiety — The Ice 
 is Broken-^Napoleon's Generous Feelings for Josephine — Portrait of this 
 Princess — Noble Conduct of Her Children — Reasons for Annulling Napoleon I.'s 
 Marriage — Senatus Consultum Annuls the Civil Marriage and the Officiality 
 of Paris Breaks the Religious Ties — Farewell Scenes — The Emperor at 
 Trianon — His Visit to La Malmaison — His Return to Paris — Prolonged 
 Hesitation of Russia — The Austrian Ambassador is Approached on the 
 Matter Indirectly — Austria's Proposals Accepted— Choice of the Arch- 
 Duchess Marie Louise — Signing the Deed of Betrothal — The Emperor Francis' 
 Four Wives — Education of the Austrian Princesses — Marie Louise's First 
 Feelings on the Subject of the Marriage — Her Brothers' and Sisters' Hatred 
 for the Name of Napoleon— Three Months' Stay in Paris — His Occupations 
 and Amusements — The Allied Sovereigns Summoned to Paris — King Louis 
 of Holland Hesitates about Going — Establishment of the State Prisons — La- 
 Salha — Rome United to the Empire — Amenities of the English Press — 
 Napoleon's Respect for Etiquette — His Autograph Letter to the Emperor of 
 Austria — Visit of the King and Queen of Bavaria to the Tuileries — 
 Arrangements Made by the Emperor for His Marriage — Prince Wagram 
 Sent to Vienna — His Reception — Civil and Religious Marriage — Banquet — 
 Unusual Respect with which the Ambassador is Treated — Napoleon's Care for 
 the Dignity of France — Departure of the New Empress from Vienna — Regrets 
 of the Viennese — Popular Emotion — Emperor Napoleon's Complaints — Measures 
 Taken Against the French who had become Austrians — The Marriage Does Not 
 Re-establish Harmony Between the Two States — The Austrian Oligarchy — 
 Backward Glances at the War which Preceded the Marriage— Secret Policy 
 of the Vienna Cabinet — Projects of Coalition — Napoleon's Confidence in His 
 Powers — Pozzo-di-Borgo — Particulars About Him — Protection Accorded to 
 Him by the Marquis of W^ellesley — The Empress' Arrival at Strasburg — 
 The Emperor Awaits Her at Compiègne — Exchange of Letters between the 
 Two Spouses — Preparation for the Reception of the Empress at Soissons — 
 The Ceremonial Decided Upon is Not Carried Out— Arrival at Compiègne — 
 Portrait of ^larie Louise — Departure for St. Cloud — The Emperor's Decision 
 Upon the Crown to be Used at the Coronation — Civil Marriage at St. Cloud — 
 Public Rejoicing — Solemn Entry into Paris — Rehgious Marriage — The 
 Absence of certain Cardinals from the Ceremony is Noticed — The Magni- 
 ficence of the Fetes — Presents from the City of Paris — Marie Louise's dowry 
 is Paid into the Public Treasury — Return to Compiègne — Particulars About 
 the Empress' Household— The Lady Ushers in Waiting and the Mistress of 
 the Wardrobe— The Empress' Privy Purse— Enthusiasm with which the 
 Poets Celebrate the Marriage — Fetes Given at Valançay by the French 
 Princes — Baron de Collay at the Castle of Valançay — Importance of the 
 State of Affairs in Spain — Project of a Journey to lielgium — Reasons for 
 this Journey — Napoleon Complains about the Dutch — Unsuccessful Diplo- 
 matic Negotiations- Discussion Between the Emperor and the King of 
 Holland — The Occupation of Berg-op-Zoom and of Breda — Cession ot the 
 Dutch Frontier — The Emperor's Letter to King Louis- -Departure from 
 Compiègne— Visit to the St. Quentin Canal— Stay at Antwerp— Enthusi- 
 
 246
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 247 
 
 astic Reception of the Empress — Excursion to the Islands of Zealand— Stay 
 at the Châtoau of Lacckrn — Return to St. Cloud by way of the Northern 
 towns, the Sea-coast, and Rouen — Pleasure Taken by the Emperor in this 
 Journey — He is Accompanied by a part ot His Family — The Grand 
 Duke of Wurtzburg and the Austrian Ministers — Fêtes given in Paris — 
 Prince Schwarzenberg's Ball — Empress Josephine at La Malmaison and at 
 the Aix Waters in Savoy — Lucien Asks to be Allowed to Relire to 
 America — Canova Once Alore in Paris^ — He is Ordered to Make the 
 Emperor's Statue — The Emperor's Liberality towards the Academies of Rome 
 and Florence — Disappearance of Mr. Bathurst — Kindness Shown by the 
 Emperor to His Widow, and to certain British Subjects — Refusal of Prince 
 do Bénùvent's Offers of Service — Return of King Louis and the Queen to 
 Holland — Anecdote — Abdication and Flight of King Louis — He Returns to 
 Toeplitz — Bitter Complaints of the Emperor on this Occasion— M. Dccazes' 
 Alission — Instructions Given to M. Otto — Holland United to the Empire — 
 The Hereditary Prince Recalled to France — Words Addressed to Him by 
 the Emperor — The Arcli -treasurer Appointed Governor General of Holland — 
 King Louis Retires to Gratz. 
 
 SINCE 1792 Europe had been making war on France 
 — a war of extermination— and France had come forth 
 victorious. The bitterness of her enemies, far from 
 crushing her, had rendered her great and powerful. 
 The Emperor thought that a marriage with a foreign 
 Princess would calm the anxiety of the powers; which 
 would then no longer have reason to fear revolutionary 
 propaganda; that this tie would enforce the acknow- 
 ledgment of his glory; would diminish the dangers of 
 the retrocessions which France would be obliged to 
 make when universal peace was established, and in 
 one word, would become the means of a lasting peace. 
 He foresaw also that the want of a natural heir would 
 after his death hand the empire over to rival ministers, 
 as had formerly happened to the Empire left by Alex- 
 ander the Great. Nevertheless, Napoleon hesitated 
 for a long time before breaking the union which was 
 endeared to him by long standing and true attachment. 
 Politics, the future peace of the world, imperiously 
 commanded the accomplishment of his design. His 
 age forbade him from longer hesitation. Some have 
 said that he was prompted by the vain desire to mix
 
 248 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 his blood with that of the royal houses ; but it may 
 be asked what reasons he had to envy them, either in 
 greatness or in genius, or in power. * If vanity there 
 was in his action, if in this matter Napoleon showed 
 himself open to human weaknesses, it had very little 
 voice in determining his resolution. The assiduity with 
 which the ruling families in Europe sought after an 
 alliance with him by marriage did not raise the merit 
 and value of such an alliance in his eyes, though it 
 was a further guarantee of the advantages which he 
 looked for from it. 
 
 Some time previously Fouché had taken the oppor- 
 tunity, without being authorized to do so, y to approach 
 Empress Josephine on the necessity of a divorce, 
 and to spread the report that a divorce was imminent. 
 Napoleon had severely reprimanded him, not only be- 
 cause he had come to no definite decision on the 
 
 * However this may be it is an established fact that already in 1807, 
 Napoleon had made up his mind to marry a princess of one of the 
 royal famihes of Europe. A list of marriageable princesses with their 
 ages, was drawn up by his orders and may still be seen at the National 
 Archives in Paris. This list begins with Marie-Louise of Austria (aged 16) 
 and ends with Louise-Charlotte of Denmark (aged 18 years, 9 months). 
 It includes Marie- Amélie, niece of the King of Saxony (aged 13 years, 
 8 months) and Anna-Paulowna, sister of Emperor Alexander of Russia 
 (aged 1 2 years, 1 1 months), besides princesses of Bavaria, Spain, Hesse- 
 Rothenburg, Portugal, etc., eighteen young ladies in all. See also the 
 Métnoircs de Lucien Bonaparte, (Vol. Ill, pp. 82 et seq.) which proves 
 how long ago Napoleon had determined to rid himself of Josephine. — 
 R. H. S. 
 
 \ This statement as well as that contained in De Méneval's note 
 which follows are erroneous. There can be no doubt that Fouché ivas com- 
 missioned by Napoleon to approach Josephine on the matter. Napoleon's 
 indignation was feigned as was also the reprimand referred to. As 
 Metternich wrote to Count Stadion in describing this incident as well as 
 a second interview between Josephine and the Minister of Police: "No. 
 Minister here dares to do anything which he has not been ordered to 
 do by the Emperor. Not one of them would run the risk of ofTending 
 a second time in this respect. It is therefore clear that Napoleon does 
 not wisli to appear to have given orders." — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 249 
 
 subject himself, but because he was anxious to spare 
 the unhappy Princess premature grief, and did not wish 
 to leave her under the continual menace of a separation 
 which was painful for both, * 
 
 When, on his return from Fontainebleau, at the end 
 of i8og, Napoleon had made up his mind to open 
 this serious question, he allowed the Empress to 
 suspect the separation which he was planning, only 
 a few weeks before the time when this very pain- 
 ful sacrifice had to be accomplished, not in an 
 outspoken manner, but rather by dropping hints which 
 gave her cause for reflection. This man, whom many 
 people have long considered as pitiless, dreaded the 
 sight of tears and of affliction, against which as a matter 
 of fact he was always defenceless, I have often seen 
 him — after certain scenes of jealousy caused by Jose- 
 phine's suspicious afl'ection — so troubled that he would 
 remain for hours in his workroom given up to silent 
 emotion, and unable to resume his work. Napoleon 
 had retained from his early education, family feelings. 
 
 * Since the end of the j-ear 1 807 Fouché had tried to sound public 
 opinion on the eventuality of a divorce, and put forward the idea 
 of a marriage between Napoleon and Grand-Duchess Catherine of 
 Russia. He knew of the Emperor's repugnance at the thought of 
 separation from a loving and devoted wife ; but was anxious to get the 
 merit of forcing his hand, and spoke to various people of the divorce as 
 a thing decided upon, and in the end presented himself to Josephine 
 as the official agent in the matter. The Empress, dumbfounded at 
 this overture, believing Fouché to have been sent by the Emperor, 
 answered with sorrowful resignation, that no sacrifice would be too great 
 in her eyes to obey her husband. Napoleon, who knew nothing about 
 these proceedings, one day found Josephine in tears, and obtained from 
 her the confession of what Fouché had said. Indignant at such audacity, 
 he sent for the minister, and treated him as he deserved to be treated. 
 He would then and there have dismissed him from the ministry if he 
 had had anybody else ready to take his place. Fouché got Murat and 
 the Emperor's brothers to calm his resentment.
 
 250 MÉXEVAL'S MEM(3IRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 and simple ways of life, which in his case were united 
 with the highest political capacities. 
 
 Since the interview of Erfurth, time had matured 
 Napoleon's project of a divorce. The cordiality which 
 seemed to reign between the Czar and himself famili- 
 arized him with the idea that a family alliance would 
 strei gthen between them the intimacy which held out 
 the prospect of great advantages. M. de Talleyrand 
 asserts that he was commissioned by Napoleon to sound 
 the Emperor Alexander on the subject. However this 
 may be it is certain that in the course of one of the 
 familiar conversations between the two Emperors at 
 Erfurth, Alexander offered Napoleon the hand of the 
 Grand-duchess Anna. Napoleon bound himself by 
 no engagement, but he had felt pleased and flattered 
 by this offer, which remained a secret between the 
 two sovereigns. 
 
 When, towards the end of 1809, on his return from 
 the Wagram campaign, Napoleon made public his deci- 
 sion to seek foi children in a new matrimonial alliance, 
 since he could expect no posterity from his marriage 
 with Josephine, his first thoughts were for an alliance 
 with the princess of the Russian Imperial House. 
 Whilst commissioning his representative in St. Peters- 
 burg to approach Emperor Alexander in a confi- 
 dential manner in this matter, two other princesses — 
 one, the only daughter of the King of Saxony, the 
 other, the eldest daughter of the Emperor of Austria — 
 were in his mind. Although his desire to have children 
 as soon as possible threw weight into the scale on 
 the side of the Princess Augusta; or Arch-duchess 
 ]\Iarie Louise, who suited him bettor, on account of 
 her age. Napoleon still hesitated. The agreement of
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 251 
 
 his political views, with his personal inclination for 
 Emperor Alexander, and the remembrance of the 
 offer made by this Prince at Erfurth, decided him to 
 take up again the proposal, to which he had given 
 no definite answer, and to prefer a marriage with a 
 Russian Princess. It was about a week after the 
 minister of Foreign Affairs had written in a confi- 
 dential manner to the Duke of Vicence, our minister 
 at St. Petersburg, charging him to open the subject 
 of the marriage in a categorical manner to Emperor 
 Alexander, when Napoleon made up his mind to break 
 his silence towards Empress Josephine. The minis- 
 ter's letter had been ciphered by himself, and was to 
 be deciphered by the Duke de Vicence alone. vSince 
 the insinuations made two years before by Fouché 
 to the Empress, and although this mischievous marplot 
 had been publicly disavowed, Josephine could not 
 help seeing that, sooner or later, she would have to 
 pay for the misfortune of not having given an heir 
 to Napoleon with the loss of her rank. It was the 
 general topic of her conversation, either with me, 
 from whom she hoped to gather some information, 
 or with those with whom she could speak in confi- 
 dence. But after the Emperor's arrival at Fontaine- 
 bleau — where, as we have read, he returned after the 
 Wagram campaign — new signs confirmed her suspicions, 
 and made her foresee that the storm might break at 
 any moment. An unaccustomed coldness, the closing 
 of the doors which communicated between their two 
 apartments, the shortness of the rare moments which 
 the Emperor devoted to his wife, certain passing 
 outbursts provoked by the most trifling causes, which 
 troubled this family, usually so peaceful, the arrival
 
 252 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 in turn of the allied sovereigns whose presence she 
 was not able to understand, inspired the Empress Jose- 
 phine with the keenest anxiety. So cruelly was she 
 troubled that she was constantly applying to me. I 
 could only answer her in an evasive way, my part 
 became an embarrassing one, and in order to escape from 
 the unhappy Princess's questions, I was obliged to 
 avoid her. But my perseverance in escaping from 
 what I may call her importunities appeared to her more 
 significant than Avords, and her anxiety reached its 
 highest pitch. When by hazard she was able to 
 keep the Emperor with her for a moment she did not 
 dare to touch on this question for fear that the 
 fatal sentence should fall from his lips. Such a state of 
 things could not be greatly prolonged. Its result had 
 been to strain the relations between the two spouses to 
 a point which was downright torture for both. The 
 Emperor was at last unable to bear it any longer, 
 and one evening, after the most silent and sorrowful 
 of meals, he broke the ice. It may be imagined what 
 was the grief and despair of the Empress Josephine 
 at the moment when her last hope was taken away. 
 Napoleon freed from an insupportable load was deeply 
 touched by the grief which he was causing, and from 
 that moment never ceased to surround her with every 
 care, and to lavish upon her words of comfort, which 
 Josephine in her despair at first listened to with indif- 
 ference, but which touched her in the end. Napoleon 
 sent for her children Hortcnse and Eugene, and com- 
 mitted their mother to their care, assuring them of 
 the continuance of his paternal affection and protection. 
 After having calmed the first transports of her grief, 
 Josephine bore her sacrifice with a force of character
 
 jniéxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 253 
 
 of which one might not have thought her capable, and 
 resigned herself to this misfortune for which there was 
 no remedy. P>om that day she was seen no more 
 at court. She, how^ever, came out of her voluntary 
 retirement on two subsequent occasions, once to be 
 present in a pew at Xotre Dame at the Te Dcitvi 
 which was sung for the Peace of Vienna, and once to 
 accompany the Emperor to the Mansion House to the 
 fête which the City of Paris gave on that occasion. 
 With the exception of these two circumstances she 
 spent, hiding in her apartment, the fortnight which 
 passed between the moment when this cruel revela- 
 tion was made to her, and the day when the divorce 
 was pronounced. However painful this fortnight must 
 have been for both, it seemed a terribly short time 
 to Josephine, who could not accustom herself to the 
 idea of the loss of her rank, and above all of being 
 separated from Napoleon, whom she dearly loved. 
 The Emperor soothed the last hours of their mar- 
 ried life by acts of the kindest consideration and 
 respect, caring for the future of the wife whom he 
 was leaving, advising her, and meeting her every 
 wish. 
 
 Josephine had an irresistible attraction. She was 
 not a woman of regular beauty (she had that grace 
 which is more beautiful than beauty's self, as our good 
 La Fontaine used to say) ; she had the soft abandon, 
 the supple and elegant movements, the graceful negli- 
 gence of Creole women. Her temper was always 
 even. Good, and kind, she was affable and indulgent 
 to everybody without exception of persons. She was 
 not a woman of a superior intellect, but her exquisite 
 politeness, her great familiarity with society and court
 
 254 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 life and their innocent artifices, always taught her at 
 a moment's notice what to say and do. 
 
 The Emperor had loved her much, and retained for 
 her a feeling of affection which had been strengthened 
 by custom and her own affectionate qualities. One would 
 have said that she was born for the part which her 
 elevation in rank at Napoleon's side forced her to play. 
 The partner of his fortune, she had admirably seconded 
 him with the ascendency of her grace, her g^entleness 
 and her goodness. She was the wife of his glory as 
 much as the wife of his person, for she had wedded his 
 glory as much as she had wedded his person. Although 
 she was a total stranger to politics and affairs of 
 government she had, as far as lay in her power, won 
 over to Napoleon the favour of the various political 
 parties. She was fond of luxury, and extravagant perhaps 
 more than her spirit of charity should have w^arranted; 
 for her extravagance often made it impossible for her 
 to satisfy her charitable tastes. I may add, however, 
 that on frequent occasions Napoleon very generously 
 made up to her the deficiencies caused by her habit 
 of spending money too readily. * There was a charm 
 and a delicacy about her way of obliging people, or 
 of thanking them for a service, which won all hearts. 
 In her misfortune she showed a resignation which 
 never failed her ; what rendered her sorrow almost too 
 heavy for her to bear was the inflexible necessity of having 
 to separate from the Emperor. He never neglected her. 
 
 * In the Mémorial de S^^ Hcléne Napoleon, comparing his two Em- 
 presses writes. "The first (Josephine) never asked her husband for 
 anything, but had debts on all sides; tlie second (Marie Louise) did 
 not hesitate to ask when she had no money left, which was a very rare 
 occurrence; she could not imagine buying anything without paying for 
 it at once." — R. h. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 255 
 
 Prince Eugene and Queen Hortcnse showed a 
 nobility of sentiment and a dignity under these circum- 
 stances which are greatly to their honour— their devotion 
 was admirable. They helped their mother to keep up 
 courage, and yet, whilst lavishing their tenderness 
 upon her, did not forget their duty to their adopted 
 father. Queen Hortcnse had been summoned to the 
 Tuileries, and arrived there at the moment Avhen the 
 Emperor was returning from having conducted, or 
 rather having helped to carry, Josephine to her rooms. 
 Accompanying her to the door of her mother's apart- 
 ment the Emperor said to her, " Go, daughter : keep 
 up courage." — "Oh, Sire! I have courage," she an- 
 swered, barely able to utter the words for her tears 
 and sobs. 
 
 Prince Eugene told me at Vienna that in the first 
 interview which he had with his mother in Napoleon's 
 presence after the divorce had been decided upon, 
 Empress Josephine had asked for the Crown of Italy 
 for her son, that he (Eugene) did not wish to receive 
 anything except from the Emperor's kindness, fearing 
 that this favour might be considered as the price of 
 his mother's divorce, and had begged her not to insist 
 on this request, that the Emperor, touched by his 
 reserve, had assured him that he did very well to trust 
 himself to his tenderness. 
 
 The marriage of Xapoleon with Empress Josephine had 
 been declared null by the Senatus Consultum, * and 
 
 * Dated Dec. i6th, 1809. This servile act was conceived as follows : 
 
 Article I. 
 
 "The marriage contracted between Emperor Napoleon and Empress 
 Josephine is dissolved.
 
 256 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 after some time the officiality of Paris severed the 
 reHgious ties. The deed of the civil marriage contained 
 clauses of nullity which would have been enough to 
 justify a divorce. As it was revolting to the 
 Emperor to make use of this means, he would not 
 allow these points to be put forward. The two wit- 
 nesses had been j\L Calmalet, the friend of the Beauhar- 
 nais family, and Captain Lemarrois, General Bonaparte's 
 aide-de-camp. The latter was not of age for, born in 
 1776, he was barely twenty years old in 1796, at the 
 time of the marriage. The age of the two spouses had 
 not been correctly stated. The whole proceedings had 
 been marked with the irregularity which was the 
 natural consequence of the time at which the marriage 
 took place. The birth certificates of neither had been 
 asked for, or at any rate had only been casually 
 examined. In the register General Bonaparte was 
 described as having been born on February 5th, 1768 ; 
 as a matter of fact he was really born on August 
 15th, 176g. This made some people suppose that Napo- 
 leon was born before Corsica was ceded to France. 
 Was the reason that this date was so given the 
 
 Article II. 
 
 "Empress Josephine will retain the titles and rank of a crowned 
 Empress. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 " " Her jointure is fixed at a yearly revenue of two million francs on 
 the State Treasury. 
 
 Article IV. 
 
 "All arrangements which may be made by the Emperor in favour 
 of Empress Josephine on the funds of the Civil List, must be observed 
 by his successors. 
 
 Article V. 
 
 "The present Senatus Consultum will be transmitted by a message 
 to II. r. and R. H."— K. H. S.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 257 
 
 carelessness of General Bonaparte's solicitor, or did the 
 General himself wish, by adding eighteen months to 
 his age, to make it more on a level with that of Ala- 
 dame de Beauharnais, who, on her side, reduced her 
 age for the same purpose ? None of Napoleon's bro- 
 thers was born on the 5th of February. 
 
 After the sorrowful and imposing ceremony, which 
 unloosened the bonds of a union, which, had Josephine 
 been fruitful, would have lasted as long as their lives, 
 she who till then had been Empress w^ent dow^n to 
 her apartment. The Emperor re-entered his study, 
 sad and silent, and let himself fall on the sofa where he 
 usually sat, in a state of complete depression. He 
 remained there some moments, his head leaning on 
 his hand, and when he rose his face was distorted. 
 Orders for the departure to Trianon had been given 
 in advance. AVhen it was announced that the carriages 
 were ready, Napoleon took his hat and said, " ]\Iéneval, 
 come with me!" I followed him up the little winding 
 staircase which communicated between his study and 
 the Empress's apartment. Josephine was alone, and 
 appeared wrapped in the most painful reflection. The 
 noise we made in entering attracted her attention, and 
 springing up she threw herself on the Emperor's neck 
 sobbing and crying. He pressed her to his bosom, 
 kissing her over and over again, but in the excess of 
 her emotion she had fainted. I ran to the bell and 
 summoned help. The Emperor, wishing to avoid the 
 sight of a grief which he was unable to assuage, placed 
 the Empress in my arms as soon as he saw she was 
 coming back to consciousness, ordered me not to 
 leave her, and withdrew rapidly by the drawing-rooms 
 of the ground floor, at the door of which his carriage was 
 
 vol. il 17
 
 258 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 waiting for him. After the Emperor's disappearance, 
 women who entered laid her on a couch and did what was 
 necessary for her recovery. In her confusion she took my 
 hands and earnestly prayed me to tell the Emperor not 
 to forget her, and to assure him of an affection which 
 would survive any and every event. She made me 
 promise to send her news of him on my arrival at 
 Trianon and to see that he wrote to her. It seemed 
 to be difficult for her to allow me to depart, as if my 
 departure would break the last tie by which she was 
 connected with Napoleon. I left her, grieved at so 
 deep a sorrow and so sincere an affection. I felt very 
 miserable all along my route, and I could not help 
 deploring that the rigorous exactions of politics should 
 violently break the bonds of an affection which had stood 
 the test of time, to impose another union full of 
 uncertainty. 
 
 On my arrival at Trianon I informed the Emperor 
 of what had happened after his departure, and gave him 
 the messages with which I had been entrusted. 
 Napoleon, who was still under the impression of the 
 scenes of the day, spoke at great length of Josephine's 
 good qualities, and of the sincerity of her affection 
 for him. He considered her as a devoted friend, and 
 always retained an affectionate remembrance of her. 
 The same evening he wrote her a letter to comfort 
 her in her solitude. Hearing from those who saw her 
 at La Malmaison that she frequently cried, he again 
 wrote to her, "*' complaining tenderly of her want of 
 
 * "Savary tells mc that you are still weeping. That is not right.. .. 
 I want to hear that you arc gay. Unless I hear that you are cheerful 
 and contented, I shall come and give you a good scolding." The 
 preceding quotation is an extract from the letter referred to. — R. ii. s.
 
 meneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 259 
 
 courage, and telling her how much he suffered by the 
 separation. It was at Trianon that began the official 
 negotiations of Napoleon's marriage, which of course 
 could not be commenced without it being certain that 
 Napoleon's offer would be accepted. The marriage 
 with the House of Saxony, which presented no diffi- 
 culties, was dropped after careful examination, and in 
 consideration of the dependent position of this State, 
 which could be of no use, and would be rather an 
 embarrassment in case of war. There remained then 
 the Russian marriage, and the Arch-duchess of Austria. 
 The latter was reserved in Napoleon's secret thoughts. 
 The Emperor spent a week at Trianon in unusual 
 idleness, trying to amuse himself with shooting and 
 hunting. He went to visit at La Malmaison the lady 
 who a few days before had been his wife. On the eve 
 of his return to Paris he wished to receive her at 
 dinner at Trianon with her daughter the Queen Hor- 
 tense, and having noticed that this palace was not 
 sufficiently protected against the cold authorized 
 Empress Josephine to go to the Elysée, there to wait 
 the conclusion of the necessary arrangements for her 
 definite establishment there. Josephine was obliged 
 shortly afterwards to leave for the Château de Navarre 
 in consequence of the imminent arrival of the new 
 Empress. 
 
 Recalled to Paris by public affairs, Napoleon was 
 surprised at the solitude of his palace, no longer 
 animated by Empress Josephine's presence. He felt 
 the want of the domestic life to which he was 
 accustomed, and this void was not always filled by 
 the cares of government which, by reason of his 
 growing activity and foresight, whicli overlooked nothing.
 
 26o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 were constantly multiplying. In the meanwhile the 
 answer from St. Petersburg was delayed, and Napoleon 
 began to suspect that this delay covered a hidden 
 refusal.* The pretexts given were the question of a 
 difference of creeds, and the necessity of consulting the 
 Dowager-Empress and of overcoming her objections. 
 
 In the course of January M. de Metternich had 
 dropped a hint in the course of a conversation with 
 General Narbonne, who having no instructions to answer 
 him on this point, had allowed the insinuation to pass 
 unnoticed. It became necessary to ascertain whether 
 the Court of Austria was disposed as in the past. 
 The first steps with this object in view were made to 
 the Austrian ambassador by MM. Delaborde and Sémon- 
 ville, in the course of a conversation in the drawing- 
 room with the Secretary of the Austrian ambassador, 
 whose name was Floret. These gentlemen spoke as 
 if on their own initiative, so that the Emperor, not being 
 in any way bound by what they said, should be at 
 perfect liberty, in case of need, to refuse any respon- 
 sibility for their statements. This suggestion which 
 was eagerly seized upon by M. Floret, seemed to 
 confirm what was already known of the friendly state 
 of mind of Austria. 
 
 On the other hand, and almost at the same time, 
 letters came from Russia which did not satisfy the 
 Emperor who was not in the least blind to the real 
 reason of the delays of the Russian Cabinet. Other 
 considerations which made Napoleon hesitate were 
 
 * ("aulainconrt had at first given the Czar t7co days in which to come 
 to a decision on the question of Na])oleon's marriage with the Grand- 
 ducliess Anna Paulowna. The matter being one of some importance, 
 Emperor Alexander was perhaps justified in exceeding this period. — R. H. s.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 261 
 
 the age of Princess Anne, who was not yet of an age 
 to marry ; and, supposing the difference of religions 
 to be a genuine objection, the fact that he would be 
 forced to admit Russian priests, and all the intrigues 
 they would bring with them into the interior of the 
 Tuileries Palace. Did the Emperor's feeling of his 
 dignity allow him to renounce the friendly disposition 
 of Austria, to wait until it might suit the Czar and 
 the Dowager-Empress to make up their minds? Such 
 an attitude would have exposed him to the laughter 
 of Europe. Napoleon made up his mind at the right 
 moment, and showed on this occasion, as on a hundred 
 others, that no one better than he knew how to 
 make use of his time. He saw that the Duke de 
 Vicence obtained nothing from Emperor Alexander but 
 evasiv'C answers. In order to avoid being reproached 
 with frivolity and inconstancy and to ascertain exactly 
 how matters stood, Napoleon wrote directly to the 
 Russian sovereign. In this letter he told the Czar that 
 after a series of delays which without any plausible 
 motive were prolonging his state of uncertainty, he 
 could no longer delay from obtaining a clear answer, 
 which would put an end to this equivocal state of 
 affairs. Alexander's answer arrived at last. It was 
 full of flattering protestations ; he expressed his desire 
 to multiply the bonds which attached him to the 
 Emperor Napoleon, but left matters exactly where they 
 were after the first overture. Napoleon judging that 
 his own dignity and that of the nation would be com- 
 promised by waiting any longer took upon himself 
 the initiative of refusing the marriage. He had taken 
 care before doing so to assure himself of the entire 
 co-operation of Prince Schwarzcnbcrg, Austriafi Am-
 
 262 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 bassaclor to Paris, who vouchsafed the disposition of 
 the Court of Austria. From this moment Napoleon's 
 choice was made in favour of the Arch-duchess. He 
 called together a Privy Council to examine to which 
 of the three marriages, that is to say, the Russian, 
 Austrian, and Saxon alliances, preference should be 
 given. The three questions were freely discussed at 
 the Council, the Emperor listening with the greatest 
 attention to the various opinions for and against these 
 different plans, but did not express his private feelings 
 on the matter. It was only on the evening of the 
 same day that Napoleon signified his decision to the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs. Prince Eugene was charged 
 with the mission to carry the formal announcement to 
 Prince Schwarzenberg, Austrian Ambassador, with 
 whom an appointment was made on the morrow for 
 the purpose of offering the Arch-duchess's hand. The 
 marriage contract was signed in the evening. The 
 Duke de Cadore's first despatch to the Duke de Vicence, 
 referring to the proposal of marriage, was sent off 
 from Paris on November 24th, i8og. It is true that at 
 the time it reached its destination Emperor Alexander 
 was away from St. Petersburg. On January 10th, 
 1 8 10, the Duke de Vicence asked for a definite answer 
 within a period of ten days. This answer had not 
 yet been given on the 6th of February. Emperor 
 Napoleon — who has generally been represented as a 
 man who would brook no delays, who would have 
 any plan carried into execution as soon as it had been 
 made — had nevertheless been waiting for two months 
 and a half for the solution of a question of capital 
 importance, and the immediate solution of which was 
 ot the highest importance to himself.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 263 
 
 The Princess whom the Emperor had chosen was 
 the eldest daughter of the Emperor Francis who, until 
 1805, had been Francis IL, the Emperor of Germany. 
 After the creation of the Federation of the Rhine which 
 changed the organization of the German States, this 
 Prince had taken the title of Francis I., Emperor of 
 Austria, a title which since then he has retained. This 
 sovereign was married four times. His first wife, a 
 Princess of Wurtemberg, whom he married at the age 
 of twenty, died two years after marriage. His second 
 marriage was with Maria Theresa, daughter of Ferdi- 
 nand the Fourth, King of the two Sicilies, with whom 
 he lived in a union which the harmony of their tastes 
 rendered a very close one. There may be seen in the 
 Imperial Palace in Austria, and notably in the Park 
 of Laxenburg small farms, where the illustrious couple 
 delighted in forgetting their rank and giving them- 
 selves up to the pleasures and occupations of a country 
 life. It was from this second marriage alone that the 
 Emperor Francis had any children. 
 
 The first was Marie Louise, formerly Empress of 
 the French, succeeded, in the following order, by the 
 late Arch-duchess Leopoldine, who was Empress of 
 Brazil ; Arch-duke Ferdinand, who became Emperor; 
 Arch-duchess Maria Clementina, wife of Prince Leo- 
 pold of Salerno ; late Arch-duchess Caroline, who 
 married Prince Frederick of Saxony ; Arch-duke Fran- 
 cis Charles, who married the daughter of the late King 
 ^Maximilian of Bavaria ; and finally by the Arch-duchess 
 Marianne, v.'hose eccentricities have kept her away 
 from the court and which probably stood in the way of 
 any marriage. 
 
 The Emperor Francis' third wife, whom Napoleon
 
 204 MÉXEVAL'S JSIEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 knew, was the Princess ]\Iaria Louise Beatrice d'Este, 
 who was her husband's cousin. She was fond of liter- 
 ature, her favourite author being Augustus La Fontaine, 
 a German author of French origin, who is looked on in 
 Germany as the founder of his school. The new Empress 
 exercised great influence over her husband from the begin- 
 ning of their married life, an influence which was some- 
 what to the dissatisfaction of the Emperor's brothers. She 
 hated the French with a hatred which she had inherited 
 from her father. Her life was cut short by her bad 
 health; the Imperial Palace used frequently to resound 
 with the cries torn from her by violent attacks of a 
 nervous disease. She died in 1816, barely twenty-six 
 years of age, leaving the Emperor Francis a widower 
 for the third time. Some surprise was expressed when 
 he married for a fourth time in the same year with 
 the second daughter of the first marriage of King 
 ]\Iaximilian of Bavaria. This princess had been married 
 before to the Crown Prince of Wurtemberg, who, in 
 his turn, had become King. Having been divorced from 
 her husband, she had retired to the house of her eldest 
 sister, the wife of Prince Eugene Beauharnais. She 
 lived there in great retirement, apparently forgotten 
 by the world, and certainly not foreseeing the destiny 
 reserved for her: an Imperial Crown in compensation 
 for the Crown which she had lost. 
 
 The history of Empress Marie Louise's first years 
 is the history of all the Austrian Arch-duchesses, 
 whose education is almost invariably the same. Brought 
 up under their parents' eyes until the day of their 
 marriage, these princesses live in absolute retirement 
 from the court with their women and servants whom, 
 as a rule, they treat with familiar kindness, and whom
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 265 
 
 they even allow to share in their games. 'Jlieir edu- 
 cation is conducted by governesses who are present 
 at the lessons given to them by professors. The 
 grand mistress of the Arch-duchess j\Iarie Louise 
 was Countess Colloredo, and her governess was Countess 
 Lazanski, a woman of merit, greatly devoted to her 
 pupil, who on her side was extremely attached to her. 
 Marie Louise's education had been a very careful one 
 indeed. She knew several languages — even Latin, 
 which is currently spoken by the Hungarians. Already 
 at an early age she had made g"reat progress in music 
 and drawing. She painted in oil colours, and on her 
 arrival in France took lessons from Prudhon, one of 
 our best painters; but she was forced to give up painting 
 because the smell of the oil and of the colours affected 
 her disagreeabl3^ 
 
 The most minute precautions were taken to preserve 
 the young Arch-duchesses from any impressions which 
 might have soiled their innocence; a praiseworthy 
 object no doubt, but the means employed to secure it 
 were not always very judiciously selected. A spirit 
 of bigotry, and exaggerated scruples were harmful rather 
 than useful. Instead of preventing the Princesses from 
 reading books which contained passages likely to 
 pervert their minds — mutilated books, in which pages, 
 lines, and even single words had been cut out with 
 the scissors, were placed in their hands. A censorship 
 so clumsily exercised could have no other result than 
 one opposite to that which was hoped for. These 
 passages which would be passed unnoticed had they 
 been allowed to remain, were interpreted in a thousand 
 ways by the young minds, all the more ready to 
 suppose all kinds of things because their curiosity had
 
 I 
 
 266 méxeval's ]\iemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 been excited. The harm which it was intended to 
 prevent was thus brought to their notice, and even 
 increased. On the other hand it happened that the 
 Royal pupils had nothing but indifference for their 
 books, which after the mutilations which they had 
 undergone had become in their eyes soulless bodies, 
 totally lacking in interest. The Arch-duchess JNIarie 
 Louise, after she became Empress, vised to confess 
 that the absence of these passages in her books had 
 aroused the greatest curiosity in her, and the first thing 
 that she did when she became free to read what she 
 chose, was to look up the passages which had been 
 cut out of her schoolbooks so as to see what her 
 parents had wished to hide from her. Shall I add that 
 domestic animals ot the male sex were never allowed 
 to enter their apartments, that the only pets they 
 were allowed to have were females, because these 
 were less likely to offend the sense of decency? 
 
 This system of education, which was still in prac- 
 tice during Marie Louise's childhood, has probably 
 since then been modified. J\Iy remarks apply more- 
 over only to the childhood of the Arch-duchesses 
 who in their youth received developed education, and 
 had for their masters, professors chosen from amongst 
 the most distinguished writers and savants. 
 
 The Arch-duchess Marie Louise, at the first over- 
 tures made to her on the projected marriage, with the 
 Emperor Napoleon, considered herself almost as a 
 victim who was to be sacrificed to the Minotaur. She 
 has frequently told me that she grew up, if not in 
 hatred, at least with very hostile feelings against the 
 man who, on more than one occasion, had put the 
 house of Hapsburg on the brink of ruin; who had
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 267 
 
 forced her family to flee from their capital, and to wander 
 from town to town in the midst of the confusion and 
 consternation which are inseparable from a hasty retreat. 
 The favourite games of her brothers and sisters con- 
 sisted in setting up in a row a troop of little wooden 
 or waxen figures, w^hich represented the French army, 
 at the head of which they put the blackest and ugliest 
 figure. They used to stab it through and through 
 with pins, and heap insults on its head, thus revenging 
 themselves on this inoffensive leader for the treatment 
 occasioned to their family by the redoubted chief 
 against whom the efforts of the Austrian armies, and 
 the thunderbolts of the Cabinet of Vienna dashed in 
 vain. Brought up to passive obedience IMarie Louise 
 was forced to resign herself to the fate which was to 
 be hers. Accustomed to look upon the Princesses of 
 her family as instruments of the greatness of their 
 house, and as destined to avert the storms which 
 threatened it, she did not consider herself the victim 
 of a sacrifice, but contemplated the part which she was 
 called to play not without pride. From that moment 
 she sought to know the man about whom, until then, 
 she had avoided thinking except with hostility. Her 
 former prejudice against him was dispelled by what she 
 heard of his private qualities, of the happiness which 
 he had given to Josephine, and of the love which was 
 borne to him by the French. She left Vienna with the 
 wish to please Napoleon; her subjugation was com- 
 pleted when she had got to know his character. At the 
 time when she spoke to me, in 18 13, she felt a real 
 affection for the Emperor, and was sincerely attached 
 to his destinies. It was her dream to be able to go 
 one day with him on a visit to her family, and see
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 268 méneval's jmemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 once more the delightful surroundings of Vienna, dear 
 to her from the memories of her childhood. 
 
 The Emperor had spent about three months in Paris, 
 during which period he had awaited the issue of the 
 negotiations entered upon in St. Petersburg. Then, 
 pledging himself to Prince Schwarzenberg, he gave 
 orders that the deed of betrothal for the marriage of 
 the Arch-duchess Marie Louise be drawn up. The 
 Duke de Cadore and the Ambassador of Austria af- 
 fixed their signatures. Napoleon appointed by decree, 
 at the same time, the gentlemen and ladies who were 
 to compose the household of the new Empress, and at 
 the same time he despatched to Vienna, on extraordi- 
 nary embassy, Prince de Neufchatel, to wed the Arch- 
 duchess in his name. During this period of waiting 
 Napoleon, unable to remain quiet in one place, paid 
 visits to La Malmaison, went to spend two days at 
 Grignon, at the house of the widow of IMarshal Bes- 
 sières, and then went on to Rambouillet. On his return 
 home he sent Queen Caroline, his sister, with an escort 
 of honour to the frontier to receive the illustrious bride. 
 
 The sovereigns allied to the French Empire, the 
 Kings of Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, Holland, 
 Naples, and the Viceroy of Italy had been summoned 
 to Paris. King Joseph, detained in Spain by the most 
 serious troubles, could not come to join the royal 
 procession. He did not come to France until the next 
 year, on the occasion of the christening of the King of 
 Rome. The King of Holland had consulted his council on 
 the question whether it would be right to sanction by his 
 presence in Paris his submission to the onerous measures 
 imposed by France on the Dutch Kingdom. The 
 ministers and the grand officers of the crown pronounced
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 269 
 
 themselves in favour of the journey to Paris, and 
 advanced as their reason that marked opposition might 
 be of danger to Holland. The King yielded to this 
 wise advice, which was contrary to his private incli- 
 nation. He was taken up with the idea that he 
 would be detained in Paris, that use would be made 
 of his name to authorize orders which he would be 
 unable to disavow afterwards, and that advantage 
 would be taken of his absence to occupy Holland. 
 He agreed with his ministers that any writing which 
 did not end up with a word which was agreed upon, 
 and was to be written in Dutch, would be considered 
 as of no value by them. After having left general 
 instructions to the council of ministers as to the 
 government of his country during his absence, King 
 Louis left for Paris. Before his departure he had given 
 written orders to the commanders of the fortress in 
 Brabant that no foreign troops should be admitted into 
 the interior of the fortress without a written order, 
 signed by himself. 
 
 Amongst the number of home affairs which at this 
 time were taking up the attention of the Emperor 
 must be mentioned the establishment of the state 
 prisons. Discussed in the council of state, the decree 
 which instituted these prisons is dated March 5th, 1810. 
 Although this measure was surrounded with precau- 
 tions and guarantees, which were intended to soften 
 down its arbitrary nature, and although as a matter 
 of fact, in practice these prisons were only used in a 
 spirit of moderation, I will undertake not to defend, 
 but simply to explain the system. At the time when 
 the measure, of which we are speaking, was adopted 
 and regulated it was one of the vexatious but inevitable
 
 270 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 consequences of the Imperial dictatorship, at a time 
 when the earthquake caused by our civil trouble was 
 still making itself felt. Without entering into parti- 
 culars of the arrangements and regime of these state 
 prisons I will say that they were only used for men 
 whom the government could not bring to trial before the 
 ordinary tribunals, and who could certainly not be left 
 unpunished — such as the Chouans, battening on civil 
 war, plotters of the murder of the Head of the State, 
 or agents in conspiracy for upsetting the throne; or 
 fanatical or immoral priests. I will add that nobody 
 could be imprisoned in these state prisons without a 
 decision emanating from a privy council, which was 
 composed of the First President and Procurator General 
 of the Court of Cassation, as well as of men who 
 occupied a high position in the administration; and no 
 persons could be detained for more than a year 
 without a fresh decision from the privy council; that 
 the prisons were visited by two Councillors of the State 
 each year, who thereupon presented a report to the 
 council in assembly; that one fourth of the votes was 
 sufficient to set a prisoner at liberty; and that, what 
 is more, the Imperial Procurators had equally a right 
 to visit the prisoners and assure themselves that they had 
 been arrested and were being detained in virtue of a 
 decision of the privy council. 
 
 It was in one of these State prisons — Vincennes — 
 that a young Saxon named Lasahla, had to be locked 
 up. Lasahla was arrested in Paris in the month of 
 February, 181 1, whilst watching his opportunity to 
 murder the Emperor. He carried several loaded pistols, 
 and declared that such was his guilty intention, and 
 that were liberty to be offered him on the condition
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 271 
 
 of abandoning his plan it would be impossible to him 
 not to try and find a means for carrying out his object. 
 On the ISIinister of Police presenting a report, the 
 Emperor dictated the following words, which were 
 written on the margin : " This man's age is his excuse " 
 — he was eighteen years old- -"no man is criminal at 
 so young an age, unless born in crime. In some 
 years he will have changed his ways of thinking, and 
 we should be sorry to have inflicted on an estimable 
 family a bereavement which will always be more or 
 less of a disgrace. He must be sent to Vincennes, 
 and receive such medical attention as the state of his 
 brain would seem to necessitate. Books must be given 
 to Him, and his family must be written to, and then 
 let time do its work." This young man stayed at 
 Vincennes until 18 14, when he was freed by his 
 countrymen. It appears that neither time nor cap- 
 tivity had ripened his intelligence, for he was again 
 arrested during the Hundred Days at the doors of the 
 Legislative Chamber on the very day when the Emperor 
 was opening the session. Detected by the explosion 
 of a packet of fulminating powder, which went off in 
 his pocket, Lasahla was arrested, but almost immedi- 
 ately released. Napoleon would not allow any inquiry 
 to be made as to what was Lasahla's object in providing 
 himself with this chemical, the effect of which was 
 more menacing than murderous. Lasahla remained in 
 Paris until the month of August, 18 15, when he went 
 to the Charité Hospital, suffering from a slow nervous 
 fever which led him to commit suicide very shortly 
 after leaving the hospital. 
 
 Preparations for his marriage did not divert the
 
 272 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Emperor from political affairs. During the Pope's 
 stay at Savona, Napoleon had offered to conduct him 
 back to Rome if the Holy Father would undertake 
 to recognize the new state of things established in this 
 capital, and would consent to occupy himself with none 
 but spiritual affairs. His Holiness refused. Remaining 
 in his position as a prisoner and as a persecuted man, 
 the Pope counted on inspiring that interest which is 
 always attached to the oppressed. The Emperor, on 
 the other hand, could not fail to expose himself to all 
 the odium which attaches to that rôle of oppressor 
 which he had not hesitated to assume in the eyes of 
 Europe. But Napoleon, too accustomed to break down 
 all resistances, supported with impatience the bonds 
 which the Court of Rome imposed upon him. Cardinal 
 di Pietro, to whom Pius VII. had left powers in case 
 of need, was sending apostolic vicars into the vacant 
 dioceses, and was corresponding with the members of 
 the different chapters. The Pope, by means of his 
 bulls, was seconding his representative in this campaign. 
 Napoleon tired of the troubles which the eternal oppo- 
 sition of the superior clergy caused him, seeing the 
 Pope absent from Rome determined to free himself by 
 one stroke of all his difficulties with the Pontifical 
 court. He made up his mind to bring down, at no 
 matter what cost, a resistance to such invincible obsti- 
 nacy that its determination could not be foreseen. He 
 cut the Gordian knot which he had been unable to 
 untie, and like Charlemagne, whose successor he consi- 
 dered himself, he caused to be issued in the month of 
 February, in the year 18 10, a scnatus consultum by 
 which the annexation of the Pontifical states to the 
 French Empire was pronounced, and the temporal
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 273 
 
 powers of the Pope regulated. A palace was assigned 
 in Paris and in Rome, or in any other part of the 
 Empire which it should please him to reside in, with 
 an annual revenue of two million francs, thus ending 
 this regrettable religious struggle with a Pope who 
 was gentle, a man of good intentions and for whom 
 the Emperor personally had a liking. 
 
 About the same time Napoleon ordered the publica- 
 tion, in the Moniteur, of a remarkable reply to the 
 King of England's opening speech in Parliament, 
 which was followed by numerous documents relating 
 to Spanish affairs in which the correspondence of the 
 Spanish Bourbon Princes was largely drawn upon. 
 
 Whilst occupied in these various matters, the Emperor 
 received one day from some smugglers a packet of 
 English newspapers which were sent to him by the 
 Minister of Police. Before sending them to the trans- 
 lation bureau, he ordered me to look over them, and 
 pointed out to me the Paris correspondence. What 
 was his surprise and mine, on reading that Bona- 
 parte, being seated one evening in his cabinet, had 
 summoned a young secretary, called Méneval — in whom, 
 it was added, he had all confidence — and told him to 
 hold the light whilst he read a passage ; that this 
 secretary had put the light which he held in his hand 
 so close to Napoleon's head that it had caught fire, 
 and that, imagining that an attack was being made 
 on his life Bonaparte had seized a pistol — which he 
 always carried about him — and had discharged it point- 
 blank at his secretary, who had been killed on the 
 spot. It was further reported, amongst other pleasant 
 things of the same kind, that Napoleon had flown into 
 a passion on some slight pretext with Maret, State 
 
 VOL IL 18
 
 2 74 MÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 Secretary, had rushed upon him, knocked him down, 
 and, seizing him by the hair, dragged him on the 
 floor ; that shortly afterwards, ashamed at his passion, 
 he had ordered him to sit down and had dictated to 
 him a decree by which he bestowed upon him a gift 
 of a large forest estate. At the time of the planned 
 invasion of England there had been published all along 
 the English coast, a description of Bonaparte, physi- 
 cally, as well as morally, as a man of hideous appear- 
 ance and character. This description had been printed 
 in large letters by all the English newspapers ; such 
 were the shameful means by which the English public 
 was being duped. 
 
 The echoes of the English press and the drawing- 
 rooms of the Faubourg St. Germain, repeated these 
 absurd stories about Napoleon's brutal manners, not 
 only towards the persons who approached him, but 
 also towards honourable foreigners, and towards the 
 sacred person of the sovereign Pontiff himself. Time, 
 which does justice to errors, and bad faith, has reduced 
 these contemptible inventions to nothing. Even when 
 most displeased Napoleon never gave way to ridiculous 
 passion. Great as was his dignity, and greatly as he 
 commanded respect in public audience and under solemn 
 circumstances, so greatly was he easy, familiar, frank, 
 and gay in private life. An active benevolence which 
 sprang from his heart, as much when he was vexed, 
 as when he was pleased, was felt by his own people, 
 by his ministers and by his officers, and his servants. 
 In short, very often his graciousncss and his favour went 
 out to seek first some and then others at times when 
 they least expected it. 
 
 The Emperor having provided for current affairs
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 275 
 
 on all business which demanded his special atten- 
 tion, prescribed the necessary arrangements for the 
 arrival of the new Empress at Compiègne. Although 
 it is a rule that all letters exchanged between sove- 
 reigns must be autograph, the fact that the Emperor 
 could not write legibly had led to the tacit understanding 
 that his letters should be written by a secretary. How- 
 ever, under the extraordinary circumstances of his 
 marriage, Napoleon wanted to write to his future father- 
 in-law, Emperor Francis, in his own writing. But 
 it was a terrible business for him! At last, having 
 taken a lot of pains, he succeeded in writing a letter 
 which was fairly legible. He told me to rectify the 
 badly written letters in such a way that my corrections 
 should not be too noticeable — such as the forming of 
 the letter e, and the dotting of the i's. I did my 
 work as best I could, and sent off, addressed to 
 " His Majesty, Sir, my Brother, The Emperor of 
 Austria " — a letter which this sovereign must have 
 been able to read with ease, and which may possibly have 
 made him think that his son-in-law did not write very 
 badly when he chose. Of course he never knew what 
 trouble it had caused the writer. I remember the King 
 and Queen of Bavaria having come in one day to the 
 Emperor, asking to see the apartment which was intended 
 for the new Empress, Napoleon treated them with a 
 familiarity which altogether pleased the King. He 
 wished to spare them the trouble of leaving the draw- 
 ing-room in which he had received them, and of going 
 down the grand staircase to the ground floor, on 
 which was the Empress's apartment. He accordingly 
 conducted the foreign sovereigns across his workroom, 
 and led them down a small winding staircase which
 
 276 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 communicated with this apartment. This staircase was 
 no longer lighted, because the apartment was no longer 
 inhabited. It was, moreover, so narrow that the King 
 of Bavaria, who was a very fat man, had the greatest 
 difficulty in walking downstairs, and had to turn side- 
 ways. Both the King and the Queen were rather surprised 
 at finding themselves in the dark, and when the bottom of 
 the stairs was reached, to make matters worse, the door 
 was found to be locked. Great was our embarrass- 
 ment. I was walking in front of their Majesties, the 
 Emperor was following me, then came the Queen, and 
 last of all the King. It looked as if the Emperor 
 had drawn them into an ambuscade, and had this 
 occurred in the IMiddle Ages what sinister thoughts 
 would have filled the King and the Queen ! The King 
 of Bavaria cried out that if it were known in what a 
 position Napoleon had placed his guests, people would 
 be very much surprised. However, we got out of it 
 by turning right-about-face and going upstairs again 
 in the reverse order, and the visit to the Empress's apart- 
 ment was put off until another day. The King 
 remembered this trifling occurrence and did me the 
 honour of speaking about it a long time afterwards, 
 saying that whenever he thought of it, he felt inclined 
 to laugh. A draft of the marriage contract had been 
 sent to the French Ambassador at Vienna, together 
 with full powers for signing the diplomatic convention. 
 The minister was Count Otto, who had negotiated the 
 preliminaries of the Peace of Amiens, and who had 
 been French Ambassador at INIunich during the war 
 of 1805; and in the accomplishment of these various 
 missions his zeal had been rewarded by praises which 
 Napoleon by no means lavished. It was thanks to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 277 
 
 his care that certain difficulties raised by the scruples 
 of the Emperor of Austria and the Archbishop of 
 Vienna on the validity of Napoleon's divorce, were 
 smoothed over. The Emperor of Austria signed the 
 marriage contract on February i6th, and, on the 
 27 th, M. Otto exchanged ratifications of this contract 
 with Count Mettemich. The Emperor himself had 
 made the arrangements for his marriage. He sent to 
 j\I. Otto the list of presents which were to be made 
 at the moment when the Arch-duchess was handed 
 over to the French mission sent to receive her at 
 Braunau. These presents were similar to those which 
 Louis XV. had made on the reception of the Dauphin- 
 ess at Strasburg. 
 
 Napoleon wanted everything to be done with mag- 
 nificence. He expressed the desire that if it were 
 thought necessary to choose one of the Arch-duchess's 
 brothers to marry the Princess in his name, it should 
 be the Prince Imperial ; that if the minority of the 
 Emperor's son be an obstacle it should be Arch-duke 
 Charles; he added, however, that he would content 
 himself with the Emperor's choice. At the same time 
 Napoleon sent the description of the new Em- 
 press's household, and indicated the route which was 
 to be followed. He finally sent Count Anatole de 
 Montesquieu, one of his orderly officers, to Vienna, 
 to carry his portrait* to the Arch-duchess, to be 
 present at the marriage, and to report to him the 
 
 * Marie Louise said, on seeing the Emperor, that she did not consider 
 that he had been flattered by the portrait. — M. (The portrait was 
 painted by Saint and the frame was embellished with sixteen diamonds 
 of a value of about half a million francs. It was presented to ^larie 
 Louise on a velvet cushion carried by the first cavalier of the French 
 embassy. — R. H. s.)
 
 278 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 first news that all these things had been concluded. 
 
 The Prince de Neufchâtel and Wagram had been 
 sent on to Vienna as an extraordinary ambassador, and 
 met Prince Paul Esterhazy on the frontier. He con- 
 ducted him to the Imperial palace, where an apartment 
 had been prepared for him in one of the wings. 
 Marshal Berthier, Prince of Neufchâtel, entered into 
 Vienna, and crossed the bridge thrown over the ruins 
 of the ramparts which the French army had blown up 
 after the last war before evacuating the capital. Such 
 a leave-taking shows how much confidence Napoleon 
 had in the feelings of Austria towards him, and from 
 whom he was constantly expecting fresh perfidy. The 
 Ambassador who was conducted on the day of his 
 arrival into the presence of the Emperor to make his 
 solemn demand for the hand of the Arch-duchess, was 
 treated by the court with unusual distinction. The 
 following day was taken up with the ceremony of 
 handing to the Arch-duke Paul the powers bestowed 
 by the Emperor Napoleon to wed the Arch-duchess 
 in his name. On the following day, jMarch gth, the 
 Arch-duchess, according to the usage, solemnly re- 
 nounced succession to the Imperial throne, and took 
 the oath. On the evening of the same day the mar- 
 riage contract was signed with solemn ceremony in 
 the grand apartments of the Palace and the amount 
 of the dowry — five hundred thousand francs — was 
 presented to the Ambassador in rolls of gold ducats 
 enclosed in a box. 
 
 The religious ceremony of the marriage was performed 
 on the nth of March, in the Church of the Augustines» 
 The gala banquet given at the court followed this ceremony 
 and the extraordinary Ambassador was present. Excep-
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 279 
 
 tion was made in this instance to the ceremonial of 
 the court of Vienna of only admitting Ambassadors 
 to the Emperor's table on very rare occasions, and these, 
 moreover, were obliged to leave the table at dessert, 
 and remain afterwards amongst the crowds of gentlemen 
 who were admitted to the banqueting hall. People 
 did not fail to remember on this occasion, as on the 
 marriage of the French Dauphin with Arch-duchess 
 IMarie Antoinette, that the IMarquis Durfort had not 
 been invited to the banquet, so as to avoid any dis- 
 cussion with the Duke Albert of Saxe Teschen, who 
 was present. The same Duke Albert of Saxon}^ to 
 whom was reserved in his old age the spectacle so 
 extraordinary in his eyes of a new throne being raised 
 in France on the ruins of the old one; and on which 
 another Arch-duchess went to sit, did not present 
 himself at the banquet which was given in honour of 
 Napoleon's marriage with Marie Louise. The absence 
 of this Prince was explained by the desire of the 
 Court of Vienna to give a particular mark of distinction 
 to the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French. 
 
 On the morrow after the conclusion of the marriage. 
 Marshal Prince Berthier received the Arch-duke Palatine 
 and the Arch-duke Anthony, the Emperor's brothers, 
 who came to take leave of the Ambassador, and to 
 present the last adieux to the Imperial family, which 
 was another exception made to etiquette. I could 
 multiply the examples of these concessions made by 
 a court which was scrupulously attached to forms, 
 and which shows to what a degree the Viennese Court, 
 on this occasion, desired to make itself agreeable 
 to Napoleon. They are, moreover, the proof of the care 
 with whicli Napoleon maintained in his person the
 
 2 8o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 dignity of the nation of which he was the head. In 
 order to make certain that everything which his 
 ambassador had a right to demand had been accorded 
 to him the Emperor charged the Masters of Ceremonies 
 to lay before him a report by which he could judge 
 if any slight had been inflicted upon Prince Neufchâtel 
 in the capacity in which he was placed in Vienna. 
 Napoleon had every reason to be satisfied with the 
 report which was laid before him. As a matter of 
 fact, never had an extraordinary envoy been received 
 with such attention, by so brilliant an assembly or had 
 received, as well as his suite, more handsome presents. 
 On the day of the signing of the marriage contract 
 Berthier had received the portrait of the Emperor of 
 Austria, surrounded with diamonds, and attached to 
 the collar of the order of the Golden Fleece. These 
 outward and visible signs of distinction were not 
 wanting on the part of the Viennese Court, which 
 knew well how to hide the great discontent which it 
 felt. If anybody in these circumstances acted with 
 good faith it was probably Emperor Francis alone. 
 On the 1 4th of March, the Arch-duke Charles conducted 
 the new Empress to her carriage. After she had 
 received the farewells of her family she took leave of 
 the people of Vienna, whose blessings mingled with 
 the sound of the bells and the cannon. For the first time 
 tricolour flags were displayed at the windows, and the 
 Austrian Imperial band played French martial airs. 
 When the procession had passed the Burg, the dis- 
 charge of artillery on the ramparts announced the fact 
 to the town of Vienna. The Emperor Francis had 
 preceded Marie Louise to Saint-Poltcn, where he hoped 
 to see his darling daughter once more. I will pass
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 28 1 
 
 over the details of the reception at Braunau and the 
 stay of Marie Louise at Munich, at Stuttgart, and at 
 Carlsruhe, where the sovereigns of the different countries, 
 through which they had passed, received her with un- 
 usual honours. 
 
 In spite of the proofs of deference and the apparent 
 cordiality of the Austrian Imperial family; in spite of 
 the frequent communications which took place between 
 the Burg and the Tuileries, after the Empress's arrival 
 in France, the reconciliation was not sincere on the 
 part of the Austrian Court and aristocracy ; and manifest 
 symptoms were to be seen after the departure of 
 Marie Louise. The population of Vienna, incited by 
 the Russian and English agents, crowded together in 
 the public places and in the streets. Loud complaints 
 were made on the sacrifice which had been imposed 
 upon the Emperor, and on the fate of his daughter, 
 handed over to a man who would crush her with bad 
 treatment. Another complaint was based on the cer- 
 tain humiliation to which Austria would be subjected. 
 The authorities were obliged to take measures against 
 these meetings. M. de Metternich took the occasion 
 of these manifestations to warn the French Govern- 
 ment that they should be considered in the light of a 
 hint not to carry its exactions too far. In this he 
 made allusion to certain conditions of the last treaty, 
 which had not yet been carried out, adding that the 
 Emperor Francis would prefer to renounce the benefits 
 of peace rather than expose himself to lose the popu- 
 larity which had helped him to keep up courage in 
 his adversity. This disguised menace could not but 
 irritate a conqueror to whose moderation the sovereign 
 of Austria owed the preservation of his crown. In
 
 282 :méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 consequence, Napoleon complained of the confidence- 
 reposed in councillors, who made a profession of being 
 his enemies, and demanded their dismissal, but on this 
 point he could obtain no satisfaction. 
 
 In reprisal Napoleon maintained the decree which 
 he had issued at the commencement of the campaign, 
 and which ordered that very strict measures should 
 be taken against all persons born in the new or old 
 provinces of France who might be in the service of 
 Austria, and who should not return to French territory 
 before a certain fixed date. All these circumstances 
 together were not of a nature to calm the reciprocal 
 irritation which kept growing on every side. The 
 Emperor felt it, and not wishing to increase this irri- 
 tation, for the time- being granted an amnesty to the 
 individuals who were menaced by the decree, on con- 
 dition that those who wished to take advantage of 
 this amnesty should re-enter France before July ist, 
 1811. The convention in consequence of which 
 sequestration had been put upon the estates of those 
 born in the provinces of the Federation of the Rhine, 
 and notably on the estates of Prince Schwarzen- 
 berg and of Count Metternich, was removed. Later 
 on the Emperor granted certain individual authoriza- 
 tions to serve in Austria, but did not recall his decrees, 
 which were kept in reserve and ready to receive their 
 application if hostile manifestations forced the French 
 Government to bring them into action again. 
 
 It will be seen that the peace of Vienna, and even 
 the marriage, had far from re-established a good under- 
 standing between the Cabinets of Paris and Vienna. 
 Austria was humiliated, but was not crushed. She 
 bent her head, but was waiting with the same feelings
 
 ]\iéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 283 
 
 of ill-will and rancour for the opportunity to take 
 her revenge. In signing peace, or in uniting in an 
 alliance by marriage, the two parties kept themselves 
 ready to recommence the war. Napoleon had left 
 Vienna two days after the signing of the treaty, with 
 some doubts as to its ratification. He went on to 
 await it first at Passau, then at Munich, as we have 
 seen, and fully made up his mind not to go any 
 further away from Vienna, until he had heard 
 that the ratification of this peace had been consum- 
 mated. The Emperor had given orders that flags 
 should be used to inform him of the positive or nega- 
 tive result of the negotiations. If the ratifications had 
 been exchanged a white flag was to be hoisted; in 
 case of discussion, a red flag was to be floated as 
 long as the discussion lasted. 
 
 Count Stadion, one of the most passionate chiefs of 
 the war party, had been replaced by Count Metter- 
 nich. The retirement of the former seemed to be a 
 sacrifice made to the desire to maintain peace; but 
 if the minister was changed, the political system was 
 not. An all-powerful oligarchy governed the Viennese 
 Cabinet at this time. This oligarchy held in its • 
 hands all the departments of the Government; con- 
 servator of the political traditions of the monarchy — 
 traditions which survive all events — its influence is 
 constantly exercised, in a more or less degree, accord- 
 ing to the sovereign's character. The House of 
 Austria, founded by a simple nobleman had raised 
 itself only by marriages and with the assistance of the 
 nobility, which owned two thirds of the territory; it 
 had always been kept the ward of this oligarchy. 
 Of the three hundred families which composed it, a
 
 284 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 very large majority in quest of Court favours had 
 devoted themselves to the first minister. Amongst 
 the most important may be named the Lichtenstein, 
 the Stadion, the Schwarzenberg, the Esterhazy, and 
 the Lobkowitz families. The tendency of the public 
 mind towards emancipation is each day weakening 
 the influence of these families, which would be destroyed 
 altogether by a strong king. ]\Iatrimonial unions 
 which should be a guarantee of reconciliation, w^ere 
 •one of the tricks used by Austria to abate the storm, 
 to cover its designs, and to lull its enemies to 
 sleep. Austria had already practised this tortuous 
 policy before the war of 1809, protesting its pacific 
 intentions, denying its war preparations, but in reality 
 preparing to take advantage of the first favour- 
 able opportunity to recommence hostilities. One of 
 the chiefs of the oligarchy — Prince Schwarzenberg — 
 has himself drawn a faithful picture of this situation, 
 when, in 18 13, he said: "Politics made this marriage; 
 and politics can undo it." 
 
 The ruin of the empire, which was the constant 
 object of the efforts of the coalition, was effected. 
 The admissions of the Cabinets, the narratives of his- 
 torians, and time, has already raised many curtains; 
 and one can form an opinion upon the open as well 
 as the secret part which each power played in this 
 work. One can, moreover, with thorough knowledge 
 of the matter, cast a retrospective glance on the cir- 
 cumstances which presided over the drawing of the 
 sword in Austria, in 1809. In this war the coah- 
 tion had extended its combinations. Far from being 
 discouraged, it had learnt lessons from its mistakes, 
 and had taken advantage of the long-suffering of the
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 285 
 
 conqueror who on many occasions had had the oppor- 
 tunity in his hands to dethrone two of his most 
 powerful adversaries, but who nevertheless had left 
 them their crowns. Since 1792 this same coalition had 
 come forward in each struggle with France separately. 
 Since 1808 Austria, who had still been left powerful, 
 had repaired her losses and had secretly organized her- 
 self. Secret communications drew together the Courts of 
 Berlin and St. Petersburg. Prussia was greatly abased, 
 but her military system enabled her to treble her stand- 
 ing army with great rapidity. The secret object of the 
 visit of the King and Queen of Prussia to Emperor Alex- 
 ander on his return from Erfurth was to discuss present 
 and future means for injuring the common enemy. It 
 was a renewal of the oath which had been taken in 
 1805 on the tomb of the great Frederick. The con- 
 duct of Russia in the war of 1809, and the proofs of 
 her inaction are sufficiently well known. The ad- 
 missions of Colonel Bourtourlin* have finally placed 
 her attitude in its true light. The bands organized by 
 the Duke of Brunswick-Oels, by Schill, Katt, Doern- 
 berg, and others, as also secret societies, were formed 
 or extended. Proclamation of war against one man 
 alone was renewed amongst them with the unavowed 
 resentment of the monarchs, and lying pamphlets 
 once more provoked to insurrection or revolt the 
 peoples subjected to the hegemony of France, Agents 
 charged with the work of creating enemies to the 
 French Emperor, and of inciting public opinion against 
 the head of our country, went through Germany, 
 Spain, Portugal, and Italy, flattering the Italians with 
 
 * See pages 35) 36, 37 of his '■'Military History of the Ri(ssian 
 Campaign in 18 12".
 
 2 86 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 the prospect of an Italian fatherland which should be 
 independent of the foreigner. In France these agents 
 addressed themselves to men of all parties, to the Royal- 
 ists as to the Republicans, took advantage of the intri- 
 guing spirit of one individual — a busybody who has gained 
 a sad notoriety* whilst another person (let his name 
 be guessed)! simply participated in these intrigues, 
 and worked with a purpose no less hostile towards 
 his master, to win favour abroad. These emissaries 
 found their way into the great corporations of the state, 
 and even insinuated themselves into the armies, where 
 they tried to awaken discouragement, and a lassitude 
 for war. Stores of arms and ammunition were collected 
 together in the English possessions, islands, or points 
 under British influence in the vicinity of the continent. 
 A great gathering composed of forty thousand men 
 assembled in various English ports, and held itself in 
 readiness to act; but its destination remained unknown ; 
 for what was expected from all these combinations 
 was a general war, the signal for which was to be 
 given by Austria. The slightest success obtained by 
 this power would have sufficed to let loose against 
 France an eighth coalition in which our secret enemies 
 would at last have been able to show themselves 
 unmasked. If in the year 1809, our active enemies 
 were the English, Austrians, Spaniards, and the Por- 
 tuguese, the Prussians and the Russians were our 
 passive enemies, secretly preparing to take advantage 
 of events. To these may be added the Princes of the 
 Federation of the Rhine, who would have followed 
 the general movement if the Austrian Army had 
 
 * FoLiché. -j- Talleyrand.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 287 
 
 succeeded in making a stand on their territories. 
 
 This hasty picture of the secret plan of the coalition 
 is incomplete rallier than exaggerated. The observing 
 mind of General Pelet has collected its principal 
 features with ample developments and proofs of what 
 he advances in his excellent '■'■History of the War of 
 1809." 
 
 Some of these plans at least were known to the 
 Emperor. He had no means of preventing the bad 
 faith of his enemies, and as to the plans which had 
 been decided upon and the means of execution which 
 had been prepared, these were hidden under the great- 
 est mystery, and disguised under false demonstra- 
 tions. 
 
 Count Pozzo de Borgo said to me in 1815, in the 
 boasting way which Italians have: "Napoleon only 
 wanted one man to have become the master of the 
 world. I am that man. I could have revealed to him 
 the secret of the Cabinets, and I could have informed 
 him of what was being planned against him ; but there 
 was no possibility of our ever coming together. If 
 he had got me into his hands he would have had me 
 hanged as soon as he had found out who I was." 
 There was a great deal of truth in what Pozzo said. 
 
 As a matter of fact Austria's future defection, which 
 took place in 18 13, had been decided in petto, on the 
 day on which this power signed the Peace of Vienna, 
 which in reality was only a truce, as were all the 
 treaties of peace signed by the Coalition. The result 
 of the marriage was only to suspend the effect ot 
 these hostile feelings. The House of Austria, which 
 owes its aggrandizement to matrimonial alliances, hoped 
 to recover possession of the provinces which it had lost
 
 2 88 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 by this means. Its hopes not having been realized by 
 the sacrifice of one of its Arch-duchesses, Napoleon 
 could no longer rely on it. Victory had consecrated 
 the adoption of the master of France into the society 
 of kings, but the kings had protested against his 
 admission amongst Royal dynasties. They hoped to be 
 able to cast him out from amongst them sooner or later ; 
 with them it was only a question of time. There is where 
 the danger lay for Napoleon. He thought himself 
 sufficiently strong to defy this danger; which meant 
 that he condemned himself to the performance of con- 
 stant prodigies. He never could believe that the sover- 
 eigns of Europe would overthrow him, for he consi- 
 dered that his ruin would be contrary to their interests 
 as best understood. They had no longer reason to fear 
 that he would let loose public passions. England's 
 hatred, England's gold, and England's intrigues 
 aroused their dynastic pride, and kept alive amongst 
 the kings by their ministers and by their aristo- 
 cracy, blinded them to their true interests. More than 
 one amongst them regretted it after the fall of the 
 Emperor. Some say that they wished to prevent 
 it. It is difficult to believe in the sincerity of these 
 assertions, for their organs have revealed what they 
 did towards this alleged purpose. The league then 
 was general. It would have unmasked itself as early 
 as in 1809, if Austria had been able to surprise us, 
 as she hoped to do. The Emperor, by striking those 
 rapid and decisive blows which upset the plans of the 
 coalition, only postponed for four years what it 
 accomplished in 1814. 
 
 I have spoken of Pozzo de Borgo, and I will take 
 advantage of this opportunity to give some details
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 289 
 
 about a person who was one of Napoleon's most 
 active enemies. I hold them in part from Count 
 Pozzo do Rorg'o himself. 
 
 Attached as much by friendship as by conformity 
 of opinions to Joseph and Napoleon Bonaparte, Pozzo 
 was in 1790, a member of the Directorate of the depart- 
 ment of Corsica, with Joseph. Pozzo's abandonment of 
 the French party separated them. When the English 
 occupied the island where Lord Elliot commanded 
 in the capacity of Viceroy, Pozzo accepted employment 
 at their hands and rendered them services. The Cor- 
 sicans having shaken off the British yoke, Pozzo, who 
 had drawn upon himself the hatred of his countrymen, 
 finding it no longer safe to remain in the island after 
 the departure of his protectors, followed them in their 
 retreat and took refuge in England. Lord Elliot having 
 been sent shortly afterwards to St. Petersburg, Pozzo 
 accompanied him. The English minister entrusted him 
 with several missions to the Emperor of Russia, who 
 appreciated his spirit of intrigue and his talents. The 
 English do not like foreigners, the Russians on the 
 other hand give employment to all who offer them- 
 selves. Lord Elliot finding in the Emperor Alexander's 
 good will for Pozzo a means of rewarding him for the 
 services he had rendered to England, and of getting- rid 
 of this foreigner in an honourable manner, offered him 
 to the Czar, who admitted him later to his Cabinet, 
 and gave him the nmk of Gcneral-^Lijor. This turn- 
 coat, this protege of the English, having by his past 
 conduct rendered all return to the fatherland impossible, 
 what reasons had he not to persevere in the way on which 
 chance had placed him! He became one of the most 
 active enemies of the French Imperial Government. 
 
 VOL. IL 19
 
 290 méneval's ]\œmoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Sent to the various European cabinets he created enemies 
 to France, and signed treaties with them with this 
 object in view. Pozzo de Borgo found himself in 1809 in 
 Austria, charged with a secret mission. At the time of 
 the occupation of Vienna he followed the Court to Buda. 
 The Austrian ministers, feeling that his presence might 
 injure their negotiations with Napoleon, and having 
 learnt that, far from claiming this agent, the Russians 
 disavowed him, then told Pozzo that he could be no 
 longer protected by Austria. Pozzo, fearing to fall 
 into the hands of the French fled to Constanti- 
 nople, and arrived there after a thousand dangers, 
 crossing over Hungary and the mountain ranges in 
 the greatest state of destitution. I will add to the 
 details w^hich I have given of Count de Borgo, what 
 was said about him to Count d'Orsay, from whom I 
 heard it, by the late Marquis Wellesley, the eldest 
 brother of Lord Wellington, who was at that time 
 head of the English Cabinet. Pozzo de Borgo having 
 escaped from Austria, repudiated by the Russian Cabinet, 
 retired from Constantinople to Odessa, where he wrote 
 a pamphlet on the politics of the time. The IMarquis 
 Wellesley having read this pamphlet was surprised 
 and delighted to find that the ideas expressed in it 
 were absolutely in harmony with his own. He made 
 inquiries as to what had become of the author; if he were 
 any longer in receipt of the pension which the English 
 Government had granted him, and gave orders that 
 the arrears should be paid to him, and at the same 
 time he brought Pozzo de Borgo to England. Struck 
 by the interest of his conversation and the originality 
 of his views the Marquis would not allow so valuable 
 an agent to remain without employment. In conse-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 291 
 
 quence, he sent him off to Russia with very warm 
 letters of recommendation. Pozzo decided that he could 
 do nothing better than take up his cross once more, and 
 forget his grievances. He became more than ever 
 the âme damnée of the Russian Government, and ot 
 the coalition. He resumed his diplomatic missions with 
 renewed ardour, and was especially employed in the 
 last campaign. It was he who contributed in pushing 
 on the Russians to Paris in 18 14. He had promised 
 them that it was in his power to open its gates for 
 them. The secret understanding on which he had 
 counted, having failed him, his perplexity was extreme, 
 and he passed the most critical night of his life before 
 Paris. His head was at stake if his promises could not 
 be realized. On the morrow he triumphed as he joined 
 in the procession of the sovereigns on their entrance 
 by the Pantin gate. Grand-Duke Constantine came up 
 to him and said : " Pozzo, it is a happy day for you. 
 If wo were not here, you would be hanging! " 
 
 The Empress had arrived on French territory, 
 and her journey from Strasburg to Compicgne was 
 one continual ovation. Almost at every place where 
 she stopped she found an officer, or page of the 
 imperial household, with letters to her from the Emperor. 
 At Strasburg she saw Count Mettemich who was on 
 his way to Paris, and at Vitry she received Prince 
 Schwarzenberg and Countess Mettemich, who started 
 back to Paris whence they had come, after having been 
 presented to her. The Emperor had given orders that 
 during the journey, news of the Princess should be 
 sent to her father ever}'- day. 
 
 Napoleon remained alone at Compiègnc for a week.
 
 292 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 He had the apartment intended for the future Empress 
 fitted up, and presided in person over the arrangements 
 which he thought would please her best. He approved 
 or modified what was being done, hurrying on the 
 preparations for the reception which he intended to 
 give her, and writing to her with his own hand every 
 day. When Marie Louise had set foot on French 
 territory Napoleon sent bouquets of the most beautiful 
 flowers with his letters, and sometimes game which he 
 had shot. He was delighted wnth the answers which 
 he received from her, many of which were very long. 
 These answers were written in good French, and 
 expressed sentiments marked by delicacy and measure. 
 It may be that the Queen of Naples assisted in their 
 composition. Napoleon's sister used also to write let- 
 ters to her brother, full of details which interested him 
 greatly. 
 
 The Emperor, being pressed by his other sister, 
 Princess Pauline, who was a well-known authority on 
 matters of elegance and good taste, had consented to 
 have a fancy dress ornamented with embroidery, made 
 by Léger, who was then the most fashionable tailor. 
 Napoleon tried it on but did not feel at ease in it. The 
 cut of the coat and the white cravat which was worn 
 with it, did not suit his taste, and deprived him of his 
 usual ease of manner. The uniform which he always 
 wore, and a black cravat were the only things 
 which suited him, perhaps because one was accustomed 
 to see him always dressed in military uniform. However 
 it may be, the Emperor only once wore the costume 
 which Princess Pauline had advised him to have 
 made. He went back to the blue uniform turned up 
 with white, which he used to wear on Sundays and
 
 ISIÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 293 
 
 feast days, reserving the green coat of the Hght 
 cavalry of the guard for ordinary days. 
 
 Tents had been put up two leagues from Soissons, 
 and access to these was gained by two inclined planes, 
 one on the Soissons and one on the Compiègne side. 
 According to the ceremonial which had been decided 
 upon, the Emperor was to leave Compiègne with the 
 Princes and Princesses of his family, the Grand Officers, 
 and the officers of the household, preceded and followed 
 by detachments of his guard. He was to pass through 
 the first tent on the Compiègne side, whilst the Empress 
 was to pass through the tent on the Soissons side. 
 The two spouses were to stop in the middle tent before 
 an ottoman footstool, on which the Empress was to 
 bend down, to be immediately raised by the Emperor, 
 who would embrace her. After this, both would 
 enter a carriage with six places, together with 
 the Princesses. The two processions would then unite 
 and form themselves into one. This ceremonial was 
 not observed, the Emperor having received a letter 
 from the Empress, in which he was informed of her 
 departure from Soissons. He decided to go and meet 
 her at once. He ordered an open carriage, on which 
 no armorial bearings were painted, to be got ready, 
 entered it with the King of Naples, and, preceded by 
 one solitary outrider, started incognito from Compiègne. 
 He sent for me, and when I arrived I found him already 
 seated in his carriage with the King of Naples b}' his side. 
 He ordered me to open all despatches which might come 
 for him, and to keep them. He told me that he was 
 going to meet the Empress, that he would be back in the 
 evening, and ordered me to keep the object ot his journey 
 secret. He returned to Compiègne, as he had said, at
 
 294 méxeval's me:moirs of NAPOLEOX I. 
 
 ten o'clock in the evening, in fearful weather. He had 
 fallen in with the Empress's procession some leagues 
 beyond Soissons. Napoleon had approached her car- 
 riage without being recognized, when the equerry 
 named him, and put an end to his incognito. He then 
 entered the Empress's carriage, where the Queen of 
 Naples was sitting, and ordered that instead of staying 
 at Soissons, the carriages should continue to Compiègne. 
 There the rumour had got abroad that the Empress 
 was to arrive that same evening. Illuminations were 
 prepared in haste, the triumphal arches were adorned, 
 and the whole population in crowds went, in spite of 
 the bad weather, to meet Their jMajesties. The courts and 
 the galleries of the palace, which were open to the 
 public, were filled with the curious. At ten o'clock 
 the cannon announced the arrival of the procession, 
 which crossed the avenue rapidly by torchlight. The 
 Princes and Princesses who were waiting where the 
 carriages stopped were presented to the Empress by 
 the Emperor. The authorities of the town were 
 assembled in the gallery, and a group of young girls 
 presented to INIarie Louise an address and flowers. 
 Prince Schwarzenberg, the Austrian ambassador, was 
 present. After this short ceremonial, the Empress 
 immediately withdrew to her apartment, conducted by 
 the Emperor, who supped with her and with the 
 Queen of Naples. 
 
 Marie Louise, then in all the splendour of her youth, 
 had a bust of perfect regularity. The bodice of her 
 dress was longer than used to be worn at the time, 
 which added to her natural dignity, and contrasted 
 very well with the ugly, short bodices of our ladies. 
 Her face was flushed with the journey and by her nerv-
 
 MÉNEVAL'S ^rEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 295 
 
 ousncss. Pale chestnut hair, silky and abundant, 
 framed a fresh full face, over which eyes, full ot 
 sweetness, spread a charming expression. Her lips, 
 which were rather thick, recalled the type of the 
 Austrian ruling family, just as a slight convexity of 
 the nose is the characteristic of the Princes of the House 
 of Bourbon. Candour and innocence were breathed 
 from all her person, and a plumpness, which left her 
 after her confinement, bespoke a good state of health. 
 
 Napoleon imitated Henri IV. towards Marie de 
 Médicis, under similar circumstances. An apartment 
 had been prepared for the Emperor at the chancellor's 
 house, but his impatience preventing him from sub- 
 mitting to this part of the ceremony, he did not leave 
 the palace, which left a free field for conjecture. The 
 first introduction of the new Empress into the interior 
 of the palace took place the next day in the Emperor's 
 cabinet. Did he mean to show her by this that he 
 initiated her into his entire confidence, or did he consider 
 that his workroom was the most important room in 
 his house? It was thus that I was amongst the first 
 who had the honour of presenting my respects to the 
 Empress Marie Louise. At one o'clock took place 
 the introduction of the ladies and gentlemen of the 
 household, who had not taken part in the journey from 
 Braunau, and these took the oath of allegiance. Then 
 came the generals of the guard, the ministers who were at 
 Compiègnc, the chief officers, and the ladies and gentle- 
 men in waiting who had been appointed to be in 
 attendance during the journey from Compiègne. 
 
 On the following day the court left for St. Cloud, 
 where it spent two days. The civil marriage was 
 celebrated there on April 1st, and the religious marri-
 
 296 MÉNEVAL'S ME^NIOIRS of NAPOLEON I, 
 
 age took place the next day in Paris in the great 
 gallery of the Louvre jMuseum. The cardinals, who had 
 been present at the civil marriage, with two exceptions, 
 refused to be present at the religious marriage, alleging 
 in justification that the only reason of their absence 
 was that the Pope had refused to grant a dissolution 
 of the first marriage. The Emperor would not admit 
 this excuse, refused to receive their protestations of 
 obedience, and exiled them into various departments, 
 forbidding them to wear red, which is the exterior 
 mark of their dignity. This gave them the name of 
 "The Black Cardinals."* 
 
 On the morning of the day of the celebration of the 
 religious marriage the Emperor was present at the 
 Empress's toilette. The ladies-in-waiting — two French, 
 and one Italian y — and the IMistress of the Robes, 
 placed the crown on the Empress's head in his presence. 
 A decision had been made by the Emperor concerning 
 this crown in the following words: — 
 
 * The folloM'ing are the names of the principal cardinals who remained 
 absent from the ceremony : Mattel, Delia Somaglia, Saluzzo, Brandacoro, 
 Scotti, Litta, Gabrielle, i)i Pietro, Galeffi, Oppizoni, Louis Ruffo, and 
 Consalvi. An interesting police note dated Feb. 4th, 18 10, gives a 
 brief description of each of these cardinals, and the best way of influ- 
 encing them. For instance against the name of Scotti, mentioned above, 
 are written the words "An absolute nonentity". Against the name of 
 Brandacoro the following report is written : " This man got some monks 
 to translate the fanatical treatise called '■Des deux Puissances'' which 
 was written l)y Abbé Pey, Canon of Notre-Dame of Paris, and pub- 
 lished it imdcr his name, as well as Hervey's ^ To?)ibcaux\ He 
 made his fortune thus as posturing as an author. He is archbishop 
 of Ferns. He is very jjrudcnt and very cowardly". Oppizoni is de- 
 scribed as "totally luiknown in Rome, and public opinion by no means 
 in his favour". The other descriptions of the cardinals in question are 
 of a similar nature, and the whole report appears to have been dictated 
 rather with a view fif llattering Napoleon than in the interests ot 
 truth. — K. H. s. 
 
 j Madame dc Litla.
 
 MÉNEViNL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEOX I. 297 
 
 " On the da\' of the marriage the Empress will wear the 
 coronation crown, which is not handsome, but which has a 
 particular characteristic, and which I wish to attach to my 
 dynasty. This crown will only be worn at the very greatest cere- 
 monies. In ordinary ceremonies the Empress will wear the 
 closed diamond crown, which has no characteristic, and which 
 I am having made for her with the crown diamonds. On 
 the day after the marriage she will wear the closed diamond 
 crown at her reception. 
 
 " Napoleon. 
 
 "Given at Compiègne, 25th March, 1810." 
 
 Public rejoicings took place in the park of vSt. Cloud 
 after the civil ceremony. There was a general illumi- 
 nation, the fountains played under torchlight, and there 
 were repeated salvos of artillery fired at the In\-alides 
 in Paris. Immense crowds took part in these rejoicings 
 in spite of the rain 
 
 The solemn entry of the Emperor and Empress into 
 Paris on April 2nd was magnificent. The triumphal 
 arch at the Étoile Barrier, under which the sovereigns 
 passed, had been figured by a decoration which 
 showed it as it would be when it was finished. The 
 weather which had been ramy the day before had 
 become fine, and a bright sun shed its rays on the 
 procession, the troops, and the crowd of spectators, 
 composed of almost the entire population of Paris. Their 
 Majesties were received at the Etoile Barrier by the 
 Prefect of the Seine department, and by the municipal 
 body. The procession arrived at the Tuileries Palace 
 by crossing the Champs-Elysées, and the garden, at 
 the entrance to which a triumphal arch had been raised. 
 After having rested in the drawing-rooms ot the palace, 
 and in the Diana Gallery, the procession proceeded
 
 298 méneval's mExMOirs of napoleon I. 
 
 towards the great Apollo drawing-room of the museum, 
 where a chapel had been installed. The Queens of 
 Spain, of Holland, and of Westphalia, Princesses Elisa 
 and Pauline, carried the train of the Empress's mantle. 
 Cardinal Fesch, the Grand Almoner, pronounced the 
 nuptial benediction over the spouses. After the cere- 
 mony the ladies who had placed the crown on the 
 Empress's head, removed it and the imperial mantle, 
 which were carried back to Notre Dame by the First 
 Chamberlain, IMaster of the Wardrobe. This officer 
 had been to fetch them in the morning with a ceremonial, 
 which was also observed on the return of these insignia 
 to the Cathedral treasury, where they were to remain. 
 Leaving the Apollo drawing-room the Emperor, taking 
 the Empress's hand, placed himself with her on the 
 balcony of the Pavilion dc V Horloge, where they were 
 present at the march past of the various bodies of the 
 imperial guard. A banquet was given in the theatre, 
 and Their IMajesties listened to a concert which was 
 executed under the windows of the palace. This con- 
 cert was followed by a display of fireworks which 
 reached right down to the whole length of the big 
 avenue of the Champs-Elysées. 
 
 A description of all the fêtes given on the occasion 
 of Napoleon's marriage with Marie Louise would give 
 but a too feeble and imperfect picture of their magni- 
 ficence, and the enthusiasm of the Paris population; 
 but they will be remembered for a ver}^ long- time. 
 
 The city of Paris wished the richness and beauty 
 of its presents to correspond to the splendour of such 
 a marriage. It offered a toilette table, witli all its 
 fittings, in silver gilt, to the Empress, the arm-chair 
 and swing-gkiss being also in silver gilt. This
 
 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 299 
 
 set had been carried out from designs ot the best 
 artists and under their personal supervision. So perfect 
 was this masterpiece that when M. Ballouhey, steward 
 of the Empress's purse demanded it in her name, in 
 1814, together with the cradle ot the King of Rome, 
 Count Beug-not, who was at that time Commissary ot 
 the Police Department, refused to hand them over. He 
 alleged, in refusing their restitution, that it would be 
 quite impossible to replace them, considering that the 
 combination of circumstances which had given birth to 
 these masterpieces could not present itself again, and that 
 consequently the artists, in spite of all their talents, would 
 be unable to produce work ot equal beauty. This toilette 
 table and accessories were melted down in 1832, and the 
 money was used for relieving families who had suffered 
 by the cholera, but the King of Rome's cradle was 
 spared. Marie Louise had it sent to her son, who had it 
 placed in the Imperial treasury at Vienna, where it still 
 is. The present to Napoleon by the city of Paris consisted 
 of a magnificent table service in silver gilt. By order 
 of the Emperor the two hundred thousand florins given 
 by Austria as the dowry of Marie Louise, were paid 
 into the public treasury. 
 
 After the conclusion of the fetes and ceremonies the 
 court returned to Compiègne where a grand diplomatic 
 reception took place, and distinguished foreigners were 
 presented. Whilst there Napoleon received many 
 letters of congratulation from almost all the foreign 
 courts. The castle of Compiègne had been decorated 
 and furnished with an elegance and taste worthy of 
 its destination. Amongst other rooms in Marie Louise's 
 occupation was a boudoir hung with a profusion of 
 cashmeres of inestimable value. The Princess had
 
 300 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 these cashmeres taken down later on, but as a matter 
 of fact they had only been placed there as a present 
 to her, and to be used as she thought fit. 
 
 The Empress Josephine had enjoyed great liberty at 
 home. She had many acquaintances. Her desire to 
 serve the Emperor, and to increase his popularity, 
 prompted her to cultivate relations which she had 
 preserved, and to extend them. The Emperor's marriage 
 with a foreign Princess, w^ho was not yet very expe- 
 rienced, and was unknown to Parisian society, made 
 it of course necessary to modify this manner of life, 
 and the household of the new Empress had to be 
 organized in a less independent manner. The precautions 
 with which she was surrounded were taken in order 
 to keep her away from all attempts at intrigue and 
 coterie, but the isolation produced by these precautions 
 brought wâth it grave disadvantages which only became 
 manifest later on. Napoleon appointed the Duchess of 
 Montebello, widow of INIarshal Lannes, who had been 
 killed at the battle of Essling, lady of honour to the 
 Empress ]\Iarie Louise. He had hesitated some time 
 between her and the Princess de Beauvau. Napoleon 
 abandoned the idea of selecting Madame de Beauvau 
 because he thought that it would not be wdse to 
 introduce into his court influences opposed to national 
 ideas, influences to which a German Princess, in whom 
 the prejudice of caste and of birth might be supposed 
 to exist, would have been subjected. Accordingly he 
 decided on the duchess, thinking that he owed this 
 mark of distinction to the memory of one of his oldest 
 and bravest comrades in arms. His choice met with 
 general approval. Madame de Montebello was ten years 
 older than the Empress, a very beautiful woman, cold,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 301 
 
 calm, and of irreproachable conduct, and in appointing 
 her the Emperor had said: "I am giving the Empress 
 a real lady of honour." The Countess de Luçay, a 
 gentle, inoffensive lady ot great morality and excellent 
 manners, became the Mistress of the Robes. The 
 interior service, which at the time of the Empress 
 Josephine had consisted of four dames d'annonce, 
 was augmented by two more ladies whose attributions 
 were of a more austere nature. They were chosen 
 from amongst the residents of the Ecouen Royal and 
 Imperial House, preference being given to widows or 
 daughters of officers. One of them, Madame Durand, 
 was the widow of a general. They served the Empress 
 in the same way as the aides-de-camp served the 
 Emperor, except that they did not accompany her out 
 of doors. They were consequently near the sovereign's 
 person during the day, and during the night one of 
 them slept in a room adjoining ]\Iarie Louise's apart- 
 ment. They allowed no man to enter her private 
 apartment; such were their orders. They were present 
 at her drawing and music lessons, they wrote notes at 
 her dictation, or at her order, and presided over the 
 whole interior ser\'ice. 
 
 The Empress's private allowance was .£2000 per 
 month. Ten thousand francs were distributed each 
 month to the poor, this distribution taking place with 
 prudence, and after full inquiries had been made. The 
 balance was used for toilette expenses. ^Marie Louise 
 was economical, and took care never to exceed her 
 allowance. She gave many presents, and always kept 
 in reserve in her writing-table a purse of £1000, 
 which she never touched. 
 
 The poets all vied with each other in celebrating the
 
 302 IsIÉXEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 great event of the marriage. Fouché had given them 
 a hint on this subject, but the Emperor had blamed 
 him, because he did not wish to appear to have ordered 
 these praises. Napoleon wished the authors to be left 
 to their own inspirations, which moreover had no 
 need of being stimulated. Later on he made use of a 
 sum of 100,000 francs, which was taken from his privy 
 purse, and distributed it as a proof of his satisfaction.* 
 Whilst the French muses, interpreting J;he public 
 feeling, were paying their tribute of homage to the 
 spouses, less sincere demonstrations were taking place 
 at the castle of Valençay. Rivalry of adulation estab- 
 lished itself there amongst the dethroned Spanish 
 Princes. A Te Deuin was chanted in their chapel. 
 They presided at a banquet given by themselves in 
 honour of the Emperor and Empress, at which the 
 most flattering toasts, accompanied by the most obse- 
 quious compliments were drunk to the health of the 
 royal couple, added to the often repeated acclamations 
 and cheers of Prince Ferdinand. The Alonitcur, which 
 gave an account of this feast, related that the Prince 
 proposed the health of Their Majesties in the following 
 words: "To the health of our august sovereigns, the 
 great Napoleon, and Marie Louise his august wife." 
 A display of fireworks brought to a close a fete the 
 magnificence of which could deceive nobody. To 
 
 * Amongst the poets whom Méneval refers to may be meutioned : 
 Tissot who wrote ^^ Adieux de Vienne'" ; Arnault, Eménard, Etienne, ("Zr- 
 Cha7it d'Alcide"/) Lépomucènc, Lemercier, Aignon, axAhor oi " Polixène," 
 who wrote "La Vision die F'/^V/o';"^", Armand Gouffé who presented a 
 poetical homage to the air " Avec vous sons le même toit " ; Chazet, 
 Désangiers, Perrot, Gazelle, Sauzon, Ducray-Duminil, Antiguac, Saint- 
 Ursin, Rougemont, Brugnièrc, and others. Even Coupart, the censor, 
 wrote a poem. Delille and Ducis were the only two poets of any rcinita- 
 tion who refused to associate themselves to the general servility. — R. H. s.
 
 MÉNEVAI.'S MEATOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 303 
 
 crown it in a worthy manner Prince Ferdinand begged 
 thç Emperor to adopt him as his son, and to grant 
 him the honour ot allowing him to figure at his Court. 
 Such an entire want of dignity created a painful feeling 
 everywhere. 
 
 Another scene, in which Fouché's police played the 
 principal part, took place at the same time at the 
 Château of Valençay. A certain Baron de Kolli, 
 furnished with instructions, powers, and money by the 
 IMarquis of Wellesley, had been charged with the 
 mission to help Ferdinand and the other Spanish 
 Princes to escape, and to conduct them to Admiral Cock- 
 burn, who, with a small fleet was awaiting the success of 
 this attempt near the coast. The mission of the agent 
 of the English Government having become known, 
 he was arrested. His credentials were put into the 
 hands of a police agent, who went and played the 
 part of Baron de Kolli to Ferdinand. But whether the 
 Prince of the Asturias had been secretly warned of 
 the substitution, whether he suspected a trap, or did 
 not dare to risk the adventure, he received Fouché's 
 agent very badly, and reported him to the governor 
 of the castle. The genuine Baron de Kolli remained 
 in prison in Vincennes until the return of the Bour- 
 bons, who restored him to liberty. 
 
 After the success of the campaign in Spain, King 
 Joseph had returned to INIadrid, and had been able to 
 devote himself to the interior government of the country, 
 in which he had effected some useful reforms. Almost 
 all the powers had acknowledged the new King, and 
 had addressed him letters of congratulation. Ferdinand 
 had not failed to send his congratulations, and had 
 asked him to intercede for him with the Emperor, to
 
 304 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 induce him to grant him the hand of one of his 
 nieces. The first miUtary events which had happened 
 in Spain had been favourable to our army. Saragossa 
 had surrendered, and important victories had been 
 gained over the enemy. Suddenly a new English 
 army, under Sir Arthur Wellesley, who afterwards 
 became the Duke of Wellington, had joined the Portu- 
 guese troops, and restored the confidence of the Spaniards. 
 Our enemies assembled their forces to march upon 
 Madrid which they hoped to surprise in a defenceless 
 state. The King marched out of Madrid with his 
 reserve troops to meet them, and to join the corps 
 commanded by Marshals Soult, Ney, and Mortier. 
 There were alternating successes and reverses. A 
 disagreement which arose amongst the marshals was 
 calculated to help the plans of the English general, 
 their adversary. King Joseph, distinguished by other 
 qualities, was not accustomed to war, and so precarious 
 was the authority which he exercised over the leaders 
 of the French army, that he was unable to remedy 
 the unfortunate effects of their disagreement. This 
 campaign, which might have had decisive consequences, 
 resulted nevertheless in checking the movements of 
 the enemy, and in throwing the Anglo-Portuguese 
 army back into Portugal. Marshal Jourdan returned 
 to France, and Marshal Soult, in whom the Emperor 
 had greater confidence, replaced him as Major-Gcneral 
 to the King. The King had returned to Madrid, 
 where his spirit of conciliation seemed to rally partisans 
 around him, even amongst the Spaniards, whose op- 
 position until then had been most marked. 
 
 Military operations were being carried out with suc- 
 cess on the east of the Peninsula. Various successes
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 305 
 
 secured in Aragon, and the taking of Girone, a fortress in 
 Catalonia, which was defended by the Spaniards with 
 as much obstinacy as Saragossa, brought this campaign 
 to a successful close. 
 
 After the fêtes occasioned by his marriage, Napoleon, 
 whose attention had been drawn to the Belgian 
 provinces, determined to visit them, together with that 
 part of Holland which had recently been ceded to 
 France. He had another object, besides giving the 
 Empress a change, and showing her to the people of 
 Belgium, and his new provinces. The Emperor's 
 principal object was to see what was going on with 
 his own eyes, to judge of the effect which had been 
 produced by the failure of the English expedition of 
 Walcheren, to see to what an extent the continental 
 system was being violated there. He also wanted to 
 find out what it was possible to do to remedy the 
 damage caused to Dutch trade by the interruption of 
 communications with England, and to conciliate as far 
 as it was possible, the interests of the Netherlands, 
 with the rigour of his prohibitive laws. 
 
 To understand the reasons which 'decided Napoleon 
 to undertake this journey it is necessary to speak of 
 the causes which brought about the annexation to the 
 Empire of the districts situated on the right bank of 
 the Escaut, and, in the end, that of Holland. The 
 Emperor had seen how feebly the Dutch had co-operated 
 in the defence of the island of Walcheren, against the 
 English invasion under the command of Lord Chat- 
 ham. He also ^aw that the atithorities of this country 
 did not check the circulation of English goods, with 
 which smugglers, and the English themselves during 
 their temporary occupation of the island of Walcheren, 
 
 VOL. n. 20
 
 3o6 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 had flooded the Kingdom, not excepting the capital 
 and the King's Court. It has been seen that the King 
 of Holland sympathized but little with the Emperor 
 in the direction which the latter wished to give to 
 the government of his states. The decree, issued in 
 Berlin on November 21st, 1806, which put England 
 in a state of blockade, added to their disagreement. 
 Such a measure seemed revolutionar}^ to King Louis, 
 and calculated to ruin Dutch trade. He would not 
 admit that this decree was a necessary and inevitable 
 reprisal on the edicts of the King of England's council. 
 His entire attention was devoted towards attenuat- 
 ing the injury which the blockade system caused to 
 Holland, and to evade carrying it into effect as much 
 as he could, without appearing to violate it openly. To 
 the complaints made to him about the facilities granted 
 to English trade in -the ports of Holland, he answered 
 by saying that he could not prevent skin from per- 
 spiring. The effect of this opposition was that the 
 Emperor was seriously displeased. 
 
 "W'^hen Napoleon saw himself forced by the decrees 
 of the British council to take recourse to the system 
 of a continental blockade, it was evident that Holland 
 could only preserve her independence by faithfully 
 carrying out this system, or by a maritime peace. 
 The King's answer to the pressing requests of the 
 Emperor that he should close his ports to English trade, 
 was that this system of continental blockade would 
 cause the ruin of Holland, and that it would be better 
 for her tq, unite to and incorporate herself with France, 
 which would at least give her free communications with 
 forty millions of men. The King was asked to draw 
 the attention of England to this steite of things him-
 
 :\IÉXE^'AL'S MEINIOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 307 
 
 self, and to ask her to conclude peace so as to 
 retain the advantages which she derived from the indepen- 
 dence of the Dutch Kingdom. With this in view France's 
 conditions were communicated to the English Cabinet. 
 These conditions were moderate ones. With Napoleon's 
 consent M. Labouchère, sent by the King of Holland, 
 left for London in February, iSio. Fouché, w^ho was 
 ever on the look-out for the means of rendering him- 
 self indispensable, heard of the application which was 
 being made to the London Cabinet, and — of his own 
 accord, and without any other authority but his own 
 — began a second negotiation with Lord Wellesley 
 without the knowledge of either King Louis or Napo- 
 leon. He charged M. Ouvrard with this mission, 
 but did not satisfy himself wdth one intermediary alone, 
 and gave orders to another agent whom he had in 
 London, to enter into communication with the English 
 minister. So many overtures aroused the suspicions 
 of a minister who was but little disposed for peace, 
 and he made haste to put an end to the negotiations 
 by giving a negative answer to M. Labouchère. 
 
 The Emperor then saw^ that in consideration of the 
 safety of our frontiers, and the strict carrying out of the 
 continental system, he could no longer postpone the 
 military occupation of the Dutch frontier. Communi- 
 cations between this country and England had not been 
 interrupted, and British trade continued to find markets 
 in the Dutch ports. Negotiations were entered into 
 without further delay, and during the time when King 
 Louis was at Paris, where he had been called at the 
 same time as the other sovereigns allied to France. 
 This prince, who was one of the most honourable men 
 in his kingdom, but who had been embittered by vex-
 
 3o8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Etions, domestic troubles, and infirmities — placed between 
 the duty which he owed to his brother, and the rigidity 
 of his principles — could not make up his mind to do 
 violence to his feelings in these decisive circumstances. 
 Neither prayers, nor advice, nor remonstrances, nor the 
 promise to indemnify the Dutch for the sacrifice exacted 
 from them, after peace should have been restored, 
 could vanquish the King's scruples, or induce him to 
 give orders for the total exclusion of English trade. 
 King Louis considered his duty, his honour, and even 
 his religion interested in not allowing any sacrifice, 
 from which Holland might suffer, to be imposed upon 
 him ; or to admit any composition, or pay any attention to 
 the advantages which an unreserved co-operation in 
 Napoleon's plans promised him. Some very sharp ex- 
 planations took place between the Emperor and his 
 brother, and it was then that the former first threatened 
 to occupy Holland by force. The King wrote to 
 Holland to order that the French troops should be 
 resisted by all means, even by an inundation of the 
 country. He forbade that any obedience should be paid 
 to his orders if these orders were contrary to those 
 mentioned, and commanded them to hold out until 
 his return. 
 
 These orders soon became known. The King, chal- 
 lenged to yield, and having reflected on the respon- 
 sibility which he was thus assuming in the ruin of his 
 country resigned himself at last to sign a treaty which 
 was forced upon him. This treaty, which is dated 
 March i6th, 1810, stipulated the cession to the Empire 
 of the Dutch provinces situated on the right bank of 
 the Escaut, and the interdiction of all trade with Eng- 
 land, until such time as the English Cabinet should
 
 MENE VAL s MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON L 309 
 
 have revoked its decrees in council. During these dis- 
 cussions, which had been so violent that an unpleasant 
 issue could be expected, Marshal Oudinot had received 
 orders to occupy the fortresses of Berg-op-Zoom and 
 Breda. 
 
 Amongst other documents relative to the struggle 
 carried on by the King of Holland against the Em- 
 peror in Paris, we will quote the following letter, in 
 spite of its length, because it is remarkable for the 
 greatness of national sentiment which predominates in 
 it, and because it epitomises Napoleon's grievances at 
 the attitude adopted by his brother: — 
 
 " Sir my Brother, — I have received Your Majesty's letter. 
 You desire me to make known to you what are my intentions with 
 regard to Holland. 1 will do so frankly. When Your Majesty 
 ascended the throne of Holland, part of the Dutch nation 
 desired its annexation to France. The esteem with which 
 the history of this brave nation had inspired me prompted 
 me to desire that it should keep its name and its independ- 
 ence. I wrote its constitution myself, and this was to be the 
 basis of the throne of Your Majesty, and I placed you on it. 
 I hoped that, having been educated with me, you would 
 have had for France that attachment which the nation has 
 the right to e.xpect from its children, and all the more from 
 its Princes. I hoped that brought up in my politics you 
 would have felt that Holland, which had been conquered by 
 my people, owed her independence only to the generosity 
 of France ; that Holland, being weak without alliances, 
 without an army, could and must be conquered on the day 
 on which she should put herself into direct opposition with 
 France ; that, she had no right to separate her policv from 
 mine ; and that, finally, Holland was bound to me by treaties. 
 I hoped accordingly that in placing on the throne of Holland 
 a Prince of my blood, I had found the mean term which
 
 3IO méneval's ME:\roiRS of napoleon I. 
 
 would conciliate the interests of the two states and unite 
 them in a common interest and in a common hatred of 
 England, and I was quite proud of having given to Holland 
 what she needed, as by my act of mediation I had found 
 what was needed by Switzerland. But I have not been long 
 in finding out that I had been entertaining a vain illusion ; 
 my hopes have been deceived. Your INIajesty, in ascending 
 the throne of Holland, forgot that you are French, and even 
 strained all the springs of your reasoning, and twisted the delicacy 
 of your conscience, to persuade yourself that you are Dutch. 
 Those Dutchmen who are friendly disposed towards France 
 have been neglected and persecuted ; those who have served 
 England have been put forward. The French, from the 
 officer to the soldier, have been turned out, treated with 
 disrespect, and I have had the pain of seeing the French 
 nanie exposed to shame in Holland, under a Prince of my 
 own blood. However, the respect for, and honour of the 
 French name cannot with impunity be attacked, either by 
 Holland or by anybody whosoever. This honour, and this 
 respect, lie next to my heart, and I have known how to 
 bear it aloft on the bayonets of my soldiers. 
 
 " How badly Your Majesty is disposed is shown in your 
 speeches. In these one meets with nothing but disagreeable 
 allusions to France. Instead of giving the example of for- 
 getting the past, they consequently recall it, and by those 
 means flatter the secret feelings and the passions of the 
 enemies of France, and, after all, about what do the Dutch 
 complain? Were they not conquered by my arms? Do they 
 not owe their independence to the generosity of my people ? 
 Should they not rather bless the generosity of France which 
 has constantly left open her canals, and her custom-houses 
 to their commerce, which has made no other use of her 
 conquests than to perfect them, and who until the present has 
 employed her power only for the consolidation of their inde- 
 pendence. Who, then, can have justified Your Majesty's 
 conduct, which is an insult to the nation, and an offence to
 
 .MKXEVAT.S ME:\rOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 311 
 
 me. You must understand that I do not separate myself from 
 my predecessors, and that from Clovis down to the Committee of 
 Public Safety I hold myself responsible for all ; and whatever of 
 evil is said light-heartedly against the Governments which 
 have preceded me, I hold to be said with the intention of 
 offending me. I know it has become the fashion amongst 
 certain people to praise me, and to cry France down, but 
 those who do not love France do no love me ; and those 
 who speak ill of my people, I hold them for my bitterest enemies. 
 Had I only this one cause for discontent, namely, of seeing 
 into what contempt tlie French name has fallen in Holland, 
 the rights of my crown would have authorized me to declare 
 war on a neighbouring sovereign in whose states people allowed 
 themselves to insult my nation. I did nothing of the kind. 
 
 " But Your IMajesty has been deceived as to my character. 
 You have formed a false estimate of my goodness, and my 
 feelings towards you. You have violated every treaty which you 
 have made with me; you have disarmed your fleets; you have 
 discharged your sailors ; you have disorganized your armies ; 
 so that Holland finds herself without either army or a fleet, 
 as though storehouses filled with goods, and regiments of 
 tradesmen and clerks could consolidate a power. Such things 
 make a rich association; but there can be no King without 
 finances, without assured means of recruiting, and without a fleet. 
 
 " Your Majesty has done more than this. You took advan- 
 tage of the moment when I had troubles on the continent 
 to allow the relations between Holland and England to be 
 renewed, to violate the laws of the blockade which is the 
 only means of efficaciously injuring this power. I gave you 
 a proof of my disapproval of this conduct in forbidding 
 you France, and I made you feel that, without the assistance 
 of my arms, by closing the Rhine, the Weser, the Escaut, 
 and the INIeuse to Holland, I put your country in a more 
 critical condition than if I had declared war upon you, that 
 I isolated it in a way which meant its annihilation. 
 
 "This blow re-echoed in Holland. Your Majesty implored
 
 312 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 my generosity and appealed to my fraternal feelings, promis- 
 ing me a change of conduct. And I thought that this 
 warning would suffice. I raised the customs prohibition, 
 when you very soon returned to your first system. It is 
 true that at the time I was in Vienna burdened with a heavy 
 war, Your Majesty received every American ship which 
 presented itself in the ports of Holland, though they were 
 driven out of the ports of France. I was forced to close 
 my custom-houses to Dutch trade for a second time. Surely 
 it would have been difficult to have made a more authentic 
 declaration of war. In this state of things we could consider 
 ourselves as really at war. In my speech to the legislative 
 body 1 hinted at my displeasure, and I will not hide from 
 you that it is my intention to annex Holland to France, 
 both to add to my territory, to strike the most terrible blow 
 in my power against England, and to deliver myself from 
 the continual insults which the ringleaders of your Cabinet 
 never cease to direct against me. As a matter of fact the 
 mouth of the Rhine and the Meuse roust belong to me. 
 The principle in France that the valley of the Rhine is our 
 frontier is a fundamental principle. Your Majesty writes to 
 me in your letter of the 17th that you are sure of being 
 able to prevent all trade between Holland and England; 
 that you have finances, fleets, and armies; that you will 
 re-establish the principles of the constitution by giving no 
 privileges to the nobility ; by abolishing the rank of marshal 
 — a rank which is only a caricature, and quite incompatible 
 with a power of the second order; that }'ou will have the 
 storehouses of colonial goods, and whatever may have been 
 brought on American boats, and ought not to have entered 
 your ports, seized upon. My opinion is that you are under- 
 taking what you will not be able to carry out, and that the 
 annexation of Holland to France is only being postponed. 
 I will admit that T have no more interest in annexing to 
 France the countries on the right bank of the Rhine, than 
 I have of annexing the Grand Duchy of Berg and the
 
 ^ 
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 313 
 
 Hanseatic cities. I can accordingly leave the right bank of 
 the Rhine to Holland, and I will countermand the prohibi- 
 tion which I had ordered at my custom-houses, at all such times 
 as the existing treaties, which will be renewed, shall be 
 carried out. These are my demands: — 
 
 (i.) Prohibition of all trade and all communication with 
 England. 
 
 (2). A fleet of fifteen line vessels, seven frigates, and seven 
 brigs or corvettes, armed and equipped. 
 
 (3). A land army of twenty-five thousand men. 
 
 (4). Suppression of the rank of Marshal. 
 
 (5). Abolition of all the privileges of the nobility, which 
 are contrary to the constitution which I gave, and 
 which I guaranteed. 
 
 " Your Majesty can negotiate through your Ambassador on 
 this basis, with the Duke de Cadore, but you must rest 
 assured that on the admission of the first packet, the first 
 vessel into Holland, I shall re-establish prohibition at my 
 custom-houses; that at the first insult which shall be made 
 to my flag I will have the officer who allows himself to 
 insult my flag seized by force and hanged at the main-mast. 
 Your Majesty will find a brother in me, if I find a French- 
 man in you. If you forget the feelings which attach }-ou to 
 our common country you will not think it wrong that I 
 should forget the ties which nature has placed between us. 
 
 "To sum up; the annexation of Holland to France is what 
 would be most useful to France, to Holland, and to the 
 continent, because it is what would be most harmful to 
 England. This annexation could be carried out by consent or by 
 force. I have sufficient grievance against Holland to declare war ; 
 at the same time I am quite ready to agree to an arrangement 
 which would }ield to me the Rhine as a frontier, and b\- which 
 Holland would engage to fulfil the conditions stipulated above. 
 " Your affectionate Brother, 
 
 " Napoleox. 
 
 Given at Trianon, Sept. 21, 1809."
 
 314 MÉNEVAL'S ?>IEM0IRS of NAPOLEON L 
 
 The Emperor and the Empress left Compiègne at 
 the end of April and stopped at St. Quentin, where 
 Napoleon occupied himself with his usual activity with 
 details of government and the needs and resources 
 of industry. His questions, which were always remark- 
 able for their precision and exactness, showed how 
 much he had these interests at heart. Their jNlajesties 
 visited the canal, and crossed the first part, which 
 was not yet finished, in their carriag'e. The sovereigns 
 then rowed through the canal in the part into which 
 the water had already been let in, for a distance of 
 about a league and a half. Five days were spent at 
 Antwerp, which were employed by the Emperor, who 
 was on horseback from daybreak, in visiting the har- 
 bour works, the arsenal in all its details, and the 
 fortifications ; finally in reviewing the soldiers and inspect- 
 ing the fleet. A ship of several decks, the largest 
 which had been constructed in this harbour, was launched. 
 The authorities were presented to the Emperor and 
 Empress. Napoleon conversed at length with them 
 all, examining what reforms were possible. The 
 Empress showed herself affable, simple, and unpretentious 
 towards everybody. The remembrance of Josephine's 
 graces, and her ardent desire to please, perhaps injured 
 Marie Louise. Her reserve might have been attributed 
 to the German dynastic pride, but this was not the 
 case, and nobody could have been more simple, or 
 less haughty. It was her natural timidity and the 
 novelty of the role which she was called upon to play, 
 which alone gave her an appearance of stiffness. She 
 had so completely identified herself with her new 
 position, and showed herself so touched by the kind- 
 ness which the P^mperor showed her, that wlicn he
 
 MENEVAl.'S MEMOIRS OF XAPOLEOX I. 
 
 .5',-) 
 
 proposed that she should wait for him at Antw^erp, 
 during the tour which he intended to make in the 
 Zeeland Islands, she implored him to take her with 
 him, and not to fear the fatigaie of the journey on her 
 account. Napoleon accordingly left with her, and went 
 to visit one after the other, Bois-le-Duc, Berg-op-Zoom, 
 Breda, Middleburg, Flushing, and the Island of Wal- 
 cheren, which had been evacuated four months before 
 by the English, after an expedition which had appar- 
 ently been prepared for the sake of effecting a diver- 
 sion which might be useful to Austria, but which, as 
 a matter of fact, was undertaken to destroy the beauti- 
 ful maritime and military establishments of Antwerp, 
 which so aroused the ire of Eng'land. Xapoleon 
 returned to this city by North and vSouth Beveland, 
 ascending the Escaut. He inspected the fortifica.tions 
 of these various strongholds in detail. So rapid and 
 sure was his glance, that merely by riding round the 
 enceinte of a fort, often at a gallop, he noticed the 
 weak points, and on his return could dictate notes 
 which showed that he had not neglected the least 
 important detail. 
 
 After this journey the Emperor went and spent three 
 days at the castle of Laeken. He left it on ^May 17, 
 passing through the towns of Ghent, Bruges, Ostend, 
 Dunkirk, Lille, Calais, Boulogne, Dieppe and Havre 
 rapidly, ending his course at Rouen, where he spent two 
 days. It is hardly necessary to add that he left behind him 
 traces of his passage by acts of benevolence at all 
 these cities. The Empress was delighted with the 
 really triumphant reception which she had received, 
 during the whole of the journey. She was received 
 everywhere under triumphal arches, and enjoyed all
 
 3i6 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 demonstrations which could flatter her — popular enthu- 
 siasm, illuminations, balls, and fêtes were everywhere 
 lavished upon her. She had been able to appreciate 
 the French character, and to form an opinion that she 
 would easily accustom herself to a country where the 
 attachment in which Napoleon was held, the prodigious 
 influence which he exercised there, the affection which 
 he had for her, the affection which the population 
 showed her on account of the Emperor, made the new 
 sovereign foresee such happy days. Napoleon, on his 
 side, congratulated himself in having found in IMarie 
 Louise a companion to whom every idea of intrigue 
 was repugnant, who was discreet, and who thought 
 but how to please him. The Grand-Duke of Wiirtzburg, 
 the brother of the Emperor of Austria, the Queen of 
 Naples, the King and Queen of Westphalia, Prince 
 Eugene, and the two Austrian ministers, Aletternich 
 and Schwarzenberg, accompanied the Imperial couple 
 on this journey. 
 
 Their ]\Iajesties returned to St. Cloud on June ist. 
 This month was consecrated to splendid fêtes which the 
 city of Paris, the Imperial Guard, and other corporations 
 gave to the sovereigns. The people took part in the 
 public rejoicings, and in the interval the Emperor went 
 with the Empress to visit several public establishments, 
 amongst other the National library, and the Zoological 
 Gardens, and showed himself with her at the principal 
 theatres. On July ist. Prince Schwarzenberg offered 
 a fête to Their JMajesties at the Austrian Embassy. 
 This fête became sadly notorious by the castastrophe 
 which brought it to a close. A fire broke out in the 
 principal ball-room. The Imperial family, which was 
 the object of the Ambassador's first care, was soon
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 317 
 
 placed in safety. Napoleon put the Empress in the 
 carriage and entered it himself to re-assure her, but 
 on arriving at the Champs-Elysées, left her to continue 
 to St. Cloud, and returned to the embassy mansion 
 to contribute by his presence in rescuing some victims 
 from the flames. The particulars of this catastrophe 
 are well known, and were a sad diversion from the 
 rejoicings which till then had been troubled by no 
 accident. The remembrance of the calamity which 
 saddened the marriage fêtes of Louis XVI. with Marie 
 Antoinette was present in all minds, and the sad pre- 
 sentiments aroused anxiety, the passing impression ot 
 which was soon effaced by the prestige of Napoleon's 
 fortune. The Emperor's first care on the morrow was 
 to send to ask for news of the persons who had 
 suffered by this terrible accident. 
 
 In the meanwhile the Empress Josephine, after having 
 passed the month of April at Navarre, had returned to 
 La Malmaison, given up to profound melancholy. It 
 was with difficulty that she could accustom herself 
 to her new state. After her divorce she retained the 
 title and rank of Empress-Queen, and the enjoyment 
 of a revenue of three million francs ; and held a court 
 at La Malmaison where the same etiquette was observed 
 as at the Tuileries. The Emperor desired that she 
 should continue to receive the persons of the court, 
 the grand dignitaries, the Ministers and the principal autho- 
 rities — to frequent La Mai maison was to please him. 
 
 To divert Josephine from this melancholy Napoleon 
 advised her to go to the waters at the end of July ; 
 so she left for Aix, in Savoy. After the season of 
 the waters she was anxious to visit Switzerland, which 
 she did not know, but on arriving at Geneva, official
 
 3i8 :^iéneval'.s memoirs of xapoleox i. 
 
 advice from Paris caused her to fear that the Emperor 
 was seeking to remove her from France. She com- 
 missioned her daughter, Queen Hortense, to speak 
 about the matter with him in a confidential manner. 
 The Emperor, who had not had the least idea of this, 
 and had only wished to give Josephine a change, 
 hastened to write to reassure her. He advised her to 
 go and see the Viceroy at J\lilan, but gave her the choice 
 between this journey and her return to Navarre, as 
 he wished her to do what would best suit her. Josephine, 
 under the impression of the fear with which she had 
 been inspired, gave up her journey to Switzerland, and 
 made haste to return to Navarre, where she spent the 
 rest of 1 8 1 o, and the larger part of 1 8 1 1 . It was only 
 in 1S12 that she went to IMilan to be present at the 
 confinement of her daughter-in-law. 
 
 In the course of the month of Jul}^ of this same 
 year — 18 10 — Lucien wrote to the Emperor to express 
 his desire to retire to America. Since the JMantua inter- 
 view, of which we have spoken, all attempts to bring 
 about a reconciliation between the two brothers had 
 failed. Napoleon, after having made a last and useless 
 appeal to Lucien, consented to his expatriation. Lucien, 
 however, did not succeed in reaching the United 
 States, for an English frigate arrested him in the waters 
 of Cagliari, and conducted him as a prisoner to Eng- 
 land, where he remained until 18 14, beguiling his 
 captivity by the cultivation of letters, and by putting 
 the finishing strokes to his poems, " CJiarlcinagnc'' 
 and "Z« Cirnéidc'" . 
 
 Canova, who had come to Paris in the month of 
 November, 1 802, to make the First Consul's bust, returned 
 to our capital in October, 1810, summoned there by
 
 MÉNEVAL'S IMEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 319 
 
 tbe Emperor, who wished to entrust him witli the 
 execution of a statue of the Empress Marie Louise. 
 Canova represented this Princess in the character of 
 Concord, and this statue is to-day at Parma. During 
 the course of the sittings which the Empress accorded 
 to the celebrated sculptor, he spoke to the Emperor 
 of the state of distress of the St. Luke Academy in Rome, 
 which had neither revenues nor schools, and the 
 necessity of applying some money to indispensable 
 repairs connected with the Florence Cathedral, as well 
 as for the conservation and maintenance of the nume- 
 rous monuments and artistic objects with which this 
 city and its churches are filled. Canova, whose 
 acquaintance I had made at the time of his journey in 
 1802, wrote to me in the first days of November, 18 10, 
 to beg me to remind the Emperor of the good inten- 
 tions in which he had left him, and of the promises 
 which he had received from him. Being about to 
 return to Italy, the great artist desired strongly to hear 
 the news of the fulfilment of the promises. On 
 November 7th I was in a position to answer him that 
 the Emperor had ordered (i) that the part of the German 
 college called La Fabrica Vccchia should be accorded 
 to the St. Luke Academy as a place of meeting for 
 its schools ; (2) that an income of one hundred thousand 
 francs should be assigned in fee simple to this Academy, 
 of which sum twenty-five thousand francs should be 
 applied to the Academy, and sevent3'-five thousand 
 francs to the preservation of ancient monuments ; (3) 
 that a sum of three hundred thousand francs should 
 be placed at the disposal of the President of the 
 Academy of Florence : to wit, two hundred thousand 
 francs for digging up antiquities, and one hundred
 
 320 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 thousand francs for encouragements to be given to 
 artists ; (4) that funds should also be granted for 
 necessary repairs. Canova thanked me with effusion 
 for the good news which I had communicated to him, and 
 left Paris highly delighted at being the bearer thereof 
 
 The arrival of Lady Bathurst at Alorlaix in the 
 month of September 18 10, called attention once 
 more to an extraordinary occurrence which still remains 
 enveloped in mystery. The various recitals which have 
 been made of this event all agree in the matter of 
 detail. I will briefly relate this extraordinary adventure, 
 which is really worth being recorded. 
 
 After the Peace of Vienna, in 1809, Mr. Benjamin 
 Bathurst, who, though a very young man, was English 
 Ambassador to Vienna, suddenly disappeared on the 
 frontier of Mecklenburg, at the very moment when 
 he was about to embark for England at a port on the 
 Baltic. He w^as travelling under a fictitious name with a 
 courier of the English Cabinet. ]\Ir. Bathurst had set 
 down at the stage-house at Perleberg, which is situated 
 outside the town. When he left it he walked towards 
 his carriage in which the courier was already seated, 
 but whilst putting his hand on the handle of the carriage 
 door the English diplomat seemed suddenly to remem- 
 ber something, turned round, and walked behind the 
 wall, of the house. As he did not return they went 
 to look for him, but could not find him, and not the 
 slightest trace of him could be found. He never 
 appeared again from that hour, and was never again 
 seen; until a fortnight after his disappearance there 
 was found near the stage-house, where he had dined, 
 on the wayside, his trousers, in the pocket of which 
 was the commencement of a letter to his wife. Although
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I, 321 
 
 it had been raining hard for a fortnight neither paper 
 nor writing had been in the least affected. It could 
 never be found out who had brought the trousers to 
 where they were found. 
 
 Mr. Bathurst, during his journey, had been a prey 
 to extreme agitation. He expressed his fear of falling 
 into the hands of enemies. He had walked on foot to 
 the house of the Governor of the town, and had 
 expressed great anxiety on this point ; then on his 
 return to the stage-house he had burnt his papers. 
 All these matters gave rise to the suspicion that he 
 was mentally affected. The English embassies and 
 the Bathurst family caused all kinds of researches and 
 inquiries to be made, but without any result. Even 
 to-day complete ignorance exists as to what became 
 of this unhappy man. 
 
 It was in order to make in person such inquiries 
 as might lead her to trace her husband that Lady 
 Bathurst came to the continent with her brother. 
 The Emperor in a letter dated June 26, 1810, ordered 
 the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the police to 
 furnish her with passports, and to receive her with 
 favour. He allowed her to remain in France as long 
 as might seem fit to her. She returned to England 
 by way of Germany without having discovered anything 
 concerning ]\Ir. Bathurst's disappearance. It would be 
 superfluous to allude to the thousand conjectures to 
 which this event gave rise. I will, however, say that 
 no suspicion whatexer attached itself to the French 
 Government in this matter ; and that Lord Bathurst, 
 Colonial IMinister, the man who persecuted Napoleon 
 most bitterly at St. Helena, was a near relation of 
 Mr. Benjamin Bathurst. The implacable hatred with 
 
 VOL. II. 21
 
 322 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 which he persecuted the great victim of EngHsh perfidy, 
 and the abominable outrages with which he treated 
 him, were the way in which he requited the man who was 
 most kind towards his own kinswoman in 1810. This 
 was not the only occasion, moreover, on which Napoleon 
 gave marks of favour to English subjects in spite of 
 the bitter war which the English Government was 
 waging upon him. A certain ]Mr. Palmer, in whom 
 INIr. Canning- took an interest, was sent back to Eng- 
 land at the Alinister's request, and the Emperor informed 
 ]\Ir. Canning at the same time that he was delighted 
 to have had the opportunity of making himself agreeable 
 to him. To finish with the Bathurst family, I will add 
 that another bereavement was in store for Mrs. Ben- 
 jamin Bathurst. Her daughter, who was endowed with 
 all the gifts of youth and beauty, perished in the Tiber 
 at Rome, in 1828. 
 
 Some months after Napoleon's marriage, ]\I. de Talley- 
 rand, tormented by a thirst for intrigue and power, 
 thought a favourable time had come to regain favour, 
 and in consequence made up his mind to write to the 
 Emperor to offer his services. Napoleon replied to 
 this letter on the 29th of August with a formal refusal, 
 written in such terms that Talleyrand gave up all 
 hope. In a very few words the Emperor stated that 
 his letter had given him pain, that he begged him to 
 abstain from writing to him again on the subject, as 
 his letters would recall to him painful memories which 
 he desired to forget. 
 
 After the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty 
 of March i6th, and having been present at the 
 marriage festivities. King Touis left P^iris, where he 
 had been detained till then, on April Sth, 18 10, to
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 323 
 
 return to Holland. The Queen left for Amsterdam 
 Avith the Crown Prince at the same time, but went 
 another way. Napoleon and his brother had had a final 
 interview, which, in appearance at least, was a friendly 
 one. The Emperor was holding in his hand a knife, 
 very elaborately worked, representing his statue, and 
 fitted with blades and accessories which made it a master- 
 piece of the cutler's art. He handed it to King Louis, 
 who hesitated about taking it, saying that that cut friend- 
 ship. "Bah," said the Emperor, "that only cuts bread!" 
 The good understanding which appeared to be re- 
 established between the two brothers was not to be 
 of long duration. The execution of the treaty ot 
 ]March 1 6th, brought with it fresh difficulties. The exi- 
 gencies of the continental system, the reciprocal broils 
 which envenomed its application, and finally an insult 
 paid to the French ambassador's livery at the gates 
 of the palace, ended in a rupture. One morning whilst 
 at Rambouillet, the Emperor heard the news of his 
 brother's abdication and flight, no previous warning, 
 no understanding between them being there to cover 
 or to attenuate the bad effect which such an escapade 
 must necessarily cause in Europe. After reading these 
 despatches, the perusal of which was interrupted by 
 frequent exclamations of surprise and indignation. Napo- 
 leon rose and throwing- the papers on my table, deplored 
 what he styled his brother's ingratitude, in the strong- 
 est terms, (irief and vexation drew tears to his 
 eyes : — 
 
 "Could I expect," he cried, "such an outrage from a 
 man to whom I acted as a father ? I brought him up 
 with the feeble resources of my pay as artillery lieu- 
 tenant. I shared my bread and the mattress of my bed
 
 324 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 with him. Where does he go to ? To strangers, so 
 as to make people beheve that he is no longer in safety 
 in France, or in the States which are subjected to my 
 influence. " 
 
 During King Louis's stay in Paris, in the first months 
 of the year, the Emperor had threatened to pursue into 
 Amsterdam itself all persons favouring English trade. 
 The King had replied to this threat by giving secret 
 orders that his capital should be defended, even by 
 means of inundation. The Emperor, becoming more 
 and more indignant at the ever-increasing resistance 
 which his continental system, the only means in his 
 eyes for forcing the English to peace, met with, had 
 pushed his custom-house line up to the very gates 
 of Amsterdam, and had even ordered that this city, 
 the seat of the English trade, should be occupied. 
 King Louis, in his extremity, had withdrawn to Haarlem 
 with his young eldest son, who had been brought to 
 him by the Queen in the preceding month of April, 
 determined to submerge Amsterdam rather than to 
 allow it to be occupied by the French troops. He 
 notified this determination to the Ministers, but the 
 council unanimously expressed itself opposed to such 
 extreme measures. The King having next proposed 
 the alternative of defending or of abdicating, the Minis- 
 ters advised the latter step. In consequence King 
 Louis addressed a royal message to the Legislature 
 announcing his renunciation of the throne of Holland 
 in favour of his son, and sent with this message a 
 formal deed of abdication. He left Haarlem on the same 
 day to proceed to the waters of Toeplitz in Bohemia, 
 accompanied by two officers of his household, from 
 whom he separated on arriving on the foreign soil.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 325 
 
 He went by the name of Comte de Saint-Leu, which 
 was the name of an estate which he possessed some 
 leagues from Paris. The Emperor sent to his brother, 
 at ToepHtz, jM. Decazes, who had been secretary of 
 the cabinet, and who combined the posts of secretary 
 to the commands of the Lady Mother and of coun- 
 cillor to the imperial court of Paris. M. Decazes was 
 charged to invite King Louis to leave Austrian 
 territory, and to come and inhabit a country governed 
 by a member of the imperial family. At the same 
 time Napoleon wrote to M. Otto, his ambassador to 
 Vienna, who sent off a secretary of his legation to the 
 King, with the purpose of inducing him to act in 
 accordance with the Emperor's wishes. Neither pressing 
 requests nor advice could triumph over Louis's deter- 
 mination, nor make him abandon his resolution not to 
 live under the influence of a government subjected to 
 his brother's power. He even considered his voluntary 
 exile from Erance as a protestation against the annexa- 
 tion of Holland to the Empire. Napoleon having 
 exhausted all means of persuasion, and being touched 
 by the bad state of his brother's health, did not insist 
 any further, and ended by yielding to his scruples, 
 scruples which were respect-worthy no doubt, inasmuch 
 as they sprang from an upright and sincere mind, but 
 which under the circumstances were eminently regret- 
 table. Louis accordingly was free to choose his own 
 place of retirement, and decided upon the town of 
 Gratz in Styria, situated in the most southern part of 
 Austria. Having- heard of the senatus consultum which 
 assigned a jointure to Queen Hortense and her children, 
 he forbade his wife to accept anything, bidding her 
 content herself with the private property which still
 
 320 méxeval's :memoirs of napoleon i. 
 
 belonged to both of them, an injunction which Queen 
 Hortense saw herself forced to disobey. 
 
 The situation of Holland was such at that time that 
 its best means of safety lay in its annexation to the 
 Empire. In the new state of things in Europe it was 
 impossible to leave this little State to itself. Its incor- 
 poration into a great and powerful Empire at least 
 allowed the Dutch to participate in the advantages of 
 more direct protection, thanks to which it was possible 
 for the commercial prosperity of this people to be 
 once more called into life. Sensible people according!}^, 
 and there are perhaps more sensible people in Holland 
 than anywhere else, desired the annexation of their 
 country to the Empire, and this annexation was pro- 
 nounced. The Emperor ordered the young Crown 
 Prince, wdio had been left in Haarlem by his father, in 
 care of Madame de Boubers, his governess, and in charge 
 of General Brune, the Grand Equerry, to be brought 
 to France. Napoleon sent Archtreasurer Lebrun to 
 Amsterdam in the capacity of Governor-general. There 
 was a resemblance between the character and manners 
 of Prince Lebrun and the tastes and habits of the 
 Dutch, and they agreed very well indeed in consequence. 
 
 Napoleon received his nephew, young Prince Napo- 
 leon, who was brought to St. Cloud, and who at the 
 time was six years old, in an affectionate manner. 
 He told this child that he would be his father, and 
 that when he became a man he would pay his father's 
 debt and his own. He never missed an opportunity 
 of impressing on those whom he had created kings 
 what he expected from thorn in the high rank in which 
 he had placed them. "Never forget," he said to his 
 nephew^ " that in whatever position my policy and the
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 327 
 
 interests of my Empire may place you, your first 
 duties are towards me, your second duty is towards 
 France, and all other duties, even those towards the 
 peoples whom I may entrust to you, only come after 
 these. "
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Duke of Schleswig Augnstenburg Elected Crown Prince of Sweden — 
 His Death — Troubles on this Occasion — Some Swedish Officers ask Bernadotte 
 to Replace this Prince — Preference Given by the Emperor to Prince Eugene, 
 Who Refuses — Assent Given to Bernadotte's Election — Retrospective Review 
 of this Marshal's Political Career — Fouché's Disgrace — His Refusal to Restore 
 the Papers of His Ministry — General Savary Created Minister of Police — • 
 Anecdote — General Foy Sent to the Emperor by Marshal Masséna — Parti- 
 culars About this General — His " History of the War in the Peninsula " — ■ 
 Rupture of the Morlaix Negotiations for the Exchange of Prisoners — Principal 
 Events in 1810 — Reunion of the Hanseatic Towns of Mecklenburg and 
 Oldenburg — Misadventure Which Happened to Prince Bénovent — Singular 
 Fortunes — French Favourites of the Pasha of Jerusalem and of the Emperor of 
 Morocco — Roustan — His Mother — Review of the Police Reports — Order Given 
 for the Recall of Certain Royalists whose Names were Mentioned in the 
 Reports — The Exile of Mesdames de Chevreuse, Staël, and Récamier is 
 Maintained — Napoleon's Kindness Towards His Servants — His Generosity — 
 Camot — His Letter — Chénier — Pougens — Pension Granted to Palissot — 
 Napoleon Susceptible to Friendship — Marshal Marmont — Prince de Neufchatel 
 — M. de Las Cases — On the St. Helena Manuscript — Prince do Bénévent — 
 Madame Grant — Purchase of the Monaco Mansion — Napoleon's Friendship 
 for Alexander— This Prince's Cypher is Effaced on the Bas-reiief of the 
 Column in the Place Vendôme — Sitting with Reference to Him at the State 
 Council — Clandestine Circulation of the Bull of Excommunication — Address 
 from the Metropolitan Chapter to the Emperor — National Council in Paris — 
 Particulars — Declaration of the P'rench Clergv written by Bossuet — The 
 Decision of the Council — Factious Opposition of some French Bishops — The 
 Emperor's Policy with Reference to the Court of Rome — Strict Order 
 Introduced into the Financial Department — Reason of the Emperor's 
 Objection to Public Loans — Loans Made to Commercial and Banking Houses — 
 The State Budget Fixed Each Month by the Emperor — Encouragements 
 Given to Industry — A Prize of One Million Promised to the Inventor of a 
 Flax-Spinning Machine — The Empress Enceinte — M. de Mesgrigny is Sent to 
 Vienna on this Occasion — Communicjition to the Senate — Madame dc Mailly 
 treated like a Marshal's Wife — Presentation of Lyons Manufacture to the 
 Empress — Creation of the Society of Maternal Charity — Madame de 
 Montesquiou is Appointed Governess of the King of Rome — Painful La- 
 bour — Napoleon's Anxiety — Fear for the New-born Child — This Anxiety 
 is Dispelled — A Hundred and One Cannon Shots — General Enthusiasm — 
 Mission Given to the Pages and the Officers — Private Baptism— French and 
 Austrian Orders Deposited on the Cradle — Reflections on this Subject — 
 Reception of the Great Corporations of the State — Drawbacks of Familiarity — 
 Anecdote on General Lannes — The Page Gudin — Anecdote Concerning 
 a Milliner — Poetical Homage — Casimir Delavigne — Lebrun — Child's Song 
 Composed by Madame de Gcnlis — Gérard — I'rudhon — Extraordinary Foreign 
 Embassy — Doctor Dubois is Magnificently Rewarded — His Declaration to 
 Napoleon — The Empress's Churching — Hopes for Lasting Peace — Journey to 
 Rambouillet— The King of Spain Comes to Sec the Emperor There— Object 
 of His Visit. 
 
 328
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 329 
 
 BERNADOTTE'S election as Crown Prince of 
 Sweden was so important an event that it seems 
 to me necessary to speak of it with the most circum- 
 stantial details. After the deposition of Gustavus IV., 
 the Duke of Sudermanic, this king's uncle, was called 
 to the throne. As the Duke had no children, the Diet, 
 on his proposal, elected Prince Christian of Schleswig 
 Augustenburg, Crown Prince of Sweden, and he became 
 the idol of the Swedish nation. Unfortunately he died 
 suddenly of a stroke of apoplexy in the month ot 
 January, 1810, whilst engaged in reviewing a regiment. 
 The people, embittered by this death, which they refused 
 to belie\'e was a natural death, broke out into a violent 
 revolt, in which Count P'ersen, Marshal of the Court, 
 lost his life. The death of the Duke of Augustenburg 
 was a misfortune profoundly to be regretted. If this 
 prince had lived, a good understanding would have 
 been maintained between France and Sweden. He 
 had asked the Em|3eror for one of the princesses of 
 his family to wife. 
 
 The Swedes, feeling that they needed a soldier, 
 cast their eyes on a French general, and thought that 
 such a choice would be agreeable to Napoleon, whose 
 friendly disposition they were anxious to cultivate. 
 
 I am taking part of my story, the exactness ot 
 which I can guarantee because its various phases 
 happened under m}' very eyes, from General Philip 
 Ségur's work on " The Russian Campaign in 1 8 1 2, Criti- 
 cally Examined." 
 
 In 1807, at the time of the evacuation of Pomerania 
 by the Swedes, two brothers of the name of ]\Iocrner, 
 officers in the regiment of the same name, were brought 
 to ^Marshal Bemadotte who gave them his house as
 
 330 ]MÉXEVAL'S ME.MOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 their prison, and about a month later sent them back to 
 Sweden. In June 1810, one of these officers, who had 
 become colonel, sent in his name to Bernadotte, at 
 his house in the Rue d'Anjou, in Paris, and spoke to 
 him of the desire of the Swedes to put him in the 
 place of their deceased Crown Prince. Bernadotte 
 listened to this oifer with amusement, and without 
 attaching any real importance to it at first, determining 
 not to speak of the matter to the Emperor until the 
 proposal should have been made in an official form. 
 Some days later an extraordinary envoy of Sweden, 
 Baron Wrède, came to see the Marshal, and, confirming 
 what Colonel jMoerner had said to him, asked for a repl}^ 
 That was on a Saturday. Next day Bernadotte went to 
 St. Cloud before mass and communicated this news to 
 the Emperor, who said to him: 'T know all about it, 
 and I leave you free to accept or refuse. I \\'ill act in 
 this matter as you choose. I had charged Alquier 
 to propose a regency, and to await events. The son 
 of the last King might have been recalled later on, 
 but in Sweden they do not want to have anything 
 more to do with this family. I would rather see you 
 there than anybody else. I will support you with 
 my consent ; take what steps are necessary. " 
 
 Bernadotte sent a 3^oung man who was a relation 
 of Signeul's, the Swedish consul in Paris, to Stockholm 
 to arrange with his partisans, authorizing him to pro- 
 mise all the money that was necessary. I will add 
 that Bcrnadotte's agents acted skilfully, using the name 
 of the Emperor Napoleon to bring over those who 
 were hesitating to their side. About two million francs, 
 advanced by Napoleon or k^nt by General, afterwards 
 Marshal Gérard, was all the money which the future
 
 mkneval's :\rEMoiRs of napoleon I. 331 
 
 King of Sweden could dispose of to pay into the bank. 
 Bernadotte's election depended entirely on Napoleon's 
 goodwill, and, before appointing him, the Swedes took 
 care to assure themselves of the Emperor's consent. 
 
 If the choice of this marshal of the Empire had dis- 
 pleased the French sovereign he would only have 
 needed to express it to prevent his election. The Swedes 
 had only cast their eyes on Bernadotte because he was 
 related to Napoleon by marriage, Madame Bernadotte 
 being King Joseph's sister-in-law, and wishing in this 
 way to conciliate the Emperor's goodwill. Napoleon, 
 however, was prompted to desire that the throne of 
 Sweden should be occupied by a man more loyal to 
 France, and this, through an instinctive distrust of the 
 marshal's feelings, a mistrust which events only too 
 fully justified. Under the influence of this prejudice 
 Napoleon commissioned General Duroc to go one 
 morning- to the Elysée where Prince Eugene was 
 living, during the marriage festivities, and to propose 
 to him the future crown of Sweden. Prince Eugene 
 asked for one day in which to consider the proposal. 
 Duroc having come to fetch an answer on the morrow, 
 Eugene replied that after having carefully considered 
 the matter with the vice-queen, and having meditated 
 on the advantages and disadvantages of this new 
 establishment, they had come to the conclusion that 
 they must content themselves with their present situ- 
 ation in Italy. He added that moreover the obligation 
 to abjure the Catholic faith was exceedingly distasteful 
 to his wife, the Princess. Napoleon told Prince Eugene 
 the same day that he had perhaps done right to refuse, 
 although he would have been much pleased if he could 
 have accepted the proposal.
 
 332 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 When one considers the lofty fortune to which Ber- 
 nadotte was raised, one is prompted by the desire to 
 cast a retrospective glance on the career which was 
 followed by this factious soldier, who from a common 
 soldier's dormitory passes through revolutionary clubs 
 to reach a foreign throne, to which the protection ot 
 a great man raises him at one stroke without transi- 
 tion, without any apprenticeship to government, and in 
 the capacity of the gratuitous heir of an ancient royal 
 race. Having entered the Royal army as a simple 
 soldier at the age of sixteen, he follows his regiment 
 to Corsica, the cradle of the future Emperor whose 
 arm he uses to raise himself. He works with his 
 hands on the St. Florent road, and is employed in 
 keeping the lists in the office of the Registrar of the 
 superior Council of Corsica. He takes ten years to 
 become a sergeant. The Revolution finds him in this 
 rank which would have been, without it, the highest 
 rank of his military career. At the beginning of the 
 Revolutionary period, when all discipline and subordi- 
 nation was upset, Bernadotte finds himself in his 
 element. He is to be seen in the barracks of Mar- 
 seilles, perched on a bench, powdered, gaitercd, and 
 in elegant military costume haranguing his comrades, 
 and using his Gascony eloquence to persuade them to 
 turn out their former officers and to take their place. 
 His activity and his smartness raise him rapidly to the 
 post of general of division in 1794. After various 
 alternations of success and failure he passes over 
 to the army in Italy under the command of General 
 Bonaparte. Here he displays zeal and adroitness. At 
 the time of the 18th Fructidor, the events on which 
 day were partly brought about because some Royalist
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 3 33 
 
 letters seized by Bernadette on the person of Count 
 d'Antraigue, agent of the French Princes, had been 
 sent to the Directoire, the future King of vSweden gets 
 himself sent to Paris bearing petitions from the army 
 which demand the punishment of the traitors. His 
 revolutionary exaltation is noticed and he refuses to 
 take part in the army to England, which had been 
 sent to Egypt, hoping to succeed to the command of 
 the army in Italy. 
 
 Appointed ambassador to Vienna he hoists the flag 
 of the Republic over the door of his Embassy in a 
 critical moment of popular effervescence: an untimely 
 and unseasonable demonstration which was calculated 
 to provoke some outrage likely to compromise the 
 re-establishment of peace with Austria. This imprudent 
 act obliges the Directoire to retain the army for Egypt 
 in France until fresh orders, in the fear that war 
 might break out again on the Continent. Bemadotte, 
 disavowed by the Directoire, returns to Paris and 
 attaches himself to Joseph Bonaparte, whose sister-in-law 
 he marries — a marriage which was to be the foundation 
 of his fortune. Appointed to the Ministry of War by 
 his brother-in-law's influence he is later on removed 
 by Siéyès, who finds him too ardent. Having returned 
 to private life he shows himself hostile to the revolu- 
 tion of Brumaire i8th, but has not the courage to 
 oppose it openly. He then accepts the advantages of 
 this revolution, having been convinced by the success 
 of the event, and represses the jealous instinct which 
 urges him to paralyse the arm, which, however, he 
 will make use of to raise himself to the highest sum- 
 mit of honours. At the time of the publication of 
 the Concordat of 1802, Bemadotte unites himself to
 
 334 méxeval's memoirs of NAPOLEOX I. 
 
 other generals to renew his opposition. Sent back to 
 the army in the west, which he had left to go to Paris 
 on this occasion, he continues the same intrigues and 
 the same plotting. Surprised whilst conspiring against 
 the First Consul, his brother-in-law, Joseph, intercedes 
 for him, and Bernadotte escapes punishment. But clem- 
 ency irritates ungrateful hearts, and he finds the weight 
 of gratitude heavy to bear. The demagogue allows 
 himself to be appointed marshal of the empire and 
 Prince of Ponte-Corvo. Vested with the command of 
 an army corps during the Jena campaign, Bernadotte 
 refuses to assist Marshal Davout at Auerstadt, thus 
 compromising for the sake of a detestable feeling of 
 rivalry the safety of the entire army. He only escapes 
 a court-martial sentence for this conduct out of con- 
 sideration for his alliance with the Emperor's brother, 
 who protects him for a second time. After the battle 
 of Wagram the Prince of Ponte-Corvo addresses a 
 lying order of the day to the Saxons, who formed part 
 of his army corps, an order w^hich was calculated to 
 diminish the credit due to the French troops, and which 
 was contrary to the rules of military discipline. This 
 jealous boasting forces the Emperor to remove him 
 from his command, and to send him back to Paris, 
 covering his disgrace however with indulgent pretexts 
 about the Marshal's health. 
 
 In spite of the numerous reasons for displeasure which 
 Napoleon had against Bernadotte, he called him to a high 
 fortune and literally loaded him with gifts and honours. 
 
 The sovereign of Sweden comes to be dethroned. 
 His successor, who had no children, adopts a prince of 
 the Danish reigning family. This prince dies as though 
 for the very purpose of leaving Bernadotte free access
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEIMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 335 
 
 to the throne of Sweden. Then some Swedish officers, 
 grateful for the treatment which they had received at 
 his hands when they were his prisoners, and tempted 
 as much by the hope of the Emperor's protection 
 as by the Marshal's military reputation, propose his 
 election as hereditary prince. In spite of this reputa- 
 tion, Bernadotte was never a great soldier. There 
 were generals in the French army, having held chiet 
 commands, who were worth as much as he was, and 
 some were even superior to him. But in the eyes of 
 the Swedes, Bernadotte was related to Napoleon, and 
 Napoleon had always cast the veil of indulgence over 
 his faults. The Prince de Ponte-Corvo did not hesitate 
 to abjure his religion in order to become king, and 
 declared that Stockholm was well worth a Protestant 
 sermon. 
 
 Napoleon's indulgence towards such persons as Ber- 
 nadotte, Talleyrand, and Fouché cannot be explained 
 in a way likely to satisfy what it is conventional to 
 call public opinion. Napoleon's clemency encouraged 
 such characters to do fresh wrongs, which the Emperor 
 forgot, only remembering the services which they had 
 rendered him. Even after blind Fortune had firmly 
 established Bernadotte on a throne to which a total 
 absence of merit gave him so little claim — after he had 
 gathered in the fruits of his past treacheries and his 
 recent perfidy, when the satisfaction of his ambitious 
 desires should have rendered him well-disposed and 
 inclined to look into his heart — he could not refrain 
 from spreading abroad bitter and dishonouring state- 
 ments about Napoleon, the first author of his fortune. 
 
 The terrible disaster which terminated the reign of 
 that august and most unhappy man, the Emperor, the
 
 336 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 remembrance of Napoleon's kindness, and an indulgence 
 the effects of which Bernadotte had so often felt, did 
 not suffice to touch a heart ungrateful by nature, and 
 rendered implacable by jealousy and ambition. 
 
 The following details will furnish fresh traits of Ber- 
 nadotte's character. His avarice and the cunning of 
 the means which he employed to avoid paying his 
 debts, or to get the best of his foreign creditors, won 
 him the name of the " Crowned Harpagon, " and enabled 
 him at his death to leave behind him a treasure exceed- 
 ing thirty millions of francs. 
 
 The allied powers, whilst refusing to acknowledge 
 the foreign endowments bestowed by the Emperor 
 Napoleon, nevertheless allotted to the holders of these 
 endowments the arrears w^hich had not been paid up 
 to the day on which the definitive treaty of peace was 
 signed. Bernadotte alone refused to carry this measure 
 into execution, and refused to pay over the arrears 
 due to the titularies. All the efforts of the French 
 ambassador to Stockholm to enforce the claims of 
 those entitled to these arrears, and to establish a 
 principle which was not contested by any other power, 
 remained without effect. This caused it to be said 
 with full justice that " these recipients were, however, 
 his fellow-countrymen, men who had shared the same 
 dangers and the same rewards. They had a right to 
 look upon him, Bernadotte, as their supporter and 
 their protector in this common cause, if by any chance 
 their rights happened to be ignored." 
 
 In 1 8 15 there fell to Sweden a sum of twenty-five 
 millions of francs, which was the price of the retro- 
 cession of Guadeloupe to France, a colony which the 
 English had given to Sweden during the war, besides
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 337 
 
 twelve millions as an indemnity for the surrender of 
 Pomerania to Prussia. Bernadotte devised the scheme 
 of making Parliament hand over these thirty-seven 
 millions of francs to him, this sum equalling, on a 
 balance-sheet which he laid before the States, and which 
 they accepted, the total of the debts of Sweden previous 
 to 1 8 15, and undertook to pay off these debts himself. 
 Having secured the consent of the States General he 
 began by considering himself as a privileged creditor. 
 He kept back, for himself, the amount which he 
 considered due to him in compensation for the loss of 
 the principality of Ponte-Corvo, and of his private 
 fortune, spent for his establishment in Sweden — two 
 claims which he consented to reduce to a total of twelve 
 millions of francs. Bernadotte next devoted his atten- 
 tion to profiting by the remaining twenty-five millions 
 by means of various transactions in which he was 
 seen to display all the subtleness of a procurator 
 combined with the power which he exercised as king. 
 It would take too long a time to relate in all their 
 details the tricks, worthy of Molière's miser, which 
 Bernadotte employed to reduce the total of the debts 
 which the States had charged him to pay off in the 
 lump. We will, however, mention some examples. 
 
 Denmark had a claim, for supplies furnished to 
 the Swedish army, to a sum which had already been 
 fixed after discussion at eighty thousand Hamburg 
 crowns. The Danish creditors were so discouraged by 
 the delays and postponements to which they were 
 subjected, that, wearied out, they resigned themselves 
 to the receipt of only thirty-seven thousand six hundred 
 crowns. An American debt which was due from the 
 sale of cargoes of cotton seized at Stralsund, in 181 2, 
 
 vol il 22
 
 338 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 by the French, but afterwards sold by Sweden, which 
 was to hand over the price reaHzed to the American 
 merchants, was reduced, after ten years hagghng, by 
 two fifths. The debts contracted with the formal 
 sanction of the States towards the family of Gustavus IV., 
 by way of indemnity for the private property which it 
 possessed in Sweden, were in their turn reduced by 
 twenty-five per cent. A Genoese debt of twelve millions, 
 after chicaneries of all kinds, prompted mainly by the 
 intention of realizing profits on the coin-currencies and 
 the exchange, was finally discharged —although it had 
 been declared absolutely lawful — with a draft on 
 London for ninety-nine thousand pounds sterling. 
 The King of Sweden further deducted a sum of four 
 thousand crowns from this sum, pretending that the 
 philanthropy of the Genoese would not refuse this 
 subsidy to one of the philanthropic establishments of 
 Stockholm. And lastly Bernadotte, desiring to liqui- 
 date the Saxon loan, offered the bondholders seventy 
 per cent, of their claims. The majority resigned them- 
 selves and accepted this offer. As to the others, all 
 kinds of manœuvres were brought into play against 
 them to force them to agree. All the preceding 
 details have been taken from official documents. 
 
 When, after the death of the Emperor Alexander, 
 Bernadotte's powerful protector, Prince Gustavus Wasa 
 entered the service of Russia, this event caused the 
 royal intruder to fear that the interest tiiken by the 
 Russian Government in the son of the exiled monarch 
 might develop in a ]3crilous manner. A doubt as to 
 the stability of his dynasty arose in the mind of the 
 former Marshal of the Empire, and he expressed 
 himself in the following very characteristic manner:
 
 ISIÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 339 
 
 " ISIy son will very probably have a kingdom. He is 
 sure to have thirty millions." 
 
 I have to speak of Fouché's disgrace, which is 
 important on account of its cause. The double nego- 
 tiation opened by this minister in London, without 
 the Emperor's knowledge, concurrently with the over- 
 tures for peace which the King of Holland was 
 making there through the agency of M. Labou- 
 chère, was the cause of this disgrace. Napoleon had 
 closed his eyes to the agreement which had been made 
 between Fouché and the Prince de Bénévent after the 
 battle of Essling and the landing of the English 
 expedition in the island of Walcheren. Until then an 
 open antipathy had separated these two ministers. 
 Their intimacy manifesting itself under such cir- 
 cumstances was bound to inspire the Emperor with 
 well-founded suspicions. The audacity of Fouché in 
 dealing with a hostile government without Napoleon's 
 participation, could not remain unpunished. It would 
 take up too much space to enter into the details of 
 this culpable intrigue, and these are besides matters of 
 public knowledge. Ouvrard, the agent in this under- 
 hand negotiation, had, it is true, written to the Emperor 
 to ask his authorization to act in the matter, but Napo- 
 leon, knowing this person's presumption, looked upon 
 his desire to interfere in diplomatic affairs as a ridicu- 
 lous one, and — never dreaming that he would dare to 
 give effect to these plans without his consent— ^did not 
 condescend to answer his letter. 
 
 The regrets expressed by the Faubourg St. Germain 
 at the news of the dismissal of IMinister Fouchc, the 
 former bloody terrorist, are worthy of notice. He had 
 known how to persuade this last stronghold of the
 
 340 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 opposition that it was he who was its protector with 
 Napoleon, and that if any member ot this opposition 
 fell into disgrace it was because it had been out ot 
 his power to prevent it, but that he might be relied 
 upon to destroy, or at least to attenuate, the effects ot 
 this severity. It might have been said that Fouché 
 held Napoleon under the effects of a charm, for with 
 the best reasons for dismissing him, the Emperor still 
 hesitated. One day, at St. Cloud, having, according 
 to a very usual custom of his, come and seated him- 
 self on a corner of my writing-table, Napoleon said to 
 me, after some w^ords of no importance, and with a 
 brusque change of subject: " jMéneval, I have a mind 
 to dismiss Fouché. " This remark seemed to be the 
 expression of a yet undecided state of mind. Napoleon 
 trying to come to some definite determination. I could 
 not prevent myself from exclaiming- : " Sire, I ex- 
 pected this, and I am only surprised at one thing, and 
 that is that you haven't sent him away before." He 
 rose slowly without answering me, took one or two 
 turns in the study with his hands behind his back, and 
 then occupied himself with some other matter. This 
 hesitation on the Emperor's part showed to what an 
 extent Fouché possessed the art of rendering- himself 
 necessary, or rather what difficulty Napoleon felt in 
 separating himself from persons to whom he had been 
 long accustomed, even when his confidence in them 
 had been greatly shaken. 
 
 Fouché, after his disgrace, retired to his château 
 at Pontcarré, but first took care to carry off with him, 
 or to destroy, the most important papers at his minis- 
 try. The Emperor not wishing to leave his letters in 
 the hands of a man whom he considered capable ot
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 341 
 
 making a bad use of them, sent Prince de Neufchâtel 
 and his friend the councillor of state, Real, to ask for 
 these papers ; but Fouchc persisted in denying that he 
 had carried off any papers. Although the Emperor 
 was extremely irritated by Fouché's disguised refusal, 
 he did not wish to take steps against him. Reflection 
 having inspired the ex-minister with the fear of the 
 consequences of the Emperor's resentment, he ended 
 by making up his mind to hand over Napoleon's let- 
 ters. Napoleon being unwilling to leave the restless 
 mind of this dangerous intriguer without food, and 
 especially wishing to remove him from France, ap- 
 pointed him Governor-general of the Illyrian provinces. 
 He had later on reason to repent not having put it 
 out of the power of this unhallowed individual to do 
 harm. 
 
 More than one ambition was aroused by the vacancy 
 at the Ministry of Police. The Emperor had reserved 
 this portfolio in petto for General Savary, who after- 
 wards became Duke de Rovigo, and who at that time 
 was one of his aides-de-camp. He was anxious in 
 rewarding the services of this general officer to employ 
 his talents and his devotion to his person in a useful 
 manner. Duke de Bassano had proposed Senator 
 Sémonville, which, without speaking unjustly, was a 
 mistake on his part. Napoleon had not replied nega- 
 tively. Accordingly, when one day he told i\I. de 
 Bassano that he would declare his choice on the mor- 
 row, the Duke thought the chances in favour of his 
 protégé and advised liim in a confidential manner to 
 go to St. Cloud. M. de Sémonville arrived provided 
 with a parcel which contained his senator's coat and 
 sword, and the hat with the white feathers, and waited
 
 342 MÉNEVAL'S IMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 with anxiety at Madame de Bassano's house. On 
 leaving mass, the Emperor ordered M, de Bassano 
 and General Savary to be brought to his cabinet. The 
 latter, who had no idea of the favour in store for him, 
 was just preparing to return to Paris, his week's service 
 being terminated. The general was on a call to 
 Madame de Bassano, when he saw an outrider from 
 the imperial stables ride up, leading a horse, who told 
 him that the Emperor wished to see him at once. 
 Savary, who could not mount on horseback in shoes 
 and stockings, asked for the loan of a pair of the 
 Duke's riding-boots. Bassano had immense calves, so 
 that Savary had all the room he wanted in his boots. 
 Savary put his shoes in his pockets, so as to have 
 them in readiness to put on again before entering into 
 the Emperor's presence, jumped on the horse which 
 had been brought for him, and rode off at a gallop to 
 the palace. The Emperor, who was tired of waiting, 
 was just going out when the general arrived. Great 
 was the latter's surprise, and no less the surprise of 
 the Duke de Bassano, who was in the Emperor's 
 cabinet, when Napoleon addressing the latter and 
 pointing to General Savary said: " Here is my IMinister 
 of Police." It was a coup dc theatre, which was 
 repeated at Madame de Bassano's house in front of 
 M. de Sémonville, when the Duke, bringing Savary 
 back told them both: "Here is the Minister of Police." 
 In the meantime General Foy arrived in Paris. He 
 had been sent by Marshal Masséna to explain to the 
 Emperor the critical position in which the French army 
 found itself before Lisbon, at the end of 1810. Napo- 
 leon wishing to reoccupy Portugal, which General 
 Junot had been forced to abandon after the convention
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 343 
 
 of Cintra, had charged INIarshal IMasséna with this 
 important operation. Prince d'Essling had prefaced 
 the invasion of Portugal with the taking of the towns 
 of Ciudad-Rodrigo and Almeida. After the defeat at 
 the battle of Bussaco, he had arrived in front of the 
 lines of Torres- Vedras, an immense entrenchment 
 covering over fifteen leagues, at which the English 
 general had been working for the past six months, 
 and which was defended by an Anglo-Portuguese army, 
 which Avas three times greater than ours. Not being 
 able to attack these formidable lines face to face, the 
 Marshal was forced to blockade it whilst w^aiting for 
 reinforcements. He then decided to send General 
 Foy to the Emperor to acquaint him with the state of 
 affairs, to ask him for instructions, and especially for 
 funds. General Foy, who in this campaign had displayed 
 courage and talent, was only knowm to Napoleon by 
 the opposition which he had always manifested against 
 the imperial government. A friend of General Moreau 
 and of General Lecourbe, he had shown himself very 
 partial towards the former at the time of his trial. 
 When Napoleon became Emperor, General Foy refused 
 him his vote, and would not add his name to the 
 congratulations which his comrades addressed to the 
 new Cœsar. Foy was colonel of artillery at the time. 
 This inflexibility of principle had not put a stop to his 
 career, for he had been appointed general of brigade 
 on his arrival in Portugal. (Tcncral Foy's antecedents 
 were not, however, calculated to dispose the Emperor 
 in his favour. But when Napoleon had listened to 
 him he showed himself extremely satisfied with the 
 clear way in which the general had answered his 
 numerous questions as to the position of the French
 
 344 MÉNEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 arm}", its operations, and its resources. The Emperor 
 was much pleased with this officer. Hearing that he 
 had lost his carriages, and had run great dangers on 
 his journey, Xapoleon ordered a sum of twenty thou- 
 sand francs to be paid to him, and appointed him at 
 the same time general of division. He had conceived 
 so high an opinion of General Foy's character 
 and talents that he designed him /;/ f^ctto for the 
 dignity of marshal, a distinction which he also 
 reserved for General Gérard and Generals Clausel and 
 Lamarque. 
 
 Up till 1 8 14, General Foy continued to show the 
 same bravery and the same talents in war. Having 
 returned at that time to private life, he devoted his 
 leisure to study. Elected by the electors of his 
 department to represent them at the Chamber of 
 Deputies, this eminent general became one of the most 
 eloquent of orators. He figured in the ranks of the 
 opposition and showed himself the most indefatigable 
 and the most skilful champion of the guarantees stipulated 
 for in the Charter, the most resolute adversary of the 
 unpopular laws proposed by the government of the 
 Restoration. He often used to combine with his 
 magnificent speeches in patriotic defence of public 
 liberties, attacks against the fallen government, which 
 were not always fair or just. He used at times to tell 
 his friends, who blamed him for it, that he did this to be 
 consistent. General Foy, animated, without any pos- 
 sible doubt, by sincere patriotism, charged Napoleon 
 with the commonplace crime of having immolated 
 liberty, so as to strike a simultaneous and indirect 
 blow at the illiberal methods of the royal government, by 
 warning it of the danger of governing in an arbitrary
 
 MÉNEVAL's memoirs of napoleon I. 345 
 
 manner, and by accusing it of favouring in this way the 
 underhand growth of the counter-revolution. Mistaking, 
 with this object in view, the spirit of the acts of the 
 preceding government, the general did not take suffi- 
 ciently into consideration the abnormal and extraordi- 
 nary circumstances in which the holder of the sovereign 
 power had found himself placed. 
 
 After General Foy's death there was published a 
 work on the war in the Peninsula, which this soldier 
 had written during the leisure of peace and of his 
 legislative career. The injustice and the mistakes which 
 disfigure this work, which otherwise is a very remark- 
 able one, are to be attributed, it is said, as much to 
 the author, as to the publisher of this book, who in 
 various places has exhibited his ignorance of military 
 matters in the story of the conduct of this war, and 
 a superficial acquaintance with the events which 
 during this period occurred in Spain and Portugal. 
 General Foy had not had the time to finish this 
 work, and only left behind him unfinished notes, on 
 which the " History of the War in the Peninsula " was 
 written. * 
 
 In the month of November 1810, the riCgotiations. 
 
 * Count Maxiniilicn-Sebasticn Foy. Born at Ham, 1775, artillery lieu- 
 tenant in the Belgian canipai};n (1791-1792), colonel in 1 801, defended 
 the Dardanelles against the English fleet in 1807, promoted general of 
 brigade in Portugal in 1 808, general of division in 18 10, sent to Spain 
 with his army, covered the retreat from Salamanca (181 2), was wounded 
 at the battle of ïouloxise and again at Waterloo, appointed army inspector 
 by Louis XVIIL in 1814, elected deputy of Somme department in 1819. 
 Amongst his most important speeches were his speeches against the press 
 law in 1819, the electoral law in 1820, and against French interference 
 in Spain in 1820, He died in 1825. His funeral was a national one. 
 A million francs were subscribed for his family. His " Discours " were 
 published in 1826, and the History alluded to by Méneval in 1827 
 (4 vols, in 8vo.) — R. H. s.
 
 346 MÉNEVAL'S ]SIE]M0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 opened eight months previously, with the English 
 Government for an exchange of prisoners came to an 
 end without any result. These negotiations were being 
 pursued on behalf of France by M, de Moustier, who 
 had been employed with me at the Congress of Lunéville, 
 and on behalf of England by Mr. Mackenzie. The 
 French Government had previously proposed various 
 systems of exchange, stimulated by the desire to 
 rescue thousands of French prisoners from hideous 
 captivity on the English pontoons. The system of 
 exchange which England seemed to prefer was the 
 exchange of all the prisoners, both native and allied, 
 en masse. When it became a question of drawing up 
 ihe clauses referring to the arrangement which had 
 to be come to in this matter, difficulties arose. The 
 English plenipotentiary, adopting, in appearance, the 
 bases agreed upon, wished to insert ambiguous clauses, 
 the result of which would have been that the English 
 Government would first of all have withdrawn all the 
 prisoners of English nationality, exchanging them for 
 an equal number of French prisoners. Now, from the 
 proportion of French and English prisoners, twenty 
 thousand prisoners would have remained in England 
 to be exchanged for Spanish prisoners. The liberation 
 of these Spanish prisoners was subordinated to the 
 impracticable condition of having to open and follow 
 up preliminary negotiations with the Spanish juntas, 
 which were all independent of each other, and which 
 did not compose a regular government. Our wretched 
 countrymen would accordingly have been prisoners for 
 an indefinite time on the English ptrntoons, for Eng- 
 land attached little importance to the lives of the allies 
 who fought for her and who were in her pay. All
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 347 
 
 the efforts of the French Government to effect the 
 admission, in an agreement, of equitable and reciprocal 
 conditions remained without result from the British 
 Ministry, and the English negotiator broke off the 
 conferences, and pressed for the return of his credentials. 
 This new attempt in favour of the unhappy victims of 
 war failed before the cold and selfish policy of 
 England. 
 
 The events which I have described in a summary 
 manner are not the only occurrences w^hich marked the 
 year 1 8 1 o, which was more fruitful in important events 
 than any other year of the Empire. 1810 witnessed 
 also the surrender of Hanover to the King of West- 
 phaha; the creation of the Grand-duchy of Frankfort, the 
 succession to which became the appanage of the viceroy 
 of Italy ; the commencement of the revolution in Ame- 
 rica, * the signal for which was given by Caracas f in 
 separating from the metropolis ; and the incorporation 
 of Valais, of the Hanseatic cities, and of Oldenburg 
 into the Empire. 
 
 The annexation of Valais to the Empire followed that 
 of Holland, and Valais became a new department 
 under the name of the Simplon department. 
 
 The immense development which English commerce 
 had taken in the German Ocean, and in the Baltic, 
 where England had important markets, in Heligoland 
 and elsewhere, the evident favour which was accorded 
 to her by the States on this seaboard, rendered the 
 system of a continental blockade an illusory one. 
 The uselessness of the efforts made by France to 
 oppose collusion and smuggling, and to remedy the 
 
 * South America. 
 
 y Now the federal cai^ital of Venezuela. — R. H. s.
 
 348 méxeval's ]\iemoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 inactivity of several governments, made Napoleon deter- 
 mine to occupy the German countries situated between 
 these two seas. The edicts of the British council, in 
 tearing up the charters of European international law, 
 authorized the use of even the most violent measures 
 for combating the odious maritime tyranny of England, 
 It was indispensable for the success of the system 
 which had been adopted for the enfranchisement of 
 the seas that the mouths of the Escaut, the Meuse, 
 the Rhine, the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe should 
 be hermetically closed against the English. The only 
 way of becoming absolutely master of these positions 
 was to place them under French administration. It 
 was for this reason that the French Government declared 
 in a senatus consultum, dated December i4th, 1810, 
 that the Hanseatic cities, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg, and 
 the districts situated at the mouths of the rivers men- 
 tioned, formed integral parts of the French Empire. 
 These acquisitions of territory formed ten new depart- 
 ments. 
 
 To these great events, which are of public notoriety, 
 I must add the recital of certain facts of less general 
 interest, which happened about the same time. 
 
 A singular occurrence added a fresh grievance to 
 all those which the Emperor already had against M. dc 
 Talleyrand and increased the latter's rancour. Talleyrand 
 had a nephew, Augustus de Talleyrand, who had sought 
 in marriage a rich heiress of Orleans. This lady's guar- 
 dian insisted that the suitor should prove himself possessed 
 of a fortune of three hundred thousand francs before 
 granting his ward's hand. M. Augustus de Talleyrand 
 applied to his uncle, who consented to advance him this 
 sum, his nephew hoping to be able to refund the advance
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEiMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 549 
 
 in time. The promissory note which he signed remained 
 in the hands of his uncle, who promised not to let it pass 
 out of his possession. Later on, however, M. de Talley- 
 rand being himself short of money, passed the note on 
 to a third person, who came and asked Augustus de 
 Talleyrand to pay it. He was at that time ambassador 
 to Switzerland. Surprised by this sudden demand, his 
 first impulse was to accuse his uncle of having broken 
 faith. Madame Augustus de Talleyrand, greatly upset 
 by this occurrence, started off at once for Paris from 
 Berne. She presented herself at the Emperor's levee, 
 her husband being one of the Emperor's chamberlains, 
 and told him of the difficulties in which M. de Talley- 
 rand had cast his own nephew. Napoleon, informed 
 of all the circumstances, summoned his Archchancellor, 
 and ordered him to express his displeasure to M. de 
 Talleyrand for the disgrace which his way of behaving 
 had brought upon a man who was representing France 
 abroad, and finally insisted that the note should 
 be called in without delay. M. de Talleyrand was 
 forced to comply, but this direct interference of the 
 Emperor in his family affairs seemed to him a gratuitous 
 provocation, and awoke in him a resentment which 
 poured a fresh dose of gall into his heart. 
 
 Tn these days of extraordinary fortunes, two French- 
 women who had started from lowly origins acquired 
 an influence in the East which, on more than one 
 occasion, they placed at the service of their countrymen. 
 
 One of these modern Roxelanas was the wife of an 
 infantry sergeant, and had been sutler to the regiment 
 in which her husband had served during the French 
 expedition to Egypt. The chances of war threw her 
 into the power of the Pasha of Jerusalem. Claimed
 
 oo^ 
 
 méneval's me^sioirs of napoleon l 
 
 by order of General Kléber, at that time in command 
 of the French army in Egypt, this woman, satisfied 
 with her new position, and being in the Pasha's good 
 graces, refused to give up these advantages to return 
 to the precarious position which she had formerly 
 •occupied. She remained after that time at the Pasha's 
 court in Jerusalem, but never forgot in the midst of 
 her splendour that she was a Frenchwoman and a 
 Christian. She used the influence which she owed to 
 the Pasha's favour, accordingly, in protecting the 
 Christian establishments in Syria. Napoleon, having 
 heard of this, gave orders to our consuls to put them- 
 selves into communication with her, and to profit by 
 her influence. She rendered them certain services for 
 which she was rewarded. 
 
 Another Frenchwoman, a Corsican from Balagna, 
 had been taken prisoner by the Barbary pirates, who 
 sold her to the Sultan of jMorocco. He made her his 
 favourite. She had a brother in France whom she 
 thought it her right to recommend to the Emperor. 
 Napoleon, yielding to the influence of this woman's 
 strange destiny, was anxious to respond to the confidence 
 which his countrywoman had placed in him. He accord- 
 ingly gave orders that this brother sliould be found, 
 and was disposed to do something for him, but was 
 obliged to abandon this project on hearing that the 
 man could neither read nor write, and was totally 
 unfitted for anything. 
 
 The story of Roustan, Napoleon's famous mameluke, 
 in some way resembles these extraordinary destinies. 
 I will accordingly take this opportunity of recording 
 it. Roustan received one day a letter from his mother, 
 who was a slave, I believe, in Turkey. She wrote to
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON I. 35 I 
 
 her son, of whose good position in France she had 
 heard, to give him her news. Roustan was transported 
 with joy on hearing that his mother was still alive. 
 Napoleon ordered me to answer the letter, and to ask 
 Roustan's mother what he could do for her; but my 
 letter, for what reason I do not know, was never 
 answered. Roustan was born in Georgia, and his 
 father, who had become doctor to the Pasha, had sent 
 for his wife to join him with their two children. Pirates 
 kidnapped the three during their journey, and divided 
 the prisoners amongst themselves. Roustan, sold in 
 Egypt, was brought up in the house of Koraïm, Bey 
 of /Alexandria, in the mamcluke noviciate. After the 
 death of the Bey, sentenced by court-martial as guilty 
 of having communicated with the English fleet. Napoleon 
 took Roustan into his service, and brought him back 
 to France. Roustan was still in ignorance of what 
 had become of his mother and his sister. He accompanied 
 Napoleon on all his journeys, acting as his outrider 
 and, occasionally, as his valet. He had become 
 inseparable from Napoleon, and no picture of Napoleon 
 was ever painted without the silhouette of his mameluke 
 being placed behind the Emperor's portrait. Roustan 
 adapted himself entirely to French customs. He 
 married a daughter of one of the Empress's ushers, 
 and had several children by her. At the time of the 
 abdication, in 18 14, Roustan could not stand the test 
 of adversity. He disappeared from Fontainebleau, on 
 the eve of the day on which Napoleon was to leave 
 France for the island of Elba, carrying off a sum of 
 money which had been given him to compensate his 
 wife for tlic prejudice which his absence might cause 
 her. His weariness of the agitated life which he had
 
 352 méneval's memoirs of XAPOLEOX I. 
 
 been forced to lead for so long a time, the uncertainty 
 of the future, and the pleasures of the domestic hearth, 
 weighed more in his eyes than the fidelity which he 
 owed to Napoleon, and blinded him to the ingratitude 
 of which he was guilty in abandoning a master who 
 had loaded him with acts of kindness. 
 
 In 1810 the Emperor ordered the notes concerning 
 several people in the Faubourg St. Germain, whose 
 removal Fouché had demanded, which were in the 
 offices of the ISIinistry of Police, to be laid before him. 
 He was surprised at the trifling nature of the complaints 
 made against them, and ordered that these persons 
 should be recalled from exile. Four or five of them 
 alone were excepted from his amnesty, amongst others 
 Mesdames de Chevreuse and Staël, whom Napoleon 
 knew personally, and whose malicious way of talking 
 displeased him. One of them was in constant conspiracy 
 against his authority, the other was of an irremediably 
 hostile disposition. The Emperor, deeming them 
 incorrigible, as well as Madame Récamier, one of 
 Madame de vStaël's henchwomen, forbade them to live 
 in Paris in the strictest terms, without assigning limits 
 of time to this ostracism. 
 
 On the same occasion Napoleon wished to inform 
 himself what was the real state of affairs in the Fau- 
 bourg St. Germain which certain persons, from preju- 
 dice or by interest, tried to make him look upon as a 
 bogey. He ordered information, accordingly, to be 
 supplied, of influential families who were known for 
 their active opposition or for their harmless sulking 
 against the new order of things. I drew up a kind 
 of dictionary, with this purpose in view, by help of
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 353 
 
 the contradictory notes supplied by AIjM, de Talleyrand, 
 Sémonville, Duroc and the Minister of Police; but T 
 do not think that the Emperor ever consulted it, and 
 it has since remained in my hands. 
 
 I have related above with what hesitation Napoleon 
 separated himself from Fouché, in spite of the fact that 
 there were reasons for complaint against him, which were 
 only too well-founded, and this in consideration of the 
 useful services which he had rendered him, especially at 
 the time of his accession to power. Bourrienne was an- 
 other example of that feeling of instinctive benevolence 
 which attached Napoleon to anybody who could invoke 
 " old times " before him. This benevolence, this remem- 
 brance of ser\'ices rendered in an elevated sphere, 
 extended to the most modest posts in his household. 
 No old servant was ever dismissed vmtil the Emperor 
 had approved of the report addressed to him on this sub- 
 ject, and it was only on the second or third relapse 
 that he agreed to a dismissal. A poor devil of a 
 coachman, whose constant state of intoxication ren- 
 dered him incapable of doing his work, escaped being 
 dismissed for a long time, because he had driven a 
 waggon at the battle of Marengo. 
 
 The first usher of the Emperor's cabinet —a man 
 called Landoire — whom the Emperor liked, and whose 
 old and faithful services he appreciated — having lost 
 his wife, desired, on account of family affairs, to re- 
 marry with his wife's sister. Such marriages were 
 forbidden by the civil code. The Emperor, to whom 
 Landoire applied, told him that it was impossible for 
 him to grant him this request ; but, vanquished by the 
 pressing demands ot the man. Napoleon charged the 
 Grand Judge to make a report to him of the matter. 
 
 vol. II. 23
 
 354 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 The conclusions of the Ministers report were to the 
 effect that although the person whom Landoire wished 
 to marry was only his wife's half-sister, the prohibition 
 was so formal that the Emperor could not authorize 
 the marriage w^ithout committing a flagrant violation 
 of the law. Napoleon sympathized with his servant's 
 grief and had it suggested to him to go and marry 
 in some neighbouring state which was outside the 
 jurisdiction of the civil code. Landoire could only get 
 married in 1814, when marriages of this kind ceased 
 to be absolutely forbidden. 
 
 If the examples of Napoleon's goodness were limited 
 to those which I have just quoted, they would not be 
 conclusive in favour of the natural kindness of his 
 disposition. There is no tyrant, however savage he 
 may be deemed to be, w^ho has not his good moments. 
 What I wanted to say was that this kindness was the 
 usual state of his mind, and that it was practised on 
 every opportunity. Even when Napoleon had thought 
 it his duty to reprimand severely, his real disposition 
 got the upper hand and sooner or later made amends 
 for any injustice in what he had said. I do not want 
 to digress too far, nor to mention the numerous 
 examples of Napoleon's disposition to remember past 
 services. These examples are generally well known, 
 and I will content myself with mentioning the fol- 
 lowing, which are less so. In i8og. General Carnot 
 found himself in debt. Since Napoleon's accession 
 to the Empire he had constantly maintained an 
 attitude of pronounced hostility towards the new 
 regime. As this general's conduct was the result 
 of his convictions, and not of personal feeling, he 
 presumed on the sovereign's generosity to the extent
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 355 
 
 of asking his support in a critical moment and accord- 
 ingly sent me, through the agency of M. Collignon, 
 his kinsman, with whom I had been in relations, a 
 letter in which he asked me to ask the Emperor for 
 the loan of a sufficient sum to settle his difficulties. 
 The Emperor being touched by Carnot's confidence in 
 him hastened to assist him. By a delicate feeling he 
 did not ask to be informed of the state of the general's 
 affairs, nor did he ask him to lay his accounts before 
 him. Napoleon simply asked the Minister of War at 
 what time Carnot had ceased to receive his pay as a 
 general, and ordered the arrears with accessories to 
 be paid over to him, which realized more than Carnot 
 needed for his debts. At the same time he granted 
 him a pension of ten thousand francs as a former 
 minister. Carnot, out of gratitude for the Emperor's 
 generosity towards him, offered him his services. 
 An exchangee of courtesies then took place between 
 them which honours them both alike. Napoleon, out 
 of consideration for Carnot's political convictions, did 
 not wish to assign him to a post the duties of which 
 might clash with his opinions. He asked him purely 
 and simply to write a book on the defence of fortified 
 places, inviting him to give the authority of his name 
 to the principle of defence carried to its extremest 
 limits. Recent examples had shown the necessity of 
 re-establishing this principle. Carnot lost no time in 
 carrying out the Emperor's wishes, and a few months later 
 sent him the work, together with the following letter : — 
 
 " Sire, 
 
 " Not having been able to offer your ^lajesty the first 
 copy of ray work on the defence of fortified places, with ray own
 
 356 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 hands, I have begged H.E. the INIinister of War to present 
 it to you in my name. My best endeavours have been used 
 in this book to point out to young soldiers intended for this 
 branch of the service, the true path of duty, and to inspire 
 them with the feehngs of honour and of devotion to your 
 person with which they should be animated. I personally 
 have been guided in the course of my work by my feeling 
 of profound gratitude towards you. May this feeling supple- 
 ment the talent which I should have needed to carry out 
 your wishes in a worthy manner. 
 
 " I am, Sire, Your Majesty's very humble and very obedient 
 servant, and faithful subject, 
 
 "(Signed) Carnot." 
 
 Later on, in 1814, when misfortune fell upon France, 
 and the importance of our fortified places was increased 
 by the invasion of the territory, Carnot offered Napo- 
 leon the assistance of his sword and of his experience, 
 in a touching letter. His offer having been accepted 
 he was sent to Antwerp, where he added example to 
 the precept which he had so wisely and so eloquently 
 expounded, 
 
 Chénier, having become the adversary of the Emperor, 
 whom he even attacked in his writings, applied none 
 the less to him for a post which he needed. As I 
 had known him formerly it was through me that his 
 letter reached its destination. After Chénier left the 
 Tribunate, the First Consul had offered him the place 
 of administrator of the post-office. It was a kind ot 
 sinecure which would have enabled Chénier to give 
 himself up to his literary work. Such occupations 
 were better suited for him, and would without doubt 
 have replaced in a profitable and advantageous manner 
 the systematic opposition which had won for him
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 357 
 
 in the Tribunate the empty shadow of the influence 
 which he had formerly exercised in the heart of the 
 Convention and of the popular assemblies. Chénier 
 refused this lucrative post, although he was fond 
 of spending money, and combined republican ideas 
 with a little aristocratic display. He proudly wished 
 to earn the salary of the place given to him. He 
 asked for the place of University Inspector, a place 
 which was more suited to his tastes and aptitude, and 
 in spite of the wretched state of his health courageously 
 undertook a long tour on the inspection of schools. 
 His vanity as a poet, which could brook no contra- 
 diction, often made him forget that the spirit of 
 conciliation was necessary in the functions which he 
 fulfilled. A spirit of opposition, the recollection of his 
 former political passions led him on to indiscreet 
 attacks against the power of the Head of the State. 
 On a report from Fouché, who until then had been his 
 protector, the place of University Inspector was with- 
 drawn from him. Financial embarrassment, indeed, a 
 state of real distress, to which he was reduced by the loss 
 of his occupation, got the better of his pride. Palissot, 
 who liked him very much, persuaded him after a long 
 resistance to appeal to the Emperor's generosity, and 
 assured him that I would willingly undertake to 
 place his letter before the sovereign's eyes. On reading 
 his letter Napoleon was touched by the sad position 
 into which a man whose talents he respected had 
 fallen, and he made haste to hand over to the poet 
 a sum of money which he needed to pay his debts. 
 At the same time he commissioned him to continue 
 the History of France, and entrusted him with other 
 literary work, rewarding him with a handsome salary.
 
 358 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Chénier did not enjoy this new favour for any great 
 length of time, for death overtook him in the prime 
 of life and at the moment when his talents had reached 
 their greatest height. * 
 
 Charles Pougens, an estimable literary man, and a 
 Member of the Institute, had had the misfortune to 
 lose his sight. This state of blindness had not, how- 
 ever, interrupted him in his literary work. Deprived 
 of all resources by the events of the Revolution, he had 
 succeeded in establishing a printing-office, to w^hich 
 he had added a bookseller's shop. He had been 
 known to General Bonaparte, whose library he had 
 formed at the time of his departure for Egypt. A 
 series of bankruptcies ruined Pougens in 1803. In his 
 distress it occurred to him to apply to the First Consul, 
 who at that time happened to be at the camp at 
 Boulogne. The courier w^ho had carried M. Pougens' 
 letter returned with an order that 40,000 francs were 
 to be advanced to him. This loan was to be paid 
 back in a period of four years. Ten years later half 
 this sum was still owing, but touched by the energy 
 of his debtor's efforts, and by his honesty. Napoleon 
 discharged him of the 20,000 francs which remained 
 owing, in a decision issued April loth, 18 13. It was 
 stated in this decision that this favour was granted to 
 M. Pougens in compensation for the suppression of 
 his printing-office, and as a reward for the labours 
 which he was carrying out for the achievement of his 
 great work Lc " Trésor des Origines, " the complete 
 publication of which was prevented b})" the author's 
 
 * This is hardly correct, Chcnier was dismissed from his post 
 by Napoleon who took offence at his "Epître à Voltaire," and he 
 died in (some say, of) want in Paris in 1811, AVhat was the 
 "handsome salary" to which M, de Méneval alludes? — R. H. S.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs Oi' NAPOLEON I. 359 
 
 doath. Pougens was only able to print one specimen 
 in folio, which shows immense erudition and research, 
 really surprising- when one considers that the author 
 had lost his sight. * 
 
 It would be easy to quote other examples and 
 numerous proofs of Napoleon's liberality as well as of 
 the delicacy which he employed in his way of obliging. 
 Without referring again to his munificence towards his 
 generals I am in a position to say that his ministers, 
 senators, and many other civil functionaries enjoyed the 
 benefits of a generosity to w^hich those who were 
 worthy of it never appealed in vain. 
 
 I had asked the Emperor for a pension on the 
 Empire Press Fund in favour of my old friend Palissot. 
 I haggled with him for a long time as to the amount 
 of this pension. He did not want it to exceed 3000 
 francs, although he had quite recently awarded a 
 pension of 6000 francs to the poet Lebrun (Ecouchard). 
 We had a kind of discussion, in which Napoleon 
 consented to engage with me, on the respective merits 
 of the two poets. He authorized me to prepare for 
 him a draft decree granting Palissot a pension, but 
 only one of 3000 francs. As he very readily put up 
 with being contradicted on questions which only inter- 
 ested him slightly, and indeed very often gave way on 
 these points I told him that since he consented to give 
 
 * Charles Pougens (1755 — '^33) '^^'as tlie natural son of Prince de 
 Conti. He lost his sight from the effect of smallpox at the age of 24. 
 He was sent to England in 1786 to conclude a commercial treaty. 
 His principal works are the book mentioned above, the complete title 
 of which is, " Trcsor des Origines, Dictionnaire raisoniic de la languie 
 française" (18 19) and '■'■ L' Archéologie française on Vocabnlaire des 
 tnots anciens tombés en désuétude'''' (182 1 — 1824). He was admitted to 
 the Institute in 18 19 and was a member of almost all the academies of 
 Europe. — R. H. s.
 
 360 ISIÉNEVAL'S jMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 my protégé a pension, I could not make this amount 
 less than 6000 francs in the decree which I should 
 prepare for him for his signature. He answered nothing; 
 but when I laid the decree before him Napoleon cried 
 out. Turning round towards me he caught hold of 
 my ear, which was a familiar gesture of his, and 
 reproached me, laughing, at having wanted to get his 
 signature by surprise. Then laying down his pen he 
 repeated his objections on the inferiority of Palissot's 
 merit as compared with Lebrun. At last, after jesting 
 with me in a kindly manner on my tenacity, he was 
 good enough to compound with me, and to award a 
 pension of 4000 francs to my worthy friend, who 
 enjoyed it until his death, which took place just at 
 the time when the Restoration was about to deprive 
 him of his pension. 
 
 Napoleon is supposed to have been incapable of 
 friendship. Hatred, which has worked with such 
 assiduity to disfigure this great character, could not 
 fail to seek to strip him of the most precious attribute 
 of true greatness. Napoleon had sincere friends whose 
 friendship he often requited: Desaix, Lannes, Duroc, 
 Bessières, Muiron, and others whose names are not 
 before my memory just now\ Misfortune is a crucible 
 in which friendship is refined, and often dissolved, but 
 the friends whom I have named were profoundly attached 
 to Napoleon, and would have remained faithful to him 
 as he on his side was to their memory. 
 
 The interest which Napoleon took in those whom he 
 loved proves that he was capable of attachment. A 
 general officer whom he had adopted from the moment 
 of his entering the military profession, whom he had 
 supported and guided with particular interest, and to
 
 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 36 1 
 
 whom he had given the most favourable opportunity 
 of distinguishing himself in war, had just been raised 
 to the highest dignity in the army. The Duke de 
 Raguse, after having received his nomination as ISIarshal, 
 presented himself in the Emperor's tent to thank him. 
 Napoleon said: 
 
 " I have given you your nomination, and I had great 
 pleasure in giving you this new proof of my affection ; 
 but I am afraid I may have incurred the reproach of 
 having listened rather to my affection than to your 
 rights to this eminent distinction. You have plenty 
 of intelligence, but there are needed for war qualities 
 in which you are still lacking, and which you must 
 work to acquire. Be it said amongst ourselves that 
 you have not yet done enough to entirely justify my 
 choice; at the same time I am confident that I shall 
 have reason to congratulate myself on having nominated 
 you, and that you will justify me in the eyes of the 
 army. " 
 
 The man to whom these words were addressed, 
 touched by such paternal feeling, agreed as to what he 
 owed to the Emperor's goodness, and protested that 
 it was his intention to render himself altogether worthy 
 of it, and to give him fresh proofs of his devotion. 
 
 I did not mention Berthier's name amongst the 
 Emperor's friends because of his defection in 18 14, and 
 I was wrong. If a moment of error separated this 
 marshal from the Emperor at that time, Berthier had 
 preserved too deeply-rooted a remembrance of his old 
 master not to survive adversity. I very ncarl}- met 
 the Prince of Wagram at Waldscc, a town in Wiir- 
 temberg, in 1S15, when, like a plant which turns its 
 face towards the orb from the ravs of which it derives
 
 362 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 its existence, Berthier was on his way to join the 
 person whom he called his brother-in-arms, his faithful 
 companion in war, his wife. The Emperor on his 
 side could not forget him. He used to say, laughingly, 
 that when Berthier returned — and Napoleon never 
 doubted that Berthier would return — he would take no 
 other revenge upon him than to oblige him to come 
 to the Tuileries in the uniform of Louis XVIII. 's 
 guards. We may be quite sure that the Emperor 
 would not have insisted on this. 
 
 Adversity, moreover, drew close to Napoleon at 
 St. Helena men whose devotion he w^ould never have 
 had full opportunity of judging in the days of his 
 prosperity, and amongst these it is right with others 
 to mention the name of M. de Las Cases, in whose 
 sympathy and fidelity the illustrious captive found 
 consolation in his exile. Napoleon's feelings towards 
 this courtier under misfortune are shown in a letter 
 which is a monument of true friendship, which the 
 Emperor wrote to this faithful servant when England 
 forced him to leave Longwood. M. de Las Cases 
 responded to these feelings by publishing a book, 
 which in spite of its faults became and will remain 
 popular. 
 
 The "Memorial of St. Helena" was the first and 
 most powerful protest against an odious system of 
 calumny and libel, inspired by hatred and an abuse 
 of victory. The " Memorial " caused a publication 
 which on its appearance excited general curiosity in 
 Europe, to be forgotten. I refer to the " Manuscript 
 which came from St. Helena in a Manner Unknown." 
 At the time when this book was published the myste- 
 rious way in which it had reached England and had
 
 IMÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 363 
 
 been addressed to the most celebrated bookseller * 
 in London, the strong desire to obtain revelations 
 from Napoleon about himself, the disgust with the 
 diatribes published against him, and finally the interest 
 which was inspired by the greatness of his misfortune, 
 prepared a greedy reception for this alleged St. Helena 
 manuscript. On the other hand, the anachronisms, 
 the improbabilities and the vulgar mistakes interspersed 
 in pages full of lofty ideas and picturesque and cha- 
 racteristic expressions, held the public mind in suspense. 
 The anachronisms were explained by the statement 
 that it had been necessary in order to rescue the 
 sheets of the manuscript from the inquisition of the 
 gaoler of St. Helena, to separate them, and to send 
 them to Europe by roundabout ways, so that the 
 confusion which had resulted therefrom had prevented 
 their being put in their right order. Indeed a proof 
 of the authenticity of the book was seen in these 
 very anachronisms because it was pointed out that 
 no spurious author would have committed them. The 
 mistakes about facts were attributed to the loss of 
 several sheets of the manuscript, which had to be 
 rewritten by somebody else's pen. These explanations, 
 good or bad, having been admitted, the book was 
 generally considered to be the work of Napolaon 
 himself, amongst persons whose functions had formerly 
 put them into direct communication with him. Reflec- 
 tion however, and a more careful examination of the 
 manuscript, very soon increased the doubts as to its 
 
 * Mr. John Murray writes me concerning this book : " The Maiiiisci-it 
 venu de Sic. Hélène was pubHshed by my grandfather in 18 17. The 
 authorship was never avowed or recorded in our books. I think, 
 however, there can be no doubt that it was not actually written by 
 Bonaparte, but was sanctioned or connived at by him." — R. H. s.
 
 364 méxeval's memoirs of XAPOLEOX I. 
 
 authenticity. There were mentioned as having been 
 its authors, first of all JMadame de Staël, then Ben- 
 jamin Constant. The Emperor himself attributed it 
 to a Councillor of State whom he did not name, 
 who, according to his statement, had been on ordinary- 
 service under the Consulate. Public opinion finally 
 settled upon a relation of Count Simeon's, who occu- 
 pied a place in the financial department in the 
 South of France. Count Simeon, being approached 
 on the subject, admitted that his relation was respon- 
 sible for the book. The secret which the true author 
 of the book had kept was at last confided to his 
 family. The "IManuscript of St. Helena," which appeared 
 fated to remain enveloped in the m3^stery which enshrouds 
 to this da}^ the Letters of Junhis, and other historical 
 writings and deeds, whose authors, or those who took 
 part in them, will probably remain unknown for ever, 
 was from the pen of ]M. Frederic Lullin de Château- 
 vieux, a Genevese, already known to the scientific 
 W(^rld. This writer has admitted, after keeping silent 
 for twenty-five years, that he wrote this book, in 1 8 1 6 ; 
 that he carried it himself to London, and posted it to 
 jMurray the publisher. The draft of this little work, 
 entirely written by its author's hand, and covered 
 with his corrections, was found amongst his papers 
 after his death, and M. Simeon's cousin readily re- 
 nounced a paternity which people persisted in attributing 
 to him. 
 
 Napoleon had an inclination for various people who 
 made their mark in the history of this century, and 
 amongst others for M. de Talleyrand. The latter had 
 foreseen the future elevation of General Bonaparte at 
 the time when the Directoire had raised the former
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 JUo 
 
 Bishop of Autun to the IMinistry of Foreign Affairs, 
 The First Consul and Emperor remembered this fact, 
 and there perhaps lies the reason of the sympathy 
 which Napoleon so long retained for Talleyrand. Even 
 when guilty collusions, financial matters, and warn- 
 ings given by foreign sovereigns obliged the Emperor 
 to remove this minister's portfolio, and to dismiss him 
 from his councils, an instinctiv^e liking drew him back 
 towards him. In 1803, the Emperor had asked the 
 Pope to secularize the former prelate, a feeling of 
 propriety making him desire to see the latter in a posi- 
 tion better suited to the worldly career which he had 
 embraced; but it was not the same when M. Talley- 
 rand expressed to the Head of the State his wish to 
 marry. The Empress Josephine, Mrs. Grant's friend, 
 helped her with all her influence on the Emperor's 
 mind ; but Napoleon remained deat to all her entrea- 
 ties. Sometimes Josephine used to go up by the little 
 staircase which communicated between her apartment 
 and the Emperor's cabinet, and would come and knock 
 at the door. One day, being alone, I opened the door. 
 She had come to tell " Bonaparte " that Madame Grant 
 was there, and to beg him to listen to her for a 
 moment. Napoleon at last allowed himself to be in- 
 fluenced and went downstairs to his wife's rooms, 
 where he found Madame Grant in a suppliant attitude, 
 imploring him with clasped hands not to put an obstacle 
 in the way of her marriage. Napoleon could not resist 
 a woman's tears and entreaties, and promised to remain 
 neutral, which was all he could do. The marriage 
 took place, but was not destined to be a happy one. 
 In 1 8 10, when Talleyrand had lost between fourteen 
 and fifteen hundred thousand francs in banker Simon's
 
 366 jMéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 bankruptcy, the Emperor, in spite of the fact that he 
 had real grievances against his former ISIinister, came 
 to his assistance. He purchased the ]\Ionaco mansion, 
 which ]\L Talleyrand wanted to sell, for two million 
 and some hundred thousand francs. Now in purchas- 
 ing this house Napoleon was acting against a rule 
 which he had made of never buying houses or estates 
 which were expensive to keep up, for he had no need 
 of such, seeing that the imperial domains and castles 
 amply sufficed him. 
 
 Napoleon also truly loved the Emperor Alexander, 
 whom he found superior to the sovereigns of the day. 
 The Czar's wit, his grace, and his affability had 
 charmed the Emperor. In spite of the most caressing 
 demonstrations, it must be acknowledged to-day that 
 the Russian monarch's affection for Napoleon was 
 never sincere. As to the latter, he succumbed to the 
 charm of the cunning Alexander, in spite of all the 
 strong reasons which he had to abandon his illusions. 
 Napoleon had retained such feelings for this prince 
 that he used to say that an hour's conversation would 
 have sufficed to efface all traces of resentment between 
 them. I witnessed, at Tilsitt and Erfurth, the charming 
 familiarity which existed between Napoleon and Alex- 
 ander, and the affectionate intimacy which manifested 
 itself in their private and almost daily correspondence. 
 I like to believe that amongst the causes of the pro- 
 found melancholy which embittered the Czar's last 
 days were mingled some remembrances of the moments 
 spent at Tilsitt and at Erfurth, and the picture of the 
 agony of .St. Helena. Napoleon, without putting 
 aside the requirements of his general policy, was 
 filled with condescension towards Alexander. The fol-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 367 
 
 lowing incident will servie as an example, albeit it 
 touches Napoleon's military glory as well as his poli- 
 tics. Having noticed that Alexander had retained a 
 bitter remembrance of his defeat at Austerlitz, the 
 victor ordered his cipher to be secretly removed from 
 the bas-reliefs on the column in the Place Vendôme, 
 where it figured on the helmets and the breastplates 
 of the Russian soldiers. * The Czar, on entering into 
 Paris, had he paid attention to the matter, might have 
 seen in the absence of this cipher a proof of the 
 delicate generosity of his former ally. 
 
 The excommunication fulminated in i8og by the 
 Pope, which had passed almost unnoticed at the time, 
 had not prevented the Emperor's marriage, nor checked 
 the discussion of the religious questions which were 
 being dealt with in an ecclesiastical commission to 
 which the examination of all litigious matters had been 
 submitted. 
 
 Towards the end of 18 10 the Emperor heard that 
 this excommunication, as well as the Papal bulls 
 directed against the nomination of Cardinal Maury to 
 the archbishopric of Paris, and against the nominations 
 of two other bishops, were in secret circulation. The 
 bull of excommunication had even been clandestinely 
 posted up during the night on the doors of Notre 
 Dame. Abbé d'Astros, grand vicar to the chapter of 
 Paris, was suspected of having had a hand in this 
 matter. The examination of this abbe's papers, and 
 his own confessions, dispelled all doubts on this subject. 
 But what irritated the Emperor in the highest degree 
 
 * It is said thai the cipher has since been restored. —
 
 368 méneval's ]\iemoirs of XAPOLEOX I. 
 
 was to hear that PortaUs, the Councillor of State, son 
 of the former Minister of Public Worship, to whom had 
 been extended the same kindness which the Emperor 
 had shown towards his father, had also received commu- 
 nication of these bulls in secret. At the first sitting of 
 the Council of State at which Xapoleon presided — 
 January 5th, 181 1 — he addressed Count Portalis in 
 very severe terms, and after a sharp reprimand ordered 
 him to leave the room, and banished him from Paris. 
 At St. Helena Napoleon blamed himself, and perhaps 
 not without reason, for having humbled M. Portalis 
 too deeply in ordering him to leave the room. He 
 said that he should have contented himself with severely 
 blaming him before the whole Council of State assembled. 
 Placed between the severe necessity of denouncing 
 his relation, and his duties towards his sovereign, who 
 had a right to demand unreserved fidelity from him, 
 M. Portalis's position was a difficult one. It is not 
 my place to decide what he ought to have done to 
 conciliate all. 
 
 I was much exercised by ]\I. Portalis's disgrace. I 
 had been employed with him at the Congress of 
 Lunéville, and at the Congress of Amiens, and our 
 relations, begun under these circumstances, had been 
 continued. I have even in my possession letters which 
 he wrote to me from Berlin, where he was secretary 
 of legation, letters in which his assurances of friendship 
 towards me are mingled with his expressions of 
 devotion towards the Emperor. When he was recalled 
 in 1 8 13, and appointed first president to the imperial 
 court at Angers, I made haste to go and congratulate him. 
 
 The arrest of several prelates and canons, compro- 
 mised by the papers which had been seized at the
 
 méneval's ^memoirs of napoleon I. 369 
 
 house of d' Astros, the grand vicar, followed on the 
 discovery of this religious conspiracy. On the day 
 after the scene at the Council of State, on January 6th, 
 1 8 1 1 , the metropolitan chapter of Paris thought right 
 to present the Emperor with an address exposing its 
 profession of faith in favour of the liberties of the 
 Gallican Church and Bossuet's four propositions. The 
 majority of the archbishops, bishops, and chapters of 
 Italy adhered to the declaration of the Paris chapter. 
 
 Napoleon, full of his great designs on Italy, and 
 with a view to opposing an obstacle to the abuse ot 
 the Papal authority, convened a national council in 
 Paris, whose apparent object it was to deliberate on 
 the best means of providing for the canonical institution 
 of nominated bishops, when the Pope refused to do 
 this. This council, composed of more than one hundred 
 bishops of the churches of France and Italy, assembled 
 on June 17 th, under the présidence of Cardinal Fesch. 
 The Emperor had reason to complain of the bad 
 direction taken by this assembly. The council did not 
 respond to his views, declared itself incompetent to 
 decide the question of the institution of bishops, and 
 proposed that a deputation should be sent to the Pope 
 to come to an understanding' with His Holiness on 
 how the precarious state of the Churches of France 
 and Italy could best be remedied. Many French 
 bishops, the Archbishop of Bordeaux amongst others, 
 manifested ultramontane dispositions, contrary to the 
 large majority of Italian bishops, who showed themselves 
 more independent of the Court ot Rome. 
 
 When the Emperor was informed that the Council 
 had determined to declare itself incompetent, he ordered 
 it to be dissolved. The majority of the bishops 
 
 VOL. IL 24
 
 0/' 
 
 aiéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 reassembled some days later, and this time, admitting 
 the competence of the council, discussed the principal 
 point submitted to them for discussion, and fixed at 
 six months the period accorded to the Pope to confer 
 canonical investiture on bishops, after which time this 
 investiture was to be carried out by the INIetropolitan 
 or, in his absence, by the oldest bishop in the province, 
 without the Pope's interfere nee. 
 
 In the preceding month of January the Emperor 
 had appointed an ecclesiastical commission, composed 
 of nine French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, for 
 the purpose of settling these questions. This commis- 
 sion, after studying past history, and basing its decision 
 on precedents, expressed the opinion that the investiture 
 of bishops who had been nominated to sees should 
 be entrusted to the Metropolitan, or to his suffragan, 
 in all cases where the Pope refused to act. This 
 deliberation was carried to the Holy Father by the 
 ecclesiastical commission, to whom the Emperor had 
 added Abbé Eymeri, the superior of the seminary of 
 St. Sulpice, whom he much esteemed. After long 
 hesitation the Pope finally adhered to this proposal. 
 The national council, in consequence, issued a decree in 
 conformity therewith, and charged a large deputation 
 to carry the text of this decree to the Pope for his 
 ratification. The Pope sanctioned the resolution adopted 
 by the council, but he imposed on the archbishops 
 and bishops who were authorized to give the investiture 
 the formal obligation of declaring that they were only 
 acting in the Pope's name. Although the Emperor's 
 object of giving preponderance to the power and right 
 of the national council over the papal authority, and 
 of opposing the former to the Court of Rome, was not
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 371 
 
 altogether fulfilled, since the Pope, passing over the 
 council's decision in silence, appeared as the final 
 authority, this first essay appeared nevertheless sufficient 
 to Napoleon for the time being. The convocation of 
 a second council, in 18 13, which would have completed 
 the work of the first, was in the Emperor's intention ; 
 but events occurred which prevented the realization of 
 this plan. Napoleon at the same time treated three 
 French bishops, two of whom were his almoners, with 
 rigour. They were arrested on the charge of having 
 taken part in intrigues, of having corresponded illegally 
 with the black cardinals, and with Cardinal di Pietro, 
 the clandestine agent of the Papacy in PVance, and of 
 having fomented rebellion amongst the clergy in under- 
 hand ways. These bishops were the Bishops of Tournay, 
 Ghent, and Troyes. The first of these prelates was not 
 to be commended for the austerity of his morality. 
 Napoleon had also to fight against the resistance of 
 his uncle. Cardinal Fesch, who could not be charged 
 with S3^stematic opposition against his nephew, but who 
 disapproved of his open struggle with the Holy See. 
 The Emperor's essay, accordingly, was only partially 
 successful in this first council, and the majority of 
 the upper clergy took advantage of it to preach 
 opposition to the government. The advice of Barrai 
 — Archbishop of Tours — and especially of Duvoisin, 
 Bishop of Nantes, in whom Napoleon had entire 
 confidence, prevented the Emperor's anger from 
 breaking out on those who had opposed him. The 
 Bishop of Nantes, Napoleon used to say, was for him, 
 in theological matters, a torch of which he did not 
 wish to lose sight. The Emperor allowed himself to 
 be guided by this prelate's advice, and checked himself
 
 372 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 whenever the Bishop of Nantes warned him that he 
 was about to injure the faith, or damage the interests 
 ot the Church ot France. Napoleon has been blamed 
 for not having allowed any writing or publication 
 either for or against the negotiations ot ecclesiastical 
 affairs to appear in the Moniteur. Such a polemic 
 was, as a matter ot fact, opposed to his views. He 
 was not vexed that public opinion should be lulled to 
 sleep, or even should go astray, convinced as he was 
 that it would come back to his side when the time 
 came for carrying out the plan which he was meditat- 
 ing. Napoleon has stated in his IMemoirs that he 
 never wished to publish anything connected with his 
 discussions with Rome. Things w^ere not in a suffi- 
 ciently advanced state for him to allow anything 
 official to be published. He endured discussions which 
 he looked upon in the light of skirmishing preliminary 
 to the decisive battle that was to be fought, but he 
 did not want these to be made public, because he 
 feared to reveal his private opinions and thus to com- 
 promise the success which he hoped to obtain. The 
 Emperor used to say that in depriving the Pope of 
 his temporal domain, his object was to fortify and 
 honour his spiritual power. The Pope seemed so 
 necessary to Niipoleon that he used to say that if he 
 did not exist he would have to be created. But he 
 wished to have him in his hands, and to establish him 
 in Paris, so as to make this capital the metropolis of 
 the Catholic world. In jjlacing the Holy See in the 
 capital of the Empire Napoleon would have surrounded 
 it with magnificence and honours, but at the same 
 time he would always have kept the Pope under his 
 eyes. This vast ambition was a permissible one, and
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 373 
 
 he would perhaps have had the power and the genius 
 necessary for realizing it The establishment of the 
 sovereign Pontiff in Paris would have been fruitful in 
 great political results, and the influence exercised by 
 the head of the Church over the whole Catholic world 
 would have become the inheritance of France. That 
 was the time of mighty conceptions; and the genera- 
 tions which shall follow us, in reading over the history 
 of Napoleon, will believe themselves transported to 
 the heroic ages. 
 
 To sum up. Napoleon loved his religion and wished 
 to honour it and render it prosperous. This is proved 
 by the Concordat. But at the same time he wished 
 to employ it as a social force with which to repress 
 anarchy, to consolidate his preponderance in Europe, 
 and finally to increase the glory of France and the 
 influence of the French capital. The Emperor used 
 to say to the Bishop of Nantes, who pointed out to 
 him how useful and how important for the unity of 
 the faith was the visible head of the Church: "]\Iaster 
 Bishop, be without anxiety. The policy of my States 
 is closely bound up with the preservation and main- 
 tenance of the Pope's spiritual power. It is necessary 
 to me that he should be more powerful than ever. 
 He will never have as much power as my policy 
 prompts me to desire for him." 
 
 The strict order which Napoleon had introduced 
 into the management of the finances of the State, and 
 of the civil list, had enabled him to amass a treasure, 
 the fruit of his economy, not unproductive indeed, as 
 has been thought, and moreover to have at his disposal 
 private resources, such as the revenues of the extraor- 
 dinary domain, which placed it in his power to assist
 
 374 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I, 
 
 banking and commercial houses with loans or advances. 
 These resources also enabled him to assist families in 
 which he took an interest, and who were obliged by 
 fortuitous circumstances, to appeal to his generosity. 
 The lottery prizes which were not claimed by the 
 holders of the winning tickets, the funds which were 
 derived from farming out the right of working public 
 gaming tables placed at his disposal further resources 
 which he used with prudence and discernment. 
 
 He encouraged manufacturers, artists, and workmen 
 with orders, and spent millions of francs in this way. 
 Napoleon had conceived various plans with the object 
 of encouraging merchants and manufacturers. He had 
 thought of establishing in the large manufacturing 
 centres branch offices of the bank, to discount merchants' 
 paper at four per cent. He had also a scheme for 
 creating pawnshops where money should be advanced 
 on goods. These plans were abandoned on the advice 
 of the Minister of the Treasury and the directors of 
 the bank, and he limited himself to making advances 
 to merchants of Avell-known solvency. I am not 
 sufficiently acquainted with financial matters to speak 
 pertinently on Napoleon's financial system. I leave it 
 to his skilful ministers to expound its mechanism, and 
 to point out what were its advantages and disadvan- 
 tages. I will limit myself to say that without seeking to 
 appreciate the difference between the times and situa- 
 tions that Napoleon had the same views on borrowing 
 as Colbert; but also, there was no deficit. The ordin- 
 ary taxes and the war indemnities sufficed for all 
 needs. Napoleon was very well acquainted with the 
 resources which could be derived from public credit, 
 but it seemed to him that the time had not yet come
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 375 
 
 for France to found her financial system on borrowing. 
 "What would be my position," he used to say, "towards 
 the whole of Europe, with a Government which I built 
 in the midst of ruins, whose foundations are not yet 
 well-established, and the forms of which I am constantly 
 obliged to adapt to new circumstances which proceed 
 from the variations of foreign politics, if I were to 
 subject some of these combinations to absolute methods 
 which do not admit of modification, and which are 
 efficacious only because they are absolute? " 
 
 At the same time the Emperor would have lacked 
 neither credit nor lenders if necessity had forced him 
 to have recourse to loans. But he feared the abuse 
 which might be made of this kind of resource and 
 the abyss which he might thereby dig beneath his feet. 
 He did not wish to open new fields to stock-jobbing, 
 nor did he wish to expose himself to have to submit 
 to ruinous usurious conditions. It seemed to him that 
 the institution of a sinking fund would become a 
 delusion if, whilst reducing the debt with one hand 
 he were to borrow with the other; and finally he did 
 not approve that posterity should be burdened for an 
 indefinite time for the benefit of the present generation. 
 Instead of being tempted by the example of England, 
 the enormous increase of the British national debt 
 scared him. Napoleon had other ideas on the effects 
 of public credit than those which prevail to-day. 
 
 What proves that on the whole the financial system 
 of the Emperor was not altogether defective, and 
 what spirit of order and economy presided over the 
 administration of finance, is that in spite of the wars 
 which were being continually carried on, fed it is true 
 by the indemnities levied on the enemy; in spite of
 
 376 méxeval's memoirs of XAPOLEOX I. 
 
 efforts which seemed beyond our strength; in spite of 
 unheard-of disasters and losses, Napoleon was able to 
 do such great things, and in spite of all to leave the 
 finances of France, which he had found in a state of 
 complete ruin, in a more prosperous position than the 
 finances of the other European States. 
 
 The question of finances leads me to speak of the 
 manner in which the. state budget was regulated under 
 the Emperor. Each year Napoleon, in a financial 
 council, to which all the ministers were summoned, 
 used to fix the amount of the credit assigned to each 
 of them according to his wants, and at the same time 
 decided how much was to be spent in each Government 
 Department. Each month the Emperor used to assign 
 to each minister the sums which were to be spent, 
 and which the public treasur}^ would supply to this 
 minister. During the month these sums were entered 
 on a little square of paper ruled in columns, the 
 model of which I had prepared from his design. I 
 add from M. Bresson's " History of Finmicc " the 
 following details, which are very exact: 
 
 " Thus twelve times a year, in one hour's work, the Head 
 of the Government passed all the expenses in review, fixed 
 the sum which each should use during the following month, 
 and maintained, as far as it was possible to do so, a balance 
 between expenditure and receipts; slackening or urging on 
 payments, increasing or diminishing the funds of the depart- 
 mental treasuries according to the amount of sums received, 
 to the urgency of their needs and the changes which current 
 events might bring with them. The minister of the treasury, 
 moreover, was not allowed to pay the ministers' drafts unless 
 the minister who signed the order for payment had conformed 
 himself absolutely to the year's budget, and to tlie nicnithly 
 sum with which he was credited."
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 0/ / 
 
 I will add that Napoleon had made the Minister of 
 the Treasury, Comptroller General of Expenditure and 
 kept him acquainted with the movements of the army 
 and other orders involving expenditure which he had 
 given, and he did this with the object of placing the 
 minister in a position to exercise this control in an 
 efficacious manner. 
 
 " Never had the tax-collecting department been seen in so 
 well-regulated a state, nor had such absolutely precise book- 
 keeping ever been the rule in the French financial department 
 as under the Empire. True it is that there were some func- 
 tionaries of the state who made great fortunes, but that was 
 at the expense of foreign kings, and with the Emperor's gifts 
 It had become almost impossible to rob the State. The 
 accounts were in such perfect order and so greatly simplified 
 that Napoleon could see by the lists he always had in his 
 possession the exact condition of receipts and expenditure, 
 of arrears, and of ordinary and extraordinary resources." 
 
 The Emperor did not lose sight of the prosperity 
 of French manufactures, and was constantly thinking 
 about means to enfranchise our industries from the 
 tribute which it paid to the foreigner. The war with 
 England having destroyed our maritime trade. Napoleon 
 applied himself to giving a new impulse to native 
 trade, and to our commercial relations with the allied 
 nations. He sought out in the resources of our countr}' 
 such things as we could no longer import from Eng- 
 land, and the wherewithal to replace the produce of our 
 colonies which English supremacy at sea prevented 
 from being landed in our ports, and an equivalent for 
 which had to be found. With this purpose in \iew, 
 Napoleon created a genera) council of manufactures 
 and industries, and encouraged the sciences and arts
 
 378 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 of manufacture, with honorary and pecuniary rewards. 
 He stimulated industries to find the best means of 
 substituting native sugar and coffee for colonial sugar 
 and coffee. He also paid a good deal of attention to 
 the discovery of an article "which could be used as a 
 substitute for indigo ; and finally the Emperor offered 
 a prize of one million francs as a reward for the 
 inventor of the best machine for spinning flax, the 
 advantage of w'hich would have been to diminish the 
 price of linen, which could then be used as a substitute 
 for cotton. This prize of one million was to be 
 awarded by the terms of the decree which was issued 
 on May 12th, 1810, to the inventor of the said machine, 
 no matter what his nationality might be. This decree 
 was translated into all languages, and was sent to our 
 ambassadors and consuls at the various posts w^hich 
 they occupied, to be made public by them. Napoleon 
 forbade the use of cotton or of foreign wood for the 
 furniture of the Imperial Palaces; he desired that the 
 people who were invited to the drawing-rooms at court 
 should dress only in silk, so as to encourage the Lyons 
 manufactories. He declared war on Indian cashmeres, 
 but his power was impotent against the tyranny of 
 fashion, and against routine. The Emperor threatened 
 the Empress in vain that he would throw her cashmere 
 shawls into the fire. The Empress used to answer 
 him that as soon as they could give her stuffs as light 
 and as warm as the cashmere woollens she would be 
 very glad to wear them. The Emperor encouraged 
 the manufacturers of French shawls, and commissioned 
 Isabey to make the designs of a magnificent woollen 
 stuff like cashmere, on a white ground, with which a 
 shawl and a dress were made. iVIarie Louise wore them
 
 MÉNEVAL'S jMEiMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 379 
 
 with some reluctance ; these stuifs had not the softness 
 which they have since acquired. The Empress used 
 to complain with reason that her dress "griped" whenever 
 she went near the fire. 
 
 The rest of the year 1810 was spent alternately at 
 St. Cloud, Rambouillet, Trianon, Paris, and Fontaine- 
 bleau. The Court was most brilliant at Rambouillet. 
 There were great hunts, theatrical performances, con- 
 certs and frequent drawing-rooms. The Empress's 
 pregnancy was declared, and announced to the Senate 
 by a message towards the end of November. This 
 event, which crowned the Emperor's desires and the 
 nation's hopes, excited universal interest. The bishops 
 ordained prayers and called down the blessings of 
 Heaven on this happy promise of maternity. ]\I. de 
 Mesgrigny, one of the Emperor's equerries, proceeded 
 to Vienna with a letter for the Emperor of Austria, 
 in which the news of his daughter's pregnancy, then 
 five months advanced, was announced to him. M. de 
 Mesgrigny returned on November 13th with the replies 
 of the Emperor and Empress of Austria, full of their 
 congratulations. On the occasion of the announcement 
 of the Empress's pregnancy there was a theatrical 
 performance at the Court, and a drawing-room was 
 held in the grand apartments. 
 
 On December 2nd, the anniversary of the coronation 
 and of the battle of Austerlitz, the Emperor gave an 
 audience to the Senate, which came to thank him for 
 the communication of the news of the Empress's preg- 
 nancy, and to offer its congratulations on the happy 
 event. There were theatrical performance, illuminations, 
 mass, and a Tc Dcidii in the Tuileries chapel. Twelve 
 young women, dowered by the Empress, were led to
 
 380 méneval's me:\ioirs of napoleon i. 
 
 the altar by the mayors in the metropoUtan church, 
 large sums of money were distributed in charity, and, 
 in one word, the greatest solemnity accompanied the 
 announcement of an event which was of national 
 importance. 
 
 One circumstance, of little importance in itself, but 
 which nevertheless attracted attention at the time, was 
 the admission of ]\Iadame de Mailly, the widow of 
 the marshal of that name, to enjoy the rank and the 
 privileges of the wives of the great officers of the 
 crown, and the authorization which she received to 
 resume her title of Alarc'cJialc. In consequence, a note 
 of invitation was addressed to Madame de Mailly, on 
 the occasion of the solemnity of January i st following, 
 and she came to take possession of the rank awarded 
 to her. About the same time the Minister of the 
 Interior introduced a deputation from the Lyons traders 
 to the Empress. The deputation presented her with 
 a magnificent dress of Lyons manufacture, which the 
 Empress wore on New Year's Day. 
 
 As soon as the Empress's pregnancy had been made 
 public the Emperor created a society of maternal 
 charity, the purpose of which was to assist poor women 
 in childbirth, and to provide for their needs and the 
 rearing of their children. Napoleon named the Empress 
 patroness of this society, the vice-presidentesses, being 
 ISIadame de Ségur, the wife of the grand master of 
 ceremonies, and Madame Pastorct. This society was 
 composed of one thousand ladies designated by the 
 PIm]iross, of fifteen lady dignitaries, of a grand council 
 wliicli liad its seat in Paris, and of councils of adminis- 
 tration in tlie departments, and finall}^ of a secretary-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 381 
 
 general who was the grand almoner, and ot a treas- 
 urer-general. Besides the motives of charity which 
 prompted the Emperor to found this association he was 
 anxious to put the Empress forward, and to win public 
 sympathy to her side. The fund of the society was 
 an income of five hundred thousand francs, invested 
 in government stock, drawn from the extraordinary 
 domain, and from voluntary subscriptions, the number 
 of which exceeded that fixed upon. 
 
 The Emperor appointed a governess to the children 
 of France and selected the Countess de jMontesquiou, 
 the wife of the Grand Chamberlain ; a choice which 
 was unanimously approved of. Born in a lofty rank, 
 Madame de Alontesquiou enjoyed a reputation which 
 she had worthily won. She was forty-six years old, 
 and a woman of untarnished reputation. Pious, her devo- 
 tion was free from bigotry. She had great simplicity 
 of manners, a firm character, and solid principles. She 
 united all the qualities which were desirable for the 
 proper fulfilment of the important duties which the 
 Emperor, acting on his own inspiration, had confided 
 to her. 
 
 The Empress's pregnancy advanced favourably. Her 
 condition was betrayed by frequent temporary indis- 
 positions, which delighted Napoleon. He surrounded 
 jMarie Louise with tokens of his solicitude, held her up 
 in his arms, and encouraged her v\'ith the kindest 
 attentions. I was often present at these family scenes, 
 in which Napoleon's loving nature showed itself. Only 
 those who did not know him can have accused him 
 of a want of feeling. When the weather was fine, 
 the Empress used to walk on the Tuileries terrace, 
 which skirts the river. This terrace had been shut
 
 382 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 off with breast-high raiUngs, and it was reached by 
 means of a staircase ascending from the ground floor 
 of the palace. Later on a pretty cottage was built at 
 the end of this terrace, where the King of Rome used 
 to spend the fine spring days when the Court was in 
 residence at the Tuileries. 
 
 At last arrived the moment when the Empress 
 was to be delivered, a moment waited for with such 
 keen impatience by Xapoleon, impatience shared, it 
 may be said in all truth, by the whole of France. One 
 hundred and one cannon shots announced, on the 
 morning of Alarch 20th, that the King of Rome was 
 born. The birth of a prince was to be saluted with 
 one hundred and one cannon-shots, only twenty-one 
 were to be fired if the child were a princess. One 
 can hardly imagine with what anxiety the first cannon- 
 shots were counted. Deep silence prevailed until the 
 twenty-first. But when the twenty-second boomed 
 forth an explosion of applause and of cheering burst 
 out which was re-echoed simultaneously from every 
 corner of Paris. The public enthusiasm was general, 
 and no contemporary will deny this. The bearing of 
 the child, however, on whom such great hopes were 
 fixed, was to be a very laborious one. 
 
 " Tania molis erat Roinonam condere gentem ! " 
 
 The first pains had been felt on the evening before 
 — March 1 9th, 1 8 1 1 . They were endurable until day- 
 break, when they ceased altogether, and Marie Louise 
 was able to get to sleep. Napoleon had spent the 
 first part of the night by her bedside; then, seeing 
 that she had gone to sleep, he went up to his rooms 
 and took a bath. The members of the ImjDcrial family,
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 383 
 
 the grand dignitaries, the principal officers and ladies 
 of the Court had been summoned to the palace as 
 soon as the first pains had been felt. But, towards 
 five o'clock in the morning, the accoucheur, M. Dubois, 
 being of opinion that the birth could not take place 
 for another twenty-four hours, everybody had been 
 sent away by the Emperor. Mesdames de Montebello, 
 Montesquiou and Luçay had remained alone with the 
 doctor, the nurse, the dames d'annonce, and the cham- 
 bermaids. An hour after Xapoleon had returned to 
 his apartment, the Empress woke up in such pain that 
 a speedy delivery was expected. Doctor Dubois, 
 however, saw that the birth would be a very difficult 
 one, and that this was one of the least frequent and 
 most dangerous cases. The Emperor was in a state 
 of perfect serenity, when M. Dubois suddenly opened 
 the door and, in a great state of dismay, announced 
 that the first stages of the accouchement were giving 
 him the greatest anxiety. Without waiting to listen 
 to the explanations which the doctor began to give, 
 Napoleon cried out, from the bottom of his heart: 
 " Above all save the mother. " Then springing from 
 his bath he hastily wrapped himself in a dressing-gown 
 and ran downstairs to the Empress's room, followed by 
 Dubois. He approached the bed and hiding his anxiety 
 embraced her tenderly, and encouraged her with words 
 of comfort. The presence of the Emperor, the calm 
 which in appearance reigned upon his face, though in 
 his heart he was a prey to mortal anxiety, gave cour- 
 age to Dubois. The latter had asked that some 
 leading ph3'sicians should be called in for a consul- 
 tation. The Emperor had refused, telling the doctor 
 that he had chosen him because he trusted him,
 
 384 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 and that the Empress was to be treated just as if 
 she were the wife of any ordinary man. Dubois 
 commenced the painful operation with the skill and 
 the sang-froid which he happily possessed. The 
 labour did not proceed, the child presented itself 
 legs foremost. The pains of the Empress increased 
 in intensity. She was struck with terror, and cried 
 out that they meant to sacrifice her. Dubois saw him- 
 self forced to use the forceps to free the child's head. 
 Napoleon, a prey to silent agitation, watched this pain- 
 ful scene, encouraging all present by his brave attitude. 
 At last, after many efforts, and in the midst of so much 
 anguish, the so-impatiently-desired child came to light. 
 It was a son, pale, motionless, and to all appearances 
 lifeless. In spite of all the measures taken in such 
 cases, the child remained seven minutes without giving 
 any signs of life. The Emperor standing in front of 
 him was following in silence and with an air of pro- 
 found attention, every movement of the accoucheur, 
 when at last he saw the child's breast rise, the mouth 
 open and a breath exhaled. He feared lest it might 
 be the first and last, but a cry escaping from the 
 child's lungs tells him that his son has taken posses- 
 sion of life. All anxiety then ceases. In the effusion 
 of his joy Napoleon bent over the child, seized it in 
 his arms, with a spontaneous movement, carried it to 
 the door of the drawing-room in which all the grandees 
 of his Empire were assembled and presenting it to 
 them said: "Here is the King ot Rome." He then 
 returned, and placed the child back in AI. Dubois's 
 hands saying: "I give you back your child." Arch- 
 chancellor Cambacérès and Berthier, Prince of Neuf- 
 chatel, were present in the Empress's bedroom, as
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 385 
 
 witnesses of the accouchement. * The Emperor, after 
 he had receiv^ed the congratulations of those present, 
 insisted on going in person to announce the news of 
 the birth of his son to the whole household. He was 
 still under the influence of the painful sight of the 
 Empress's delivery, and said that he would have pre- 
 ferred being present at a battle. The news of this 
 happy event had spread over Paris as by magic. When 
 the big bell of Notre Dame, and the cannon made it 
 public, a large crowd had already assembled in the 
 garden under the windows of the palace. To restrain 
 the crowd, and to prevent in from disturbing the 
 repose of the august patient, a cord had been stretched 
 along the whole length of this terrace, (which since 
 then has been turned into a parterre by King Louis 
 Philippe) from the railing at the Pont Royal to the 
 Pavilion de l'Horloge. This feeble barrier impressed 
 the crowd more than a wall w^ould have done. The 
 spectators, whose number increased every minute, even 
 kept themselves at a respectful distance from the cord. 
 General silence, a proof of popular sympathy and 
 interest, was observed. From the interior of his apart- 
 ments. Napoleon contemplated with visible emotion, 
 this sight, so pleasant for him. 
 
 The officers of the imperial household, pages, and 
 couriers were despatched with letters and messages for 
 the great corporations of the state, for the " good cities"! 
 
 * Under the old regime the Queen's accouchement, was pubHc, and 
 any and everybody was allowed to be present at the event. Napoleon 
 abolished a practice which had given rise to great scandal on its last 
 occasion. — R. H. s. 
 
 ■j- Bonnes Villes, or " Good Cities. " The word good as applied 
 here was, according to the "Dictionary of the French Academy," an 
 honourable qualification awarded by the King to certain towns of more 
 or less importance. — R. H. s. 
 
 VOL. IL 25
 
 386 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEOiNT l 
 
 and for the French and foreign ambassadors and 
 ministers. The pages, sent to the municipal corpora- 
 tions received great marks of favour at their hands. 
 The Paris and Turin municipal councils voted pensions 
 to the bearers of the happy news. The good Empress 
 Josephine was not forgotten. Napoleon sent a page 
 to her in Xavarre, and he answered the letter which 
 this page brought back to him, with his usual brevity 
 but with the affectionate cordiality which he always 
 preserved for his first wife. 
 
 On the same evening the new-bom child was bap- 
 tized in the Tuileries chapel by the Cardinal Grand 
 Almoner, with all the ceremonies in use at the old 
 court of France. 
 
 On the morrow the Emperor, seated on the throne, 
 received the congratulations of the court, the senate, 
 the legislative body and other corporations of the state, 
 the leading authorities and the diplomatic corps. On 
 leaving this solemn audience a visit was paid to the 
 King of Rome who was lying in the magnificent 
 silver-gilt cradle which, on the previous 5th of March, 
 had been presented to the Emperor in the name of 
 the city of Paris, by Comte Frochot, Prefect of the 
 Seine, accompanied by the municipal council. 
 
 The Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honour, 
 and the Grand Chancellor of the order of the Iron 
 Crown, laid the grand cordons of their orders on the 
 cradle. .Some days later. Prince Schwarzcnbcrg, the 
 Austrian ambassador, presented the decoration of the 
 order of St. Stephen. 
 
 The forms used on this occasion, borrowed as they 
 were from the ancient customs of the monarchy, have 
 appeared to some severe critics as servile and frivolous
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 387 
 
 acts. They were, however, only the consequence of 
 the establishment of the Empire. The sage, no doubt, 
 in the independence of his solitude, the speculative 
 philosopher, the austere republican, will look with an 
 eye of pity on this empty ceremonial, and will see in 
 it nothing but the practices of flattery; but it is not 
 with abstract ideas that the exigencies of a crown 
 must be considered. There are usages and conven- 
 tions consecrated by time, which, although puerile in 
 the eyes of those wiio ordain them, are nevertheless, 
 in a monarchy, enjoined by the hierarchy of functions, 
 by the necessity of enforcing habits of respect and 
 deference towards those w^ho hold the powder, and 
 finally of avoiding that familiarity which is inherent 
 to the national character, but which is infinitely harmful 
 to the prestige which should be preserved by the 
 sovereign power. It would, moreover, have been un- 
 wise to isolate oneself from the other European mon- 
 archies, and, by exhibiting contempt for their customs, 
 to keep alive a state of distrust which was already in 
 existence, and which it behoved the French Govern- 
 ment to calm. 
 
 I have spoken of the disadvantages of too great 
 familiarity. INIilitary customs indeed, republican manners, 
 and the confusion of ranks, inspired by a spirit of 
 equality, had everywhere authorized an independence 
 of bearing and language which people did not seem 
 able to moderate, e\en towards those who occupied 
 the highest posts in the State. The dignity of the 
 rank occupied by Napoleon from the time of his 
 accession to the Consulate, and the respect due to his 
 authority, did not allow him to tolerate this excess of
 
 388 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 familiarity. I was still present at the games of base- 
 and of Blind-man's Buff, at La jMalmaison, in which 
 the First Consul used to take part. He had to give 
 them up because these games gav^e rise to inadver- 
 tencies which could be excused by the kind of 
 camaraderie which they established, but the abuse of 
 which might degenerate into licence and cast ridicule 
 on the person of the Head of the State. The following 
 anecdote, which will support this theory, can do no 
 harm to the respect due to the memory of the illustrious 
 Lannes. One day the First Consul had ordered some 
 Arab horses, which had been given him, to be brought 
 into the courtyard of the castle at La Malmaison. 
 Lannes proposed to the First Consul to play him a 
 match at billiards for one of these horses. Napoleon 
 consented. He wanted to lose, and had to lose, and 
 his adversary won the match with great ease. " I have 
 beaten thee," he said to the First Consul whom he 
 was in the habit of addressing in the second person 
 singular, " and so I have the right to choose." And 
 without waiting for the permission which he did not 
 ask, he runs up and examines the horses one after 
 the other, and choosing the handsomest, has it saddled, 
 and jumping into the saddle says: "Good-bye, Bonaparte. 
 I sha'n't dine here. I'm off, because if I stayed thou 
 wouldst be capable of taking thy horse back again." 
 The P'irst Consul had no time to answer. Lannes 
 was already out ot sight. To prevent a repetition of 
 such scenes. Napoleon thought it right to remove 
 Lannes for some time, but to show him that his 
 friendship for him was still the same, he appointed him to 
 an honourable post, namely that of French ambassador 
 to Lisbon.
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 38g 
 
 General Dutaillis, whilst still a simple officer, used 
 to address Berthier, who afterwards became Prince 
 of Wagram and of Neufchatel, in the second person 
 singular. The First Consul put a stop to this famili- 
 arity, at least in public. 
 
 If Napoleon, recognizing the disadvantages ot famili- 
 arity, had been obliged to forbid it, he was none the 
 less good and indulgent in his usual intercourse. He 
 was chary of praise, from principle, but his satisfaction 
 manifested itself in more affectionate ways, and by 
 rewards which had sometimes to be waited for, but 
 which always came at the right moment. There are 
 few persons who, by reason of their offices, or through 
 particular circumstances, approached his person who 
 have not some instance of his kindness to relate. It 
 would take too long to quote all the stories that might 
 be cited in support of this statement. Another 
 anecdote, however, which I will relate will prove that 
 Napoleon always endeavoured to make amends for the 
 pain he might have caused by the sharpness of his 
 reproaches. During one of the last campaigns made 
 by the Emperor in person, Gudin, a son of the re- 
 g-retted general who was killed at Valoutina, in Russia, 
 was with him as page in attendance. This page, 
 seeing the Emperor getting on horseback in the 
 absence of the equerry on service, wanted to help 
 him. In his eagerness, the young man did it in such 
 a manner that the Emperor hurt himself as he fell into 
 the saddle and cried out involuntarily. Epithets ot 
 " clumsy fellow, " " lout, " and so on, poured forth on 
 the poor page, who slunk off in consternation at his 
 clumsiness. The Emperor, having- recovered from his 
 accident, set off at a gallop, followed by his escort.
 
 390 méneval's :\iE:\roiRS of napoleon i. 
 
 Having reached the place where he wanted to stop^ 
 and having spent some minutes in examining th& 
 country, he looked round and saw the doleful face of 
 the page. Napoleon motioned to him to approach. 
 The Emperor told young Gudin that he was obliged 
 to him for his attention, and his assistance. "But," 
 he added, " you should set about it differentl3^ When 
 you want to help a man on to horseback, you shouldn't 
 offer him your left arm, but should support him with 
 your right arm until he is in the saddle. Go, my lad, 
 and remember that." So saying. Napoleon gave him 
 a little pat on his cheek, which was a sign of good- 
 will on his part, and sent the page away comforted 
 and grateful. 
 
 I also wish to relate another occurrence, which 
 chronologically is not in its place, but which can be 
 told here in illustration of what I have said. I cannot 
 omit it, because it merits being told just as it occurred, 
 seeing that cither with a bad intention, or perhaps 
 without any such intention, it has been misstated. One 
 day, whilst Napoleon was crossing the blue drawing- 
 room at Saint Cloud, he found a woman there who 
 was remarkably stout, and who waddled up to him as 
 fast as her obesity would allow of, muttering some 
 words, which, owing to the emotion she was experi- 
 encing at seeing the Emperor, were totally unintel- 
 ligible. Napoleon, having asked her for her name, 
 learned that she was Mademoiselle Despaux, a mil- 
 liner, who, in spite of her marriage with Monsieur 
 llix, had kept the name by which she was known 
 in business. The Emperor was very angry that, in 
 spite of his formal and often repeated orders that no 
 tradesmen, coming to work upon the Empress Josephine's-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 391 
 
 easy-going- nature, were to be admitted into the palace, a 
 milliner should have dared to enter the apartments 
 of the palace and present herself before him. He 
 accordingly at once sent for the officer of the guard, 
 and sharply ordered him to put her out. This officer 
 transmits the order to two gendarmes who were on duty 
 and these led the woman on foot to the bottom of the 
 slope which leads from the bridge of St. Cloud to the 
 palace. Poor Madame Despaux, who was so fat that 
 she could hardly walk, on arriving at the bottom 
 of the slope asked to be allowed to get into her 
 carriage, which was waiting for her, because she was 
 tired out; but this was refused. On arriving on the 
 road to Paris she asked where she was being taken to. 
 The answer was : " A la Force." * The officer, seeing the 
 Emperor's excitement, had imagined that this was the 
 severe order which had been given. Napoleon had ordered 
 that Madame Despaux should be put to the door. The 
 officer thought he had said to La Force. At the idea 
 of prison ]\Iadame Despaux fell into a violent fit of 
 hysterics. Her husband, who accompanied her, was in 
 a state of great distress about his wife's position, when 
 a saviour appeared in the form of a man who ran up 
 and told the gendarmes to set her free. General 
 Duroc hearing with what severity Madame Despaux 
 had been treated, had told it to the Emperor, who, 
 indignant that his orders should have been misunder- 
 stood, charged the marshal to have the woman set free 
 at once, and expressed his regret at the mistake, or 
 the excess of zeal, which had been committed in his 
 name. One can now judge how mistaken are those 
 who said that Napoleon had had this woman locked 
 
 * The well-Iciiown Paris prison.
 
 392 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 up at Bicètre, where, according- to the story, she 
 expiated with a week's imprisonment the crime she 
 had committed in presenting herself at the palace, and 
 in disobeying the order which the sovereign had 
 imposed. 
 
 The stage and the poets vied with each other in 
 assiduity in celebrating the birth of the King of Rome. 
 The publishers started a competition on this occasion — 
 a competition of homages, in which the most famous 
 poets took part. It would take too long a time to 
 give all their names, but I will simply mention 
 two young poets who gave a foretaste of their talents 
 on this occasion, and showed signs of the celebrity 
 which their works have since then acquired. Casimir 
 Delavigne, who had only just left school, composed 
 a dithyrambic poem in honour of the birth of the 
 Emperor's heir. This ode, which was full of merit of 
 the first order, awakened hopes for the young author 
 which were fully realized in the future. The poem 
 was brought to me by the good and obliging Guillard, 
 author of Œdipe à Colone, a tragedy which has not 
 been surpassed in our days in its class. This author, 
 who formerly had received my first clumsy attempts 
 at poetry with perfect and indulgent good grace, had 
 remained one of my friends. I laid Casimir Delavigne's 
 ode before the Emperor whose penetration excelled in 
 distinguishing true merit in all its varieties. Napoleon 
 judged this piece very much more favourably and 
 rightly than the arbitrators in the competition had 
 done, in which this ode only gained one of the last 
 prizes. The Emperor admired the young author's talent, 
 and gave orders that a special present should be 
 given to him by way of encouragement.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 393 
 
 Peter Lebrun, who has become a peer of France, 
 and a director of the Royal Printing House, also paid 
 on this occasion a tribute of homage and gratitude to 
 Napoleon. The Emperor had noticed this young man 
 during one of the visits which he was fond of making 
 to the principal public schools. When Lebrun's ode ''' 
 on the Battle of Jena was presented to him, Napoleon 
 was so pleased that he awarded the author a pension 
 of 1 200 francs a year, which the latter retained, f The 
 poet's gratitude inspired him, in 1822, with a touching 
 lyrical poem on the Emperor's death. 
 
 The teelings of devotion which IMadame de Genlis 
 affected for Napoleon and his family prevented her 
 from being silent in the face of the great event of the 
 birth of the heir to the Empire, an event w^hich gave 
 her an opportunity of showing the variety of talents 
 with which she was gifted. She according-ly sent the 
 Emperor a child's song, the music and words of which 
 she had composed. The notes of this lullaby were 
 represented by little roses, which had been delicately 
 drawn and illuminated by her hand. This little com- 
 position altogether was carried out with the neatness 
 and elegance which Madame do Genlis displayed in 
 her manual work. 
 
 The portraits and presentments of the young King 
 were multiplied by painting, sculpture, modelling, 
 engraving, and medal carving. Gérard made a charm- 
 ing half-length portrait of him, surrounded by the 
 attributes of babyhood. Prudhon painted the imperial 
 
 * " Ode à la Grande Arine'e" 
 
 J The biographical dictionaries state that Lcbruu lost his pension, 
 ■which had been continued under the Restoration, in consequence of 
 his poem on the Emperor's death, entitled " Poème sur la Mort de 
 l'Empereur." — R. H. S.
 
 394 méneval's me:moirs of napoleon l 
 
 child asleep in a shrubbery, in the midst of a group 
 of flowers, amongst which the "Imperial" raised itself, 
 hanging softly over his forehead. The harmony of the 
 composition, the delicacy of the forms, the graceful 
 abandonment of posture, the lifelike sleep, render this 
 picture a delicious one. 
 
 Public rejoicings of every kind, a general illu- 
 mination, fêtes improvised by the corporations, were 
 the manifestations of public happiness. The arch- 
 bishops and bishops published pastoral letters; all the 
 Courts of Europe, with which we were at peace, sent 
 their congratulations and extraordinary ambassadors 
 to the Emperor. Amongst the number of ambassadors 
 was Prince Poniatowski, who was sent by the King 
 of Saxony, as Grand Duke of Warsaw, to be present 
 at the ceremony of baptism. Napoleon, who was very 
 fond indeed of this sovereign, and of his representative, 
 received Poniatowski with distinction, and made him 
 a present of ,£12,000 and of an estate in Poland. The 
 Kings of Spain, Naples, and Westphalia had come to 
 Paris in person. 
 
 Doctor Dubois, who had delivered the Empress, was 
 magnificently rewarded. He received 100,000 francs, 
 and the title of Baron. This accouchement, which 
 had necessitated the use of surgical instruments, had 
 been of so serious a character that the doctor had 
 considered it his duty to tell the Emperor that a second 
 confinement would inevitably put the Empress's life in 
 danger. This revelation made an impression on Napo- 
 leon's mind, and had consequences which could not 
 be foreseen at the time. The birth of other children 
 would without doubt have exercised a salutary influence 
 Dn the Empress's feelings, and, in multiplying the bonds
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 395 
 
 which united the two spouses, would perhaps have 
 rendered their separation more difficult. M. Dubois, 
 obeying his conviction, had acted as an honest man ; 
 but nature, whose power is greater than that of science, 
 has hidden resources of which science has no know^ledge 
 and in this case undertook to refute the clever prac- 
 titioner eight years later. 
 
 A month after her confinement the Empress was 
 churched in the Tuileries chapel. The ceremony was 
 performed with a certain amount of solemnity, and on 
 this occasion Marie Louise received the homage of her 
 whole court. The birth of an heir to a lofty position, 
 which had been created by so many efforts, appeared 
 destined to be a guarantee of longevity for the new 
 dynasty. The joy which was manifested by all classes 
 of society was principally caused by the hope, every- 
 Avhere entertained, of seeing this child become the 
 genius of peace, and close at last the gates of the 
 temple of Janus. The Emperor had no such illusions. 
 England was not yet discouraged. Her intrigues and 
 her gold continued to exercise their influence over the 
 continental powers, and the future, in Napoleon's eyes, 
 w^as full of stomis. 
 
 With the return of the fine weather the Emperor 
 and Empress went to spend a week at Rambouillet, 
 to take exercise in hunting. Napoleon was, so to 
 speak, €71 famille in this residence, which was simpler 
 and less vast than the other imperial mansions; but 
 he was not able to prolong his stay there, because he 
 was too cramped. 
 
 Joseph, King of Spain, came to see the Emperor 
 here. Napoleon had sent him General Defrance, one 
 of his equerries, to announce to him the birth of his
 
 396 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 son, and to inform him that he was to be one of the 
 child's godfathers. Joseph took this opportunity to 
 have an interview, which he deemed indispensable, with 
 his brother, to regulate Spain's present interests, and 
 to come to an understanding on the difficult position 
 which the inevitable presence of an auxiliary army, 
 the leaders of which treated Spain almost like a con- 
 quered country, caused him. 
 
 Napoleon, weary with the enormous sacrifice of blood 
 and treasure which the occupation of the Peninsula 
 caused to France, had instituted military governments 
 in the country, at the head of which French generals 
 had been placed. King Joseph had sent MM. d'Azanza 
 and Hervas to Paris to complain about this measure. 
 M. Hervas had even brought with him a letter, in 
 which the King offered the Emperor to resign the 
 crown, and asked him for his authorization to withdraw 
 from a country where he was able neither to do good 
 nor to prevent evil. The King stated that the estab- 
 lishment of these military governments was looked 
 upon by the Spaniards — even those who were most 
 attached to his person — as an attack against the inte- 
 grity of the Kingdom, that this negation of his sove- 
 reignty seemed to them to foretoken the future abolition 
 of their nationality, and lastly that this dictatorship, 
 unless it was to be a temporary one, destroyed what 
 little good his efforts had been able to produce. 
 
 King Joseph, as a matter of fact, had just reduced 
 Andalusia, as much by persuasion as by force, to a 
 state of submission. He had declared to the Spaniards in 
 this province his firm resolution not to consent to any 
 dismemberment of the monarchy, nor to any sacrifice 
 which was likely to injure the national independence.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 397 
 
 He had promised that if the EngHsh would evacuate 
 Spanish territory, the French troops would also with- 
 draw, and the king with them, if the nation should 
 not adopt him. These assurances had calmed the 
 excitement of the inhabitants of this province, and 
 Joseph had been received in the principal towns of 
 Andalusia with a favour which was calculated to deceive 
 him. The Emperor persuaded his brother to return 
 to Spain by promising him that the institution of 
 military governments, a temporary measure, w^hich had 
 only been demanded by circumstances, should cease 
 as soon as they were no longer necessary. He con- 
 firmed his intention of withdrawing the French troops 
 if the English Government, to which negotiations were 
 to be proposed, was willing, as he had reason to hope, 
 to evacuate Portugal, and to recognize Joseph, King 
 of Spain, as soon as the Spanish nation should have 
 consented to this ; and it, on his side, he replaced the 
 Braganza family on the throne. Napoleon had agreed 
 to place the military governments under the orders 
 of the King, and advised him to call the Cortes 
 together as soon as possible. King Joseph returned 
 to Madrid in the month of July with the hope that 
 the negotiations with England would be successful, 
 and at the same time with a promise that the integrity 
 and independence of the Spanish monarchy should be 
 guaranteed. On his return to Spain he was received with 
 favour, as the bearer of good news which unfortunately 
 was not destined to be realized.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Journey to Cherbourg^— Important Works Executed in this Harbour — 
 Ardour of the Inhabitants of Normandy— Return to Paris— Christening of 
 the King of Rome — Christening Festivities— Fête Given by the Town — 
 Charlemagne's Book of Hours — Fêtes at St. Cloud and at Trianon — The 
 Emperor and Empress's Private Life — Lessons in Riding — Stay at Com- 
 picgne — Sudden Death of General Ordener — Napoleon's Affection for His 
 Son — He Sometimes Keeps Him with Him whilst at Work — He Plays with 
 Him— He sends Him Secretly to the Empress Josephine— Napoleon's Mother — 
 Mutual Affection — The Noble Character Displayed by Her in Adversity — 
 Discovery of Letters from the King of Naples which Reveal His Ambition — 
 Witty Saying of Napoleon to Fouchc— The Emperor's Refusal to Recall 
 the French Troops from the Kingdom of Naples— The French Refuse to 
 be Naturalized Neapolitans — Severe Reprimand from the Emperor to the 
 King — This Prince's Great Distress — The Queen of Naples in Paris — 
 Reconciliation — M. Daru, Minister Secretary of State — Little Sympathy 
 Between Him and Napoleon — M. de Bassano, Minister of Foreign Affairs — 
 Waste Committed in Hanover, the Hanseatic Cities, and at Erfurth — The 
 Prince d'Eckmuehl — The Prince de Ponte-Corvo— Bourrienne — Journey to 
 Holland, Expedition to and Inspection of the Islands of Walcheren and 
 Cadzand — Stay On Board the Charlemagne — Stay at Antwerp and Utrecht — 
 Dissenting Jansenist Clergy — Lesson Given to the Generals— Solemn Entry 
 into Amsterdam — The Empress's Visit to the Villages of Broeck and 
 Saardam — Large Court at Amsterdam — Performance given by the Actors 
 of the Thrt'itre- Français — Friendly Feelings of the Dutch — The Emperor's 
 Solicitude for Their Interests — Visits to the Principal Towns and Fortified 
 Places — Return to St. Cloud — Reflections on the Annexations of States to the 
 Empire — The Emperor's Correspondents — Barrère — Fiévée — Desrenaudes — 
 Madame de Genlis —Her Conduct Before and After the Restoration — Lemaire — 
 Montlosicr — Dampmartin — Goldsmith — Montgaillard — Fresh Favours are 
 Accorded to Me — Russia Pi'epares for War — All Napoleon's Proposals for 
 a Settlement Rejected— Recall of the Due de Vicencc — General Lauriston 
 takes His Place — Protest Against the Occupation of Oldenburg — Convention 
 Against the Re-establislimcnt of the Kingdom of Poland — Napoleon's 
 Refusal to Accept the Anticipated Ratification of this Convention — Offer to 
 Substitute it in a more Suitaljle Form — The Emperor Alexander Persists in 
 Maintaining it as Originally Drawn Up— Recapitulation of Hostile Acts which 
 Preceded 1811 — Napoleon's Efforts to Enlighten Alexander— Other Differences 
 Which Separated the two States — The Polish Question Irreconcilable — Rupture 
 Decided Upon in the Russian Cabinet — Mystery with which Russia 
 Surrounds Her Arming — Denials — Ukase Forbidding F''rcnch Manufactures — 
 I'lan of Attack Put Off— Napoleon Pn^pares Himself— Annexation of the 
 Hanseatic Cities to the Empire — Reasons F'or, and Spirit Of, these Annex- 
 ations — The Idea of the Continental System — Injustice of the Accusations 
 Made Against Napoleon — Violation of an Engagement Made by Alexander 
 at Tilsitt — Napoleon's Efforts to Maintain Peace — Mission with which He 
 Charges Colonel Czernitcheff — Subornation of an Employé in the War 
 Office — The System of Licences — English Intrigues at St. Petersburg and Con- 
 stantinople — Spéranski's Disgrace — Napoleon Cannot but Lose by Making 
 
 398
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 399 
 
 War — Russia's Ambitious Policy — Fruitless Application Made to the London 
 Cabinet — Decline of Affairs in Spain — The Resistance of the Spaniards 
 Injures the Emperor in Public Opinion — Treaties Concluded with Prussia 
 and Austria— Perfidious Negotiations of the Swedish Cabinet— Unacceptable 
 Condition made the Price of its Alliance — Bernadette Summons Moreau 
 from America — Turkey's Defection — English and Russian Intrigues — 
 Regrettable Delay in General Andréossy's Departure for Constantinople — 
 The Treaty of Bucharest is Signed and then Ratified— Tardy Punishment 
 of the Grand Vizir and of His Agents — Plan of Sending Prince de Bcnévent 
 to Warsaw — Napoleon Asks the Rank of Field-marshal for Prince Schwar- 
 zenberg — Russia's Ultimatum — Discussion on the Basis of this Ultimatum 
 Evaded — Napoleon's Hope of Being Able to Come to an Understanding 
 with Alexander in Spite of the War — War Ine^•itable. 
 
 ABOUT two months after the birth of his son, the 
 Empress having recovered her health, the Emperor 
 wished to go and visit the works at the harbour of 
 Cherbourg, so as, by his presence, to stimulate this 
 important undertaking. The importance of this harbour, 
 situated opposite to England, had attracted all Napo- 
 leon's attention, and in consequence, from the time of 
 his accession to power, he had continued the works 
 there which Louis XVI. had commenced. The aban- 
 donment in which this gigantic undertaking had been 
 left during the crises of the Revolution had entailed 
 its almost total ruin. During the stay of the Court at 
 Rambouillet, Marie Louise used to be present at the 
 hunts in her open carriage and sometimes on horse- 
 back; the sovereigns then left Rambouillet for Caen, 
 where they stayed three days. Napoleon rode over 
 the surroundings of this town, accompanied by the 
 iMinister of Marine and the general inspectors of roads 
 and bridges. The journey was continued from Caen 
 to Cherbourg, where, on the day of his arrival, the 
 Emperor, according to his custom, began inspecting 
 from daybreak the fortifications and the heights which 
 commanded the city. He visited the harbour, the 
 dock-yards, the roads, and the fleet. He lunched with 
 the Empress on the d}-kc, and from \\'hcre they sat
 
 400 2^iéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 at table they could see the English ships cruising in 
 the distance. Napoleon ordered the fleet to perform 
 their evolutions, and took the Empress on board the 
 Admiral's ship, which she examined in all its details — a 
 new spectacle for her. The Emperor, after having 
 inspected the fleet, went down into the vast basin, 
 which for many years past was being cut out of the 
 granite. This gigantic work — a masterpiece of patience 
 — was approaching completion. The basin, which is 
 forty feet deep, accommodates fifty line vessels. It 
 was worked at with picks, which only removed a 
 flake of stone at each stroke. It resembled an immense 
 trough, cut out of one single stone, containing many 
 millions of cubic feet of water. 
 
 Having left Cherbourg, the Emperor stopped at 
 Saint LÔ, at Alençon and at Chartres, and was back again 
 at St. Cloud on June 4th. This little journey, w^hich 
 lasted three weeks, was the rehearsal of a longer 
 journey which Napoleon proposed to take in Holland, 
 and for which he was preparing the Empress. The 
 health of this princess had been shaken by a most 
 painful confinement but she was now completely re- 
 stored. 
 
 Useful measures and acts of benevolence — by which 
 the cities, which their Majesties passed through, pro- 
 fited — as well as alms-giving, marked their passage 
 everywhere. Apart from the grants of assistance, and 
 the pensions which the Emperor awarded on the funds 
 of the Civil List, I was charged to keep a cash-box, 
 to which the treasurer of the crown paid the sum of 
 10,000 francs each month. This fund was used in 
 connection with the presents or charities which Napo- 
 leon distributed, and which I paid over on a verbal
 
 méneval's isiemoirs of napoleon r. 401 
 
 order transmitted to mc by the aide-de-camp or the 
 equerry in attendance. These expenses were entered 
 into an account book, which the Emperor checked at 
 the end of each month. 
 
 The Emperor and the Empress were everywhere 
 received with enthusiasm. The birth of an heir to the 
 name and glory of Napoleon had increased his popu- 
 larity to the highest degree. The mother of the King 
 of Rome shared in these manifestations of affection, 
 and knew how to respond to them by the amenity of 
 the reception which she accorded to the authorities 
 and inhabitants of the departments. 
 
 Her ]\Iajesty's return to Paris was hastened by the 
 approach of the fêtes which were being prepared for 
 them at Paris, at St. Cloud, and at Trianon, during 
 the journey to Cherbourg. Those festivities, which 
 accompanied the ceremony of the King of Rome's 
 christening, were in point of magnificence in no way 
 inferior to that of the marriage. During the three 
 months and a half which followed on the return from 
 Cherbourg, the Court resided in succession at St. Cloud, 
 in Paris, Trianon and Compiègne. 
 
 The young prince was christened at Notre Dame, 
 in the presence of the three great Corporations of 
 State, (the Senate, the Council of State, and the Legis- 
 lative Body), the magistrates and law officers, the 
 Municipal councils, and the deputations from the fifty 
 " good cities, " and of the diplomatic corps. The fine 
 bearing of the troops, who made a line from the 
 Tuileries to Notre Dame, and the magnificence of the 
 imperial procession were an imposing spectacle ; but 
 what increased the magnificence of this triumphal 
 march was the immense crowd of Parisian and foreign 
 
 VOL IL 26
 
 402 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 spectators, which was so great that one might have 
 said that the inhabitants of every house had come 
 down into the streets and public squares. All along 
 the route followed by the procession the houses were 
 draped with hangings, and flags floated at every 
 window. At the sight of the carriage in which the 
 imperial child was lying on the knees of his governess 
 and which preceded the carriage of Their Majesties the 
 air re-echoed with general acclamations, and cries for 
 his prosperity. Unusual pomp presided over the religi- 
 ous service. The god-father, who was the Emperor 
 of Austria, was represented by the Grand-duke of 
 Wurzburg. The second god-father was King Joseph. 
 The god-mother was the Lady Mother (Napoleon's 
 mother). The second god-mother was the Queen of 
 Naples, represented by Queen Hortense. Silence and 
 reserve were maintained during the ceremony; but, 
 w^hen Napoleon, taking his son into his arms, showed 
 him to those who were present, cheers and applause, 
 which had been restrained by the sanctity of the act 
 and by the solemnity of the place, broke out on every 
 side, awakening the echoes of the ancient cathedral. 
 
 On leaving the cathedral Their Majesties proceeded 
 to the Hôtel de Ville where the Prefect, followed by the 
 municipal body, received them and offered them a 
 banquet and concert in the name of the city. After 
 the concert the sovereigns walked through the drawing- 
 rooms in which had assembled the persons who had 
 been invited, and wnth whom they conversed. Towards 
 midnight the Emperor and Empress returned to the 
 Tuileries by the light of illuminations which lighted 
 them all the way home. More or less ingenious 
 allegories and emblems interpreted the expression of
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon t. 403 
 
 a genuine feeling. The weather on this fine day was 
 serene and calm. Public rejoicings, consisting of 
 theatrical performances, dances, distribution of provisions, 
 illuminations, and balloon ascents, were offered to the 
 people in the Champs-Elysées and other places. Public 
 rejoicings took place in all the provincial departments. 
 
 A deputation from the municipal council of Toulouse 
 presented the Emperor with a most costly manuscript 
 on vellum, a masterpiece of calligraphy, enriched with 
 miniatures picked out with gold, and with each page 
 framed in a vignette, the design of which varied on 
 each page. This manuscript, which was of priceless 
 value, forming a quarto volume, bound in iiacarat 
 velvet, was Charlemagne's book of hours ; it had cost 
 the artists who had taken part in its production seven 
 years' labour. This prince had presented it to the 
 abbey of Saint Sernin near Toulouse — destroyed to- 
 day — in memory of the christening of his son Pépin. 
 The municipal council had considered that this monument 
 of the arts of the ninth century, which had been 
 preserved with religious care, would be properly dis- 
 posed of if Napoleon became its proprietor. Since 
 Providence had allowed an identical occurrence to 
 renew itself one thousand years later, the presentation 
 of this manuscript to Charlemagne's successor, on the 
 occasion of the birth of his heir, seemed very fitting 
 and appropriate. A deputation of the members of the 
 council proceeded, in consequence, to Paris, to offer 
 the precious manuscript to the new Charlemagne. 
 The Emperor accepted the present and placed the 
 manuscript in his library. This book of hours is at 
 present in the Louvre library. 
 
 Some days after the banquet at the Hotel do Mile
 
 404 méneval's meisioirs of napoleon I. 
 
 a fête took place in the private park of St, Cloud 
 which reminded the Empress of her native country. 
 Orchestras, dispersed in the shrubberies, played dances 
 and waltzes which were performed by the dancers of 
 the Opera dressed in the costumes of German shepherds 
 and peasants. An interlude: " Z« Fete du 'Village,'' 
 composed by Etienne, and set to music by Nicolo, 
 was performed on an open air stage. A lady aeronaut 
 of the day, Madame Blanchard — made an ascent in a 
 balloon, and remained floating for some time on a 
 level with the tops of the trees. 
 
 At a given signal the balloon rose majestically into 
 the air. Then a large fire-work star exploded, and 
 for the space of some minutes filled the sky with 
 dazzling light. Unfortunately a heavy fall of rain 
 spoiled the end of the evening, and produced some 
 disorder. 
 
 The amusements of the Court followed one upon the 
 other almost without interruption. August 1 5th brought 
 with it the Emperor's fête and the fête of the King of 
 Rome, which were celebrated at St. Cloud with a 
 display of fireworks which was carried out by the 
 artillery of the Imperial Guard, and in which the 
 initials of the two spouses and their son figured. 
 Anthems appropriate for the occasion were sung. Ten 
 days later — August 25th — was the Empress's fête, and 
 this was celebrated at Trianon. The weather had 
 become splendid, and the delicious gardens of the Petit 
 Trianon, the buildings, lakes, islands, of this magic resort 
 lent themselves to scenes and combinations of which 
 the organizers of the fête were able to make the best 
 possible use. A piece composed by M. Alissan de 
 Chazet, entitled "■ Lc Jardinier de Schd)ihruuu,'" was
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 405 
 
 performed in the theatre at Trianon. This performance 
 Avas accompanied by a ballet, which was executed by 
 the principal opera dancers. The Emperor, with the 
 Empress on his arm, and followed by almost the entire 
 Court, walked about in the little park for some time. 
 Cantatas, which had been set to music by Paer, were 
 sung in their honour, and the fête terminated with a 
 splendid supper. 
 
 This fête, which was the most agreeable of all, 
 ended the series of public rejoicings given to celebrate 
 the marriage of the Emperor and the birth of the 
 King of Rome. The grace and dignity displayed by 
 Marie Louise on this occasion attracted general attention. 
 Napoleon seemed happy. He was affable at home, 
 and affectionate towards the Empress. When he found 
 her grave, he amused her by goodhumoured remarks, 
 or disconcerted her reserve- by embracing her in a 
 cordial and hearty manner. In public he treated her 
 w^th great respect, and with a dignity which did not 
 exclude a sort of noble familiarity. His manners to 
 her in general expressed an affection full of confidence. 
 At the same time, wishing to preserve in its primitive 
 purity the innocence which had so much charm for 
 him, and to remove from her the suspicions which 
 French lightness usually admits, Napoleon had established 
 in the Empress's household an order of service by 
 which she was so fenced in that one might have thought 
 him jealous. ]\Iarie Touise's timidity, her love of 
 family life, her mistrust of herself, and the prejudices 
 with which she had been inspired against most of the 
 persons at Court, and against the spirit of mockery 
 which is so characteristic of the French, kept this 
 princess awa}^ from liaisons which might have displeased
 
 4o6 méneval's :memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 the Emperor, and which, moreover, had no attraction 
 in her eyes. The habits of favouritism in which she 
 had been brought up, and which in her isolation she 
 needed, were bestowed on the lady who, by the 
 advice of her husband, was admitted to her intimacy. 
 The attachment which she conceived for the Duchess 
 of Montebello, her lady in waiting, filled this void. 
 Alarie Louise never chatted familiarly with the persons 
 attached to her service, but, however, always treated 
 them with indulgence and kindness. 
 
 The Emperor wished her to take horse exercise, 
 and Marie Louise received her first lessons in riding 
 in the riding school of St. Cloud. Napoleon used to 
 walk by her side, holding her hand, whilst the 
 equerry held the horse's bridle, tie calmed her fears, 
 and encouraged her. She took advantage of her 
 lessons, grew courageous, and ended by being- able 
 to keep her seat very well. When, to her master's 
 credit, she had become a horsewoman, the lessons 
 were sometimes continued in the avenue of the private 
 park which led out from the family drawing-room, so 
 called because it was adorned with portraits of all 
 the members of the imperial family. Napoleon, when 
 he had a few minutes to spare, after lunch, would 
 send for his horse, get on horseback, dressed in silk 
 stockings and buckled shoes, and would ride by the 
 Empress's side. He would excite her horse, and set 
 off at a gallop, laughing heartily when she cried out 
 for fear of falling. It is true that this danger did not 
 exist, for grooms were standing all along the avenue 
 ready to stop the horse, and to prevent a fall. 
 
 After the fetes at Trianon the court returned to 
 Compiègnc, where it remained three weeks. This
 
 Î^IÉXEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 407 
 
 palace, where the Emperor had receiv'ed ]Marie Louise 
 on her arrival in France, was at that time the object 
 of his special preference. He had ordered works to be 
 carried out on the estate which were under the direction 
 of Berthault, the architect, and were being executed 
 with a rapidity which was nothing less than marvellous. 
 New gardens had been created by this architect and an 
 entirely new appearance had been given to the residence. 
 So great were the embellishments that had been ef- 
 fected that the park seemed totally transformed. It was 
 now one of the most beautiful and most elegant of 
 the Emperor's pleasure houses. Their Majesties' arrival 
 at Compiègne was saddened by the death- of General 
 Ordener, Governor of the Palace, who was struck 
 down on the following day by apoplexy, and who died 
 under the eyes of Doctor Lerminier. The general had 
 come the day before to Compiègne to receive the Em- 
 peror and Empress, and Napoleon had complimented 
 him on his good health. He regarded him as one of 
 the bravest and best of his officers. General Ordener 
 had a long time commanded, with distinction to him- 
 self, the mounted grenadiers of the guard. His rough 
 plain-spokenness sometimes amused the ladies of the 
 court, but he was one of those men who are endowed 
 with an iron constitution — both moral and physical, 
 rather uncultivated, perhaps; but, in any case, of a 
 loyalty without flaw, of rigid principles, trained in the 
 laws of severe discipline, and incapable of compounding 
 with his duties. 
 
 In the meanwhile the King of Rome was growing 
 in strength and beauty, under the vigilant care of 
 ]\Iadame Montesquieu, who loved him as a son, and 
 who had for him the most mhiutc solicitude. He was
 
 4o8 ]\iéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 carried every morning to his mother, who kept him 
 with her during the hour of her toilette. In the day- 
 time, in the intervals between her music and drawing 
 lessons, Marie Louise used to go to the young prince's 
 apartment, and work at his side at some piece of needle- 
 work. Often, followed by the nurse who carried the 
 child, she would take him to his father whilst he was at 
 work. When he w^as announced Napoleon would rise 
 to go and receive him, nobody being allowed to enter 
 his cabinet; the nurse was forced to remain outside, 
 and Marie Louise would be asked to bring her son 
 in herself. The Empress had so little trust in herself 
 in taking the child from the arms of the nurse that 
 Napoleon would hasten to go and meet her, and would 
 take his son into his arms, and carry him away, 
 covering him with kisses. This workroom, which was 
 the scene of the birth of so many skilful manoeuvres 
 intended to repel the attacks of our eternal enemies, 
 and so many vast and generous schemes of govern- 
 ment, was very often also the silent witness of Napo- 
 leon's paternal tenderness. How often have I watched 
 the Emperor there, keeping his son at his side as 
 though he were impatient to initiate him in the art of 
 government. Either seated on his favourite settee near 
 the mantelpiece, which was decorated with two mag- 
 nificent bronze busts of Scipio and of Hannibal, occupied 
 in reading some important report; or going to his 
 writing-table, which was cut out in the centre, and 
 the sides of which spread out like wings — covered 
 with his numerous papers— lo sign a despatch, each 
 word of which had to be weighed ; his son, seated on 
 his knees or pressed against his bosom, never left 
 him. I^ndowcd with a marvellous power of concen-
 
 jniéxeval's memoirs of XAPOLEOX I. 409 
 
 tration, Napoleon was able at one and the same time 
 to attend to serious matters, and to lend himself to a 
 child's fancies. Sometimes putting aside all his pre- 
 occupations he would lie down on the floor at the side 
 of his darling son and play with him as a child him- 
 self, looking out for what would amuse him or spare 
 him vexation. 
 
 Napoleon had some little manœuvre pieces made. 
 These were little bits of mahogany of different colours 
 and lengths. The tops were fretted, and these pieces 
 represented battalions, regiments, and divisions. AVhen 
 the Emperor wanted to try some new combination of 
 troops, some new military evolution, he made use of 
 these pieces of wood, which he set up on the carpet 
 of the floor so as to give himself a larger field 
 for manoeuvre. Sometimes his son would surprise 
 him seriously occupied with the positions of these 
 pieces, preparing" himself in this way for one of those 
 clever manoeuvres which assured him victory in his 
 battles. The child, lying on the floor at his side, 
 pleased with the colour and the form of these man- 
 œuvre pieces — which reminded him of his toys — would 
 at each instant touch them with his hand and disturb 
 the order of battle at a decisive moment just when 
 the enemy was about to be beaten. But so great 
 was Napoleon's presence of mind, and his affection 
 for his son, that he did not allow himself to be disturbed 
 by the disorder into which the child had thrown his 
 strategical combinations, and contented himself, without 
 manifesting any impatience, with putting the pieces back 
 into their right order. His patience and kindness for 
 his child were inexhaustible. At such times it was not 
 only the heir of his name and glory tliat he Icn'cd in this
 
 410 iMÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 son of his. When he held him in his arms and 
 intoxicated himself with his caresses, it was not pride 
 or ambition which predominated in his mind. 
 
 The Emperor used to lunch alone. Madame de Mon- 
 tesquiou used to carry the King of Rome to his 
 father at lunch every day. Napoleon would take him 
 on his knees, amuse himself in petting him and putting 
 his glass to the boy's lips, and would laugh heartily, 
 chiding the child at the grimaces that it used to make 
 when a drop of wine stung its tongue. One day 
 when the child was putting its mouth out to take a 
 piece of some food which his father offered it. Napo- 
 leon drew his hand back, and repeated this little prac- 
 tical joke twice. The third time, however, the young 
 prince turned his head away, and obstinately refused 
 to take the tit-bit. The Emperor expressing his sur- 
 prise at this conduct, Madame cle Montesquiou said 
 that the child did not like people to try to deceive 
 it, and added " he is proud and sensitive ! " " He is 
 proud and sensitive?" repeated the Emperor — "It is 
 a very good thing. It is because he is like that that 
 I love him ! " Delighted to find these two qualities in 
 his son, the Emperor embraced him with tenderness. 
 He used to forget his cares and public business in 
 these short moments, and the very few persons whom 
 he used to admit to his intimacy during this meal 
 hour were assured of being always received by him 
 in the most gracious manner. 
 
 The Empress Josephine had asked as a favour to 
 be cdlowed to have the King of Rome taken to 
 her. Napoleon promised, but feared for her sake the 
 emotion which the sight of this child must necessarily 
 cause her. He, however, gave way before her pressing
 
 wéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 411 
 
 requests, iind IVIadame de Montesquieu conducted the 
 young prince to Bagatelle, a small pleasure house in 
 the Bois de Boulogne. This took place without the 
 knowledge of the Empress Marie Louise who was 
 animated with a feeling of jealousy, which was based 
 on the fear of the ascendancy which a woman who 
 had been so loved by her husband might still retain 
 over him. The excellent Princess could not restrain 
 her tears at the sight of a child who recalled such 
 painful memories and the privation of a happiness 
 which Heaven had refused to her. She embraced 
 him with transports. She seemed to take pleasure 
 in the illusion produced by the thought that she 
 was lavishing her caresses on her own child. She 
 never wearied of admiring his strength and beauty, 
 and could not detach herself from him. The moments 
 during which she held him in her arms seemed to her 
 very short. 
 
 Napoleon, who was the best of fathers, could not 
 be otherwise than a good son, and had for his mother 
 a constant and respectful affection. His tenderness 
 for her in public was mingled with respect and gravity. 
 He had given her a proof of this, a proof which this vener- 
 able woman appreciated above all others, when he had 
 appointed her Patroness General of Charitable Institu- 
 tions. Napoleon's mother was a Roman matron, both 
 in appearance and by the loftiness of her character. 
 Prosperity had no more dazzled her than bad fortune 
 had cast her down. Her parsimony has been jested 
 about, but her children always found her ready to 
 help them with her private fortune. When the Emperor 
 was at St. Helena his mother sent him a full account 
 of her fortune, and begged him to dispose ot whatever
 
 412 ]\iéxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 belonged to her, an offer which Napoleon did not 
 accept. When somebody pointed out to her, at the 
 time when she thus offered her property to her son, 
 that she was reducing herself to indigence in this 
 way: "What does it matter?" she answered ; "when I 
 shall have nothing more, I will take my stick, and I 
 will go about begging alms for Napoleon's mother." 
 
 A pearl, which was celebrated for its size and the 
 purity of its colour, known by the name of the Peregrine 
 pearl, had disappeared from the Spanish crown treasury 
 during the troubles brought on in this country by the 
 change of dynasty. Great search was made for this 
 jewel. I do not know what result it had, but I think, 
 though I cannot affirm it, that these investigations led 
 to a discovery of another kind, namely of several 
 letters addressed to Paris by Joachim, King of Naples. 
 To judge from the terms of this correspondence it 
 appeared certain that Murat's friends had thought that 
 something might happen which would render the 
 imperial throne vacant. Fouché, Talleyrand, and others 
 had already thought of taking their precautions in 
 view of such an event. The Emperor, having neither 
 children nor any fixed successor at that time, King 
 àMurat might consider himself authorized to prepare 
 himself to establish the claims he had to this succession. 
 This ambition was perhaps excusable at a time when 
 every head was excited by the splendid instances of 
 prodigious fortunes. Napoleon seemed to think so, 
 for he manifested no resentment against his brother- 
 in-law. Fouché had said one day that if the throne 
 ever became vacant, which with God's help should 
 never be, he would take measures to get as much 
 power into his hands as possible. The Emperor
 
 MÉNEVAL'S AIEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 413 
 
 answered this remark with some words which were 
 remembered: "You would do well. It would be your 
 ri^ht. " 
 
 Napoleon, how^ever, thought it right to have the 
 person in whose possession these letters were found — 
 he was a chamberlain to King Joachim — arrested; and 
 he was confined for three months in the prison at 
 Vincennes. On leaving prison this officer was given 
 the choice of returning to Naples or of staying in 
 France, but not in Paris. He retired to an estate 
 which he owned in Poitou, and the famous letters were 
 deposited in the Imperial Archives. 
 
 These circumstances, and other reasons for discontent, 
 irritated the King of Naples. His bad temper broke 
 out when he was ordered to send a contingent of 
 Neapolitan troops to join the French army. From the 
 month of August of this year, 181 1, the signs of a 
 misunderstanding with Russia, and the hidden prepar- 
 ations for war which were beginning to be made by 
 this power, obliged the Emperor to increase the 
 garrison at Dantzig, and to put the French army 
 on a larger footing. 
 
 King IVIurat wished the Emperor rather to recall 
 the French soldiers who had remained in the Kingdom 
 of Naples. Napoleon had refused to do this, and then 
 Joachim wanted to exact that the French who had 
 remained in his service should naturalize themselves 
 Neapolitan subjects. All the French asked for their 
 leave, with the exception of one general, who occupied 
 a high position in the King's household. General 
 Exelmans, and generals and civil officers who were 
 strongly attached to the king, and wIkj had been 
 presented with imj^ortant offices at court, preferred to
 
 414 AIÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 give up all these advantages rather than to lose their 
 French nationality. Napoleon received with indignation 
 the news of the pretensions set up by the King, his 
 brother-in-law. A severely-worded decree reminded 
 ]Murat of the fact that his kingdom was an integral 
 part of the French Empire, and that the sovereign 
 seated on the throne of Naples owed his crown to 
 French valour. This decree proclaimed with cold 
 disdain that every French citizen was de jure a citizen 
 of the kingdom of Naples, and that any measure to 
 the contrary, emanating from King Joachim, might in 
 no case be applicable to French subjects. The King 
 of Naples could not endure with calm the humiliation 
 thus inflicted on him. The struggle of the opposite 
 feelings of wounded pride and passionate affection for 
 the Emperor, which raged within him, very nearly 
 drove him mad. I have heard the Queen, his wife, 
 say that she kept her husband isolated from everybody 
 for tW'O whole days, for fear that anybody should see 
 the state of aberration into which he had fallen. In 
 his rage King Joachim had even wished to exile the 
 Queen to Castellamare, because she disapproved of the 
 conditions of naturalization imposed on the French. 
 Returning to a better state of mind Murat sent his 
 wife to Paris to make peace with Napoleon. Napo- 
 leon really liked Joachim Murat. He spoke severely 
 at first about his brother-in-law, but soon all traces of 
 dissent disappeared on both sides. The King of Naples 
 returned, as in the good times of the past, to bring 
 to our ranks during the war with Russia, which broke 
 out in the following year, the assistance of his heroic 
 valour and the enthusiasm with which he knew how 
 to ins])ire his troops, and especially the cavalry.
 
 MÉXEVAL'S ME^MOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 415 
 
 In the spring of 1 8 1 1 there was a change in the 
 ]\[inistry, a circumstance which till then had only 
 happened very rarely. As a matter of fact during 
 Napoleon's reign, the Ministers were, so to speak, irre- 
 movable. The INIinistry of Foreign Affairs alone did not 
 participate in this immutabihty. The vicissitudes under- 
 gone in consequence of the troubled state of our 
 relations with Europe necessitated an occasional change 
 in the direction of foreign affairs. In consequence, 
 Count Daru entered the Ministry, where he took the 
 place of the Due de Bassano, who himself had re- 
 placed the Due de Cadore. Count Daru brought to his 
 new post that indefatigable ardour for work, which 
 had attracted the Emperor's attention, those capacities, 
 that rigidity of morals, and that uprightness which 
 have always characterized the administrative career ot 
 this Minister. Napoleon had in M. Daru a confidence 
 which was absolute because it was founded on esteem. 
 During the Emperor's stay in Moscow, M. Daru gave 
 him an account of a private letter which he had just 
 received from General Moreau's wife. This lady asked 
 M. Daru to support a request which she was making to 
 be allowed to land in France, where her presence was 
 rendered necessary by certain family affairs. Napoleon, 
 suspecting the real motive of Madame Moreau's request, 
 a motive which was clearly exposed by subsequent 
 events, refused this permission, but bore ^l. Daru no 
 grudge for his action in this matter. When ]Moreau's 
 presence at the headquarters of the allied troops, in 
 1S13, was made known, the Emperor contented him- 
 self with reminding 'M. Daru of the communication 
 which he had made to him at the Kremlin. If on the 
 one hand Napoleon had a great respect for Count Daru,
 
 41 6 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 it cannot, on the other hand be said that he had any 
 sympathy for him personall}'. He appreciated his work, 
 and always found him useful, but he never showed 
 him any expansive confidence, ]\I. Daru's attitude 
 towards the Emperor, on his side, was marked by a 
 singular reserve. I am unable to say whether there 
 was any reason for this ^Minister's embarrassment in the 
 presence of his sovereign, and whether the remembrance 
 of his former relations with General j\Ioreau, or some 
 other reason, influenced his feelings towards Napoleon. 
 Whatever may be the conjectures formed on this 
 matter, the truth is that j\I. Daru served the Emperor 
 with zeal and fidelity, but that the latter did not like 
 him. AI. Daru was convinced — I am sure that I do not 
 know for what reason — that Napoleon did not trust 
 him. In the last year of his life this minister did me 
 the honour of telling me that each time that he went 
 to see the Emperor he took the key of his writing- 
 table with him in his pocket — ready, at the slightest 
 expression of discontent on Napoleon's part, to hand 
 him over this key, begging him to send for his family 
 papers. "He would have seen," added INI. Daru, "by 
 comparing the inventory of my possessions when I 
 entered his service, with the existing state of my 
 affairs, that I had not increased my fortune in anv 
 illegitimate way." 
 
 Before speaking of the journey which the Emperor 
 took, in 1811, with JNlarie Louise, I wish to say a 
 word about a despatch which was sent to him towards 
 the end of Alay by Marshal Davout, who was com- 
 manding the troops stationed in the Hanseatic provinces. 
 At the time of the first occupation of these provinces
 
 méneval's i^ieaioirs of napoleon I. 417 
 
 serious malversations of public money had been 
 committed. The general * who was at that time in 
 command in this district and in Hanover, who since 
 had reached a lofty destiny, was said to have tolerated 
 this disorder. The magistrates - of the States occupied 
 by our armies had lent themselves to the sacrifices 
 which were suggested to them as likely to be pro- 
 fitable to the interests of their towns. Prince d'Eckmuehl, 
 who came to Hamburg long after, who was as 
 inaccessible to corrupiion as he was a strict disciplinarian, 
 insisted on a speedy payment of the taxes. The towns 
 replied that it was only fair that the sums which they 
 had already paid, and which amounted to about 
 four millions, should be taken into account. As these 
 sums had not been paid either into the army treasury 
 or into the treasury of the extraordinary domain, the 
 Marshal replied by demanding the local authorities to 
 produce the proofs of payment of the war indemnities. 
 After long hesitation the senate of Hamburg finally 
 consented to hand in a list of people who had received 
 either money or presents, together with a full account 
 of the sums paid in cash or kind to each person named. 
 The names of persons of all classes, of officers of 
 ever}' rank, from the Marshal down to the commissary 
 of wars, were to be found on this list ; but in still 
 greater number were the names of civil functionaries 
 of every rank, from the ambassador down to his 
 diplomatic agents and simple emplo3'és. Some had 
 received sums of money, others presents for their wives 
 or for themselves. The Emperor repeatedly insisting 
 on seeing this list, received it at last from the Prince 
 d'Eckmuehl. Napoleon placed it in the hands of the 
 
 * Bernadotte. 
 VOL. IL 21
 
 4i8 méxeval's memoirs of XAFOLEOX I. 
 
 iSIinister of the Public Treasury, with orders to sue 
 for the recovery of these sums which had thus been 
 extorted or illegall}' received. The soldiers, for whom 
 there was more excuse under the circumstances, were 
 less roughly treated than the civilians who could 
 justify themselves by no motive. The latter were 
 according-ly more severely treated, but it was thought 
 advisable to treat certain persons in high positions with 
 tolerance. Some of the fraudulent bailees paid back 
 what they had received. The fall of the Empire saved 
 the most guilty. The resentment retained by the 
 persons compromised in this affair can be imagined. 
 There lies the reason of many desertions and outbreaks 
 of hostility, w^hich manifested themselves against the 
 Emperor when he was no longer to be feared. The 
 Due de Cadore received orders to inform one of the 
 diplomatic agents whose name was mentioned on the 
 list supplied by the Hamburg senate, who had been 
 plenipotentiary minister to the Hanseatic cities, that 
 he had to count with him as a clerk with his master, 
 and to pay over to the treasury of the INIinistry of 
 Foreign Affairs, seventy-five per cent of the sums which 
 he had received, this money to be applied to finishing 
 a mansion which had been commenced on the Quai 
 d'Orsay, and which was intended for the INIinistry 
 offices and residence. The reason of the order signified 
 to Bourrienne by the Due de Cadore is more in 
 accordance with truth than the somewhat cynical 
 answer of which the latter boasts in his jVIemoirs. 
 
 Since I have related an occurrence which shows 
 that Napoleon, in .spite of his vigilance, was unable to 
 prevent all disorder, I will quote another of the same 
 kind which took place later on, lind which was not
 
 MENEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 41g 
 
 known, at least officially, by the Emperor, for what 
 reason will be seen. During the 1S07 campaign a 
 Avar indemnity of three hundred thousand francs was 
 imposed on the province of Erfurth. Deputies from 
 this province came to headquarters to ask for a 
 reduction. Count Daru, to whom they addressed 
 themselves, received them very badly, but they re- 
 peated their appliciition so often that the Minister told 
 them that they did wrong to complain, seeing that the 
 sum of three hundred thousand francs which had been 
 demanded of them was not more than the resources of 
 their province could afford. " If we only owe three 
 hundred thousand francs, " they answered, " we have 
 paid." "Have you receipts in order?" In answer 
 to this question they produced a receipt from the 
 assigner of payments. Count Daru wrote to the 
 latter who admitted to him that the Marshal in com- 
 mand of the arm}' corps which was stationed at that 
 time in the province, and who since was raised to a 
 rank which put him above the reach of all jurisdiction, 
 had allotted two hundred thousand francs out of the 
 money received to himself, and had allowed him to 
 keep one hundred thousand francs. Count Daru in- 
 formed this functionary that unless the entire sum was 
 paid into the army treasury within an assigned period, 
 the Emperor would be informed of the matter. In 
 consequence of this the assigner of payments made 
 haste to pay over the three hundred thousand francs. 
 He, however, declared that he had paid the whole 
 sum out of his pocket, as the ]\larshal had refused 
 to restore the two hundred thousand francs which 
 he had appropriated. M. Daru never informed the 
 Emperor of this affair, and it was only twenty
 
 420 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs OF NAP0LE(3N I. 
 
 years later that he revealed it in private conversation. 
 On September 19th, 181 1, Napoleon left Compiègne 
 for his proposed journey in Holland. His object was to 
 visit this peculiar country, the originality of which 
 attracted his attention. He proposed to see the works 
 which had either been finished or were in course of 
 execution, necessary for binding his third capital to 
 the metropolitan seat of the Empire, and intended 
 to render communications between Amsterdam and 
 Paris most rapid. The Emperor accordingiy preceded 
 the Empress, giving her rendezvous in Antwerp, as he 
 wished to spare her the fatigues of a military journey, 
 in which, moreover, she would have been forced to 
 dispense with the pomp attaching to her rank, ]\Iarie 
 Louise, after leaving Compiègne, proceeded to the 
 castle of Laeken. Napoleon was not displeased at the 
 idea of her appearing in provinces which formerly had 
 been governed by the House of Austria. The Empress 
 made several excursions to Brussels, where she was 
 received as she had a right to expect. She showed 
 herself at the theatre, and visited certain manufactories, 
 where she ordered lace for a considerable amount. 
 The Emperor wished to surround her journey to Hol- 
 land with considerable splendour, and expressed his 
 wish that the Empress should show herself everywhere 
 surrounded by a brilliant court. As for himself, 
 accompanied by only a small suite, he proceeded to 
 Boulogne, where he spent three days, visiting the 
 little coast harbours, inspecting the flotilla, and engaging 
 it with some English cruisers over whom he secured 
 a victory. From Boulogne Napoleon went towards 
 Ostend and Breskens, a port situated opposite Flushing, 
 where he had ordered certain works to be carried
 
 méneval's mpzmoirs of napoleon I. 421 
 
 out. The weather was detestable, which did not 
 prevent the Emperor from riding part of the way on 
 horseback. He explored the island of Cadzand, and 
 examined its forts in detail. His plan was to vàsit 
 one by one the thirty vessels of the fleet at Antwerp, 
 a review which would have benefited the fleet in 
 particular and the navy in general. With this purpose 
 in view Napoleon embarked on the Cliarlcmagne, the 
 admiral's vessel, on which Commander Missiessy had 
 hoisted his standard. He was accompanied by his 
 Minister of Marine. The weather was fairly fine, but 
 it changed during the night, and from daybreak a 
 violent storm raged, which lasted three days without 
 diminishing in intensity. The equinoctial winds were 
 so strong that no boat could be put to sea. The 
 Emperor was accordingly forced to remain on board 
 the Charlemagne in idleness, without being able to 
 communicate with the land. He took advantage of 
 this enforced stay to examine a report of the state 
 of the fleet, in distributing rewards amongst the sailors, 
 and, armed with his field-glasses, in contemplating 
 the spectacle of the furious waters, whenever he was 
 able to keep his legs on the bridge or on the deck. 
 Napoleon's papers, and almost all his clothes were on 
 board some boats and a yacht, which were dispersed 
 by the wind into various ports along the coast. The 
 pages and people of his household, who were in 
 charge of these boats, were driven about at the 
 mercy of the winds for four or five days, without being 
 able to reach cither the Emperor's ship, or to get 
 back to land, menaced with destruction at every 
 moment. iSIany thought of writing their wills without 
 knowing whether these documents would sur\ive them.
 
 42 2 MÉXEVAL'S memoirs OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 The tempest having cabned at last, and the sea 
 having somewhat quieted, the Emperor took advantage 
 of this circumstance to make his way to Flushing. 
 He spent a day there which he employed in inspecting 
 the immense works which were being- carried out by 
 his order, given after the withdrawal of the English 
 expedition. The object of these works was to enable 
 the armed fleet of the Escaut to enter into port, so 
 as to be protected against hostile attack. Napoleon 
 next embarked for Antwerp, sailing up the river and 
 inspecting in turn the various forts which lie on either 
 bank. He arrived at Antwerp in the night, and was 
 joined there by the Empress next day. During a stay 
 of four days in this city, w^here fêtes of every kind 
 succeeded each other, the Emperor did not remain 
 inactive for a single minute. His attention was 
 entirely taken up with the city, and the militar}-, 
 maritime, and commercial establishments which his 
 genius for organization had created in so short a space 
 of time. In four years he had transformed Antwerp 
 into a new city, a fortified town of the first order, 
 and the most important port in his Empire. Quays, 
 piers, canals, harbour-basins, docks with thirty vessels 
 in process of construction, unbroken roads from 
 Flushing to Antwerp, protected by lines of forts, 
 where one hundred vessels could find shelter in case 
 of danger, all these thing's had come from hands which 
 seemed to be gifted with the power of a magician's 
 wand. 
 
 Napoleon left Antwerp on October 4th at three 
 o'clock in the morning, stopped at Wilhelmstadt and 
 at Helvoetsluis, slept in his yacht, which was at 
 anchor near the island of (iorée, and arrived on the
 
 mkneval's ^rE^roTRS of napoléon i. 423 
 
 following- day at Gorcum, where he found Marie 
 Louise. The Archtreasurer, governor-general of Hol- 
 land, and Marshal Oudinot, commanding' the troops, 
 who had both come to meet him, were there also. 
 The Emperor continued his journe}^ accompanied by 
 the Empress along' a road fringed with country houses, 
 each more elegant and better kept than the last. He 
 stopped at Utrecht. Their Majesties w'ere receiv^ed 
 there by the authorities, and by an immense crowd of 
 people, whom neither the bad weather nor the dark- 
 ness could prevent from thronging- the quays and 
 streets. Before entering the house prepared for his 
 reception, Napoleon got on horseback, and went to 
 review the troops, in spite of the pouring rain. This 
 circumstance reminds me that, during a review which 
 was being- held on a rainy day, Xapoleon saw some 
 generals who drew aside to wrap themselves up care- 
 fully in their mantles. Without appearing to notice 
 the excessive care Avhich they were taking of their 
 persons, Napoleon at once made his way to a w-ater- 
 spout and took his stand close to it, thus giving his 
 generals a lesson in discipline and self-denial. 
 
 On returning to his house the Emperor, in pursuance 
 of his system of practical education, insisted — without 
 taking the time to change his clothes — on receiving 
 the authorities of the town who had come to await 
 him there. Amongst the corporations admitted to the 
 audience were noticed some Jansenist clericals whose 
 rupture with the Court of Rome had recently been 
 accomplished. 
 
 The solemn entry of the imperial couple into Amster- 
 dam was effected on October 9th. The Empress was 
 in a state-carriage, gilded and fitted with eight windows.
 
 424 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 A guard of honour composed of young men belonging 
 to the best families in the town, had come to meet 
 Their Majesties. The Emperor made his entry into 
 the town on horseback surrounded by a brilliant staff. 
 On that day the Dutch seemed to have forgotten their 
 natural stolidity altogether. 
 
 Their Majesties spent a fortnight in Amsterdam. 
 The Emperor broke his stay in this city by excur- 
 sions to the H elder, which was one of his creations, 
 to Texel, and to the famous dykes at Medemblik. 
 Some very lofty dykes had been raised on this point 
 which protected the country against the waters of the 
 Zuyder Zee. The land lies lower than the sea, the 
 waves of which sometimes reach as high as the top 
 of the dyke. The dykes are then covered over with 
 sails to break the force of the waves and to prevent 
 them from overthrowing the ramparts which the industry 
 of the inhabitants had raised. During one of the 
 Emperor's absences, which lasted three days, the 
 Empress made several excursions in the surroundings 
 of Amsterdam. She stopped, notably, at the village 
 of Broeck, which is famed as being the best model of 
 the mincing luxuriousncss and excessive cleanliness of the 
 ])utch. No carriages pass through the streets, which 
 are paved with tiles imitating flowers ; but an exception 
 was made to this rule in favour of the Empress's 
 carriage. The house which she had come to visit was 
 the mayor's. She saw the stiite rooms there, which 
 are only opened on days of marriages, christenings, 
 and funerals. Except on these three solemn occasions, 
 the apartment is kept carefully closed up, and even 
 the three steps whicli load up to the door arc removed. 
 The frontages of some houses arc covered with white
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 425 
 
 sand on which patterns are marked out in coloured 
 sand. The inside of these houses is as clean and 
 polished as the outside. Curtains of beautiful Chinese 
 silk garnished the windows, large cupboards were filled 
 with rich Japanese porcelain. No traces of any inha- 
 bitants were to be seen, nor could one notice any 
 marks of usage on the furniture. These houses ap- 
 peared to have been placed there like an opera stage 
 scene for the mere pleasure of the eyes. There are in 
 this village, or rather in this symmetrical assemblage 
 of pleasure-houses, of which Nuremberg toys are the 
 miniature, neither barns, nor lofts, nor stables, nor 
 cow-houses, nor kitchens. Whatever of animal or even 
 intellectual life there may be is placed outside the limits 
 of the village. The people sleep and eat no doubt hidden 
 from all eyes, for one cannot admit that these houses 
 are only used as the dwelling-places of spirits. 
 
 The ]\Iayor or Burgomaster thought he was giving 
 the Empress no mean mark of his respect in breaking 
 for her the rules which he obeyed himself. The entry 
 into one of these houses had even been, on one occasion, 
 refused to Hortense, Queen of Holland, and the King 
 had approved of this because she had not announced 
 her visit in advance. The owners were all millionaires, 
 and had always been carefully treated because they 
 were the pillars of Dutch commerce. Even during the 
 revolution no troops were billeted upon them, nor 
 were they forced to do any personal service. These 
 Republicans, in consequence, are very proud, and make 
 no exceptions of persons nor of ranks. 
 
 Another township of celebrated name is Saardam, 
 \\herc the Czar, Peter the Great, passed several months 
 to study the art of ship-building. This township, although
 
 42 6 ^IÉNEVAL'S :MEM0IRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 this name is no more applicable to Saardam than to 
 Broeck, consists of a succession of houses where modern 
 luxury is combined with the most rare antiquities, and that 
 refined cleanliness which is the mania of the Dutch. 
 These houses cover a space of nearly three quarters 
 of a league, Saardam, like Broeck, is inhabited by 
 merchants who have grown rich in the Indian and China 
 trade; but what especially attracts the attention of the 
 curious there is a poor hut of two rooms, made of 
 planks, lacking the comforts of life, without either 
 co\irt-yard or loft, and altogether much resembling a 
 barn. The camp bedstead, on which Peter the Great 
 slept, is kept there. The bare walls are covered with 
 inscriptions in honour of this monarch, who was great 
 even in his eccentricities. There are in a cvipboard, in 
 which he put his clothes and provisions, two large 
 volumes, pages of which are covered with the names 
 of strangers who have come to visit this abode, and who 
 remained struck with the contrast between the power 
 of the great prince who inhabited it and the humble 
 condition which he assumed. Napoleon, in honour of 
 Peter the Great, raised Saardam to the rank of a town. 
 
 The journey in Holland was very brilliant. The 
 Emperor was followed by his orders by a large court, 
 and by many of his ministers. Talma, Damas, ^Nlade- 
 moiselle Bourgoin, and part of the Théâtre Français had 
 been sent for to give performances. The dramatic 
 poet Chazet, during this journey, gave a performance 
 of a piece "■The Saardam IVorks/iop" which he had 
 written. 
 
 The Dutch were much pleased with the Empress 
 Marie Touise. Her simple and aifable manners appealed 
 to the Dutch good nature. I do not know whether the
 
 :méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 427 
 
 love of novelt}^ or rather the prestige of Napoleon's 
 great name influenced the Dutch. The reception which 
 they everywhere awarded to the Emperor and Empress 
 was such as to make one think that the annexation of 
 their country to France was approved of by them all. 
 The Emperor allowed no day to pass without going 
 out with no other escort than the guard of honour of 
 the town, cither to make excursions to the military 
 and naval stations in the surroundings of Amsterdam, 
 or to visit the manufactories, docks, harbour, arsenal, 
 vessels, flotilla, or to hold reviews. He received all 
 the authorities in audience, conversed with each man 
 on his special subject, asking questions about the 
 various localities, the rules of g-overnment, the state 
 of mind of the inhabitants, the material and moral 
 condition of the country, its customs, and so on. From 
 these conversations, from his own observation. Napoleon 
 with that prompt and subtle penetration which has 
 never been equalled, acquired exact notions of every- 
 thing which attracted his attention. He settled the 
 question of public instruction in Holland by a decree. 
 Imperial Universities were established in the cities of 
 Leyden and Groningen ; public schools were established 
 in both these cities and in Utrecht; secondary schools 
 were granted to every town in Holland. It was at 
 Amsterdam that the Emperor created the order of La 
 Réunion. This order, like that of the Legion of Honour, 
 was intended to recompense civil and military services, 
 and remained more especially affected to the cities 
 annexed by the Empire, Napoleon argued with the 
 Governor-Cxeneral and with the indefatigable j\I. Daru, 
 Minister Secretary of State, in what way he could 
 remedy the evil results of the suspension of maritime
 
 42 8 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 trade which were being felt by the Dutch. He mani- 
 fested the greatest benevolence towards them, was present 
 at all the fêtes given in his honour, speaking to each 
 man on the subjects which most concerned him, remem- 
 bering everybody with the amenity and good grace 
 which he knew how to display, and in which it must 
 be said that he was marvellously seconded by the 
 Empress. 
 
 The Emperor left Amsterdam very well pleased 
 with the reception which had been awarded to him in 
 this great city, the hopes of which had been revived 
 by his solicitude, his kind nature, and his assurances so 
 full of future promise. He had come to Holland with 
 but little sympathy for its inhabitants, perhaps because 
 he had been told that the}^ were hostile towards him. 
 His feelings about them were changed as soon as he 
 had come into contact with them. He even got a 
 decided liking for their character, to the extent of 
 almost excusing his brother, Louis, for the partiality 
 which the latter had shown them. Generally speaking 
 the morality and the orderly spirit of the Dutch pleased 
 Napoleon, who sincerely desired their prosperity, and 
 who took an interest in the memories of their glorious 
 past. He stayed some hours at Haarlem, which is a 
 half Gothic, half Chinese city formerly celebrated for 
 the romantic passion of its inhabitants for tulips and 
 flowers. In passing he visited Cattvick lock and went 
 to sleep at the Hague. Napoleon did not linger in 
 this ancient residence of the Stadtholdcrs, where there 
 was nothing in particular to attract his attention. 
 Rotterdam interested him more. He spent two days 
 there receiving the authorities and the people and in 
 long and frequent conversations with the local function-
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 429 
 
 aries on the best means of alleviating the distress in 
 trade ; in visiting the arsenals and the harbour, which is 
 the finest and most convenient in Holland ; and applied to 
 the interests of this important city the resources and 
 benefits of his fruitful activity. Napoleon left Rotter- 
 dam rather earlier than he had intended to do in 
 making out the plans of his journey, being anxious to 
 hasten his return to Paris. The rain, which announced 
 the early approach of the bad weather, rendered the 
 journey, in a country which is cut up by canals and 
 marshes, a laborious one. The weather, indeed, became 
 horrible, and gave this country the saddest of aspects. 
 Napoleon also feared the influence of the damp air 
 on the Empress's health. He accordingly left Rot- 
 terdam on October 27th, for the Palace of Loo, pass- 
 ing through Utrecht. j\Iarie Louise remained at 
 Loo during the Emperor's excursion to Zwoll, an 
 important fortified place, which is rendered very strong 
 by its advantageous position on the Aa and the Issel, 
 the waters of which fill a double moat. Placed on a 
 height, which commands the surrounding country, this 
 city takes pride in having- given birth to the author 
 to whom is attributed the book the " Imitation of 
 Christ" — namely, Thomas à Kempis, whose memory 
 is as much venerated as the name of Erasmus is 
 respected in Rotterdam where a bronze statue has 
 been raised to this savatit in the market place. 
 
 The Emperor returned to the Palace of Loo and left 
 it on the following day with the Empress for Nimeguen. 
 He was anxious to visit the Grand-Duchy of Berg, 
 which he had bestowed on the eldest son ot his brother 
 King Louis, but before proceeding to Dusseldorf, the 
 capital of the Grand-Duchy, he went to AVcsel, where
 
 430 jMéneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 he stayed one day. The Empress left Nimeguen at 
 the same time as the Emperor, and went to pass the 
 night at the castle of Ottenberg, near Xanten, and 
 arrived at Dusseldorf on November ist. Napoleon had 
 joined her there on the following day. After a stay 
 of two days, which were taken up with the cares of govern- 
 ment, and the receptions and fêtes which the cities offered 
 to Their jMajesties, they returned to France via Cologne, 
 and made their way by Liege, Givet, Alézières, and 
 Compiègne. On November iith Napoleon and Marie 
 Louise were back again at St. Cloud, after an absence 
 of three months, the longest absence which the Emperor 
 had made in the provinces of old or new France. 
 Wherever he halted during his journey. Napoleon 
 applied his vigilant attention to the most minute details 
 of government, public works, public debts, trade, manu- 
 factures, finances, and to the countr}''s means of defence ; 
 repelling abuses, dealing out impartial justice to all, 
 rewarding services and talents, occupying himself in 
 procuring for the inhabitants all the prosperity which 
 the diflliculty of the circumstances in which they were 
 placed allowed of, and straining all the tendons of 
 his genius to assure and increase their prosperity in 
 the future. 
 
 In considering the annexations by force to the 
 Empire on which has been based the accusation ot 
 unbridled ambition made against Napoleon — an accu- 
 sation which the coalition took so much pains to ac- 
 credit — a reflection, rendered all the more striking by 
 the journey in Holland, presents itself, however, to 
 the mind. It is suggested by the way in which Na- 
 poleon acted towards these people. 
 
 The necessity of drawing in the circle in which he
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 431 
 
 is bound to enclose England leads him to incorporate 
 into the Empire, for the most part only temporarily, 
 countries which serve as places of refuge or of pro- 
 tection to commerce, and which are either unable or 
 unwilling to protect themselves. At the same time 
 he does not use these countries exclusively for the 
 greatness and domination of France. On the contrary, 
 his best endeavours are applied, with indefatigable 
 zeal, towards finding the best ways of relieving' 
 them, and each step he takes is marked by some 
 measure of benefit to their interests. In combining 
 their resources with those of the Empire for the kind 
 of war which he is waging upon England, the only 
 means of securing lasting peace, he allows them to 
 participate in the advantages of the French protectorate. 
 He attends to the repression of abuses and to the 
 care of their interests with as much solicitude as for 
 France. He summons to his councils, to the national 
 representation, to various posts in the law-courts and 
 in the government, the most distinguished men, to 
 guide him with their lights and to be to him the 
 advocates and the patrons of their country. And 
 finally Napoleon only makes his appearance in the 
 districts annexed to France to bestow upon them the 
 advantages of his codes, ot a skilful government, and 
 a more developed industry, as though to plant in the 
 breast of the people the seeds of a prosperity which 
 the future will take care to develop. 
 
 I have not yet spoken of the various people who 
 used to write to Napoleon during the Consulate and 
 the Empire. M. Fiévée was one of Napoleon's oldest 
 and most important correspondents. He had been 
 introduced to Napoleon, at that time First Consul, by
 
 432 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 M. Roederer. This writer was already known by- 
 certain literary successes and by his political acts and 
 writings. Napoleon had charged him with a mission 
 to England in 1802. I will not speak of the reports 
 which M, Fiévée addressed to Napoleon, as M. Fiévée 
 has taken the public into his confidence in this matter 
 himself. His correspondence with Napoleon, both as 
 First Consul and as Emperor, was printed in 1837.''' 
 If the spirit or the letter of these notes, published 
 thirty years after they were written, and at a time so 
 different, has been modified in some way, these modi- 
 fications have been so slight that they can neither be 
 recognized nor pointed out. I am inclined to believe 
 that as a whole the reproduction may be considered 
 a faithful one. 
 
 M. Desrenaudes, former grand vicar to the bishop 
 of Autun, when M. de Talleyrand held that see, a 
 friend of this minister and long employed in his cabinet, 
 was amongst the persons who were allowed to write 
 to Napoleon on questions of internal government; 
 excursions into the domain of politics being forbidden. 
 M. Desrenaudes was successively member of the 
 Tribunate, archivist to the Council of State, councillor 
 of the University, and censor. 
 
 A man who had made an abominable use ot his 
 talents, and who never wearied of offering his services to 
 the imperial Government, attracted Napoleon's attention : 
 this was Barrère. This man, born, it is said, with a gentle 
 disposition, and even with private virtues, but whom 
 fear had transformed into a man of blood, had been 
 
 * "Correspondance politique et administrative" is the name ol this 
 work. It was published in 15 vols. Fiévée's complete works were 
 published by J. janin in 1842. — K. H. S.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 433 
 
 authorized to return to France by favour of a law ot 
 the year VIII which allowed the recall of the exiles. 
 Barrère had tried to render himself agreeable to the 
 new power, and to succeed had considered no means, 
 even the act of informer, repugnant. This person, 
 although justly held in bad repute, had been presented 
 by his department, at the time of the establishment of 
 the Empire, as a candidate to the Legislative body, 
 but the Senate had unanimously rejected this candidature. 
 In such a case Napoleon could not act on the maxim 
 which he had adopted of calling- to his service every- 
 body likely to be of use to him, and give employment 
 to a man whose notoriety was such as to exclude him 
 from public functions. The Emperor, being unable 
 to reply favourably to the importunities of this dis- 
 credited former member of the Convention, contented 
 himself with authorizing him to send periodical reports 
 to the Tuileries on the state of public opinion, on admin- 
 istrative matters, and on his old companions n exile. 
 Napoleon found nothing in these reports but the hollow 
 phraseology of the members of the Committee of 
 Public Safety at the Convention. Barrère's despatches, 
 which began in 1803, lasted three years after Napoleon's 
 accession to the throne. But the Emperor, tired of 
 finding neither useful expressions of opinion, nor 
 revelations of any value in these reports, which were 
 only filled with words of flattery and vulgar denun- 
 ciations, put a stop to this insipid correspondence. Then, 
 opining that Barrère's talents as a writer, might be 
 profitably employed in the editorship of some newspaper, 
 he had the idea of placing him at the head of a paper 
 which took the significant name of The Atiti-British 
 Meînortal, and in favour of which I was ordered to 
 VOL. IL 28
 
 434 méxeval's :memoirs of napoléon i. 
 
 pay Barrère five hundred francs a month. This pub- 
 lication was not successful. Napoleon was dissatisfied 
 with his articles, finding" in them nothing but empty 
 tirades, arguments without any solidity, and often, as 
 he used to say, stupidities covered over with sonorous 
 phrases. He ceased to take an interest in a man for 
 whom, moreover, he could not have any kind of 
 esteem. I believe that Barrère afterwards wrote on 
 the staff of TJic Argus, a paper written in the same 
 spirit as The Anti-BritisJi Aleniorial, and which de- 
 rived its inspiration from the offices of the ministry of 
 Foreign Affairs. j\I. André dArbelles, the historio- 
 grapher of this ministry and ]\I. Lesur, author of the 
 Animal of Universal History, a collection of very 
 serious interest to history, presided over the editorial 
 department of this newspaper. 
 
 Napoleon's short intercourse with Barrère put me 
 into correspondence with the latter. I had no oppor- 
 tunity of making his personal acquaintance, and only 
 communicated with him by letter. He thought fit to 
 offer me his academical eulogy of Louis XII., a 
 panegyric in which he preached " the advantages of a 
 monarchical government and the fidelity of the people 
 to its kings, the distinctive characteristic of the French 
 people," sentiments which the author, for his part, had 
 so cruelly repudiated. 
 
 Nobody will be surprised when I add that Barrère 
 found in 1814, 18 15, and 1830, successive occasions 
 for apostasy. 
 
 Goldsmith, an English Jew, translator of the articles 
 of The Argus, which had been written by MM. 
 Lesur, André d'Arbelles, and others, had also his 
 share in Napoleon's liberalities. He also worked on
 
 MÉNEVAL'S AIEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 435 
 
 TJie Anti-BriiisJi JMcniorial, but there was no solidarity 
 between him and Barrère. This libeller, who had 
 fled from England to the Continent, had come to offer 
 his pen to the French Government. After having lost 
 all credit with this government, and after the Treaty of 
 Amiens had rendered the existence of pa,pers hostile 
 to England no longer necessary, Goldsmith lost his 
 means of existence. He then tried to return home, 
 and was allowed to return to London. Pretending to 
 know the secrets of the French government, this fellow 
 was bought over by Pitt. The price of Goldsmith's 
 return to favour was the publication of the " Secret 
 History of the Cabinet of St. Cloud," a tissue of lies 
 and calumnies, which, however, the government of the 
 Restoration ordered to be translated and published 
 with additions. Goldsmith also became editor of two 
 newspapers in England, The ^inti-Gallican and The 
 Anti-Corsicaii Chronicles, which were the counterpart 
 of The Anti-BrifisJi J\femo?'ial. This latter newspaper 
 attacked die policy of the British government, whilst 
 Goldsmith's papers openly preached the murder of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte. In this respect they were un- 
 fortunately the organ of certain princes of the House 
 of Bourbon and of the principal members of the French 
 exile part}'. The publication of the " History of the 
 Cabinet of St. Cloud," of The Anti- Gallican and Tlie 
 Anti- Cors lean Chronicles, opposed to his collaboration 
 on The Argiis and The Anti-Britisli Memorial have 
 given a sad and but little enviable celebrity to the 
 memory of Goldsmith, that double-faced pamphleteer.* 
 
 * It Avas this loathsome Jew, Goldsmith, who accused the English of 
 flooding France vith forged assignats. In one of his vile pamphlets he 
 states that he saw a cargo of forged assignats, which it had been im-
 
 436 :méneval's memoirs of napoleox i. 
 
 M. ]M. J. Rocques de jNIontgaillarcl, of whom I have 
 spoken elsewhere, also lent the assistance of his pen 
 to the founder of the imperial regime, but that in no 
 very disinterested manner. 
 
 Madame de Genlis used also to address periodical 
 reports to the Emperor. This lady, on her return from 
 exile, had found herself like many other honourable 
 exiles, in a state of destitution. The i\Iinister of the 
 Interior, M. Chaptal, gave her an apartment in the 
 buildings of the Arsenal library. Madame de Genlis 
 lived there on the income produced by her numerous 
 books, "^ and some assistance which she received from 
 the funds reserved for literary people. When Napoleon 
 became Emperor he ordered Lavalette to pay her five 
 hundred francs a month, and, in order to spare her 
 feelings, had her told that he wished her to write to 
 him every fortnight on matters of literature and morality. 
 The help which JMadame de Genlis received from 
 Napoleon's generosity, the help which was afterwards 
 extended to her by Queen Julia of Naples, and the 
 resources procured from the sale of her works, did not 
 prevent her from being invariably in embarrassed cir- 
 cumstances. She used to apply to me when she wanted 
 
 possible to convey into France, in Falmouth harbour, and that they 
 were being used by the English soldiers for the manufacture of cartridges. 
 See also his '■'•Crimes des Cabinets, on Tableau des plans et des actes 
 d'hostilité formés par les diverses puissances de l'Jiurope pour anéaîi- 
 tir la liberté en France et démembrer son territoire." — R. H. S. 
 
 * Madame de Genlis was the authoress of eighty books, the least un- 
 important of which are, " Théâtre d' education à l'usage des jeunes 
 personnes ", ^^ Annales de la vertu", "Adèle et Théodore, ou Lettres 
 sur l'Education", "Les Petits Emigrés", "Les Veillées du Château", 
 "Mlle, de Clermont" , "Mme. de Maintenon", the two last being histo- 
 rical novels. Madame de Genlis was born in 1746 and died in 1830. 
 She was generally suj^poscd to be the mother of the famous " Pamela " 
 who was wedded by Lord Fitzgerald. — R. H. s.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S ]\rEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 437 
 
 some advance on the income allowed her by the Emperor, 
 and at such times would beg M. Sabatier de Castres, 
 whom I used to meet at the house of a mutual friend, 
 to mention the matter to me. This woman of letters, 
 who was prodigiously vain, has published "IMemoirs, " in 
 which very good measure, in point of quantity, '•' has 
 been dealt out to the subscribers to this work, in which 
 she relates the adventures of her long career. In this 
 book she shows herself faithful to her antipathies as to her 
 sympathies, but the goodwill and the preciseness of 
 her recollections are unfortunately too often in direct 
 proportion to the good or bad fortune of the persons 
 she writes about. A circumstance relating to the im- 
 perial family — amongst other examples which I might 
 quote — prompts me to make this remark, and to point 
 out to what an extent, at times, the authoress's memory 
 used to fail her. M. Sabatier, whose name I have just 
 mentioned, had introduced Madame de Genlis to the 
 virtuous Julia Bonaparte, at that time Queen of Naples, 
 and had advised his friend at the same time to ask to 
 be allowed to take charge of the education of the 
 Queen's daughters. Madame de Genlis, who thought 
 herself born with the vocation for teaching and guiding 
 her neighbour by inculcating her opinions and principles, 
 had jumped at this idea. She wrote in consequence 
 to the Emperor to obtain his consent in the matter. 
 This application was contained in her fortnightly paper, 
 and was accompanied by protestations of gratitude and 
 the expression of her wish to show her gratitude for 
 the kindness of the august head of the family, by 
 assiduous attention in carrying out the duties which 
 such a post would impose. But this letter was not 
 
 * Ten octavo volumes. — R. H. s.
 
 438 MÉNEVAL'S ME]\rOIRS OF NAPOLEON L 
 
 answered, and Napoleon, on the contrary, told his sister- 
 in-law that such a choice would displease him. The 
 Queen on her side had far too much tact to wish to put 
 her neck into such a 3^oke. She also knew that King 
 Joseph would be very reluctant to give his consent. 
 This consideration would hav^e sufficed to hold the Queen 
 back, even if she could have made up her mind to 
 entrust the education of her daughters to a woman of 
 admitted talents, no doubt, but who w^as totally unfitted 
 for such a post by associations and prejudices which 
 were incompatible with the new imperial government. 
 To console IMadame de Genlis for the Emperor's refu- 
 sal. Queen Julia, with that feeling of goodness and 
 generosity which characterized her, accorded her a 
 pension of three thousand francs from her private purse. 
 No allusion, as far as I know, to this act of kindness, 
 is contained in the memoirs of the woman who bene- 
 fited by it. 
 
 Let us return to the Emperor's other correspondents, 
 who have been forgotten during this digression. 
 
 Doctor Corvisart had proposed AI. Lemairc, Professor 
 of Latin Poetry at the Paris Academy, to Napoleon, as 
 correspondent, and he had been accepted. This pro- 
 fessor* had drawn attention to himself during his 
 lectures, by an ingenious application of certain pass- 
 ages in Virgil's poems to the eulogy of the Head ot 
 the Government. Napoleon, having noticed in some 
 of the notes sent in by M. Lemaire personalities 
 mixed up with general observations on literature and 
 literary people, ordered him to cease writing to him. 
 
 * N. E. Lemaire (1767 — 1832) Mas the editor of the collection of 
 Latin classics, "Bibltothrca classica latiiia" in 154 octavo volumes. 
 He was the author of much Latin verse. — R. H. s.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 439 
 
 The Emperor, as a general rule, forbade his corre- 
 spondents to speak of persons, wishing them to speak 
 of matters alone. 
 
 M. de ]\Iontlosier, formerly deputy at the national 
 assembly, where he sat on the right, who did not take 
 pains to soften down the rigidity of his monarchical 
 principles by conciliatory expressions, was also allowed 
 to expound to the Emperor in a series of notes his 
 political, administrative, and even religious plans. He 
 afterwards received an order to write a book on the 
 French ]\Ionarchy. I saw the manuscript of this book 
 a long time in Napoleon's study. The multiplicity of the 
 Emperor's occupations had prevented him from reading 
 it, but at last he charged a commission to read it. 
 The opinion of this commission, although it was favour- 
 able to the work on the whole, thought that its 
 publication would be untimely. The author has pub- 
 lished it since the Restoration with explanatory notes.* 
 
 These correspondents were more or less remuner- 
 ated. On the average the pay given for this kind of 
 work was ,£20 a month. 
 
 M. de Dampmartin, a retired IMajor-General, and 
 a member of the Legislature, author of several historical 
 and literary works, became one of the non-remunerated 
 correspondents of the Emperor by my intermediary, 
 during the years 18 13 and 18 14. 
 
 Another correspondent who was totally disinterested, 
 continued writing to Napoleon from 1800 to 1814. His 
 letters, written with independence and measure, were 
 not particularly brilliant, and dealt with the various 
 acts of his government. I will not betray — as he has 
 
 * ^lontlosier's " Monarcliic française depuis son établissement was 
 published in 1 8 14. It is a worthless book. — R. H. s.
 
 440 :\iéxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 not done so himself — the incognito of the author ot 
 these letters, who was referendary to the Audit Office, 
 and who hid himself under the pseudonym ol " Hélé- 
 odore." This anonymous writer published his corre- 
 spondence in 1833 under the title of " Letters of Hé Léo dore 
 addressed to Napoleon. Bonaparte, froin ]\Iarch ist, 1800, 
 to j\Iarch lyth, 18 14.'' 
 
 In speaking of the persons \vho addressed letters or 
 reports to the Emperor I have made use of the word 
 "correspondent", because I could not find a better 
 expression, but as a matter of fact Xapoleon never 
 answered these communications. 
 
 I had been created Baron of the Empire in 1809, 
 and provided with an endowment in the ancient pro- 
 vince of Brabant. In 1 8 1 1 , I was appointed Maître 
 des Requêtes of the Council of State, and had received 
 an increase of endowment. I had been successively 
 nominated " Knight, " and then " Officer " of the " Legion 
 of Honour," and finally "Knight of the Iron Crown," 
 at the time when this Order was created. The sovereigns 
 who followed each other on the throne of Naples were 
 kind enough to wish to decorate me with their Orders ; 
 but although one was a brother and the other the 
 brother-in-law of the Emperor, I respectfully refused, 
 with the Emperor's approval, all the distinctions which 
 they had been good enough to wish to confer upon 
 me. I did violence to the feeling which made me 
 attach great value to the proof of esteem which these 
 sovereigns, for whom I had as much affection as respect, 
 wished to award to me; but I thought that in my 
 capacity as secretary to the Emperor I must be absolutely 
 independent of everybod}' but himself; and that though I 
 was not the wife of Caesar I must be above all suspicion.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I, 441 
 
 The Emperor approving these scruples, thought that 
 I could only wear the two Orders of which he was 
 the head : the decoration of the Legion of Honour, and 
 that of the Crown of Iron, with which he had deigned 
 to honour me. 
 
 AVhen the birth of an heir seemed to have seated 
 Napoleon's power on unshakable foundations, at a 
 time when a free and glorious career opened itself out to 
 his creative genius — a genius as wonderful in the works 
 of peace as in the manœuvres of Avar — whilst under 
 the shelter of a prosperity, the splendour of which 
 shed its rays on the extremest points of the Empire, 
 he was preparing the success of able measures which 
 were to deal a death-blow to England, and to assure 
 the peace of the world, the coalition — that Hydra with 
 its hundred heads — which ever grew again, was not 
 remaining inactive, and was conspiring against her 
 conqueror. She kept stirring up the ever restless 
 ambition of Alexander, she excited the high aristocracy 
 of St, Petersburg against France, and, in one word, was 
 sowing between the two allies the seeds of a mis- 
 understanding which, though they had not 3'et germi- 
 nated, were gradually growing in the secrecy of diplomatic 
 negotiations. These intrigues and these underground 
 conspiracies were soon to cause war to break out. 
 
 Napoleon, faithful to the system of the alliance which 
 had been contracted at Tilsitt, was pursuing his great 
 design of forcing England to peace. Amongst the 
 means which it was necessary for him to use to attain his 
 object some, it is true, clashed with Russian interests; but 
 what maritime power in Europe did not suffer by 
 them? Napoleon could not abandon the continental 
 system, the effects of which were beginning to be
 
 442 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 cruelly felt in England where the distress of manu- 
 facturing' classes had become extreme. The closing up 
 of the last markets which were opened to English 
 produce, which heaped itself up in the English ware- 
 houses, reduced the working classes to misery and to 
 revolt, and this distress reacted on the public fortune 
 of England. Napoleon was studying the best ways of 
 diminishing the damage caused to Russia by the 
 execution of the blockade system ; he was seeking to 
 smooth over the difficulties and to reassure the Emperor 
 Alexander. The Emperor's marriage with Marie Louise 
 must have made the Czar imagine that the policy of 
 France had taken another turn. Napoleon's mental 
 reservation, of re-establishing the Kingdom of Poland, 
 was in Alexander's eyes a spectre always full of menace. 
 
 Counting for little the great advantages which he 
 had gained at Tilsitt, and not hoping" for any more, 
 the Czar had once more become accessible to the 
 seductions of England. Alexander wilfully exaggerated 
 his reasons for discontent, and rejected all Napoleon's 
 proposals for an arrangement, and all offers of com- 
 pensation. Russia was secretly preparing for war, and 
 her sovereign denied this when he was asked to 
 explain what the arming meant. He nevertheless kept 
 on assembling troops and accumulating stores, adopted 
 measures which were prejudicial to French commerce, 
 and finally let loose his bad temper on the French 
 ambassador at St. Petersburg. The Due de Vicence, 
 who had long been the object of the Emperor Alex- 
 ander's kindest attentions, suddenly saw coolness and 
 repugnance succeed to confidence and the charm of 
 the most intimate intercourse. 
 
 The Due dc \'^icence, accustomed to the goodwill
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 443 
 
 of a prince who, affecting all the outward signs of 
 friendship, forgot his rank in his presence, could not 
 support the great change which had taken place in 
 his personal position. Persuaded that it was no longer 
 in his power to maintain the friendly relations which 
 till then had existed between the Russian sovereign 
 and himself, he asked to be recalled. Napoleon agreed, 
 giving the Emperor Alexander a proof of his respect 
 in leaving to him the choice of the envoy to replace 
 General Caulaincourt, who would be most agreeable 
 to him, and mentioning the names of j\IM. de La 
 Rochefoucauld, Narbonne, and Lauriston. Napoleon 
 ordered the Due de Vicence to declare once more, 
 before leaving St. Petersburg, that his policy had not 
 changed, that he persisted in the alliance, and that he 
 offered any and every indemnity which should be 
 really equivalent to the Duchy of Oldenburg, which 
 he had been absolutely forced to occupy in their common 
 interest, and with the success of his struggle against 
 England in view. The Emperor Alexander answered 
 these new assurances with a protest addressed to every 
 European court against the annexation of the State 
 of Oldenburg to the French Empire. 
 
 General Lauriston, aide-de-camp of the Emperor, 
 went to take the Due de Vicence's place in Russia. 
 During the first audience which the Czar accorded to 
 the new ambassador he checked him at the first word 
 uttered on the subject of the arming which was going 
 on in Russia, and proposed that a French officer should 
 be sent off together with a Russian officer, and simul- 
 taneously, with the view of assuring themselves de 
 visu of the falseness of the reports which had been 
 addressed to the Emperor Napoleon on this subject.
 
 444 méxeval's memoirs of NAPOLEOX I. 
 
 And yet these armaments were only too genuine ! 
 
 Amongst the causes which contributed to disturb 
 the good understanding between France and Russia, 
 the PoHsh question holds the first place. Napoleon, 
 resigned to leave the re-establishment of Poland to the 
 future, had done his best to reassure the Emperor 
 Alexander on this point. At his request he had 
 abstained from making use of the word Poland in 
 his home and foreign communications ; he had opposed 
 the re-establishment of the Order of the White Eagle, 
 and had insisted that those who were decorated with 
 this Order should cease wearing it. He had given 
 instructions to the French newspapers that the use of 
 the words " Poles " and " Poland " should be avoided 
 in writing about the Duchy of Warsaw and its inhabi- 
 tants. And finally. Napoleon had authorized his 
 ambassador in St. Petersburg to negotiate and even to 
 conclude a convention by which France would undertake 
 to refuse all assistance in the restoration of this ancient 
 monarchy. This convention had been negotiated and 
 signed by the Due de Vicence on January 5th, 18 10. 
 It contained the following principal stipulations: 
 
 "(i) The Kingdom of Poland shall never be re-estab- 
 lished. 
 
 "(2) The words 'Poland,' and 'Pole,' shall never 
 figure henceforward in any public deed. 
 
 "(3) Any annexation to the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw 
 of any territory having formerly belonged to the 
 ancient monarchy of Poland, is forbidden." 
 
 This convention had been immediately ratified by 
 the Emperor Alexander, and was transmitted to Paris 
 to receive the ratification of the Emperor Napoleon. 
 I Tow much the imperative terms of this document and
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 445 
 
 its unusual form shocked him may be imagined. 
 Napoleon invoked the dignity of France, which was 
 offended by the absolute and exclusive expressions used 
 in this document. He complained of its form, of the 
 violation of accepted customs, and of the anticipated 
 ratification which the Czar had placed upon it. 
 
 He declared that he could not accept the convention 
 "without examination, because he had neither approved 
 nor even known the terms in which it was drawn 
 up, before it had been ratified by the Czar. The Russian 
 Cabinet, in exacting that no part of the territory which 
 had belonged to ancient Poland should be added to 
 the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw, refused to declare in a 
 reciprocal manner that Poland should not be annexed to 
 Russia. This exclusion of all reciprocity tended to make 
 France odious to peoples who were attached to her 
 by so many bonds, and even to arm them against her. 
 At the same time it was only in its form that Napoleon 
 disavowed the convention. He wished therefore to 
 consider the act which his representative had signed 
 as a draft to which the future might give the necessary 
 sanction. " He was not, " he said, " Destiny, that he 
 should declare that Poland would never be re-estab- 
 lished." Might not that take place without his co- 
 operation, and even in spite of himself? Who could 
 foresee the future? Napoleon accordingly substituted 
 for the primitive project a project which was calculated 
 to realize Russia's object. This modified project con- 
 tained an engagement on the part of France not to 
 favour any undertaking tending to a re-establishment 
 of the Kingdom of Poland, and rendering common to 
 Russia as to the Duchy of Warsaw, the interdiction of 
 any extension of territory by districts taken from the
 
 446 MÉNEVAL'S ISIEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 ancient Polish provinces. The Emperor of Russia refused 
 to Hsten to any modification. The only one that he 
 proposed was that he would join with the Emperor 
 Napoleon in undertaking to prevent any re-establishment 
 of the Kingdom of Poland. 
 
 This clinging, on his part, to the terms of a conven- 
 tion which he himself had dictated was not a proof of a 
 friendly disposition, but rather proved a design to trans- 
 form Napoleon's refusal to ratify the projected conven- 
 tion, into one of those grievances the pretext of which 
 one was certain to arise in a man so jealous of the 
 nation's honour as was the Emperor. It was, then, one 
 grievance the more that the coalition was keeping in 
 reserve to make use of against us when the hour which 
 it was expecting should strike. These hostile mental 
 reservations, about which it would have been difficult 
 to become edified had the idea of them remained 
 hidden in the minds of the princes and the ministers 
 of the coalition, cannot be denied to-day, when accom- 
 plished facts have established their prearrangement and 
 when writers, the agents of this coalition, have even 
 boasted of the skilful way in which they were combined. 
 Without entering into an examination of the plans 
 of our enemies we will content ourselves with mention- 
 ing the facts which took place before 181 1, the date of 
 which opposes itself to any admission of the statement 
 that they were only just reprisals provoked by the 
 French Government. Plrst of all there is the insigni- 
 ficant co-operation of the Russian contingent in the 
 1809 campaign, when a Russian force less in numbers 
 than one-fifth of what had been agreed upon, acted 
 with the French army; and then only as an observation 
 corps, rather than as an active auxiliary. This attitude on
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 447 
 
 the part of Russia showed that the St. Petersburg Cabinet 
 had not frankly broken off with the coahtion — of which, 
 that year, Austria was the vanguard. The confessions 
 of Colonel Boutourlin, moreover, remove all doubts on 
 this point.* 
 
 In the second place, the refusal of Princess Anna's 
 hand disguised under the pretext of its being necessary 
 to obtain the consent of the Empress Mother, a consent 
 which was not obtained after a delay of two months, 
 was not any the more a proof that the Emperor 
 Alexander was anxious to tighten his alliance with 
 France. And finally the invincible obstinacy with 
 which this prince persisted in the unacceptable terms 
 which he had imperiously imposed in drawing up the 
 convention concerning Poland, and the preliminary 
 ratification which he wrote at the bottom of this con- 
 vention, would be inexplicable had they not been 
 calculated. 
 
 To these signs of a growing deviation from the 
 Tilsitt alUance must be added: the secret orders given 
 by the Russian Government for the execution of works 
 of fortification on the frontier of the Grand-Duchy of 
 Warsaw, the creation of new regiments, and the 
 extraordinary levy of four men out of every five 
 hundred in all the provinces of the IMuscovite Empire, 
 the movements of the troops withdrawn from Siberia, 
 or from the army in Finland, thanks to a secret un- 
 derstanding come to with Bernadette, the recall of 
 several army divisions from ]\Ioldavia and Wallachia, 
 and their assembly on the frontiers of Poland at a 
 time when, apart from the French garrisons left in 
 
 * See page 37, Vol. I. of Colonel Boutourlin's ^'Military History 
 of the Catnpaign of 1S12."
 
 448 méneval's memoirs of napoleon l 
 
 the forts of Prussia until the payment of the war- 
 indemnities, France had only the corps of Marshal 
 Davout in cantonment in the Hanseatic provinces, in 
 Germany, the immense storehouses of provisions and 
 munitions which were created at AVilna, Mmsk, and 
 other fortified places in Podolia and Wolhynia; and, 
 finally, the negotiations which were entered upon at 
 the beginning of 1811, of which I shall speak later 
 on, between the Russian and Prussian Cabinets. 
 
 To these preparations, which in spite of their pal- 
 pability were always denied by the Emperor Alexander, 
 must be added the ukase, which is said to have been 
 issued on December 31st, 18 10, so that this edict may 
 appear to have been issued by way of reprisal on the 
 senatus consultum of the 13th of the same month, 
 which sanctioned the annexation of the Hanseatic cities 
 to the French Empire; but the Russian decree had 
 been long in preparation in the offices of St. Petersburg 
 before being published. In the form of a custom- 
 house regulation, the ukase enforced not only the 
 prohibition, but even the destruction of all French 
 goods. At the same time English goods were allowed 
 to enter all Russian ports, provided the ship was 
 flying a neutral flag, a flag which English com- 
 merce never failed to use when it was to its interests 
 to do so. This series of hostilities put forward by 
 Russia was completed by the formation of a corps of 
 90,000 armed employés, under the command of superior 
 officers of the line, a corps destined to assure the 
 execution of the destructive measures which had been 
 ordered against the produce of French trade. This 
 new corps received the appellation of guardians of the 
 frontier. It would indeed be difficult not to see in
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 449 
 
 the acts which \vc have just enumerated, a fixed 
 determination on the part of the Russian Government 
 to renounce the continental system, and once more to 
 make common cause with England. 
 
 Napoleon had been informed that since the spring 
 of 1 8 1 1 , overtures had been made to Prussia to induce 
 her to join with Russia in the attack which she was 
 meditating on France. The dangerous situation in 
 which Prussia would have found herself placed, and 
 the just prudence of the King, kept the Prussian 
 Cabinet to its line of duty. The Emperor Alexander, 
 better advised, renounced taking the offensive this 
 time, and postponed carrying into effect the hostile 
 projects Avhich he fostered against us. He wished 
 to leave the apparent wrong of aggressiveness to 
 Napoleon. A new plan of campaign was accord- 
 ingly con :crted, which consisted, as we saw later on, 
 in drawing the French army into the provinces of the 
 Russian Empire, where a desert would be made all 
 round the invaders, who, it \^^as hoped, would perish 
 by starvation, privations of every kind, and the in- 
 clemency of an icy chmate. Meanwhile the Emperor 
 Alexander, accordingly, remained on the defensive, 
 whilst secretly continuing his preparations for war. 
 
 Although these preparations were enshrouded in 
 deep mystery and publicity only revealed them at the 
 supreme moment, they could not escape Napoleon's 
 far-seeing eye. The Emperor on his side was getting 
 ready, and was sending troops quietly on to Dantzig 
 to reinforce the garrison. This brought forth autograph 
 letters from the Czar Alexander, who complained of 
 the threatening attitude which France was assuming 
 towards him. These complaints were followed by 
 
 VOL. IL 29
 
 450 méxeyal's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 fresh arming on the part of Russia. Napoleon tried 
 to hold Alexander on the precipitous slope down 
 which he saw him rushing. He assured him of his 
 desire to live in peace and implored him not to listen 
 to perfidious inspirations, the effect of which must end 
 in bringing about an inevitable shock between the 
 two empires. But the Russian sovereign turned a 
 deaf ear to these protestations and to this advice; a 
 feeling of distrust increased by foreign promptings had 
 taken deep root in his mind. The importunities of 
 every kind of the English agents, the obstacles which 
 the ambitious policy of Russia encountered in the 
 power of France, the feeling of spiteful rivalry which 
 had resulted therefrom, envenomed a state of mis- 
 understanding, which, as Napoleon thought, could have 
 been put an end to by a private conversation between 
 the two sovereigns, if Alexander could have been 
 brought to it. 
 
 Apart from the grievances which divided the two 
 cabinets on the subject of Poland, their respective 
 recriminations bore upon other very serious points. 
 Russia could not pardon our government the annexation 
 of the Hanseatic cities, and especially the annexation 
 of Oldenburg to the French Empire. The Emperor 
 Alexander's susceptibility had, and not unreasonably, 
 been wounded by the dispossession of the Duke of 
 Oldenburg, the husband of Grand-duchess Catherine, 
 the Czar's well-beloved sister. On France's side it 
 was the infraction of the continental system, a system 
 which Russia's attitude struck to the heart, which 
 most irritated the Emperor. Napoleon took pains to 
 demonstrate on his side that the annexation of coun- 
 tries on the northern seaboard of Germany had been
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 451 
 
 caused by the imperative necessity of closing upon 
 English trade the useful markets which she found there 
 for the sale of her merchandise on the continent. We 
 have seen that he also offered the sovereign of Olden- 
 burg, an indemnity fully equivalent to the loss of his 
 duchy, and that he sought to calm, by means of 
 reasonable proposals, the anxieties which were pre- 
 served by Russia as to the possibility of a resurrection 
 of the ancient monarchy of Poland. Napoleon's in- 
 clinations and interest led him to avoid war; Russia 
 on the contrary, seeing her adversary's reluctance, was 
 trying to throw him into it. Encouraged by our 
 attitude, the Russian Cabinet made every effort, both 
 secretly and openly, with a bellicose object in view. 
 
 The annexation of the Hanseatic cities, of Olden- 
 burg, and of Pomerania to France, which had taken 
 place after repeated warnings, and when a conviction 
 had been come to as to the real or pretended impotence 
 of these countries to forbid the access of their ports 
 to English trade, could not be looked upon as a violation 
 ot the Treaty of Tilsitt, since this annexation, on the 
 contrary, tended to ensure the full and entire carrying 
 into effect of the engagements which had been taken. 
 The conniv^ance of the authorities in these various 
 countries with England was moreover very well known. 
 The voluntary non-observation of the continental block- 
 ade rendered many points on this seaboard vulnerable, 
 and forced is'"apoleon, whose clear-sightedness never 
 failed him, to seize upon it. People have never tired 
 of repeating that the districts situated on the mouths 
 of the Elbe, the Ems, and the Wescr had been annexed 
 to the P>ench Empire to be indefinitely incorporated 
 therewith. This erroneous assertion was formulated to
 
 452 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 give greater weight to the reproaches of provocation 
 which were made against us by Russia, in spite of the 
 fact that the greater part of the hostile measures which 
 this power took against France preceded these alleged 
 provocations. The Emperor wished to keep these 
 different States in his hands as long as the maritime 
 war should last. So penetrating a mind as Napoleon's 
 could not dream of retaining indefinitely, for incorpo- 
 ration in a new empire, these remote regions, which it 
 was his intention to surrender at the time of general peace. 
 He was very well aware that, unless certain restitu- 
 tions were made, all hope of a European pacification 
 would be a chimerical one. However, in all his messages, 
 the Emperor kept repeating the declaration which he 
 had never ceased to make, that as long as the British 
 Cabinet should persist in its attitude, so long would 
 he also persist in the use of measures which this attitude 
 had forced him to adopt. 
 
 The thought of rescuing France and the States of 
 the continent from the humiliating supremacy of 
 England was a generous and a lofty one. The Emperor's 
 ardent and exclusive wish was to force peace upon the 
 English Government. All attempts to bring this about 
 by negotiations had failed, his plan of invading England 
 had failed, one means alone remained efficacious, that, 
 namely, of closing all access to the continent to the 
 commerce of our enemies. The decrees of the British 
 Cabinet, under date of jMay i6th, 1806, wjiich declared 
 the coasts of France and Holland, from the Elbe to 
 Brest, in a state of blockade, had decided the conti- 
 nental system. Napoleon replied to the blockade of 
 the continent witli the blockade of the British Isles. 
 The extraordinary measures decreed to bring this great
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of NAPOLEON I. 453 
 
 enterprise to a successful issue were its natural conse- 
 quence. The first clause of the treaties of peace with 
 Russia, Sweden, and Prussia, had been the adhesion 
 of these powers to the continental system. This con- 
 dition was also imposed on the other states on the 
 continent. In this way England was placed under the 
 taboo of the continent. Once engaged in this mighty 
 struggle Napoleon could draw back before no obstacle 
 in the realization of a plan which promised such useful 
 and such splendid results. There was the price of the 
 efforts of the continental states. One or two years 
 more and the object was gained. Those who have 
 looked upon this conception as a mad and impractic- 
 able scheme have not considered that Napoleon's enter- 
 prise was easier of execution than was the realization 
 of the threats of the English Government, and that the 
 power of the man who had conceived it equalled his 
 genius. Its success w^ould have, as a matter of fact, 
 been infallible. It needed the unheard-of disasters to 
 Avhich France fell a victim to save England, and to 
 bring back to her the states which would have profited 
 by her ruin. 
 
 If one passes to considerations of a less general 
 nature it will be found that France was too great and 
 too powerful for England to consent to live in peace 
 with her. Had our country not been sustained by an 
 energetic hand, it would only have been by keeping 
 itself in a state of dependence, and submitting to 
 the laws of its rival, that it would have succeeded 
 in enjoying a delusive calm. As long as England 
 found means to arouse the continent, by exciting the 
 passions of the European cabinets and aristocracy, she 
 employed all her energies for the ruin of France and the
 
 454 :méneval's memoirs of napoleon i, 
 
 imperial dynasty. It was to her the " To be, or not 
 to be " of Shakespeare's Hamlet. The French Empire 
 had either to put its neck under the yoke of this 
 irreconcilable enemy, and submit to the consequences 
 of its implacable hatred, by giving up the only means 
 of bringing her to equitable conditions, or to persist 
 in the rigorous system of blockade which had been 
 conceived by Napoleon. The latter had not always a 
 choice of means, and the calumnies spread abroad 
 against the character of the greatest man of modern 
 times will pass away, together with the many common- 
 place accusations of despotism and hatred of liberty 
 with which it has become conventional to charge his 
 memory. Impartial posterity will appreciate what he 
 did for France, and what the circumstances in which 
 he was placed prevented him from accomplishing. 
 
 The incompatibility of the new France, both under 
 the Republic and under the Empire, with old Europe 
 could only cease by the triumph of the former. The 
 liberal reaction for which the nations were not ripe at 
 the time, and which was progressing secretly, but not 
 without Napoleon's knowledge, would have been inevit- 
 ably accomplished if peace had crowned our victories. 
 Does one wish to know what was Napoleon's secret, 
 and the reason of a part of his success? It was that 
 he constantly studied the dispositions and the needs 
 of the people, that he could decide what was the 
 general tendency of men's minds, and knew how to 
 seize upon it. Napoleon was ambitious, but always 
 and above all with a patriotic purpose in view. He 
 only undertook what he was able to accomplish, and 
 the unceasing motive of his ambition was an ardent 
 love for his country, on which all his thoughts and
 
 MÉNEVAI.'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 455 
 
 all his actions were based. If he committed faults, they 
 always had this noble sentiment for cause and for 
 excuse, and to what a height did not these very faults 
 raise the French name ! 
 
 The Emperor of Russia had appeared at Tilsitt to 
 share Napoleon's feelings towards England. Alexander's 
 first words on the raft on the Niémen: " Like you, I 
 am England's enemy," had flattered Napoleon's heart, 
 and were destined to smooth away all obstacles which 
 might still separate victor and vanquished. Later on, 
 when the two sovereigns met at Erfurth, the Emperor 
 Alexander pretended to persevere in the same feelings. 
 With a view of assuring himself of the co-operation 
 of a powerful ally against the common enemy Napoleon 
 made up his mind to sacrifices which he afterwards 
 had reason to regret. At Tilsitt he had prevented the 
 Turks from re-occupying Moldavia and Wallachia, at 
 Erfurth he consented to the surrender of these provinces 
 to Russia. The Emperor at Tilsitt had lent his hand 
 to the weakening of Sweden, at that time, it is true, 
 England's most persevering ally, by abandoning Finland 
 to Russia, a concession of inestimable value to that 
 power. He complained later on with reason, in one 
 of his letters to the Emperor Alexander, that he had 
 only contributed to the aggrandizement of Russia to 
 see French trade excluded by the Russians from 
 Moldavia up to Finland, and yet the league formed 
 by the Emperor against England had a future object 
 which would have been profitable not only to France 
 but to Russia herself, as well as to all the maritime 
 powers of the North. 
 
 The year 181 1, and the first months of 181 2, were 
 taken up with an exchange of diplomatic notes between
 
 456 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 the Russian and French Cabinets, and a correspondence 
 between the two sovereigns, the substance of which, on 
 Napoleon's side, was: "You are preparing for war. It can 
 only be against me; but I am defending our common 
 interests against England, and I have accordingly no 
 wish to attack you. You are obliging me to imitate 
 you ; war may be the result, although I do not wish for it, 
 and you perhaps do not desire it yourself. Is there 
 no means of coming to an understanding?" In the 
 meanwhile Russia was secretly preparing to commence 
 the war. Colonel Boutourlin, whom we have already 
 quoted, relates, on page 58 of the first volume of his 
 Military History of the Campaign of 18 12, "that 
 Russia wished to commence the attack in the spring 
 of 1 8 1 1 , but recognized that she w\as not ready to do 
 so at that time." 
 
 At last, in the month of February, 181 2, when the 
 formidable display of troops in Russia, ceasing to 
 menace her natural enemies, had been spread out along 
 the frontiers of the Grand-Duchy of Warsaw, the 
 Emperor sent for Colonel Czernitcheff, Alexander's 
 aide-de-camp, who, since 1808, had been constantly 
 living close to his person in the capacity of confiden- 
 tial intermediary. Napoleon unburthened himself towards 
 him on the causes of the misunderstanding which 
 existed between France and Russia, and charged him 
 with conciliatory proposals for his master. Czernitcheff 
 went off, but did not return. He carried away with 
 him reports on the state of the French army which 
 he had succeeded in getting from an employé at the 
 War Office, a man called Michel, who paid with his 
 head for the treachery which he had committed in fiivour 
 of the Czar's aide-de-camp.
 
 MÉNEVAL'S memoirs of napoleon I. 457 
 
 The Emperor applied himself with all his might to 
 minimize the rigorous effect of the prohibitive measures 
 which he had been forced to adopt. He proposed 
 equivalents, the system of licences, by means of which 
 Eng-land was prevented from drawing money from 
 the continent in exchange for the produce of her trade. 
 The licences allowed merchant vessels to import a 
 certain quantity of colonial produce on condition of 
 exporting the equivalent value in French merchandise. 
 Every ship bearing a licence, freighted with a cargo 
 of native productions, w^as allowed to go and exchange 
 its cargo in England for colonial produce and raw- 
 materials alone, but not for manufactured goods. In 
 this way England received no money, and goods ot 
 English manufacture could not penetrate on to the 
 continent. The speculators who obtained these licences 
 very often paid no attention to the condition of exporting 
 French goods, the entrance of which into England was 
 subjected to very heavy duties. They used to load 
 their ships with goods which had the least sale in 
 France and would often throw these cargoes overboard 
 when out at sea, instead of seeking to introduce them 
 into England. Colonial produce and raw materials 
 consequently cost a much higher price, but this 
 sacrifice was largely compensated for by the profits 
 which these speculators deri^^ed from such valuable 
 produce as sugar, coffee, and spices, which nobody on 
 the continent was willing to entirely forgo. This 
 was an attenuation of the continental system, and 
 although it was no doubt imperfect, it was difficult 
 to go further, seeing what were the exceptional 
 circumstances in which one was placed at the time. 
 Russia could make use of the same means for procuring
 
 458 méxeval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 colonial produce necessary for her consumption or 
 raw material useful for her industries, in exchange for 
 her tars, leathers, and timber. However, the more 
 conciliating and the more desirous of avoiding a rupture 
 did Napoleon show himself, the more did Alexander 
 imagine that the French Government was not ready 
 to fight him, and was afraid of him. The Czar, more- 
 over, was free no longer, and had been entirely circum- 
 vented by England. There was no kind of intrigue, 
 no perfidious proceeding which our eternal enemy 
 neglected to use, at St. Petersburg and elsewhere, to excite 
 people against the Emperor Napoleon — substitutions 
 of documents, forgery of writings and of signatures, 
 all was good. Towards the end of i S 1 1 , a cabal, of 
 which the principal agent was a certain Baron d'Arm- 
 feldt — who had been long in the pay of England — 
 trumped up the proofs of an act of subornation of 
 which Napoleon was alleged to be the principal 
 instigator, and Speranski, the secretary of the Russian 
 Cabinet, the object and the accomplice. Speranski 
 corresponded with the general secretary of the French 
 Council of State on matters of internal government, a 
 correspondence to which Alexander had appeared to 
 attach importance, and which had been authorized by 
 the French Government. Although these communica- 
 tions had absolutely nothing to do with politics, the 
 informers did not lose the opportunity of seizing on 
 this pretext and of transforming this exchange of 
 letters into a conspiracy. .Speranski saw himself in 
 consequence dismissed suddenly, and banished, without 
 even having been heard. These odious and perfidious 
 machinations still further increased Alexander's mistrust 
 of Napoleon, and contributed towards changing the
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 459 
 
 good relations which had existed so long between 
 them. The Emperor of Russia only discovered the 
 innocence of the privy councillor, Speranski, two years 
 later. He awarded this faithful servant a poor com- 
 pensation for his undeserved disgrace by appointing 
 him governor of the province in .Siberia to which he 
 had been at first banished. Count Nesselrode and 
 Prince Gagarin took Speranski's place as secretaries 
 to the Czar's Cabinet. It was by similar lying artifices 
 that England acted upon the suspicious mind of the 
 Emperor Alexander, and succeeded in binding this 
 prince by means of a treaty which it was agreed to 
 keep secret till the day when an open rupture between 
 France and Russia should break out and hostilities begin. 
 As a matter of fact Xapoleon could only lose by 
 the war which was being prepared. The continental 
 system, so disastrous to England, was by this fact 
 postponed, hindered, and subjected to uncertain hazards. 
 The cries of distress and of weariness which were 
 being heard in London, Liverpool, Bristol, and 
 elsewhere, already announced the early and complete 
 success of the system. On the other hand affairs in 
 Spain imperatively demanded all France's efforts. The 
 Emperor was aware of the situation, if one may judge 
 from various notes which he dictated on different 
 occasions. He " worked out his proposition in different 
 ways, " and always found, at the end of his calculations 
 that he could not make war upon Russia without 
 incurring risks which it was to his interest to avoid. 
 He would have wished to be able to postpone this 
 war for three years. The object of the continental 
 system would then have been attained, and Spain 
 would have been pacified. He had all to hope for
 
 460 MÉNEVAL'S IMEMOIRS of NAPOLEON I. 
 
 from time, and the consolidation which two or three 
 years more would have given to his power. The 
 coalition understood this perfectly, and put enough 
 occupation in his way to prevent him from returning 
 to Spain. It knew how to work the strings of the 
 most refined intrigue. It influenced the Emperor 
 Alexander with all that was likely to have an effect 
 on his mind, offering baits to his ambition which did 
 not find sufficient satisfaction in Napoleon's conde- 
 scensions. It constantly put before the Czar's eyes the 
 phantom of the re-establishment of Poland and persuaded 
 him that he was France's dupe, in spite of the genuine 
 advantages which he had derived from the French 
 alliance. It represented the occupation of Oldenburg 
 as a proof of the want of consideration of which the 
 French Government rendered itself guilty. It made a 
 skilful use of a suspicious and jealous character and 
 threatened him, needs be, with his father's tragic fate. 
 These manoeuvres, skilfully directed, led Alexander on, 
 at first insensibly, and then by a rapid slope to a 
 rupture of the alliance, and to a savage war, fatal to 
 humanity. The pressing need of ending the war in 
 Spain explains Napoleon's reluctance to enter the 
 arena with Russia. He -would have preferred to 
 postpone the war, and hoped for some time to be able 
 to avoid it. He spared nothing to obtain this result, 
 apart from the sacrifice of a system the effects of which 
 were about to become decisive. When all hopes ot 
 preserving good relations with Russia had been 
 dispelled, the Emperor wished to dispose of all his 
 forces to strike a great blow in the East and to return 
 promj^tly to Spain. Unheard-of disasters deceived the 
 most clever and most prudent calculations. A happy
 
 méneval's me]\[OIRS of napoleon I. 461 
 
 issue of the aifairs in Spain was about to render 
 Napoleon master of the Peninsula and to make him 
 free of action. The English Government saw this and 
 could not hesitate. It was accordingly urgently necessary 
 for England to involve her powerful adversary in a 
 new struggle with all the embarrassments inherent 
 to his position. 
 
 Napoleon accordingly found himself involved, against 
 his will, in a gigantic expedition, which he would 
 have preferred to postpone, because later on it could 
 have been carried out with better chances of success 
 if any longer necessary. He could not overlook the 
 fact that the immutable tendency of the Russians 
 since Peter the Great, had been to exchange their icy 
 climate for warmer skies, and their arid steppes for 
 the rich and fertile provinces of central Europe. To 
 drive back the Russians into ancient Muscovy, and 
 to raise up the throne of Poland to serve as a frontier 
 to the States of Germany, and to act as the Empire's 
 bulwark against their invasions, such was Napoleon's 
 secret object, a result the realization of which was to 
 be the corollary to and the completion of the success of 
 the continental system. It was to assure the success 
 of this colossal enterprise that Napoleon succeeded in 
 uniting under the French flag the whole of Southern 
 Europe. Unfortunately the danger for him lay in so 
 many precarious alliances, and it was in rel3'ing on 
 these that his ruin was consummated. lie blamed 
 himself for this fault, which he himself called a clumsy 
 one. It was indeed necessary for him to be absolute 
 victor everywhere and always, and the day of a reverse 
 must necessarily transform the allies whom victory 
 alone kept under his flag, into bitterest enemies.
 
 462 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 Matters had grown worse in Spain. The conquest 
 of Andalusia by the P'rench armies had forced the 
 Seville junta to flee to Cadiz. The time it seemed had 
 come to push the war vigorously on at this point, and 
 to profit by the dissensions which divided the councils 
 of the Spanish rebels. A provisional regency, composed 
 of five members, replaced the Seville junta and organized 
 means of defence before which the efforts of the French 
 troops failed. No better success awaited King Joseph's 
 conciliatory measures, so that that important w^ar port 
 Cadiz, key to all the provinces of the South of Spain, 
 became the centre of the resistance of the Peninsula. 
 
 In Portugal, Marshal Masséna, detained during a 
 month before the lines of Torres- Vedras, was forced 
 by famine, disease, and daily encounters, which decim- 
 ated his army by reducing it to the saddest extremities, 
 to approach his victualling centres, to beat a retreat, and 
 finally to evacuate Portugal. He was followed by the 
 English general, who recaptured Ciudad-Rodrigo and 
 Badajoz. Partial insurrections increased in number, 
 and guerillas covered the whole Spanish territory. The 
 recall of the imperial guard and of several regiments, 
 the rumours of an imminent rupture between France 
 and Russia had raised the courage of the Spanish rebels. 
 Famine was reigning in Madrid and in the provinces, 
 owing to the difficulty of communication. The Emperor, 
 before leaving to undertake his campaign in Russia, 
 had handed over the command of the French troops 
 in wSpain to King Joseph. Napoleon had restored 
 Marshal Jourdan to his brother, with whom the King 
 agreed better than with Marshal vSoult. This combina- 
 tion of occurrences shows how greatly the Emperor 
 must have felt the necessity of finishing the war in
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 463 
 
 Spain. A last but feeble hope remained to him. 
 Since 1809 Austria had been keeping an agent, Baron 
 de Wessemberg, in London, with whom it was possible 
 to communicate by Calais. The proposal which Napo- 
 leon transmitted to London through this agent had for 
 its principal object the evacuation of the Spanish 
 territory by the French and English armies, and the 
 independence of this country, under the " present 
 dynasty." The negotiation was a very short one, for 
 Lord Castlereagh answered that if the exclusion of 
 Ferdinand VIL and his heirs was maintained, the 
 engagements undertaken by the British Government 
 did not allow him to accede to the proposal of the 
 French Government. This very plainspoken declaration 
 broke off the negotiation at its commencement. 
 Napoleon unfortunately thought himself sufficiently 
 strong to carry on two such gigantic enterprises at 
 the same time. 
 
 Alliances ^vith Austria and Prussia became necessary 
 to France before entering on the campaign and sending 
 her armies into Russia. Prussia, hemmed in between two 
 giants ready to dash against each other, had made 
 fruitless remonstrances to the St. Petersburg Cabinet ti^ 
 avert war. Despairing of preventing a conflict in 
 which, either by remaining neutral or by acting in a 
 hostile manner towards P>ance, the Prussian monarchy 
 ran the risk of definitely disappearing, the Prussian 
 Government made up its mind to solicit from the 
 French Cabinet an alliance which it had declined at a 
 time when it v.-ould have been very useful. But this 
 time the royal government used all its power to bring 
 it about. Although Napoleon could have no real trust 
 in a cabinet which onlv asked for an alliance with
 
 464 MÉNEVAL'S INIEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 France because it was out of its power to wage war 
 upon us, a purely defensive treaty of alliance was 
 signed with Prussia on February 24th, 18 12. The 
 King undertook to supply the French army with a 
 contingent of 20,000 men. One of the secret clauses 
 of the treaty revealed the mistrust which, on the part 
 of France, was so justified by the conduct of Prussia 
 in 1806. This power, by a clause in the treaty, 
 deprived itself of the power of making any levy of 
 men, or of ordering any movement of troops, without 
 having previously concerted with France. 
 
 Offering easier terms to Austria the Emperor con- 
 cluded a treaty with her on March 14th of the same 
 year. The contingent of the Austrian monarchy was 
 fixed at 30,000 men. One of the secret clauses 
 stipulated that if, as a consequence of the war, the 
 Kingdom of Poland should be re-established, Austria 
 would agree to cede a part of Galicia to be added to 
 this kingdom in exchange for the lUyrian provinces, 
 which France then and there agreed to abandon to 
 her by way of compensation. In the case of a happy 
 issue of the war France also promised to procure to 
 Austria indemnities and increase of territory which 
 would not only compensate her for the co-operation 
 in this war, but which would also be " a monument 
 of the intimate and lasting union which existed between 
 the two sovereigns," 
 
 Negotiations were at the same time carried on with 
 Sweden, who by her geographical position, in threatening 
 Russia with a formidable diversion, covered the left 
 of our army. But these negotiations were entirely 
 lacking in good faith on the part of the Stockholm 
 Cabinet. And to give the proof of this at once, I will
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 465 
 
 mention that whilst the Crown Prince was haggling 
 with us over his help against Russia — May 29th, 1812 — 
 he had signed a treaty of alliance with that power two 
 months previously, namely, on March 24th. The 
 Swedish Cabinet had been frequently warned that if 
 Pomerania continued to serve as a market for English 
 trade, and as the receptacle of the libellous publica- 
 tions directed against France, the French Government 
 would be obliged to occupy this province. No 
 saisfactory answer having being received on this 
 subject, Prince d'Eckmuehl, commanding the French 
 troops in the Hanseatic provinces, had had possession 
 taken of Stralsund, on January 30th, by a premature 
 interpretation of instructions which had been given 
 him against British commerce. Marshal Davout was 
 authorized to take this step by the continual traffic 
 which was going on between Stralsund and Heligoland, 
 a rock near the coast, which had become a rich storehouse 
 of English ammunition, goods, and libellous publications, 
 and the hotbed of active intrigues. The occupation of 
 Pomerania, foreseen at Stockholm, was considered 
 inevitable;' a great d^eal of noise, however, was made 
 about it there. The Crown Prince, who at that time 
 was already engaged in very advanced pourparlers 
 with Russia, offered to break them off on a condition 
 which he knew to be inacceptable. He asked that 
 France should guarantee him the acquisition of Norway, 
 by despoiling Denmark, our most faithful ally, Avhose 
 possessions we had guaranteed. The Emperor Alex- 
 ander, in order to attach Sweden to the coalition, had 
 promised the Crown Prince to hand Norway over to 
 him in compensation for the annexation of Finland to 
 Russia. England, constant to her hatred for Denmark, 
 VOL. n. 30
 
 466 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I, 
 
 on account of the fidelity of this State to the French 
 alliance, not content with ratifying- this promise, had 
 further undertaken to help Sweden in the conquest of 
 Norway. 
 
 The perseverance of the Crown Prince in his 
 pretensions on this country, did not stop Napoleon in 
 his negotiations with the Stockholm Cabinet. He 
 employed every means to reach Bernadotte's heart, 
 and to recall him to a sense of dut}^ and of his true 
 interests. The Emperor even caused the Princess 
 Royal, who was at that time in Paris, to act upon her 
 husband with this purpose in view. Napoleon has 
 been reproached for having left the letters which the 
 Crown Prince addressed him unanswered for several 
 weeks. The Emperor's communications with the 
 Swedish Cabinet had, perhaps, to be waited for at first, 
 but they were always calm, dignified, and marked by 
 a spirit of conciliation, which gives a denial to the 
 charge of haughtiness and bitterness which has been 
 directed against them. The proof of this will be 
 found in the notes which were exchanged between 
 the two governments, notes which were published 
 after 1 8 1 5. 
 
 Napoleon undertook not to conclude peace until the 
 restitution of Finland to Sweden had been obtained. 
 If the Crown Prince, having other objects in view, 
 could not accept this proposal, nothing in any case 
 prevented him from remaining neutral. Honour, the 
 constancy of France's goodwill towards Sweden, the 
 gratitude due from Bernadotte to his first country — a 
 gratitude which nothing rendered incompatible with 
 his new duties — all his past, in one word, imposed 
 neutrality at least, but his feelings of hatred got the
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 467 
 
 upper hand. Bernadette did not content himself with 
 declaring against France, he did more, he sent into 
 the wilds of America for an accomplice in his desertion. 
 General Moreau, and obtained not only the cession of 
 Norway but also of Guadeloupe, the restitution of 
 which France only obtained in 1814. 
 
 I speak here for the last time of the relations of the 
 Empire with the Crown Prince of Sweden, in spite of 
 the fact that these perfidious negotiations— for they 
 merit this appellation — continued till the month of June, 
 18 14. Napoleon's cutting saying about Bernadotte is 
 known : " One is not obliged to deny one's mother, in 
 taking a wife, and still less to wish to stab her to the 
 heart. " 
 
 The defection of Turkey was caused by the belief 
 with which the Divan had been inspired that France 
 Avas abandoning her alliance for an alliance with 
 Russia, and by the absence at this decisive moment 
 of our ambassador to the Sublime Porte. Since the 
 month of January, 18 12, a man eminently French, who 
 from his mission to Turkey had kept up relations from 
 which he obtained valuable and reliable information, the 
 Chevalier Amédée Jaubert — alarmed at the warnings 
 which his private letters from Constantinople gave him 
 of the ever-growing influence exercised on the Divan 
 by the Russians — took it upon himself to acquaint the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs with the matter. This 
 minister, struck by a state of things the gravity of 
 which had not been revealed to him by his agents, 
 consulted the Emperor on the subject. Napoleon's 
 keen-sightedness, which rarely was at fault, impressed 
 him with the necessity of having at Constantinople an 
 ambassador, whose word would have greater weight
 
 468 MÉNEVAL'S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 than that of a simple chargé d'affaires. He accord- 
 ingly immediately appointed General Andréossy am- 
 bassador to Turkey. This envoy left for Laybach, 
 where he stopped, waiting to receive the usual presents 
 which he was to take with him, and w^ithout which 
 he did not wish to present himself before the Turkish 
 authorities. In the meanwhile the skilful Russian 
 diplomacy had not remained idle ; intrigues and cor- 
 ruption had gained ground and made progress, which 
 the authority of a French ambassador would probably 
 have checked. The Emperor, since the month of June, 
 had not ceased insisting that Constantinople should be 
 apprised by every means of his march against Russia, 
 so as to prop up the wavering faith of the Divan. I 
 will not pronounce on the question to what cause the 
 prolonged stay of Andréossy at Taybach must be 
 attributed. The ambassador left it at last and hastened 
 on with all diligence, but though he accomplished a 
 part of the way at full speed, he only managed to 
 reach Therapia on July 25th. A fictitious letter from 
 Napoleon to the Emperor Alexander, proposing as the 
 first clause of a treaty of peace, the division of Turkey, 
 was put under the eyes of the Grand Vizir. Joseph 
 Fonton, a dragoman in the pay of England, consulted 
 by Ghalib Efîendi, attested the authenticity of this docu- 
 ment. The fact of General Narbonne's presence at 
 Vilna helped to finally make up the mind of the Ottoman 
 minister, and of the Sultan, who till then had refused 
 to ratify the treaty the preliminaries of which, signed 
 by the plenipotentiaries of the Porte and of Russia, 
 at Bucharest, May 25th, had arrived in Constantinople 
 on June 6th. It was only on the following 14th of 
 July that the Sultan decided to ratify the treaty which
 
 méne\'al's memoirs of napoleon I. 469 
 
 was to become so fatal to us. The error, or the treachery, 
 of the Grand Vizir, which had been so prejudicial to 
 us was punished, though not repaired, by the loss of his 
 head, and the execution of the perfidious agents who 
 had advised him. The ambassador Andréossy only 
 arrived in Constantinople ten days later. 
 
 In the course of March, 1 8 1 2, the Emperor, surmounting 
 the feeling of repulsion with which M. de Talleyrand's 
 spirit of intrigue had filled him had the idea of sending 
 him to Warsaw. He approached him confidentially on 
 the subject, recommending him not to mention it. Shortly 
 afterwards Napoleon learned that ducats were being 
 bought at Vienna on account of his minister, and that the 
 secret of his mission had become known. The Emperor, 
 displeased at seeing his plan exposed, and considering 
 this domestic arrangement as a proof of collusion and 
 a kind of stock-jobbing speculation on the Viennese 
 public funds, abandoned the choice he had made, and 
 appointed Abbé Pradt, who had followed him to Dresden, 
 in Prince de Bénévent's place. 
 
 The Emperor strongly desired that the contingent 
 supplied by Austria should be placed under the com- 
 mand of Prince Schwarzenberg who had been am- 
 bassador to Paris since 1 809 ; and asked that the rank 
 of field-marshal might be given him with this purpose 
 in view. As the prince was one of the youngest 
 generals of cavalry in active ser\4ce, this request was 
 evaded, and some private correspondence ensued 
 between the two emperors. The Emperor of Austria, 
 having alleged the rigour of military regulations, 
 consented to be agreeable to Napoleon, whilst taking 
 care to make it known that the nomination of Prince 
 Charles Schwarzenberg was onl}' due to his respect
 
 47 o méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 
 
 for the recommendation of his nephew the Emperor 
 of the French. 
 
 The answer to the message of reconciUation — with 
 which the Emperor had charged Colonel Czernitcheff, 
 at the time of that officer's departure from Paris for 
 St. Petersburg — only arrived six weeks later at the 
 Tuileries. It was Russia's ultimatum. The following 
 were the conditions thereof: The Emperor Alexander 
 imposed on the Emperor Napoleon, as an obligation 
 which must precede all negotiations, the evacuation by 
 the French troops of all Prussian states and of Swedish 
 Pomerania, that is to say, the throwing open of the 
 forts of the Oder and of Dantzig to the Russian 
 invasion. These conditions having been fulfilled^ 
 Russia would consent to treat on a basis which should 
 put no obstacle in the way of the admission of neutrals 
 into Russian harbours, promising not to aggravate the 
 prohibitive measures which the Russian Government 
 had thought fit to decree for the advantage of its 
 commerce ; the St.Petersburg Cabinet declared itself ready 
 to conclude an arrangement in favour of Sweden, and 
 finally to accept, in exchange for the surrender of the 
 Duchy of Oldenburg, some equivalent compensation. 
 This notification, offensive in its form rather than in 
 its contents, seemed so strange to Napoleon that he 
 suspected that it must be the result of some intrigue, 
 like the one which had just resulted in the banish- 
 ment of Speranski, the privy councillor. The injunction 
 to evacuate Germany, without any treaty having pre- 
 viously stipulated the terms of this evacuation, deeply 
 wounded the Emperor's pride. It was with no sincere 
 desire for peace that the character and dignity of such 
 a sovereign as Napoleon were put to such a test. In
 
 méneval's memoirs of napoleon I. 471 
 
 1 806, the King of Prussia had forgotten himself to the 
 point of notifying a similar summons to him. Never 
 had Napoleon in the course of his brilliant victories 
 dreamed of making such insulting demands on his 
 adversaries. A note, drawn up in the sense of the 
 proposals which we have mentioned, was handed in 
 Paris by Prince Kurakin, the Russian ambassador, to 
 Duke Bassano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who evaded 
 all discussion on this basis. Prince Kurakin asked 
 for an audience with the Emperor, a request which 
 could not be refused. The Emperor hid his resentment. 
 He attributed, he said, the communications made by 
 the ambassador solely to a misunderstanding, which 
 he was anxious to clear up before entering upon any 
 explanations, and added that he reserved to himself 
 to write on the subject to the Emperor of Russia. 
 Napoleon, with this object in view, sent Count Nar- 
 bonne off to St. Petersburg at once, charged with the 
 mission of endeavouring to find out the secret of the 
 Czar's action, and to discover whether there remained 
 no means of coming to an understanding with Russia. 
 In Paris Prince Kurakin pressed for the acceptance 
 of his proposals and demanded his passports in case 
 of refusal, but only received evasive answers from 
 jM. de Bassano. 
 
 Whilst matters were in this state the Emperor left 
 for Dresden, whither he was followed some days later 
 by ]M. de Bassano. As to Prince Kurakin he withdrew 
 to the country to await his passports. These were 
 not sent to him, so as not to break off all relations 
 with Russia. 
 
 There remained to Napoleon nothing but to confide 
 the destiny of this great undertaking to the most
 
 472 MENEVALS MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON I, ' 
 
 splendid army which he had ever put into the field. 
 Wishing to dispose of all his forces, to strike a great 
 blow, and to return promptly to Spain (where during 
 two years he kept a detachment of his household with 
 the chamberlain Brigode, equerries, brigades of horses, 
 and pack-mules, and an entire campaign outfit) he 
 awaited the moment for beginning the war, to which 
 he had been forced, with confidence in his strength 
 and in his right. He did not, however, lose all hopes 
 of avoiding it, and up to the crossing of the Niémen, 
 tried to flatter himself that some arrangement was 
 still possible. The Emperor took advantage of ever^' 
 opportunity to reach Alexander's heart. He had a 
 real affection for this prince, and a confidence in his 
 private character which was not justified by events. 
 He was convinced that an hour's conversation with 
 him in private would end in a complete understanding. 
 Later on, when hostilities were at their height, and 
 whilst the chances of war were not yet unfavourable 
 to him. Napoleon ordered Alexander to be written to. 
 He even wrote to him personally by every way, 
 cither on the occasion of the passage of the flags of 
 truce, which the exchange of some Russian generals 
 who had been taken prisoners brought to his head- 
 quarters, or under other circumstances, when for 
 example he was trying to minimize the evils caused 
 by the barbarity with which the Russians acted in this 
 most murderous war. 
 
 END OF VOLUME II.
 
 INDEX 
 
 OF NAMES OF FFRSONS ^[ENTIONED IN THIS VOLUME. * 
 
 Asker-Khan [Persian ainbassaJor), 
 i68. 
 
 Astros (Abbe d'), 367, 369. 
 
 Astinias (Prince of the), see Fer- 
 dinand (Prince). 
 
 Asturias (Princess of the), .c^^ Naples 
 (Princess Marie Antoinette of). 
 
 Auerstadt (Duke of), see Davout. 
 
 Augereau (^larshal), 74. 
 
 Austria (Francis I., Emperor of), 
 25, 71, 72, 172, 177, 216, 223, 
 224, 230, 239, 241, 243, 250, 
 263, 264, 275, 277, 278, 279, 
 280, 281, 316, 379, 402. 469. 
 
 Austria (Empress of) — First Wife 
 of Francis, see "Wurtemberg 
 (Princess EHsabeth of), Second 
 Wife, see Maria Theresa of Sicih', 
 Third AVifc, see Este (Maria 
 Louise d'). Fourth Wife, see 
 Bavaria (Princess Carohne of). 
 
 Autun (Bishop of), see Talley- 
 rand. 
 
 Avaux (Mme. d"), 10. 
 
 Azanza (M. d"), 39(). 
 
 B. 
 
 Baclcr d'Albe (General), 209. 
 Baden (Grand-duke Charles Louis 
 Frederic of), i r, 18, 19, 20, 
 
 24, i/i- 
 Baden (Grand-duchess of), see 
 
 * Napoleon Bonaparto, being mentioned on almost everj- page, is not referred to 
 in this Index. His first wile is indexed under "Josephine," and his second wife 
 under " Marie Louise. " 
 
 Abrantès (Duke of), sec Junot. 
 
 Abrantès (Duchess of), 182. 
 
 Albert of Saxc-Tcschen (Duke), 
 279. 
 
 Albuféra (Duke of), see Suchct. 
 
 Alexander I. (Emperor of Russia), 
 i;, 54. 59. 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 
 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102, 
 103, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 
 175. 176, 177. 178, 179. 180, 
 227, 228, 239, 250, 251, 261, 
 262, 285, 289, 338, 366, 367, 
 441, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 
 
 447. 448, 449. 450. 455. 456, 
 
 458, 459, 460, 465, 468, 470, 
 
 471, 472. 
 Alexander the Great, 33, 83, 93, 
 
 247. 
 Alexander [Jesîi/t), 199. 
 Alquicr, 330. 
 Amurath, 80. 
 André d'Arbellcs, 434. 
 Andréossy (General), 71, 468, 469. 
 Angoulùmc (Duchess of), 204. 
 Anna (Grand-duchess), 250, 2Ô1, 
 
 447. 
 Anthony (Arch-duke), 279. 
 Antonio (Infant Don), 149. 
 Antraigne (Count d'), 333. 
 Armfeidt (Baron d'), 458. 
 Armida, 67. 
 
 473
 
 474 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Beauharnais (Princess Stéphanie 
 
 de). 
 Baden (IMargrave Charles Frederick 
 
 of), 19. 
 Baden (Margrave Louis Augustus 
 
 William of), 18, 19. 
 Baden (Prince Leopold Charles 
 
 Frederic of), 20. 
 Baden (Prince of [Son of Grand- 
 duke Charles L. F.]), 18. 
 Bailly de Monthion, 142, 143. 
 Balbi (Mme. de), 159. 
 Ballouhey, 29g. 
 Barante (de), 14. 
 Barante (de, fiinior'), 14. 
 Barbé-Marbois, 7, 8, 9, ill. 
 Barbier [Librarian), 36, 37. 
 Barbier (Louis), 37. 
 Baring, 7. 
 
 Barrai (Archbishop of Tours), 371- 
 Barré, 46. 
 
 Barrère, 432, 433, 434, 435. 
 Bassano (Duke of [M. Maret]), 43, 
 
 44, 82, 238, 273,341,342,415, 
 
 471. 
 Bassano (Duchess of), 342. 
 Bathurst (Benja'min), 320, 321. 
 Bathurst (Mrs. Benjamin), 320, 321, 
 
 322. 
 Bathurst (Earl), 321. 
 Bavaria (King Maximilian I. of), 
 
 17, 24, 56, 171, 196, 209,244, 
 
 263, 264, 268, 275, 276. 
 Bavaria (Princess Caroline of, Fourth 
 
 Wife of the Emperor Francis), 
 
 264. 
 Bavaria (Princess Sophie of, Wife 
 
 of the Arch-duke Francis Charles), 
 
 263. 
 Bavaria (Queen of), 17, 275, 276. 
 Beauharnais (Prince Eugene de. 
 
 Viceroy of Italy), 17, 20, 119, 
 
 122, 159, 219, 220, 223, 252, 
 
 255, 262, 2b4, 268, 316, 3^1 8, 
 
 331. 34"- 
 ijcauharnais (Princess Eugene de, 
 [Princess Amelia of Ba\ariaJ), 
 
 264, 318, 331. 
 Beauharnais (Queen Ilortense de, 
 
 Queen of Holland), 20, 23, 10 1, 
 
 203, 252, 255, 259, 298, 318, 
 323, 324, 325, 326, 402, 425. 
 
 Beauharnais (Josephine de), see 
 Josephine (Empress). 
 
 Beauharnais (Princess Stéphanie de. 
 Grand-duchess of Baden), 18, 
 19, 20, 121, 171. 
 
 Beauharnais (M. de. Ambassador), 
 118, 130. 
 
 Beauharnais (Count Claude de), 
 121. 
 
 Bcauvau (Princess de), 1 14, 300. 
 
 Becquey- Beaupré, 9. 
 
 Bénévent (Prince de), sec Talley- 
 rand. 
 
 Bérenger {Councillor of State), 9. 
 
 Berg (Grand-duke of), see Murat 
 and Napoleon Louis. 
 
 Berlier, 26, 27. 
 
 Bernadotte (General, Prince of 
 Ponte-Corvo, Crown Prince of 
 Sweden, afterguards King Charles 
 XIV.), 20, 50, 58, 159, 183, 
 225, 230, 231, 329, 330, 331, 
 332, 333> 334. 335. 336, 337, 
 338, 417, 447, 465, 466, 467. 
 
 Bernadotte (Mme. [Eugénie Clary]), 
 331. 333. 466. 
 
 Bernard, 1 1 . 
 
 Berthault {Architect), 407. 
 
 Beithier (Marshal, Prince of Wa- 
 gram and of Neufchâtel), 21, 29, 
 49, 50, 108, 158, 196, 198, 
 209, 225, 238, 268, 278, 279, 
 280, 341, 361, 362, 384, 389. 
 
 Bertrand-Dufi^esne, 8, 9. 
 
 Bertrand (General), 75, 215. 
 
 Bessicres (Marshal), 231, 300. 
 
 Bessières (Mme.), 268. 
 
 Beugnot (Count), 106, 299. 
 
 Bigot-I'réamencu, 108. 
 
 Blake ((icneral), 184. 
 
 Blanchard (Mme), 404. 
 
 JMûcher (General), 60. 
 
 Boisnod, 14. 
 
 P>ologna (Princess of), 122. 
 
 IU)iiaparte (Madame, Motiier of 
 Najiolcon), 12:;, 325. 402, 411, 
 412. 
 
 I)nna])ai te(i'rinccss Caroline, Queen
 
 INDE X. 
 
 47.5 
 
 of Naples), lOi, 189, 268,292, 
 294, 316, 402, 414. 
 
 Bonaparte (Cliarlotte), 125, 126. 
 
 Bonajjaitc (Princess Elisa, Mme. 
 Bacciochi), 298. 
 
 Bonaparte (Prince Jerome, Kinj^ 
 of Westphalia), 66, 94, 104, 
 105, 106, 21-, 316, 347, 394. 
 
 Bonaparte (Prince Joseph, Kin^; 
 of Naples and of Spain), 9, 20, 
 117, 121, 123, 124, 156, 157, 
 158, 160, 169, 184, 186, 188, 
 197, 245, 268, 289, 303, 304, 
 
 331. 333> 334. 394. 395. 396, 
 
 397, 402, 438, 440, 462. 
 Bonaparte (Princess Josejih, Queen 
 
 of Naples and of Spain, [Marie 
 
 Jnlia Clary]), 298, 436, 437, 
 
 438. 
 Bonaparte (Emjness Joscjihine), sec 
 
 Josephine. 
 Bonaparte (Prince Louis, King of 
 
 Holland, Comte de Saint-Leu), 
 
 20, 22, 23, 34, 101, 144, 158, 
 
 231, 268, 269, 306, 307, 308, 
 
 309, 322, 323, 324, 325, 339, 
 
 425, 428, 429. 
 Bonaparte (Princess Louis), see 
 
 Beauharnais (Queen Hortense 
 
 de). 
 Bonaparte (Prince Lucien), 121, 
 
 123, 124, 125, 126, 156, 318. 
 Bonaparte (Mme. Lucien), see Boyer 
 
 Christine. 
 Bonaparte (Empress Marie Louise), 
 
 see Marie Louise. 
 Bonaparte (Princess Pauline Bor- 
 
 ghcse, Duchess of Guastalla), 21, 
 
 292, 298. 
 Bonchamp (Mme. de), 1 20. 
 Bordeaux (Archbishop of), 369. 
 Borghese (Prince Aldobrandini), 
 
 121. 
 
 Borghese (Princess Pauline), see 
 
 Bonaparte (Princess Pauline). 
 Boscheron-Desjiartes, 9. 
 Bossuet, 369. 
 Boubers (Mme. de), 326. 
 Boudet (General), 213. 
 Bourbon (Duchess of), 203. 
 
 Bourbon (Princess of), 435. 
 Bourgoin (Mile.), 426. 
 Bourmont (General de), 180. 
 Bourrisnne, 353, 418. 
 Boutourlin (Colonel), 285, 447,436. 
 Boyer (Christine, Mme. Lucien 
 
 Bonaj)arte), 125. 
 Braganza (Family), 397. 
 Bresson, 376. 
 Brigode, 472. 
 Brune (General), 326. 
 BrunsM'ick (Duke of), 58, 60, 61, 
 
 67, 217. 
 Brunswick-Oels (Duke of), 217, 
 
 218, 219, 285. 
 
 Cadore (Duke de), see Champaguy. 
 
 Cœsar, 343, 440. 
 
 Calmalet, 256. 
 
 Cambacérès ( Archchancellor, Prince 
 
 of Parma), 21, 103, 384. 
 Canclaux (General), 203. 
 Canning (George), 322. 
 Canova, 318, 319, 320. 
 Carnot (General), 354, 355, 356. 
 Caroline (Archduchess), 263. 
 Castagno (General), 163. 
 Castlereagh (Lord), 463. 
 Cathcart (General), 98. 
 Catherine II. (Empress of Russia), 
 
 174. 
 Catherine (Grand-tluchcss, Duchess 
 
 of Oldenburg), 249, 450. 
 Caulaincourt (Duke of Vicence), 
 
 84, 179, 251, 261, 262, 442, 
 
 443. 444- 
 
 Champagny (Duke of Cadore), 107, 
 108, 143, 175, 196, 221, 224, 
 238, 262, 268, 313, 415, 41S. 
 
 Chaptal (Count), 436. 
 
 Charlemagne, 27, 272, 403. 
 
 Charles (Arch-duke), 209, 223,277, 
 280. 
 
 Charles II. (King of Spain), 153. 
 
 Charles IV. (King of .Spain), 3, 
 118, 120. 130, 132, 135, 140, 
 141, 143, 145, 147. 148. 140- 
 150, 131, 155, 157. 160, 244.
 
 476 
 
 I X D E X. 
 
 Charles V. (Emperor of Germany), 
 
 192. 
 Charles XIII. (King of Sweden), 
 
 329, 334- 
 Charles XIV. (King of Sweden), 
 
 see Bernadette. 
 Charlotte, see Bonaparte, Charlotte. 
 Chasseloup (General), 86. 
 Chasteler (General), 215, 216. 
 Chastenet de Puységiir, 62. 
 Châteauvienx (Frédéric Lullin de), 
 
 364- 
 Chatham (Lord), 305. 
 Chaudet {Sculptor), 168. 
 Chazet (Alissan de. Poet), 404, 426. 
 Chénier (Marie-Joseph), 129, 356, 
 
 357, 358. 
 Chevreuse (Mme. de), 10, 203, 
 
 352. 
 Chimenes, 185. 
 
 Choiseul-Praslin (Duc de), 15. 
 Christian Auguste of Schleswig- 
 
 Augustenburg, Ci"own Prince of 
 
 Sweden, 329, 330, 334. 
 Cid (The), 185. 
 Cineas, sec Cynéas. 
 Clarke (General, Duke of Feltra), 
 
 40, 41, 108, 238. 
 Clausel (Marshal), 344. 
 Clovis, 311. 
 
 Cockburn (Admirai), 303. 
 Coëhorn (General, Baron de), 21 1. 
 Colbert, 374. 
 Collignon, 355. 
 CoUoredo (Countess), 265. 
 Collorcdo (Prince), 216. 
 ('ombray or Dombray (Mme.), 240. 
 Compans (General), 174. 
 Constant (Benjamin), 364. 
 Constantino (Grand-duke), 171, 
 
 291. 
 Conli (Prince of), 203. 
 Coras (Jacques, Poet), 232. 
 Corbineau (General), 73. 
 Corinna, 12. 
 Corvisart (Doctor), 30, 31,32,42, 
 
 225, 242, 243, 438. 
 Courland (Duchess of), 179. 
 Coruland (Princess Dorothea of), 
 
 178. 
 
 Crescentini {Singer), 241, 242. 
 Cretet, 27, 108. 
 Cuvier, 9, 129. 
 Cynéas, 70. 
 
 Czernitcheflf (Colonel), 222, 456, 
 470. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dacier, 129. 
 
 Dalberg (Duke of. Elector, Arch- 
 chancellor, and Prince Primate, 
 Grand-duke of Frankfort), 24, 
 25, 171. 
 
 Damas, 426. 
 
 Danipmartin (General de), 439. 
 
 Dantzig (Duke of), see Lefebvre. 
 
 Daru (Count), 27, 415, 416, 419, 
 427. 
 
 David {Artist), 168. 
 
 Davout (Marshal, Prince of Eck- 
 muehl, Duke of Auerstadt), 57, 
 58, 61, 209, 210, 213, 238, 
 334, 416, 417, 448, 465. 
 
 Decazes (Due), 325. 
 
 Decrès (Admiral), 112, 
 
 Defrance (General), 395. 
 
 Delaborde, 260. 
 
 Delambre, 129. 
 
 Delavigne (Casimir). 392. 
 
 Denmark (Crown Prince of), 99, 
 117, 118. 
 
 Denon, 27, 185, 208. 
 
 Desaix (General), 360. 
 
 Deschamps, 42, 44, 46. 
 
 Desfontaines, 46. 
 
 Despaux (Mlle,), 390, 391. 
 
 Després, 46. 
 
 Desrenaudes, 432. 
 
 Dessoles (General), 158, 159. 
 
 Docrnberg (Colonel), 217, 219, 285. 
 
 Dombray or Combray (Mme.), 240. 
 
 Dubois (Doctor, Baron), 383, 384, 
 
 394> 395- 
 Duchand (Captain), 190. 
 Duguesclin, 27, 204. 
 Dumouricz (General), 63. 
 Dupont (General), 117, 142, 161, 
 
 162, 163, 164. 
 Durand (Mme.), 301.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 477 
 
 Duras (de), lo. 
 
 Durfort (Marquis), 279. 
 
 Duroc (Marshal), 38, 42, 69, 89, 
 
 90, 116, 146, 208, 225, 331, 
 
 353. 360, 391. 
 Durosnel (General), 215, 216. 
 Dutaillis (General), 389. 
 Duvivier, 209: 
 Duvoisin (Bishop of Nantes), 371, 
 
 372, 3r3- 
 
 E. 
 
 Eckmuehl (Prince of), see Davout. 
 
 Écouchard, see Lebrun (Poet). 
 
 Elizabeth (Queen), 140. 
 
 Elliot (Lord), 289. 
 
 Enghien (Duke d'), 137, 199, 200. 
 
 England (King of), see George III. 
 
 Erasmus, 429. 
 
 Escoïquitz, 130, 147, 157. 
 
 Espagne (General), 215. 
 
 Essling (Prince d'), see Masséna. 
 
 Este (Princess Maria Louise Bea- 
 trice, Third Wife of the Emperor 
 Francis), 263, 264, 379. 
 
 Esterhazy (Family), 284. 
 
 Esterhazy (Prince Paul), 278. 
 
 Etienne, 404. 
 
 Etruria (King Louis of), 40, 1 1 7, 
 122. 
 
 Etruria (Marie Louise, Queen of), 
 122, 142, 149, 244. 
 
 Etruria (Duke Charles of), 122, 244. 
 
 Eugene (Prince), see Beauharnais 
 (Prince Eugene). 
 
 Exelmans (General). 413. 
 
 Eymeri (Abbé), 370. 
 
 F. 
 
 F {Artuy Contractor), 234, 
 
 235- 
 Fain (Baron), 44, 45. 
 Feltra (Duke of), see Clarke 
 
 (General). 
 Ferdinand (Arch-duke, aftericards 
 
 Emperor), 263, 277. 
 Ferdinand (Grand-duke), 56. 
 Ferdinand (Prince of the Asturias, 
 
 (?/ï<';-H'rt;-<fj Ferdinand VII.), 1 18, 
 119, 125, 126, 130, 131, 132, 
 
 133. 135. 139. 140, I4i> 143. 
 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
 151, 155, 160, 189, 245, 302, 
 
 303, 463. 
 
 Ferdinand IV. (of Naples, Ferdi- 
 nand I. of the Two Sicilies), 
 53. 263. 
 
 Ferdinand VII. (of Spain), see 
 Ferdinand (Prince of the Astu- 
 rias). 
 
 Fersen (Count), 329. 
 
 Fesch (Cardinal), 298, 369, 371. 
 
 Feth-Aly-Shah, 80. 
 
 Fiévée, 431, 432. 
 
 Floret 260. 
 
 Fontaine [Architect), 80, 81. 
 
 Fonton (Joseph), 468. 
 
 Fouché (Duke of Otranto), 10, 125, 
 I99> 231, 238, 248, 249, 251, 
 286, 302, 303, 307, 335, 339, 
 340, 341, 352, 353, 357, 412. 
 
 Fouler (General), 215, 216. 
 
 Fox, 17, 52, 53, 55. 
 
 Foy (General), 342,343,344,345. 
 
 Francis (Emperor), see Austria 
 (Francis I., Emperor of). 
 
 Francis-Charles (Arch-duke), 263. 
 
 Francis de Paule (Infant Don), 149. 
 
 Franck (Doctor), 243. 
 
 Frankfort (Grand-duke of), sec 
 Dalberg (Duke of). 
 
 Frederick II. (Frederick the Great), 
 II, 54, 58, 61, 62, 80, 285. 
 
 Frederick William III. (King of 
 Prussia), see Prussia (King of). 
 
 Friant (General), 58. 
 
 Frochot (Comte), 386. 
 
 Funchal (Count de), 182. 
 
 Gaele (Duke de), sec Gaudin. 
 Gagarin (Prince), 459. 
 Galitzin (Prince), 227. 
 Gardanne (General), i},. 
 Gamier {Artist), 207. 
 Gaudin (Duke of Gaete), 200, 201, 
 202, 238.
 
 478 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Genlis (Mme. de), 393, 436, 437, 
 
 438. 
 
 George III. (King of England), 
 273> 306. 
 
 George (Prince Regent), 244. 
 
 Gérard (Artist), 12, 393. 
 
 Gérard (Marshal), 330, 344. 
 
 Germany (Emperor of), see Austria 
 (Francis I., Emperor of). 
 
 Gesvres (Duchess de), 204. 
 
 Ghalib Effendi, 468. 
 
 Ghent (Bishop of), 371. 
 
 Godoï (Prince de la Paix), 1 1 6, 
 117, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 
 135. 139. 140. I4i> 148, 157' 183. 
 
 Goethe, 172. 
 
 Goldsmith (Lewis), 434, 435. 
 
 Gorgoli (Colonel), 222. 
 
 Grant (Mrs.), 365. 
 
 Gratien (General), 218. 
 
 Guastalla (Duchess of), see Bona- 
 parte (Princess Pauline). 
 
 Gudin (General), 58, 389. 
 
 Gudin (Page), 389, 390. 
 
 Guillard, 392. 
 
 Gustave IV. (King of Sweden), 85, 
 
 329> 330, 334. 338. 
 Gmyot (Abbé), il. 
 
 H. 
 
 Haller, 5, 6. 
 Haneucourt (d'), 150. 
 Hannibal, 408. 
 Hardeck (Count), 216. 
 Harpagon, 336. 
 Hatzfeldt (Prince), 63. 
 Hatzfcldt (Princess), 63, 64. 
 Haugwitz (Count d'), 50. 
 Hauser (Jasper), 18, 19. 
 Hautpoul (General d'), 73, 74. 
 Haxo (General), 206. 
 Hédouville (General d'), 191, 192, 
 
 194, 195. 
 Héléodore, 440. 
 Henri IV., 158, 295. 
 Hervas, 396. 
 
 Hesse-Casscl (Elector of), 68. 
 Hesse-Darmstadt (Landgrave of), 
 
 24, 25. 
 
 Hix, 390. 
 
 Hochberg (Counts of), 19. 
 Hochberg (Countess of), 19. 
 Holland (King of), see Bonaparte 
 
 (Prince Louis). 
 Holland (Queen of), see Beauhar- 
 
 nais (Queen Hortense de). 
 Holland (Crown Prince of), see 
 
 Napoleon Charles, and Napoleon 
 
 Louis. 
 Hope, 7. 
 
 I. 
 
 Infantado (Duke de 1'), 130, 146, 
 
 188. 
 Isabey [Artist), 207, 378. 
 Izquierdo, 116. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jane the Mad, 192. 
 
 Jaubert (Amédée), 80, 81, 108, 
 467. 
 
 Jerusalem (Pasha of), 349, 350. 
 
 John (Arch-duke), 219. 
 
 Jollivet, 106. 
 
 Josephine (Empress, First Wife of 
 Napoleon), 10, 18, 36, 37, 39, 
 42, 44, 45, 47, 64, 104, 115, 
 120, 121, 130, 144, 148, 158, 
 159» 163, 164, 167, 168, 244, 
 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 
 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 267, 
 300, 301, 314, 317, 318, 365, 
 386, 390, 410, 411. 
 
 Jourdan (Marshal), 245, 304, 462. 
 
 Julia (Queen of Naples), see Bona- 
 parte (Princess Joseph). 
 
 Julius II. (Pope), 180. 
 
 Junot (General, Duke d'Abrantès), 
 112, 117, 180, 181, 183, 342. 
 
 Junot (Mme.), see Abrantès (Duch- 
 ess of). 
 
 K. 
 
 Kalkreuth (Marshal), 86. 
 Katt, 216, 285. 
 Keates (Admiral), 183.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 479 
 
 KcUermann (Marshal), 231. 
 Kléber (General), 350. 
 Klein (General), 60. 
 Kleist (General), 75. 
 Knobelsdorf (de), 55. 
 Kolli (Baron de), 303. 
 Koraïm (Bey of Alexandria), 351. 
 Kurakim (Prince), 471. 
 
 Labouchère, 307, 339. 
 
 Labouillerie, 103. 
 
 Lacoste (General), 206. 
 
 Lafontaine (Augustus), 264. 
 
 Lafontaine (Jean de), 253. 
 
 Lagrange (General), 106. 
 
 Laharpe (Colonel), 92. 
 
 Lamarque (General), 344. 
 
 Lameau, 209. 
 
 Landoire {Usher), 353, 354. 
 
 Lannes (Marshal, Duke of Monte- 
 bello), 75, 158, 170, 197, 205, 
 206, 207, 211, 213, 214, 300, 
 360, 388. 
 
 La Rochefoucauld (de), 443. 
 
 Lasahla, 270, 271. 
 
 Las Cases (M. de), 362. 
 
 Lasalle (General), 10, 222. 
 
 Lauderdale (Lord), 53, 54. 
 
 Lauriston (Marshal de), 29, 219, 
 
 443- 
 Lavalette, 436. 
 Law {Speculator), 29. 
 Lays {Singer), 158. 
 Lazanski (Countess), 265. 
 Lebreton, 129. 
 
 Lebrun {Poet), 359, 360, 393. 
 Lebrun (Prince of Piacenza, Third 
 
 Consul, 8, 21, 326. 
 Leclerc (Michel, Poet), 232. 
 Lecourte (General), 353. 
 Lefebvre (Marshal, Duke of Dant- 
 
 zig), 86, 87, 209. 
 Léger, 292. 
 Lemaire (N. E.), 438. 
 Lemarrois (Count), 208, 256. 
 Leopoldine (Empress of Brazil), 
 
 263. 
 Lepic (General), 73. 
 
 Lerminier (Doctor), 407. 
 Lesur, 434. 
 
 Lichtenstein (F'amily), 284. 
 Lichtenstein (Prince John of), 223, 
 
 224. 
 Lille (Comte de), see Louis XVIII. 
 Lira (Dom Thomas de), 181, 182. 
 Litta (Mme. de), 296. 
 Lobkowitz (Family), 284. 
 Lofficial, 120. 
 Louis XII., 434. 
 Louis XIV., 153. 
 Louis XV., 277. 
 Louis XVI., 9, 279, 317, 399. 
 Louis XVIII. (Comte de Provence, 
 
 Comte de Lille), 9, 159,182,362. 
 Louis Philippe, 385. 
 Luçay (Countess de), 301, 383. 
 Luynes (Duc de), 15. 
 Luyiics (Duchesse de), 10. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macdonald (Marshal), 223, 238. 
 Mackenzie, 346. 
 Mailly (Mme. de), 380. 
 Malagrida {Jesuit), 199. 
 Manuel (Dom, King of Portugal, 
 
 180, 181. 
 Marbot (Captain), 211. 
 Marescot (General), 162, 163. 
 Marescot (Mme.), 163. 
 Maret, see Bassano (Duke of). 
 Maria Clementina (Arch-duchess), 
 
 263. 
 Maria Louisa (Queen of Spain), 10, 
 
 118, 131, 135, 141, 148, 150, 
 
 157- 
 Maria Theresa (of -Sicily, Second 
 
 Wife of the Emperor Francis), 
 
 263. 
 Marianne (Arch-duchess), 263. 
 Marie Antoinette (Queen of France), 
 
 279. 317- 
 Marie de Medicis (Queen of France), 
 
 295- 
 Marie Louise (Empress, Second 
 Wife of Napoleon), 121, 212, 
 228, 250, 259, 262, 263, 264, 
 265, 266, 267, 268, 275, 276,
 
 48o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 291, 
 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 
 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 305, 
 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, 378, 
 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 
 385, 394> 395' 399. 400, 401, 
 402, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 
 411, 416, 420, 422, 423, 424, 
 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 
 442. 
 Marmont (Marshal. Duke de Raguse), 
 
 223, 238, 361. 
 
 Massa (Régnier, Duke of), 22, 238. 
 Masséna (M arshal, Prince d'Essling), 
 
 211, 212, 213, 220, 238, 342, 
 
 343, 4^52. 
 Masserano (Prince de), 119. 
 !Maury (Cardinal), 367. 
 Maximilian (Arch-duke), 21 1, 212. 
 Melzi d'Eril (Duke of Lodi), 122. 
 Méneval (Baron de), 42, 124, 257, 
 
 273, 340. 440- 
 Mesgrigny (de. Equerry), 379. 
 Metternich (Prince de), 177, 216, 
 
 224, 260, 277, 281, 282, 283, 
 291, 316. 
 
 Metternich (Princess de), 291. 
 
 Michel, 456. 
 
 Minotaur, 266. 
 
 Mirza-Rizza (Persian Ambassador), 
 
 82, 83, 168. 
 Missiessy, 421. 
 Moerner (Colonel), 330. 
 Moerner (the brothers), 329. 
 Mole, 127. 
 Molière, 337. 
 
 Mollendorf (Field-marshal), 58. 
 Mollien (Count), 6, 7, 9. 
 Moncey (Marshal), 231. 
 Montbrun (General), 186. 
 Montebello (Duke of), see Lannes. 
 Montebello (Duchess of), 300, 383, 
 
 406. 
 Montesquieu, 62. 
 ^lontesciuiou (Count Anatole de), 
 
 277. 
 Montesquiou (Countess de), 381, 
 
 383, 407, 410, 411. 
 Alontesquiou (General de), 58, 202, 
 
 381. 
 
 Montgaillard (M. J. Rocques de), 
 436. 
 
 Montlosier (de), 439. 
 
 IMontrond (de), lO. 
 
 Montvernot (Mile, de), 115. 
 
 Morand (General), 58. 
 
 Moreau (General), 158, 223, 343, 
 415, 416, 467. 
 
 Moreau (Mme.), 415. 
 
 Morla (General Thomas de), 187. 
 
 Morocco (Sultan of), 350. 
 
 Mortier (Marshal), 85, 104, 304. 
 
 Mounier (Baron), 208. 
 
 Moustier (M. de), 59, 346. 
 
 Muiron, 360. 
 
 Murat (Prince Joachim, King of 
 Naples, Grand-duke of Berg), 
 20, 24, 50, 134, 136, 137, 138, 
 142, 143, 148, 140, 150, 156, 
 158, 204, 249, 268, 293, 394' 
 412, 413, 414, 440. 
 
 Murat (Mme.), see Bonaparte (Prin- 
 cess Caroline). 
 
 Murray (John), 364. 
 
 Mustapha (Sultan), 80. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naples (Princess Marie Antoinette 
 of. Princess of the Asturias), 189. 
 
 Naples (King of), see Bonaparte 
 (Prince Joseph), and Murat 
 (Prince Joachim). 
 
 Naples (Queen of), see Bonaparte 
 (Princess Joseph), mid Bona- 
 parte (Princess Caroline). 
 
 Napoleon Charles (Crown Prince 
 of Holland), 100, 10 1. 
 
 Napoleon Louis (Crown Prince of 
 Holland, Grand-duke of Berg), 
 158' 323' 324. 326, 429. 
 
 Napoleon II., see Rome (King of). 
 
 Narbounc (de), 260, 443, 468, 471. 
 
 Nesselrode (Count), 459. 
 
 Neufchâtel (Prince dc), sec Berthier. 
 
 Ney (Marshal, Prince dc la Mos- 
 kowa), 66, 72, 89, 304. 
 
 Nicole Isonard, 404.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 481 
 
 o. 
 
 Oberkampf, 47. 
 
 Oldenburg (Duke of), 450, 451. 
 Ordener (General), 120, 121,407. 
 Orleans (Duchess of), 203. 
 Orsay (Count d'), 290. 
 Otranto (Duke of), see Fouchc. 
 Otto (Count), 276, 277, 335. 
 Oubril (M. d', Russian Plenipo- 
 tentiary), 48, 52, 54, 87. 
 Oudet (Colonel), 223. 
 Oudinot (Marshal), 223, 238, 244, 
 
 309, 423- 
 Ouvrard {^Financier), 2, 4, 5, 6, 
 
 7. 307, 339- 
 
 P. 
 
 Paer [Composer), 405. 
 
 Paix (Prince de la), see Godoï. 
 
 Palafox (General), 205, 206. 
 
 PaUssot, 357, 359, 360. 
 
 Palm, 49. 
 
 Palmella (Marquis de), 182. 
 
 Palmer, 322. 
 
 Parma (Prince of), see Cambacérès. 
 
 Parma (Princess of), 244. 
 
 Pasquier, 127. 
 
 Pastoret (Mme. de), 380. 
 
 Paul (Arch-duke), 278. 
 
 Pelet (General), 287. 
 
 Pépin (Son of Charlemagne), 403. 
 
 Pergen (Count), 216. 
 
 Périgord (Count Edmund de), 179. 
 
 Pèrigord (Count Louis de), 178. 
 
 Peter the Great, 174, 325, 426, 461. 
 
 Philip the Good (Duke of Bur- 
 gundy), 238. 
 
 Piacenza (Prince of), see Lebrun. 
 
 Picard, 46. 
 
 Piétro (Cardinal di), 272, 371. 
 
 Pitt, 16, 52, 435. 
 
 Pius VII., 141, 235, 236, 237, 
 272, 273, 274, 296, 365, 367, 
 369. 370, 371. 372, 373- 
 
 Platow (Hetman), 102. 
 
 Plutarch, 33. 
 
 Poitrine (Mme.), 204. 
 
 Poniatowski (Prince), 227, 394. 
 
 Ponte-Corvo (Prince de), see Ber- 
 
 nadotte. 
 Ponthon (Baron de), 209. 
 Pope (The), see Pius VII. 
 Portalis (Jean E. M.), 108, 127, 
 
 368. 
 Portalis (Joseph), 368. 
 Potter (Paul), 104. 
 Pougens (Charles), 358, 359. 
 Pozzo di Borgo (Count), 287, 288, 
 
 289, 290, 291. 
 Pradt (Abbé de), 469. 
 Primate (Prince), see Dalberg. 
 Provence (Comte de) see Louis 
 
 XVIIL 
 Prudhon, 265, 393. 
 Prussia (Frederick William III., 
 King of), 25, 50, 51, 54, 55,57, 
 
 58, 59, 60, 65, 67, 68, 75,86, 
 
 88, 90, 91, 94, 102, 173, 174, 
 
 285, 449, 464, 471. 
 Prussia (Louisa Augusta ofMeck- 
 
 lenburg-Strelitz, Queen of), 54, 
 
 64, 67, 93, 173, 174, 285. 
 Prussia (Prince Augustus of), il. 
 Prussia (Prince Ferdinand of), 
 
 II, 67. 
 Prussia (Princess Ferdinand of), 67. 
 Prussia (Princess Henry of), 67. 
 Prussia (Prince Louis Ferdinand 
 
 of), 54, 56, 57- 
 Pyrrhus, 70. 
 
 R. 
 
 Racine, 232. 
 
 Radet (Actor), 46. 
 
 Raguse (Duke de), see Marmont. 
 
 Rapp (General), 86, 224. 
 
 Real, 341. 
 
 Récamier (MM. de), 11. 
 
 Récamier (Mme. de). 10, 11, 12, 
 
 352. 
 Régnier, see Massa (Duc de). 
 Robertson (Spanish Priest), 183. 
 Roederer, 432. 
 Rogniat (Colonel), 206. 
 Romana (Marquis delà), 183, 184. 
 RomanzoflF (Count), 174. 
 Rome (King of), 268, 299, 382,
 
 482 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 384, 385, 386, 392, 393, 395, 
 399, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 
 407, 409, 410, 411. 
 
 Romeiif (General), 57. 
 
 Rondelet {Architect), 81. 
 
 Roustan (Alatneluke of the Empe- 
 ror-), 32, 33, 350, 351. 
 
 Rovigo (Duke de), see Savaiy. 
 
 Roxelana, 349. 
 
 Royer-Collard, 9. 
 
 Russia (Emperor of), see Alexan- 
 der I. 
 
 Russia (Empress Dowager of), 
 260, 261, 447. 
 
 s. 
 
 Sabatier de Castres, 437. 
 
 Saint-Hilaire (General), 215. 
 
 Saint-Leu (Comte de), see Bona- 
 parte (Prince Louis). 
 
 Saint-Simon (Marquis de), 190. 
 
 Saint-Simon (Mile, de), 190, 191. 
 
 Salerno (Prince Leopold of), 263. 
 
 San-Carlos (Duke de), 130, 157. 
 
 Savary (Duke de Rovigo), 75, 89, 
 90, 102, 136, 140, 145, 146, 
 182, 225, 34T, 342. 
 
 Saxe- Weimar (Duke of), 172. 
 
 Saxe- Weimar (Grand-duchess of), 
 
 59. 
 
 Saxony (Elector-King of, Grand- 
 duke of Warsaw), 59, 69, 94, 
 95, 103, 171, 250, 268, 394. 
 
 Saxony (Princess Augusta of), 250. 
 
 Saxony (Prince Frederick of), 263. 
 
 Saxony (Dukes of), 17 1. 
 
 Schill (Major), 86, 217, 218, 219, 
 285. 
 
 Schwarzenberg (Prince), 228, 261, 
 262, 268, 282, 284, 291, 294, 
 316, 386, 469. 
 
 Schwarzenberg (Family), 284. 
 
 Scipio, 408. 
 
 Sébastian! (General), 79. 
 
 Ségur (General Philip dc), 69, 186, 
 
 329. 
 
 Scgur (Mme. de), 380. 
 Scïh-Wahid-Emin Effcndi ( Tiirkisli 
 Ainbassadoj-), 83, 84. 
 
 Sélim (Sultan), 80, 84, 10 1. 
 Sémonville (M. de), 260, 341, 342, 
 
 353- 
 
 Shakespeare, 454. 
 
 Siéyès, 333. 
 
 Signeul [Swedish Consul), 330. 
 
 Simeon (Count), 106, 364. 
 
 Simon [Banker), 365. 
 
 Sobieski, 72. 
 
 Solano (General), 138, 142. 
 
 Soufflot [Architect), 81. 
 
 Soult (Marshal), 196, 245, 304, 462. 
 
 Spain (King of), see Charles IV., 
 and Bonaparte (Prince Joseph). 
 
 Spain (Queen of), see Maria Louisa, 
 and Bonaparte (Princess Joseph). 
 
 Spain (Crown Prince of), see Fer- 
 dinand (Prince of the Asturias). 
 
 Spéranski, 458, 459, 470. 
 
 Staaps, 225, 226. 
 
 Stadion (Count), 71, 283. 
 
 Stadion (Family), 284. 
 
 Staël (Mme. de), 11, 12, 13, 14, 
 
 352, 364- 
 Suchet (Marshal, Dukeof Albuféra), 
 
 245- 
 Sudermania (Duke of), sec Charles 
 
 XIII. 
 Sweden (King of), see Gustavus 
 
 IV., and Charles XIII. 
 Sweden (Crown Prince of), see 
 
 Christian Auguste of Schleswig- 
 
 Augustenburg, and Beruadotte. 
 
 T. 
 
 Talleyrand (Charles Maurice do, 
 Bishop of Metun, Prince de 
 Bénévent), lO, 15, 21, 39, 40, 
 62, 71, 85, 88, 90, 100, 107, 
 119, 125, 137, 143, 158, 174, 
 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 
 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 
 214, 250, 286, 322, 335, 339, 
 348, 349. 353. 364. 365, 366, 
 412, 432, 469. 
 
 Talleyrand (Augustus de), 348, 349. 
 
 Talleyrand (Mme. Augustus de), 
 
 349- 
 Talma, 1 16, 242, 426.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 483 
 
 Tamerlane, 168. 
 
 Thamas-Koulikau, 168. 
 
 Thiars (de), 17, 18. 
 
 Thomas à Kempis, 429. 
 
 Thurn and Taxis (Princess of), 176, 
 
 180. 
 Tournay (Bishop of), 371- 
 Tournon (de), 136, 138, 142. 
 Troyes (Bishop of), 371. 
 Tm'enne (Count dc), 90. 
 Tuscany (Grand-duchess of), 237. 
 
 Urguijo, 140. 
 
 u. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vasco de Gamo, 180. 
 Vedel (General), 162, 164. 
 Vicence (Duke of), see Caulaincourt. 
 Viceroy of Italy, see Beauharnais 
 
 (Prince Eugene de). 
 Victor (Marshal), 86. 
 Vienna (Archbishop of), 277. 
 Vignon [Architect), 81. 
 Vigny (de), 46. 
 Vincent (General, Baron de), 71, 
 
 88, 172, 177. 
 Virgil, 438. 
 Voltaire, 62, 17 1. 
 Voss (Countess de), 95. 
 
 w. 
 
 Wagram (Prince of), see Berthier. 
 Warsaw (Grand-duke of), see Saxony 
 (Elector-King of). 
 
 AVasa (Prince Gustavus), 330, 338. 
 Wellesley (Marquis of), 290, 303, 
 
 307. 
 
 Wellesley (Sir Arthur), see Wel- 
 lington (Duke of). 
 
 Wellington (Duke ot), 290, 304. 
 
 Wessemberg (Baron de), 463. 
 
 Westphalia (King of), see Bona- 
 parte (Prince Jerome). 
 
 Westphalia (Queen of), see Wur- 
 temberg (Princess Catherine of). 
 
 Wieland, 172. 
 
 William the Conqueror, 27. 
 
 Wrède (Baron), 330. 
 
 Wurtemberg (King ofj, 24, 56, 66, 
 
 105, T06, 171, 209, 264, 268. 
 Wurtemberg (Princess Catherine 
 
 of. Queen of Westphalia), 105, 
 
 106, 298, 316. 
 Wurtemberg (Princess Elisabeth 
 
 of, First Wife of the Emperor 
 Francis), 263. 
 Wiirtzburg (Grand-duke of), 229, 
 316, 402. 
 
 Ximenes, see Chimenes. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yarmouth (Lord), 52, 53. 
 Yvan [Sîirgcoii), 30, 184. 
 
 z. 
 
 Zayonchek (General), 76.
 
 INDEX 
 
 OF BOOKS, PERIODICALS, PLAYS, HYMNS, SONGS, ETC., 
 REFERRED TO IN THIS VOLUME. 
 
 Annual of Universal History, by 
 Lesur, 434. 
 
 Anti-British Menaorial, Newspaper 
 edited by Barrère, 433, 434, 435. 
 
 Anti-Corsican Chronicles, News- 
 paper edited by L. Goldsmith, 
 
 435- 
 Anti-GalUcan Monitor, Sunday 
 paper edited by L. Goldsmith, 
 
 435- 
 Argus, Newspaper edited by André 
 
 d'Arbelles and Lesur, 434, 435. 
 Charlemagne, Poem written by 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte, 318. 
 Cirnéide (La), Poem written by 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte, 318. 
 Defence of Fortified Places, by 
 
 Carnot, 355. 
 Eulogy of Louis XII., by Barrère, 
 
 434- 
 
 Fête du Village (La), Opérette, 
 written by Etienne, composed 
 by Nicolo Isonard, 404. 
 
 Hamlet, Tragedy by Shakespeare, 
 
 454- 
 History of Finance, by M. Bres- 
 son, 376. 
 Historj' of the Peninsular War, 
 
 by General Foy, 345. 
 History of the War of 1809, by 
 
 General Pelet, 287. 
 Imitation of Christ, by Thomas à 
 
 Kempis, 429. 
 Iphigenie, Tragedy by Michel 
 
 Leclerc, 232. 
 Jardinier de Schonbrunn (Le), 
 
 Play by Alissan de Chazct, 404. 
 Letters of Héléodore, 440. 
 
 Letters of Junius, 364. 
 
 Manuscript which came from St. 
 Helena in à Manner Unknown, 
 by Frédéric LulHn de Château- 
 vieux, 362, 363, 364. 
 
 Memoirs of Lime, de Genlis, 437. 
 
 Memorial of St. Helena, by Las 
 Cases, 136, 138, 362. 
 
 Military History of the Russian 
 Campaign in 1 8 12, by Colonel 
 Boutourlin, 285, 447, 456. 
 
 Monarchie Française depuis son 
 Établissement, by M. de Mont- 
 losier, 439. 
 
 Moniteur (Le), 5, 273, 302, 372. 
 
 Observer, Newspaper, 2. 
 
 Ode à la Grande Armée, by Pierre 
 Lebrun, 393. 
 
 Œdipe, Tragedy by Voltaire, 1 7 1 
 
 Œdipe à Colone, Tragedy by Gail 
 lard, 392. 
 
 On the Art of War, by Chastenet 
 de Puységur, 62. 
 
 On the Greatness and Decline of 
 the Romans, by Montesquieu, 62. 
 
 Russian Campaign in 18 12, Criti- 
 cally Examined, by General Phi- 
 lip de Ségur, 329. 
 
 Saardam Workshop, Drama by 
 Alissan de Chazet, 426. 
 
 Secret History of the Cabinet of 
 Bonaparte, by Lewis Goldsmith, 
 
 435- 
 Ten years of Exilu, by Mme. de 
 
 Staël, 14. 
 Trésor des Origines, by Charles 
 
 Pougens, 358. 
 
 484
 
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