HJ 8&Z3 UC-NRLF ON THE LOAFS RAISE!; BY ME, PITT DURING THE FIRST FRENCH WAR, 1793-1801. WITH soM, f 8TATEMENTS IN DEFENCE OF THE METHODS OF FUNDING EMPLOYED. BY W1LLAM NEWMAECH, OF THE HONORARY SECRETARIES OF THE STATISTICAL SOCIETY. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Accession Class ON THE LOANS EAISED BY MR PITT DURING THE EIRST FRENCH WAR, 1793-1801 ; WITH SOME STATEMENTS IN DEFENCE OF THE METHODS OF FUNDING EMPLOYED. BY WILLIAM NEWMARCH, ONE OF THE HONOKABY SEC liET ABIES OF THE STATISTICAL SOCIETY. LONDON : EFFINGHAM WILSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE; HARRISON, 59, PALL MALL; AND NISSEN & PARKER, 43, MARK LANE. MARCH, 1855. GENERAL HUNTED BY HARRISON AND SONS, 10NDON GAZBTTE OFFICE, ST. MARTIN'S LANE. PREFACE, THE substance of the Paper now issued as a pamphlet was commu- nicated as a verbal statement to the Statistical Society at its Meeting on the 19th (February) ultimo ; and the discussion on the statement so made was adjourned to the Meeting to be held on the 19th (March) instant. At this particular time the subject to which the Paper relates happens to possess some interest; and hence it has occurred, that, acting on representations and requests from a variety of quarters, I have been led to convert into a distinct publication a Paper intended in the first instance to be no more than an ordinary contribution to the Statistical Journal. I cannot and do not expect that an attempt, so slight and feeble as the present, to correct in some measure the prevalent miscon- ceptions of the real merits of Mr. Pitt's financial measures during the First French War, can obtain more than a very limited and transient attention. Something, however, will have been accom- plished if it shall appear to any of my readers that this is precisely one of those cases in which abstract generalization is to be most dis- trusted, and in which neither can truth be made plain, nor justice be done, until we have first patiently put together the facts. GLOBE INSURANCE, COENHILL, London, IQth March, 1855. 99512 CONTENTS. I'AGE i. GENERAL IMPRESSIONS entertained of MR. PITT'S Policy as regards the LOANS raised from 1793 to 1801 1 2 11. Specific allegations against MR. PITT, and some suggested Answers.... 2 3 HI. The OUTBREAK of the WAR, 1st February, 1793. The Political Events which immediately led to it 3 5 iv. COMMERCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS, and SCARCITY, in the early part of 1793 5 7 v. The FIRST LOAN of the War of 4,500,000*. in March, 1793. Its History and its Terms 7 10 vi. Statement of the SEVEN FURTHER LOANS, which it is proposed to examine in detail. The 11,000,000*. of February, 1794. The Floating Debt of Navy Bills 1012 vii. The 18,000,000*. of 1st February, 1795. The condemnation by MR. Fox of the ADVANCES made to the EMPEROR 12 13 vin. The 18,000,000*. of December, 1796. The Committee of Inquiry with reference to it 13 14 ix. The LARGE FUNDING of Navy and Exchequer Bills in November, 1796. Failure of the attempt to accomplish the operation in the 4 and 5 Per Cents 1415 x. Gloomy state of affairs 1796-97. LOYALTY LOAN of 18,000,000*. in December, 1796. Its History, Terms, and the Loss entailed by it on the Subscribers. Loan of April, 1797 16 18 xi. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS, justified by the foregoing DETAILS. Those Conclusions are in Favour of MR. PITT 18 19 xn. The DIFFICULTIES which prevented LARGE TAXATION, 1793-1798. Rapid succession of BAD HARVESTS, but great efforts made 2022 xiii. Great Influence produced by false Calculations of the weakness of the ENEMY, and by false reliance on the SINKING FUND. Testi- mony of MR. BURKE and LORD GRENVILLE 22 25 VI CONTENTS. PAGE xiv. Statement of the QUESTION as regards the COMPARATIVE ELIGI- BILITY of contracting Loans in Low RATE and HIGH RATE Funds 25 27 xv. The strong PRACTICAL CONSIDERATIONS in favour of preferring CONSOLS or a Low Rate Fund 27 28 xvi. The COMPARATIVE RESULTS of the TWO METHODS as applied to the Ten Largest Loans, 1793-1801 2832 xvii. The Same as regards the LOAN of 8,000,000/. of March, 1847 .... 3233 xvni. MR. PITT'S Doctrines relative to RAISING WAR SUPPLIES within the YEAR .. 3337 APPENDIX. PAGE A. LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. CAPITALS FUNDED in the several kinds of Stock 39 B. LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. QUANTITY OF STOCK given for every 100/. Money. Market Prices of Stock at the time of the Loan ; 40 C. LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. Amount of the ANNUAL INTEREST on each Loan 42 D. INCOME of the United Kingdom 1792-1802; and also for 1815, 1825, and 1852 44 E. EXPENDITURE of the United Kingdom same years 45 F. Net Revenue of Great Britain at seven dates, between 1712 and 1789 46 G. IMPORTS and EXPORTS. Great Britain. Official Values. Period of American War 1777-83. Peace 1784-92. First French War 1793-1802 47 H. CORN. Prices and IMPORTATIONS during the three Decennial Periods 1761-70, 1771-80, and 1781-90; and for each year 1791- 1802 49 I. SUBSIDIES to Foreign States 1793-1801 51 J. TERMS of the LOANS raided by FRANCE 1815-1848 52 CONTENTS. Vll PAGE ] MR. PITT'S BUDGETS 1793-1801. Abstract of New Taxes imposed, with the estimated produce when proposed to Parliament 53 L, MOTIONS made in Parliament for PEACE, December 17 ( J2 to May 1797 56 M. MARKET PRICES of Stocks, Long Annuities, and of Scrip, and Omnium, in each month, from January 1791 to December 1800, with columns of the Equated Prices 58 N. DETAILED COMPUTATIONS of the effect produced in a period of years by the Difference of terms between Loans contracted in Low Rate and High Rate Stocks 64 0. Similar Computations as regards the Loan of 8,000, 000/., of March 1847 66 P, STATEMENT IN DETAIL of the TERMS of the several Loans 1793-1801, as given by Mr. Grellier in the Third Edition (1812) of his work on the subject 67 Q. GENERAL View of ALL the LOANS raised during the entire Period of the War, or from 1793 to 1806; and computations as to the General Comparative effect of raising the Extra Expenditure by Loans, or by Supplies within the Year 74 R. General Observations on the Contents of some of the Appendices .... 79 ON THE LOANS RAISED BY MR. PITT DURING THE FIRST FRENCH WAR, 1793-1801; WITH SOME STATEMENTS IN DEFENCE OF THE METHODS OF FUNDING EMPLOYED. I. General Impressions entertained of Mr. Pit? * policy as regards the Loans raised from 1793 to 1801. AMONG those persons who by taste or occupation are led to interest themselve in questions relating to the General Finance of the country, and especially in questions relating to the Funding System and the National Debt, I believe it would be difficult to find many who are not prepared to express very strong censure of the financial policy of Mr. Pitt, during the first French War of 17931802, as that policy was displayed in the contraction of Loans. The intemperate accusations of a period of violent contest between political parties, holding scarcely an opinion in common, have, as regards Mr. Pitt's measures of finance, survived to subsequent gene- rations ; and it is not altogether to our credit that we should con- tinue to repeat the abstract censures originated by the enemies of Mr. Pitt, and neglect almost wholly to make ourselves familiar with the real nature of those extreme practical difficulties which were cer- A 2 On the LOANS raised by MR. PITT, 1793-1801. tainly considered by the public who supported Mr. Pitt as a complete vindication of the financial expedients he found himself compelled to employ. "War was declared against England and Holland by the National Convention on the 1st February, 1793 : and the definitive treaty of Peace was signed at Amiens on the 25th March, 1802. On the first of these dates the funded capital of the Debt was 238 on the second 574 Millions Sterling; during nine years of war therefore the funded capital of the Debt was increased by 336 Millions. Mr. Pitt ceased to be Premier a year before the Peace, or on the 17th of March, 1801; but in reality his was the mind which devised the system, in accordance with which these 336 Millions were added to the Debt. Now for this amount of debt inscribed the actual sum received in money was about 223 Millions ; or, in general terms, only two- thirds of the capital created ; and hence arises the censure and the accusation. I pass over all that part of the controversy which relates to the policy and the management of the "War, and therefore over all those questions which relate to the plan of opposing the enemy by subsidies of money to Continental Allies, and I confine myself to the censures and the accusations which have been, and are, directed against the manner in which this great debt was contracted. II. Specific allegations against Mr. Pitt, and some suggested Answers. It is said, then, that there were two capital faults, viz., ignorance of some of the simplest rules of finance ; and gross extravagance in the manner in which the Loans were brought into the market. It is laid down as a fundamental rule, obligatory on all finance ministers in this country, and as especially binding on Mr. Pitt, that all Loans shall be raised at the market rate of interest at the time ; that the amount of capital funded shall in no way exceed the capital actually raised in money; and that consequently it is the duty of the Minister practically to disregard any considerations of difficulty to the Exchequer, arising from the proposal of novel terras in a straitened money market, or of excessive pressure to a commu- nity already suffering from inordinate burdens and extreme dangers. 'it is alleged that Mr. Pitt systematically violated these canons of finance, and violated them without any sufficient necessity, and certainly, it is said, without any compensating advantage. In point of fact there have been, and I dare say there are, persons who believe that the whole of the 103 millions of debt which represents the difference between the money received and the capital created wag a loss to the country of the grossest and most gratuitous kind ; a loss wholly unrelieved by any trace of justification or deduction. The real gravity of the charge, however, is found in those quarters where, with great force and ingenuity of reasoning, it is urged that The Five Propositions it is intended to Maintain. 3 it was the duty of Mr. Pitt to have raised the loans of the First French "War in strict accordance with the principle of paying a rate of interest for each loan equal to the market value of money at the time ; and, adopting such a course, to have enabled the country, on the return of peace, to have materially reduced the annual rate of interest, and therefore the annual charge of the debt. And further, that it was not less his plain policy than his distinct duty to have raised a very much larger portion of the Supplies within the year ; and in that manner, especially during the earlier years of the War, to have avoided those onerous loans which have descended to our- selves unredeemed and perhaps but little susceptible of redemption. In referring to the party which holds these views I would be understood to do so with great respect. It includes names of the greatest eminence ; and if I venture to call in question their opinions on the subject now under discussion, I do so for the specific reason that, as far as I can judge, those opinions have been formed on abstract grounds, and not after a careful examination of the particular facts and circumstances which marked the whole of the period from 1793 to 1801, and placed Mr. Pitt in situations of financial difficulty, which were wholly new, and happily since then have had no parallel. I am sanguine enough to suppose that such a careful examina- tion as I have just mentioned will show in a very decisive manner (1) That it would have been practically impossible to have raised most of Mr. Pitt's loans in the amounts, and at the times re- quired, if the principle of borrowing at par had been enforced : (2.) That even if the money had been raised in Five per cent., instead of mainly in Three per cent. Stock, the difficulties would have been frequently excessive, and in every case the rate of interest, and there- fore the annual charge, very considerably higher: (3.) That when the facts are properly examined there is no adequate justification for imputing extravagance to the Minister, as regards the manner in which the loans were raised ; nor for believing that in the contracts actually entered into, the country did not obtain the full benefit of whatever ~bonafide competition could be excited among persons qua- lified by wealth and character to afford proper security for a punctual fulfillment of their engagements: (4.) That in the anxious and difficult situation of this country during most of the years of the [Revolutionary War it was a consideration so pressing as to become a necessity of the first order, not to increase, even by the smallest avoidable amount, the pressure of the existing taxes : and (5.) That as a general result it was not possible, with a due regard to the exigences of the time especially during the six years 1793-98, both inclusive' to raise within the year by means of old and new taxes a larger revenue than was actually obtained. III. The Outbreak of the War 1st February, V7$3.The Political Events which immediately led to it. We can hardly commence an examination of the financial mea- sures of the War without first referring to some of the principal cir- cumstances affecting this country at the time of its outbreak in the second month of 1793. A 2 4 On the LOANS raised by MB. PITT, 1793-1801. The message from the King to Parliament which, on the 28th of January, 1793, accompanied a copy of the correspondence between Lord Grenville, the Foreign Secretary, and M. Chauvelin (the per- sonage who had communicated with the British Government on the part of France since the dethronement of Louis XVI., in the August previously) described the hostile steps then adopted as "measures necessary for opposing views of aggrandizement and " ambition on the part of France, which would be at all times dan- " gerous to the general interests of Europe, but are peculiarly so " when connected with the promulgation of principles which lead to " the violation of the most sacred duties, and are utterly subversive " of the peace and order of all civilized society;" and it w r ould be difficult perhaps to describe in language more free from ambiguity the real origin of the "War which was then entered upon by Great Britain. It was a War which could be no longer avoided, if this country was to exert any influence in restraining the power of France within its former limits ; and in any degree repress that violent democratic fanaticism which led the revolutionarv party to enter upon a career of foreign propagandism, subversive, as the Message said, of the peace and order of all civilized society. This country and Holland were the last of the leading powers of Europe to take up arms against France ; and if it hud not been for the atrocious measures which had marked the conduct of the Jacobin party, during the nine or ten months immediately preceding the out- break of the War, it may be considered certain that there would have been no departure from the scrupulous neutrality which Great Britain had observed since the Assembly of the States General in May, 1789. It is too much the habit to forget that the character and aspect of the Revolution became 'seriously changed for the vrorse after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly on the 29th of Sep- tember, 1791 ; and when, in consequence of the fatal decree which disqualified the members of that body from being again elected, the supreme power passed into the hands of the obscure and penniless adventurers w r ho composed the great majority of the second chamber which arose out of the Revolution, and which, under the name of the Legislative Assembly, commenced its sittings on the 1st October, 1791. This representative body continued in existence for a few weeks short of a year (to the 20th September, 1792), or until the meeting of that third chamber which, under the name of the National Convention, has left behind it one of the most terrible histories which has come down to us in an authentic form. But if the crisis reached its culminating point under the Con- vention, we must in justice not forget that the seeds of nearly all the subsequent crimes and mischiefs were sown during the eleven months from October, 1791, to September, 1792, and in this interval, the Legislative Assembly held in its hands the fate of France and the peace of Europe. Mignet is not a historian likely to bear testimony against the popular cause of the Revolution; but even he confesses that " 1'oeuvre de TAssemble'e Constituante perit moina par ses d6fauts que par les coups des factions. Placee entre V aristocratic et la multitude, elle fut attaquee par 1'une et Suddenness of the outbreak of War. 5 envahie par 1'nutro." It was under the Legislative Assembly tliat the Feuillant Ministry was turned out (March, 1792) ; and the Girondist Ministry, which took its place, led or compelled by the riot of the 20th June (1792), the massacre of the Swiss Guard of the 10th .August, and the still more terrible massacre in the prisons of the 2nd September to commit itself to those ultimate measures for the destruction of royalty, and the delegation of absolute power to the mob of Paris, which, in the course of a very short time, intro- duced anarchy and violence into every department of the State. The first measure of the National Convention was an unanimous vote (20th September, 1792) for the abolition of royalty, the estab- lishment of a republic, and the declaration that that year was the "Year I. of the French Republic." Louis and his family were already in prison, and the great spectacle of the autumn of 1?92 was the debates which preceded the arraignment of the King, and which intervened between the trial and the execution. That execution took place on the 21st of January, 1793, and it was this event which, so far as this country was concerned, suddenly converted a previous neutrality into a state of declared war. I say suddenly converted; for there is abundant evidence to prove that so firmly persuaded were all classes of the determination of Mr. Pitt to preserve peace as long as possible, that in no branch of trade was there the least appearance of doubt or sus- pense on the ground of apprehended war, till within a few weeks of the actual outbreak; and until it became obvious that with an incendiary government, like that which had possessed itself of power in France, it would be impossible for this country to remain on friendly or even neutral terms. Even so late as the 20th December, 1792, five weeks only before the outbreak of the War, the vote taken for the Sea and Land forces for the year 1793 was for only 20,000 seamen and 5000 marines for the Navy, at a cost of 1, 300,OOOZ. ; and for 17,344 men for the Army, at a cost of 579,1747. When war had been declared, the addition made (llth of February, 1793) to the Navy was 20,000 men (1,040,0007.), and to the Army 9,945 men (437,8377.) ; additions which subsequent expe- rience bitterly taught us were far too small. There can be no reasonable question but that our calculations on continued peace had led to such a reduction of establishments that when hostilities had to be commenced in 1793 we were, in the most emphatic sense, unprepared to carry them on with vigour ; and if further evidence had been required on this point, it has been recently furnished by the publication of the correspondence and papers of General Sir Harry Calvert,* who, as aide-de-camp to the Puke of York, in the campaigns of 1793 and 1794-5, is a perfectly competent witness. IY. Commercial Embarrassment, and Scarcity, in the early part 0/1793. The War commenced under circumstances of great internal embarrassment in this country. * " Journals and Correspondence of General Sir Harry Calvert, Bart." Edited by his son, Sir Harry Verney, Bart. (Hurst and Blackett) 1853. 6 On the LOANS raised ly MB. PITT, 1793-1801. The Harvest of 1792 was the third of the dark series of seasons of deficient produce which marked the fourteen years from 3.789 to 1802 (both inclusive). The harvests of 1789 and 1790 had been defective, but that of 1792 was seriously unfavourable. At the end of September (1792) the price of wheat had risen to 535. 4d. (from 40s. lid.), and on the 9th of November following exportation was prohibited, and importation was allowed at a low duty. But there was aggravated Mercantile Discredit as well as Scarcity. "Immediately preceding the declaration of war," says Mr. Tooke (Hist, i., page 176), " there was a great revulsion and derangement " of commercial credit, not only in this country but in the principal " trading cities of the continent of Europe." *0f that discredit the War was in no sense the origin. It arose out of a train of causes of a special nature and of long continuance. The failures began in November, 1792, "When," says MacPherson, "there were no fewer than 105 ; and there w r ere very few months in all the years preceding 1792 wherein the Gazette, that doleful register of commercial mis- carriage, had exhibited above the half of that number." (Annals, iv., 254). The War did not of course tend to relieve embarrassments already so chronic. " The unprecedented number of bankruptcies " in November," I again quote MacPherson, as a contemporary of the period, "was prodigiously exceeded by the number and amount of those which took place in the spring and summer of this year (1793), viz. : 105 in March, 1793 209 May 158 in June, 1793 108 July 188 April " Many houses of the most extensive dealings and most established " credit failed, and their fall involved vast numbers of their corres- " pendents and connexions in all parts of the country. In the general " distress and dismay every one looked on his neighbour with caution, " if not suspicion. It was impossible to raise any money upon the " security of machinery and shares in canals, for the value of such " property seemed to be annihilated in the gloomy apprehensions of " the sinking state of the country, its commerce, and manufactures ; " and those who had any money, not knowing where they could place " it with safety, kept it unemployed and locked it up in their " coifers." There is abundant collateral testimony that this dismal picture is not overcharged. To the failures of the merchants and manu- facturers was added the still more disastrous failure of numerous Country Banks.* In April (1793) the distress became so severe that it was neces- sary for the Government to apply extraordinary measures of relief; and at a meeting of merchants at the Mansion House on the 23rd (April), it was agreed to apply to Mr. Pitt to advance Exchequer Bills on the security of goods, and merchandize, and other property. Parliament was accordingly applied to, and on the 29th (April), * The total number of Bankruptcies was as follows : 1791 769 of which 1 was a Country Bank. 1792 934 1 1793 1,956 26 were Country Banks. Funded Debt on 5th January, 1793. 7 Exchequer Bills to the extent of 5,000,000?. were ordered to be applied as advances;* and it is exceedingly discreditable to the Opposition that they attempted to convert even this obvious and imperative measure of interference, into a ground of charge against the Minister and into a source of party triumph. Mr. Fox thought it worth while to contend seriously that the proposal to make temporary advances to merchants on ample security, and at a high rate of 'interest, was even in the midst of such a crisis, a violation of the Constitution, and a suspicious means of placing undue power in the hands of the Executive. The measure, however, was perfectly successful, and in point of fact, the moral effect produced by the assurance that assistance could be obtained prevented in most cases, any assistance being applied for. V.The First Loan of the War of 4,500,0002. in March, 1793. Its History and its Terms. "We are now in a condition to trace the history of the First Loan raised by Mr. Pitt on the opening of the war. The amount of that Loan was 4,500,OOOZ., and it was raised in 3 per cent. Consols, at the rate of 72Z. money for every 100Z. Stock, or according to the more convenient mode of quoting the terms of such transactions 138Z. 16s. Stock for every 100Z. Money, and the rate of interest therefore to the lender was 41. 3s. 498-'99 2 15 3 order. 1799 Winter of 1798-99 extremely rigorous. Spring and '99-'00 56. summer of 1799 cold and ungenial. Produce ex- ceedingly deficient 1800 Spring very wet. Summer hot. Harvest weather 'OO-'Ol '6 11 . at first favourable; but as the general result more than half the crop deficient or severely damaged. We have here Six Deficient Harvests in the first nine years of War, viz., 1792, '93, '94, '95, '99 and 1800, and in Appendix H further details are given of the sacrifices which these deficient years imposed upon the country. Six Bad Harvests, 1792-1800. 21 The dearth was perhaps the more severely felt, because it came upon the country as something of which there had been no recent example. To the end of 1790 this country had required hardly any supplies of corn from abroad, and had had the benefit of an extremely low average price. For the twelve years to the end of 1792 the average annual price was not more than 2Z. 85. per quarter for wheat ; for the first three years of the War (1793-4-5) the price was 3Z. 7*., or forty per cent, higher ; for the next five years (1796-1801) the price was 41., or seventy per cent, higher. There was a constant drain also for the cost of foreign supplies of corn. For the years 1794-5 the Import Cost of Foreign Corn was Two Millions and a Half sterling ; for the five years 1796-1800 it was Three Millions and a Quarter ster- ling, or not 'far short of 10 per cent, of the total real value of all the Imports. Not only were the ports thrown completely open, but large bounties were paid on cargoes of corn imported. In the fourth year of the war (1796) the amount paid for bounties was 574,OOOZ. ; in 1801 it was 1,420,0002. It was the intense distress, arising out of the scarcity, which mainly led Mr. Pitt to propose early in 1796 those extensive modifications of the Poor Law which during recent years have been so largely discussed. We have already seen that the War opened amidst severe com- mercial distress, and during the first three or four years of the strug- gle the effect of the utterly disorganized state of Europe operated to the great depression of the trade of this country. When our Naval victories had cleared the seas of almost every hostile flag ; and when the colonial conquests had given us a monopoly almost of the trade of the world ; that monopoly, aided by the rapid extensions of our manu- facturing industry, drew into this country no small part of the wealth of Europe ; but we did not possess these advantages till after 1798, and during the First Six Years of the conflict the Ministry had to con- tend with an accumulation of difficulties, such as, I believe in my con- science, had never been encountered before, and such as assuredly, has not been encountered since. Famine, disaster in the field, treacherous allies, the failure of two attempts to obtain peace from an arrogant enemy, discontent and rebellion in Ireland, a paralyzed commerce, a failing revenue and increasing burdens ; a tendency if not to sedition at least to the most violent forms of political agitation at home, and a Parliamentary Opposition distinguished above all others in the history of party by the ability, the courage and the perseverance of its leaders vehe- mently antagonistic to the war and to the Minister who carried it on. These were the difficulties under which Mr. Pitt persevered; and now, at the distance of sixty years, when the embers of the fierce opposition he had to meet have long since died out, we can all afford to admire the brave and hopeful spirit with which he, and the great majority of the nation who supported him, met the hardships that pressed upon them. We can also well afford to admire the gallantry of the small band, who, thinking too favourably of the principles and power of France, fought for six years a hopeless battle against the policy of the War. But it is by no means true that vigorous efforts were not made to increase the taxes even from the first. 22 On the LOANS raised by MB. PITT, 1793-1801. In Appendix K will be found a detail of the Budgets proposed by Mr. Pitt from 1793 to 1801, and it is a document to be read with interest and profit. The New Taxes proposed at the end of the first twelvemonth (5th February, 1794) amounted to no less than 913,OOOZ. ; the following year they were 1,666,OOOZ. ; in 1796 they were 1,592,OOOZ. ; and even in the deep gloom of the December of that year (1796), the minister had confidence enough to propose further new taxes to the amount of 3,436,0007. We must remem- ber also that in the early part of 1796 he had been compelled to withdraw his proposed Legacy Duty on Real Estate. In 1798 came the Trebled Assessed Taxes, the .Redemption of the Land Tax, the Voluntary Contribution, and other imposts and plans amounting to 8,263,0002. ;* and, at length, in 1799 that great and final measure, long in contemplation but not possible at an earlier period, the Income Tax (of 10 per cent.), estimated to produce 7,500,000?. XIII. Great Influence produced by false calculations of the weakness of the Enemy, and by false reliance on the Sinking Fund. Testimony of Mr. Burke and Lord Orenville. There were two circumstances, however, whicli during the earlier years affected materially the Financial Plans of Mr. Pitt, as regarded the War Expenditure ; and one of those circumstances continued to affect the policy pursued with reference to loans even beyond the termination of the contest in 1815. The first of these circumstances was (1.), The general opinion entertained when the War broke out that it was merely a casual interruption of peace, and would soon terminate; and this opinion was very confidently supported on the two grounds, first, of the utter inability of a chaotic government, such as existed in France, to carry on an external war with vigour ; and, secondly, of the rapidly approaching exhaustion in France of every species of financial credit and stability. (2.) The second circumstance was the delusive belief in the efficacy of the Sinking Fund to save this country from the perils of an accumulating Debt. I cannot go into much detail on either of these topics, and I must content myself by the general allegation, supporting it by only a single extract from Mr. Pitt's speech, on the Address of 30th December, 1794, and confining myself to a few sentences of the pas- sage in which he expressed his confident belief in the approaching exhaustion of the finances of the enemy, " I have even," he said, " the authority of Tallien for saying that the French cannot main- " tain their Assignats without contracting their expences and dimi- " nishing their forces ; and it should be recollected that this is their " only resource. Is it then too much to say, that their resources are " nearly at an end ? It is this unlimited power, which the French * It was, if I remember rightly, with reference to the Treble Assessed Taxes, that one of the most vigorous and popular of the opposition songs was composed. The following stanza was exceedingly popular : What were the taxes last year ? A trifle that we can remember ; Enough to make a man swear From January until December. Errors Committed as to the Finances of France. 23 " Convention have assumed, to purchase or to seize all property as " suited their purposes, that accounts for the stupendous scale of " operations which they have been enabled to pursue. This circum- " stance completely solves the phenomenon, which otherwise would " appear so inexplicable and is adequate to all those miraculous " efforts which have attended the progress of the French Revolution, *' and which seemed to baffle all reasoning, as much as they have " exceeded all human expectation. In all these circumstances, we " have then sufficient inducements to carry on the war, if not with the " certainty of faith, yet at least with the confidence of expectation."* These views were by no means confined to Mr. Pitt, they were entertained by most well informed persons in the early part of the War ; and, in the opening pages of that last, and in many respects, most marvellous of the writings of Mr. Burke, the Letters on a Re- gicide Peace, published towards the end of 1796, we may read a state- ment in language such as Mr. Burke only could command of the state of public opinion, with reference to France after the abolition of the monarchy in August, 1792 : "Deprived," the passage in the First Letter runs, " of the Old Government, deprived in a manner of all " Government, France fallen as a monarchy, to most speculators " appeared more likely to be an object of pity or insult according to " the disposition of the circumjacent powers, than to be the scourge ' and terror of them all; but out of the tomb of the murdered monarchy ' in France has arisen a vast, tremendous, unformed spectre, in a far ' more terrific guise than any which ever yet overpowered the imagi- nation and subdued the fortitude of man. Going straight forward to its end, unappalled by peril, unchecked by remorse, despising all common maxims, and all common means, that hideous phantom overpowered those who could not believe it was possible that France could at all exist except on the principles which habit rather than nature had persuaded them were necessary to their own particular welfare, and their own ordinary modes of action. The R/epublie of Regicide with an annihilated revenue, with defaced manufactures, with a ruined commerce, with an uncultivated and half depopulated country, with a discontented, distressed, enslaved, and famished people, passing with a rapid, eccentric, and incalculable course from the wildest anarchy to the sternest despotism, has actually con- quered the finest parts of Europe ; has distressed, disunited, and broken to pieces all the rest ; and so subdued the minds of the rulers in every nation, that hardly any resource presents itself to them except that of entitling themselves to a contemptuous mercy by a display of their imbecility and meanness. At first the French force was too much despised, now it is too much dreaded. Incon- siderate courage has given way to irrational fear." There was then the hallucination of the Sinking Fund and surely the history of that device affords materials for one of the most curious * Tom Paine's tract, "The Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance," dated at Paris, 8th April, 1796, was intended as an answer to Mr. Pitt's frequent references to the desperate situation of the credit of the republic. The motto of the pamphlet, " On the verge, nay, in the gulph of bankruptcy," was taken from one of Mr. Pitt's speeches. 24 On the LOANS raised ly MR. PITT, 1793-1801. chapters in the checquered narrative which traces the progress of the human mind in freeing itself from gross and mischievous errors. Eastern legends have hardly ventured upon any more startling paradox than the enthusiasm of all the leading minds of a commer- cial nation in support of a plan arithmetically absurd, and bringing with it no immediate advantage, but on the contrary, the continuance of present imposts exceedingly hard to be borne. From the date, however, of the Sinking Fund Act of 1786 to the final adoption of Dr. Hamilton's views by Parliament in 1828, the scheme revived by Dr. Price continued in the punctual discharge of its useless functions and during the first half of that period the most implicit reliance was placed in the power of the contrivance to mitigate the evils of accumulating debt. The diffusion of this financial faith pervaded all parties. It was held as firmly on the Opposition as on the Ministerial side of both Houses. It pervaded all the pamphleteers ; and we search in vain through the fierce essays of Mr. Morgan and Lord Lauderdale for any expression of doubt as to the solemn duty of upholding the Sinking Fund. In truth, the support of that institu- tion by Mr. Pitt was almost the solitary merit which the Opposition admitted him to possess. It is fortunate, however, that we are able to refer on this subject to the testimony of one of the most distinguished of the statesmen who contributed to the original adoption of Price's Scheme, and who also lived to contribute, with no backward zeal, to the correction of the error. In the admirable essay* published by Lord Grenville in 1828, there is the following passage : " But in the days of Price the principles of 1716 regained the " public favour, and in 1786 they were re-established by almost " universal acclamation as the main bulwark of our finance, and the " unfailing sources of incalculable benefit. To this change the cir- " cumstances of the moment powerfully contributed. At the close of " the American War the loss of our long-cherished colonies, to whose " possession such false notions of advantage had been attached, the " magnitude of the debt incurred in that fruitless contest, and the " deficiency of the revenue created to defray its charge, had thrown " over our financial prospects a cloud of distrust and apprehension " scarcely to be imagined but by those who witnessed it. Nor w r ere . " there wanting strong grounds for these impressions, exaggerated as " they were. The real pressure of our burdens was at that time " exceedingly severe ; more grievous, perhaps, in proportion to our " wealth, than in any succeeding period of our greatest difficulties. " The nation gave way therefore to an almost universal panic on " this subject. The ordinary course of our finance was thought no " longer adequate to our necessities; resort must be had for safety, it " was said, to some new, or at least to some long untried, expedient. " Under these circumstances it was that the project of establish- " ing a new Sinking Fund, which should accunuilate uninterruptedly " at compound interest, through every vicissitude of peace and war, " and which on that assumption would be demonstrably capable of * " Essay on the Supposed Advantages of a Sinking Fund," by Lord Grenville, 1828. The pamphlet is dated Dropmore, 15th March, 1828, and was published in a somewhat incomplete state in order to be ready early in the session of that year. Errors arising out of the Sinking Fund. 25 " being carried to any assignable amount, captivated all imaginations. " The country grasped, almost without inquiry, at promises of relief " so specious and so ample, adopting with unbounded confidence a " remedy proclaimed on no light authority to be of efficacy nothing " less than omnipotent. " It can be no reproach to any individual to have partaken largely " in these feelings no reproach, I trust, to any public man to have " co-operated with earnestness and zeal both in preparing and sup- " porting a measure so consonant to the wishes of his country ; and " least of all can censure be attached, on this account, to that able " and excellent Statesman who framed and carried through the Act of 1786. Allowing for the impressions at that time so generally pre- ' valent, there is, on the contrary, much of his conduct on that occa- ' sion for which he is justly entitled to the highest praise. "With ' an ardent and generous spirit, devoting all his energies to the ' national prosperity, he risked, and in no small degree surrendered, ' his highly valued popularity to the necessity of a large additional 1 taxation, which that measure compelled him to establish and main- ' tain. This was no light sacrifice, nor did he feel it such ; but he ' anticipated, in return, with unspeakable delight, the full tide of ' wealth, which in some distant, but auspicious moment, the results ' of these disinterested exertions were to pour upon his country. ' What he so ardently wished he willingly believed. His persua- 1 sion of the great advantages of a Sinking Fund, to be continued in ' War, and to be upheld by borrowing in all periods of deficiency, was ' therefore deeply rooted, not in his judgment only but in his feelings. " To these opinions he clung with unvarying fondness ; and his " provisions for giving effect to them, although, on more than one " occasion widely departed from by his successors, still form, even " in the present moment, the leading features of the system, in so " far as it can still be said to exist at all." XIV. Statement of the Question as regards the Comparative Eligibility of contracting Loans in Low Hate or High Rate Funds. I have now reached the closing division of the inquiry. I have endeavoured to adduce, at least some reasons for believing that the great and perplexing difficulties of the period from 1793 to 1801 compelled the Government to frame its financial measures very much according to the current circumstances of the time ; and that, as regards the Loans raised by Mr. Pitt, they were raised with the advantage of every precaution on his part to accept such terms only as arose in each case out of a competition the most extensive and bond fide which it was possible to excite. The general and conclusive answer therefore to those persons who exclaim against the onerous burdens entailed by Mr. Pitt's Loans is exceedingly short, and consists in a simple statement of fact, namely, that the* Loans were required for purposes of national defence, in a period of great distress and peril, and that, with every advantage of an open market, the money could only be obtained at the prices given. Whether or not therefore the burden arising out of these transac- tions be or be not onerous, is a consideration wholly beside the ques- tion. The bargain was fairly performed on the side of the Lender 26 On the LOANS raised ly MB. PITT, 1793-1801. and, unless the doctrines of repudiation are to be introduced, it must be as fairly performed on the side of the Borrower. And here the defence of the Funding Operations of the first French War might cease, as being complete on the first and para- mount ground of the particular facts. The Loans were raised in the openest manner, and on the best terms that could be obtained, and there is an end of the whole case. But the defence admits of being carried further than this. The impugners of Mr. Pitt's Loans are willing to admit some of them entirely, and others only as an assumption, that while there was no extravagance in the manner of settling the contracts, there was a great error of judgment in selecting as the fund to be employed a Three per cent, or Low Rate Stock instead of a High Hate Stock meaning by High Rate Stock either Five Per Cents, or funding at Par. Now, as I have already said, it appears to me that while the Par Method may be exceedingly ingenious as a hypothesis, it is too far removed from possible reality to admit of discussion ; and further, that the question can only be fairly tried as between Three and Five per cent, stock. I arn quite content to discuss it on this ground, and I think it may be made to appear, by a fair and reasonable line of argument, that in spite of all the manifold statements to the contrary, the loans raised by Mr. Pitt in the Low Rate Stocks, have not entailed upon the country the heavy losses with which they have been so constantly charged. Ko small part of the misapprehension which prevails in the argu- ments on these subjects is traceable to what appears to be a very singular oversight, as regards the real nature of the Market, in which the Public Funds are the principal commodity dealt in ; and as to the real nature of the majority of the great operations which are carried on in that Market. We are frequently reminded, and no one disputes the fact, that the National Debt consists not of Capital but of Perpetual Annuities. The State has bound itself to pay certain half yearly annuities, and has deprived the holders of these annuities of any right to call for their redemption; hence, it is argued, and on abstract grounds very justly, that the only point which the public and the stock jobbers have to consider is the precise arithmetical relation between the value of different amounts of annuity ; and it is said that any marked pre- ference of relative price borne by an Annuity of 3 over one of 5 per cent, is a departure from obvious rules, so gross as to be almost ridiculous. From these premises follows, quite logically, the conclusion that the State must of necessity be a large loser when it is so misguided as to borrow in 3 per cent, instead of 5 per cent stock ; inasmuch as while the 5 per cent do, the 3 per cent, do not, admit of future reduction. And this liability to the reduction of the annuity is the only qualifying circumstance which the doctrine admits. It is allowed ' That all the funds are redeemable at par, and that if the 3 per ' cents, rose to 75, the 4 per cents, should rise to 100, and the ' 5 per cents, to 125 ; and, therefore, the actual price of the 4's or ' 5's could never much exceed par. So soon as the 5 per cents, rise ' above par, the financier will offer payment, and by doing so induce Question between Low and High Rate Stocks. 27 the creditors to submit to a reduction of interest. The holders of a 3 ar 5 per cent, fund have thus a prospect of gain ~by the rise of value, in which the 5 per cent, stockholders do not participate ; and in like manner when the 3 per cents, rise above 75, the holders of that stock have a further gain, in which the 4 per cent, stock- holders do not participate. In consequence of these expectations, the price of 4 per cents, is higher compared with that of the 5 per cents.; and the price of the 3 per cents, higher than that of either of the others ; than the proportion of the rates of interest ; and " loans are transacted in 3 per cents, on easier terms. The lender " expects to gain by the rise of the stock, and what he gains the { nuity granted J Amount of Annual Interest on Stock Created Long Annuity till 5th January, 1860 139,529,000 224,082,000 160 5 533 6,894,000 312,000 8,222,000 7,206,000 Comparative Results of the Two Metlwds. II. As ON IST JANUARY, 1826. 31 Five per Cent. Method Estimated. Elements of Comparison. Low RATE, oa ACTUAL METHOD. 164,496,000 94,293,000 Stock in FIVE per cents. created. assumed as Originally 258,789,000 [Add, for the accumulation of the Difference of ) 1,016,OOOZ. per annum between the larger sum ] of Annual Interest payable on FIVES, and the I smaller sum payable on Low RATE Stocks. j Total amount of Debt as on 1st January, 1826, on I FIVE per cent, method. Stock at Low Rates (actually), originally created .... Add, for Funded Capital, equivalent to the charge of I the Long Annuity of 312,000^. as on 1st January, / 1826 J Surplus in Favour of the Low RATE method 224,082,000 7,446,000 231,528,000 27,261,000 258,789,000 258,789,000 I am quite aware that, in many quarters, a strong opinion is entertained to the effect, that even from the commencement of the War in 1793, a very considerable portion of the Loans could have been raised, not only in Pive per cents., but if it had been so desired even in Terminable Annuities ; and that funding operations conducted in Terminable Annuities, would have involved only a slight addition to the terms actually paid in 3 per cents. Upon mere financial grounds a public loan contracted in Termi- nable Annuities is, perhaps for the State, the form of borrowing the most desirable, for at the lapse of the term the annual burden of the debt ceases. But connected with the plan of Terminable Annuities, there are other considerations of a higher and more general nature than those of mere finance ; and when the whole question has to be discussed, it will appear, I think, that while Terminable Annuities may be employed with advantage as one of several forms of funding, it would be exceedingly unwise to resort to them as the sole, or even as the principal method. As concerns the Loans of 1793-1801, it will be evident from the facts contained in different parts of the Appendix, that the depreci- ation of Long Annuities, as compared with Consols, was always so great as to render it practically impossible to have selected Long Annuities as the predominant stock in which to seek for eligible tenders. In May, 1798, for example, Long Annuities fell to a price of 13 years purchase, yielding a rate of 11. 12s. per cent., while Consols were yielding only 61. 5s. ; and while, further, Long Annuities themselves had been quoted at 21^, in March, 1793, yielding 4Z. 10*. 32 On the LOANS raised by MR. PITT, 1793-1801. against a then contemporary price of Consols which yielded 3Z. 18s. And generally we are fully justified by the evidence, in concluding that if it was not only unprofitable, but on many occasions absolutely impossible for Mr. Pitt to raise the loan in Five per cents. ; it would have been still more unprofitable, and still further removed from possi- bility, to have attempted to raise the same sums exclusively or mainly in Long Annuities. I am quite aware that as a matter of mere calcu- lation, nothing is more easy than to show that a Long Annuity is a species of investment as eligible as Consols. Still the practical answer must be that they are commodities not suited to the market, and only to be sold there at a depreciated price. XVII. The same Comparative Results as regards the Loan of 8,000,OOOZ. of March, 1847. Nor is at all true that the great practical depreciation of High Bate, as compared with Low Rate Stocks was confined to the period of the last War. The causes which led to that depreciation are even in more active existence now than they were then; and I cannot better illustrate this statement than by referrring to the terms of the very last Loan raised in this country the Loan, namely, of 8,000,OOOZ., raised in Consols by Sir Charles Wood, in March, 1847, for the purpose of meeting the extraordinary expenses of the Irish Famine. And we shall find, on examining the terms of that trans- action, that notwithstanding the very severe criticisms which were directed at the time against the method actually pursued of borrow- ing in Consols, the adoption of that course admitted of very ample justification. The Loan was concluded with Messrs. Barings, and Messrs. Rothschilds on Monday, the 1st March, 1847. On Saturday, the 27th of February, the price of Consols was 90 ; and of 3 per cents. 92^ ; and as will be remembered these 3j's were the intermediate stage between the 3^'s reduced in 1844, and the ultimate reduction to 3 per cent, in 1854. The 3J's, therefore, were the Stock of highest denomination then in the market. The terms of the Loan were 89 money for 1001. Consols Stock ; or what is the same thing lllf Consols Stock for 100Z. Money ; and the rate of interest was 3Z. 7s. Now saying nothing of 5 per cents, as being a stock almost obsolete, let us suppose that Government had been desirous of raising the Eight Millions in a 3 J per cent, stock, so as to have the advantage of reducing the interest at some future time then we cannot suppose that in a 3^ per cent, fund the biddings would have been higher than 93 ; or 107*. 10s. stock for every 100Z. money or 3/. 15s. 3d, per cent, per annum. Opinions will differ as to the period within which a 3| per cent, stock could have been reduced to 3 per cent. Assume, however, that that period would have been fifteen years. Then as shewn in detail in Appendix O, the accumulation during fifteen years of the annual saving (of 32,9162. per annum) of interest in favour of the Consols-Method, would have amounted to 434,OOOZ., and that large accumulation must be taken into account as a set off" against any contingent advantages of borrowing in a Higher rated fund. In adopting the hypothesis of a 3 Per Cent. Fund instead of Consols, the question is placed in the liaising the Supplies within the Year. 33 most favourable form as regards the High Kate Theory. A 3J per cent. Stock would be far less exposed to early reduction, than either a 4 or 5 Per Cent. Fund and hence the Stock Exchange value of the 3 j per cent. Scrip, would be relatively higher than for Scrip of 4 or 5 per cent. It will hardly be contended, however, that a small 3^ per cent. Fund of about Eight Millions, would have been a very eligible description of security, after the conclusive reasons assigned by Mr. Gladstone, in 1853, for redeeming the small South Sea Funds,-^ reasons resting, in no small measure, on the precise ground of the ineligibility of Funds of small extent as objects of investment or fields of operation, XVIII. Mr. Pitt's doctrines relative to raising War Supplies within the Year. It was in introducing (on the 24th November, 1797) the Budget for 1798, that Mr. Pitt prominently adverted to the necessity which had arisen for raising a large part of the Supplies within the Year; and he proposed in that Budget New Taxes to the extent of Seven Millions, as a supply in part for a defi- ciency of Nineteen Millions raising the remaining twelve millions by loan. The whole of Mr. Pitt's argument on that occasion is adjusted and balanced with extreme care ; and, while he pleaded with irresistible earnestness for the necessity of a large addition to the taxes of the year, he carefully guarded himself against any maintenance of the doctrine that it was politic or just not to obtain part of those supplies by additions to the Debt. "We ought," he said, " to consider how " far the efforts we shall exert to preserve the blessings we enjoy will " enable us to transmit the inheritance to posterity unencumbered " with those burdens which would cripple their vigour which would " prevent them from asserting that rank in the scale of nations which " their ancestors so long and so gloriously maintained. It is in this " point of view that the subject ought to be considered. Whatever " objections might have been fairly urged against the Funding System " in its origin, no man can suppose that after the form and shape " which it has given to our financial affairs ; after the heavy burdens " which it has left behind it; tve can now recur to the notion of raising " in one year the whole of the supplies which a scale of expense so " extensive as ours must require. If such a plan be evidently im- " practicable, some medium, however, may be found to draw as much " advantage from the funding system as it is fit, consistently with a " due regard for posterity, to employ ; and, at the same time, to " obviate the evils with which its excess would be attended. To " guard against the accumulation of the funded debt, and to con- " tribute that share to the support of the struggle in which we are " engaged, which our ability will permit, without inconvenience to " those who are called upon to contribute, appear to me essentially " necessary ; and the great object of such a practical scheme must be " to allot fairly and equally to every class that portion which each " ought to bear." The principles laid down in this passage admit of but little exten- o 34 On the LOANS raised ly MR. PITT, 1793-1801. sian or modification. At the present time, as in 1797 and more emphatically perhaps than in 1797 the real difficulty in all discus- sions relating to the manner of raising the Yearly Expenses of the War is found in these preliminary and delicate problems, which are to define in practical language the " safe medium" between Taxing and Funding, described by Mr. Pitt. We have to find as had Mr. Pitt some working scheme which shall raise immediately, by new burdens, as large a sum as the national industry can bear, without injuring or dislocating that niceely-balanced system upon the unin- terrupted vigour of which the collection of any Taxes at all, present or future, depends. And we also as had Mr. Pitt have to find some practical means of so disposing those New Burdens that they shall raise within the year, " fairly and equally from every class," whatever contributions it may be considered necessary to obtain, not by borrowing on the faith of the future, but by an assessment levied on tho present generation. Ifc is urged upon us by high authorities, and in language embracing ever\ tone of earnestness, that, whether on grounds of duty or of interest, it will be our wisest course to adopt measures the opposite of th >se which were adopted by Mr. Pitt from 1793 to 1798; and deteriiiine therefore that by Taxes, and not by Loans, we will meet near;y all the increased expenditure arising out of the Present War.' So far as Self- Interest is concerned we are told, (1.) That a War expenditure supplied by Loans is an expenditure drawn not from the income, but from the capital of the country ; (2.) That imposing therefore no immediate pressure by the imposition of new and heavier taxes, it renders the country indifferent as to the prolonga- tion of War, and careless as to the most economical methods of carrying it on ; (3.) That drawn from accumulations of Capital em- ployed productively, instead of being obtained by retrenchments of the current expenditure of individuals, Public Loans raised to supply an exhausted Exchequer are the most direct means of laying the heaviest pressure of the War on the Labouring Classes, and for the obvious reason that the amounts of Capital which are absorbed as Loans would, if not so absorbed, have been employed in extending and improving the field of productive industry ; (1.) and lastly, That striking in this manner at the root of all progress in material pros- perity, Loans so obtained, and so applied, are impoverishments and anticipations of the future exceedingly full of peril. On the ground of Duty and Moral Obligation it is said, (1.) That a principle of equity forbids one generation to contract, for purposes of War, obligations which will descend as heavy burdens to the generations yet to come ; and (2.) That for the perils of the Present, nothing beyond the property and persons of the Present can, on grounds of right, be laid under contribution. To these allegations answers full and sufficient do not appear to be wanting ; assuming always that the discussion is to be conducted, not as an abstract problem, the conditions of which may be true perhaps, amidst a more perfect species or in a happier planet, but with distinct and constant reference to the actual condition of this coun- try at the present time. Raising Supplies within the Year. 35 Adverting to the arguments, as far as possible, in their order, it may be said : That, in the first place, it is by no means generally true, that, in this country, a public income considerably exceeding in amount the income of recent years, could be raised by any appliance of taxes, the effect of which would be simply to diminish individual expenditure, leaving former and current accumulations of capital unimpaired. Any large additions to the present taxes particularly to the present Income Tax of six per cent. would in a multitude of quarters, and a variety of forms, be paid by encroachments on capital. Those upon whom the tax fell would make a compromise between immediate self- denial and inroads on their accumulated funds. Nor, (2) in the pre- sent state of the political institutions, of the education and public opinion of this country, can it be argued, except as a pure suggestion, that the mere circumstance of raising part of the supplies by Loans would in any sensible degree diminish the desire even of any class for an early and solid peace Still less (3) is it true, in a general or unqualified sense, that in this country, any such sum as is likely to be required as Loans would sensibly diminish the amount of Capital which can be fully and profitably employed in productive industry, and therefore mainly in the disbursement of wages. So far as actual researches have 'been carried, by the most competent enquirers, there is is good reason to believe that the accumulation of capital in this country is so vast and so rapid as to lead to an annual waste and destruction of capital, the amount of which when expressed in figures sounds almost fabulous; and it is from these overflowings from this constant current of leakage that the Loans would be obtained. In what manner a Government Expenditure so supplied would affect the Labouring Classes no writer is more entitled, both by his ability and his independence of judgment, to say, than Mr. Mill ; and his words are as follows : " When Government Loans are limited to the " overflowings of the National Capital, or to those accumulations ' which would not take place at all unless suffered to overflow ; they ' occasion no privation to any one at the time, except by the payment ' of the interest, and may even be beneficial to the Labouring Class, 1 during the time of their expenditure, by employing in the direct ' purchase of labour, as of soldiers, sailors, &c., funds which might ' otherwise have quitted the country altogether." (Principles, B. v. C. 7.) It may be urged, in addition to this statement of Mr. Mill's, that not only would the Labouring Class receive indirect benefit from the expenditure of Loans raised in the manner described, but that they would be exposed to an inordinate degree of suffering and pressure if the extra supplies were raised by additional Taxes. If these addi- tional Taxes were in the form of new imposts of Customs and Excise, and additions therefore to the existing Indirect sources of Revenue, the Labouring Class would feel the pressure of the War, not merely to the full extent of the Tax, but to the much larger extent to which it is quite well known that heavy Indirect Taxes operate in raising prices to the retail consumer. If they were in the form of new Imposts of a Direct nature, heavy additions, for example, to the c 2 36 On the LOANS raised by MR. PITT, 1793-1801. Assessed Taxes, or to the House or Income Tax, the effect (saying nothing of the gross and inherent injustice of the apportionment oi the Income Tax upon the classes who actually pay it) would still fall in a great measure upon that part of the population which depends on wages and the smaller retail trades ; and, in point of fact, one of the most cogent objections to any large increase of immediate bur- dens consists in the extreme difficulty of so adjusting them that, again to use the words of Mr. Pitt, " the scheme shall allot fairly " and equally to every class that portion which each ought to bear." In a poor country it might be true that money taken by the State as Loans would be Capital drawn, in the most literal sense, from the exchange and the workshop. With us the time is yet distant when supplies so raised, will do more than reduce the magnitude of the annual investments in foreign mines, and of the annual adventures in speculative foreign funds. And as regards the last of the (4) allegations the answer seems to be equally clear, and to be little more than a logical consequence of the reply just given to the allegation which precedes it. For if we absorb as public loans only that capital which fails to find profitable employment at home, we do nothing to impoverish or emperil the future by inroads on those accumulated funds which are essential to the progress of the community. On the contrary, our apparent extra- vagance is the real economy, "for we leave untrammelled to the fullest extent the springs and impulses of that vast and intricate organi- sation, by the strength and compactness of which, much more than by a few millions of debt, the character of the future will be really determined. Our trade, industry, and invention kept free from the friction of taxes, especially at this period of transition, will be a legacy to our successors far more valuable than a public debt diminished by a tew millions ; and here again we have the benefit of the testimony of Mr. Mill. "It may reasonably," he says, "be taken into consideration, "that in an improving country the necessary expenses of Government " do not increase in the same ratio as capital or population ; any bur- ' then, therefore, is always less and less felt ; and since those extra- ' ordinary expenses of Government which are fit to be incurred at all ' are mostly beneficial beyond the existing generation, there is no ' injustice in making posterity pay a part of the price if the incon- 'venience would be extreme of 'defray ing the whole of it by the " exertions and sacrifices of the generation which first incurred it."- (Principles, B. v., C. 7.) The objection to Loans, on grounds of Moral Obligation, are not more formidable than those which involve merely economical consi- derations. Assuming a War to be necessary and just, (and of that question the recognised and established Government of a country existing at any particular time must be regarded for our present purpose as the legitimate and final judge,) it is hard to see on what solid foundation a difference can be set up between expenditure incurred for improve- ments and expenditure incurred for defence. For capital invested in the prosecution of public works, for harbours, drainage, or lines of transit, by the common voice, the future inhabitants of a country may be fairly charged by the generation which settles the scheme and Raising Supplies within the Year. 37 carries through the work. But is it not plain that the simplest idea of possession involves the idea of defence ? Where is the wisdom of improvement if no means are to be taken to preserve the improve- ments from outward assault ? The more closely the plea of exempting posterity, on grounds of right, from charges bequeathed to them by former generations is examined, the more untenable and deceptive most of its positions will be found. What sufficient answer for example can be given to the fundamental objection that there is nothing in the constitution of the world or in human nature which entitles posterity to claim an inheritance, enriched only by the fruits of wis- dom and self-denial, and altogether free from incumbrances heaped up by error and misfortune. The present generation are in no sense mere life-tenants of the inheritance so far as the analogy of a life-tenancy can be made to apply. We are heirs in full and indefea- sible enjoyment of the fee of the estate. Doubtless it is incumbent upon us, not less by considerations of morality than upon grounds of enlightened self-interest, to strive conscientiously and patiently to bequeath to our children, freed from as many blemishes as possible, and strengthened, beautified, and expanded, the inheritance we received from our fathers. But in directing our best efforts to the performance of this task, we shall err greatly if we take too confined a view of the full liberty of action and of choice which resides in ourselves; and of the full share of responsibility which on all grounds of right attaches to every future occupant of a country found by him in the possession of a fame, a polity, and an industrial order, the reward of long ages of sacrifice and labour, to which he has con- tributed nothing. This is a train of reasoning and reflexion growing naturally and almost inevitably out of a detailed examination of the financial policy of Mr. Pitt during the early years of the last long conflict with France. In a more eminent degree, perhaps, than in any Minis- ter of Finance of the last hundred years, there was combined in Mr. Pitt a clear appreciation of general principles, tempered by a still clearer appreciation of the modifications and corrections of which they stand in need when converted into rules of practice. The expe- rience he had to guide him was far less applicable and extensive than that which is available to ourselves ; and in his time we had barely done more than raise the framework of that branch of science which has since accomplished so much in smoothing the task of men en- trusted with Government. He had to contend with new and bewil- dering theories, with sources of danger and failure, happily known to us only by report; and certainly it will not be questioned that the period of his financial administration was beset by internal and external difficulties more numerous and perplexing than have been encountered by any other minister of this country since the settlement of our constitution in its present form. After the lapse of sixty years, we find ourselves, in no insignificant degree, in cir- cumstances similar to those of Mr. Pitt in 1793 ; and we shall hardly maintain the reputation of our country for practical views if, in dealing with the immediate exigencies of the one period, we fail to give full weight to the lessons which may be drawn for the experience of the other. On the LOANS raised by MR. PITT, 1793-1801. APPENDIX. A. .LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. CAPITALS FUNDED in the several kinds of Stock 39 B. LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. QUANTITY OF STOCK given for every 100/. Money. Market Prices of Stock at the time of the Loan 40 C. LOANS raised by Mr. Pitt, 1793-1801. Amount of the ANNUAL INTEREST on each Loan 42 D.- INCOME of the United Kingdom 1792-1802; and also for 1815, 1825, and 1852 44 E. EXPENDITURE of the United Kingdom same years 45 F. Net Revenue of Great Britain at seven dates, between 1712 and 1789 46 Q < IMPORTS and EXPORTS. Great Britain. Official Values. Period of American War 1777-83. Peace 1784-92. First French War 1793-1802 47 H. CORN. Prices and IMPORTATIONS during the three Decennial Periods 1761-70, 1771-80, and 1781-90; and for each year 1791- 1802 49 I. SUBSIDIES to Foreign States 1793-1801 51 J. TERMS of the LOANS raised by FRANCE 1815-1848 52 K. MR. PITT'S BUDGETS 1793-1801. Abstract of New Taxes imposed, with the estimated produce when proposed to Parliament 53 L. MOTIONS made in Parliament for PEACE, December 1792 to May 1797 56 M, MARKET PRICES of Stocks, Long Annuities, and of Scrip, and Omnium, in each month, from January 1791 to December 1800, with columns of the Equated Prices 58 N. DETAILED COMPUTATIONS of the effect produced in a period of years by the Difference of terms between Loans contracted in Low Rate and High Rate Stocks 64 0. Similar Computations as regards the Loan of 8,000,000/., of March 1847 66 P. STATEMENT IN DETAIL of the TERMS of the several Loans 1793-1801, as given by Mr. Grellier in the Third Edition (1812) of his work on the subject 67 Q. GENERAL View of ALL the LOANS raised during the entire Period of the War, or from 1793 to 1806; and computations as to the General Comparative effect of raising the Extra Expenditure by 74 Loans, or by Supplies within the Year. R. General Observations on the Contents of some of the Appendices .... 79 Appendix A- Capitals Raised" 39 TOTAL. Per Cent. Per Annum. -53 Tj< . OJ . CO . CO l^ - to .CO -HO . < r t OS o by Lenders. 4 l^j lO CO CO . CO . r-l ^ : :"::: : : : Brest obtained In 5 per Cents. ^ . t>. . o 'o 1 ^ . 00 . 1 Pi S : . :co : : . : : :o : o : : : : : ^-1 P 4 In 3 per Cents. GO O ^^ O t^-% t iO I 4O iO C^ iO TH iO 3 1 II illl S2sS S 1 i i S 1 IO 1 CO CO ^t ^ r~* ^D CO O "^ i"^ O CD CO ^* O t^^ C^l O* i-H CO a aj : il :| : : : 3 I S Tl Tl : 7l Ti 7l CO en i 10 ^ ^ ^H" rjToTo" (M CO a B . . . - .g - - Q(^ : t^ : o : : : : : oo ' co co " : : : : : : : : : 10 M | (M CO of g irt o O OS CO OS CO O OJ CO O O O4 *> iO "^ "^ '"' OS Oj Ol O O -OOO !>. * t>. CO O OOCO OOOJ O^H OOCO C35 10 PI CO ^ cT i-T : OtT : co"co' O* -00 O) oTco" o"^O i-4 ifT Oreo" Vrf" J ^, ,-HOl rHr-< CM COO! OJ TC 1 1 CS1 A <^ ^ ^~^ ^G ^."i ^ ^ ^ ^ i flt|| ^77 4 1 * |7 1 s 3 _ fe OH M &M QOg^jg^ COOS Q ^ ^ : r c < ! h wben Contracted for. ^ iS ^ f?tS*3 S ^ ^ S S S C/5 -^ if3 ^O t> CO OS O ^H t>, t^ l> 4> 4> 4"^ t>* OO OO | jfs or^. oooo oOO O(N. I-H CO .CO I-H o CM iC o iil I-H OOCTi CO I-H O I-H OOOO OO OO O CO^CO^i-HCMC^OCOOOOO ^ OO O O O -HiO 00 CO CO CO iM *> O OJi-H Oi-l OO O T* o^ r-T oq^ cT 1 I 1 isip CM T* !>. CM * - . Tt< CO i-HOOO .: 0:00 : : o : o (N O) "c ft I; * CM o ' oo o o" " co" * CM CO CO O CO CM Tf Tl< r- " CO f Annual "* i*> ** i> t>* t>, IN^ oo co si's Ot>* OOOO OOOO OOO OOO OO OO OO OO OOOO O ^ o t> o> t> oo O O "3< I-H OS CO "* O CO GO <* m m n O OS tO 2 o * to * M* co co CO CO CO b co t> . CO 2 l>. OS f OS OO O O GO I--. t>. OS !>. to OS O CO ^ CO CO o o CO o CO O l> <* 00 (N CJ oo * ^ o *>. -^ in > CO i i OS t> t> b o in 4t< c CO CO o oo : : ca : CO m 00 CO CO (N Oi ih m GO 00 rt< in b oo CO OJ l-H O l-H t>. 00 CO O co co I-H o in ^ m S S3 CO o . . to m os 00 c- r-l *>. l-H OS OS . CO OS CO : f^H m co Tf* SO OS AH )>. |>. o CO oo co m O 00 CO 4j< in CO rH in o * co in o oo oo in g t> l-H 00 l-H Tf (N OS in in o : in Tf -f CO Os CO : ^H to os m o CO ^H in to OS m os CO "* ; !>. rH : CO ^ CO 05 CO O O OS ^ O (M O OS in co S 0- l^ >. (M OS OS : -^ rfi TJI CO 00 M : I^H in co

. l-H 00 to CO tO rH in m os co i-H rH CO t>. CO o CJ CO -i< t> in -* 4j< CO g in to o o w . in to : co ^t* CO OS Tt< (M CO CO eo (N -* Tf OS rln CO si t- O CO CO o ^- op : Tt co m 4j< 00 O4 : ^H to ^ OS OS ^>. o OS CO : : co CO CO os Tf T *? oo -^ J i I- 1 111 ji ^ 1 s t 8 c 1 a M 1 B P i s a ! | : ; w H ; -^ >> i H >> a r ffi i j I 5 J ; ^ | i 111 : i1i ll i 1 1 1 Jl O W <1 M cc (^ P!^, GREAT BRITAIN JRELAND Raised by Taxation . Loans Raised Exch., and other Bills Fur Contribution East India C 3 a 8 1 TOTAL RECEIPTS Exch., and other Bills Issi Balance at commencement oi o co *>. >-H to . CO 00 I 1 o * co m to I-H r-i (N rH CO : o eo m CO m l>. 00 l-H 1 00 TH o o in o m moo : rh to -^ O F!| in ; ^. r^H ^H n t>. in OS OS (N in N -^ Tj< CO l> . o OS O CO CO O l-H to o o OS CO 3 o to o >o to f-n i> 4t* to l>. O rH Tt 1 rH in CO m Tf i-H Appendix E Expenditure, 1792-1802. 45 i t^ -* rt< l^ CM CM t> tO S CO Os CM 00 CO GO rH o l> >. CM rH rH 6 : in <0 to 1 CM rH rH to 6 o 3 S CO rH CM O t^ O CO *> rH CO O o rH rH tO OS CO CO CM CM 00 tO rH CO OS * CM rH CO ^H m r^4 "' rH rH CO to ai co in co CO rH Tt< to OS M< rH CM in co ^ CM in rH CO rH <0 CO *<* CM in CM CO o l-H fc- tO rH 1-^ OS CO CM rH |s^ ^ m *"* "-* CO to . tO Tf * OS Cft -^ *> CO ^ Tf< O tO o ,_, g CO rH CO CO ,0 CM rH rH tO CO tO rH CM o CM in rH 1^ m CM CM ' rH CM MM in in 11 rH f- 1 rH rH CO m OS C--1 CO * O rH OS O CM CM os in * o C5 t> rH CO CM in TT CM to -^ CM CO CM to CO rH in CO CM CM rH in : CO CO ^i I ~ H r ** rH rH CO m CM * O to m os in CM to *>. CO ^ CM in in rH ^ o m O rH O CM to *> CO CO ^ l-H 1 CO to Jr* CO rH 00 CM co ^i - 1 1-1 CM * . <* CO CO rH CO O m CO ^ Os to in C5 CO l-H CO CO O m rH GO T OS n t- O rH , CO OS CM o in CM i^ o < ~ t '-' CO in CO CO O to tO CM -* O rH CO t>. to CO CM m o co CO co CM in os co CO GO OS to fr- OS rH o O CO rH to : rH rH OS ""* 11 rH I-H CM to _ rH rj< ^ CM CM O CO CO ,_, S O rH CM in *>. * rH CO CO CM to CO CO OS rH o in CO rH rH CM rH CO in l-H CM CM O CO in rH in to o CM OS to to O 1 H rH CM OS rH o in t>. rt< to co CM CM to tb rH OS CO fr.i * J oL ' 2 3 : -8 2 1 -S fCS I a : 1 1 1 1 PQ s I i ^ : 1 i s n 1 *3 o : <*5 : 1 i 1 = I S | | 1 ; 1 o \ z 1 & o a J5 : Is 'S i H > ' ^ C : r> H i Q ; *, " "o ; S ft S o : - 13 H q "8 J 3 I i a -2 -S % * ~ (1 s Is *3 "S ^ 8* >* fl v e 3 S 1 1 CO EH s g .> g PH O rH < 6 1 2 " .s s a 03 ^ ^v c5 ? T GO O CM CO O *>. O O tO in rH Tjt CM o 00 CO O t^ to CM ^ O o ^ ,~v_ CO CM in 8 CO tO !>. rH CM GO in t>- I-H CM m co in CM co CO O OS OS 00 CO O rH rH CM t>. in rH CM CO : m : m in 1-1 CO CO in co co in O CM *>. m *> o l _ l in m -* ^ in 10 CO CM CO m CO O CM CO rH o rH rH 00 CO rH CM o CO m to co co co CO rH to to o 3 46 On the LOANS raised ly MR. PITT, 1793-1801. These Tables D and E of the Eevenue and Expenditure, from 1792 to 1802, have been compiled from the materials given by Mr. Mar- shall, in that monument of industry and skill, his quarto book of tables. The figures have been taken from the statement, ]X~o. 11 of his Second Part. Previous to the year 1800, there were considerable discrepancies in most general statements relating to finance, and while there is every reason to believe that the figures given in these tables (D and E), are substantially correct, it is quite possible that they may differ in some respects from similar returns to be found in other works of reputation. It was not the least of Mr. Pitt's administrative reforms that he put an end in a great measure to con- fused statements of public documents by introducing a greatly im- proved system of statistical records. It may be added that the Yotes of men for the Navy were 45,000 for 1793 ; 85,000 for 1794 ; 100,000 for 1795 ; 110,000 for 1796 ; and 120,000 for 1797-8-9, and 1800. It is not easy to state with equal clearness the number of Land Forces. The votes for Militia and Eencible Corps were in 1793 250,000 1794 1,240,000 1795 1,631,000 1796 1,820,000 1797 1798 1799 1,972,000 3,798,000 4,532,000 F. Revenue of Great Britain. Net Payments into the Exchequer in the Years as under. Years. Customs. Excise. Stamps. TuTAL. 1712. Peace of Utrecht 1,315 1,650 93,000 3,043 1740. Spanish War 1,302 2,580 117,000 3 997 1756. I Commencement of Seven Years' ) 1 War * 1 1,670 3,351 129,000 5,150 1762. 1774. 1784. End of ditto Commencement of American War End of ditto 1,854 2,567 3,326 4,592 4,570 5,584 265,000 not given 6,711 7,137 12,995 1789. Peace 3,164 6,861 15,460 These figures are compiled mainly from statements given by Sir John Sinclair's (Hist. Pub. Rev., II., 165). They are inserted as convenient indications of the amount of the Revenue in the earlier periods of last century. Appendix G. Imports and Exports, 1793-1807. 47 . IMPORTS AND EXPORTS, Great Britain. Official Values. Period of the American War, 1777-83. Period of Peace 1784-92. First French War 1793 to 1801. Imports. 1777-79 (3 yrs.) EXPORTS. From India and China. From all other Parts. TOTAL. TOTAL. British Produce and Manufactures. Foreign Merchan- dize. 1-36 10-32 11-70 13-10 8-40 4-71 1-35 10-40 11-77 1780-83 (4 ) 13-12 9-00 4-13 3-15 13-48 16-63 1784-88 (5 ) 16-50 13-00 4-60 2-65 16-44 19-07 1789-92 (4 ) 21-77 16-00 5-77 3-50 15-76 19-26 1793 20-39 13-90 6-49 4-46 17-83 22-29 1794 26-75 16-72 10-03 5-76 16-97 22-73 4795 27-31 16-52 11-78 3-37 19-80 23-18 1796 30-42 19-10 11-32 3-94 17-07 21-01 1797 (1793-97) 1798 28-91 16-90 12-01 4-21 17-50 25-70 26-76 16-63 10-32 7'62 18-03 25-65 33-80 20-00 13-80 4-28 22-56 26-84 1799 36-00 24-00 12-00 4-94 25-63 30-57 1800 43-15 24-30 18-85 6-59 26-20 32-79 1801 (1798-1801) 46-90 25-70 21-20 5-86 23-10 28-96 39-96 23-50 16-46 These figures are compiled mainly from the Common's Report on the Outstanding Demands on the Bank of England, March, 1797 ; and from the Annual Register for 1799, (p. 189). It will be seen that the figures give the Official Value only, that is the value as ascertained, according to a Custom House scale of prices fixed in 1697, and, therefore, entirely obsolete. Some approximation to the Real value was obtained by the declarations made by merchants under the Convoy Act of 1797, for the years 1798 to 1800 ; those declarations give the following result, viz., EXPORTS. REAL VALUE. Declarations under Convoy Act 0/1797. Year. British Merchandize. Foreign Merchandize. Total. 1798 33-15 not given. not given. 1799 38-94 11-35 50-29 1800 39-47 16-36 55-83 48 On the LOANS raised by MR. PITT, 1793-1801. These results do not materially differ in the totals from a calcu- lation of real value made at the Custom House by Mr. Irving, the Inspector, and which was as follows : Year. British Merchandize. Foreign Merchandize. Total. 1799 40*08 8-91 48'99 1800 45-57 9-82 55-40 Mr. Hose, however, in his pamphlet (" Brief Examination," &c.), and it was almost an official paper, gives, perhaps, the best statement now obtainable of the real value of the exports and imports between 1789 and 1805. It is to be borne in mind, however, that the public returns of the Custom House only began to be settled into any- thing like accurate form until after the year 1800, and then mainly in pursuance of reforms of detail introduced by Mr. Pitt, who had felt most painfully in working out his fiscal plans, the absence of an adequate body of public statistics. Mr. Eose's table is as follows : Statement of the Average Annual Real Value of Imports and Exports. Great Britain, during Periods of Five Years 1789-92, 1795-98, 1802-05, as given in Mr. Rose's pamphlet of 1806. Periods. Exports. Real Value of Real Value of Imports into Great Britain. British Goods. Foreign and Colonial Goods. Total. 1789-92 (4yrs.) 27,135,000 7,770,000 34,905,000 37,784,000 1795-98 (4 ) 30,648 12,393 43,042 42,261 1802-05 (4 ) 42,505 14,106 56,611 53,240 Appendix H. Prices, $c., of Corn, 1761-1803. 49 H, CORN. PRICES and IMPORTATIONS, 15 Winchester quarters, the corresponding quotations, if given for Imperial quarters, would be, say sevenpence in the pound, liigher tha'i the figures in the table. The table has been compiled from a return given by Mr. Tooke (Hist. Prices, ii. 390). The average prices of the different months should be referred to in connexion with the information contained in the other divisions of the Appendix. MONTHLY AVERAGE PRICES of Wheat (per Winchester Eight-Bushel Quarter] in Englmd, arranged in HARVEST YEARS of 1st September to 1st September, from 1st January, 1793, to 1st September, 1802. Harvest Year. 1793. '93-'4. '94-'5. '95-'6. '96-'7. '97-'8. '98-'9. '99- 1800- *. d. 3 15 5 1800- '01. 1801'-2. Sept 8. d. s. d. 289 8. d. 2 11 6 s. d. 6 19 . s. d. 345 s. d. 2 18 10 s. d. 2 10 . s. d. 5 5 10 s. d. 4 10 4 Oct 2 7 . 2 11 . 3 16 9 3 1 3 3 . 2 287 436 566 3 17 5 Nov Dec 272 2 12 10 439 2 19 9 2 16 4 2 7 11 499 6 . 2 3 11 1 2 7 H 2 11 9 3 19 10 3 1 10 2 18 5 2 8 10 4 2 11 5 10 10 3 19 7 289 2 15 . 363 2 17 3 2 12 9 285 4 13 10 6 12 6 3 15 5 Jan 2 7 . 2 10 1 2 16 8 4 12 . 2 15 . 2 11 2 295 4 14 8 6 18 1 3 16 5 Feb March .. 2 6 10 279 2 10 7 2 18 3 4 13 6 2 12 6 2 9 10 2 10 . 5 1 11 7 5 9. 3 14 5 2 9 10 2 16 7 4 10 7 2 14 11 2 11 3 293 4 16 10 6 18 9 3 15 5 2 10 10 2 19 11 5 . . 298 2 10 2 2 10 3 5 7 10 7 14 4 3 13 6 April 299 9 11 2 321 468 299 2 11 7 2 13 5 5 11 11 711 9 399 May June 2 11 5 2 11 3 3 4 10 3 15 7 298 2 11 10 3 . 10 6 . 2 6 10 4 3 5 3 297 2 11 1 323 4 7 5 298 2 11 2 2 U 10 3 4 . 5 13 4 756 396 2 11 2 2 11 6 3 10 1 4 2 . 2 10 . 2 11 . 6 5 . 6 8 11 3 7 . July 2 11 1 2 11 11 445 4 1 . 2 10 5 2 10 9 369 6 14 10 6 15 2 ^74 Aug 2 10 6 2 12 6 584 3 15 11 2 12 . 2 11 3 3 13 . 532 619 3 9 . 2 11 . 2 11 11 2 10 2 477 3 19 8 2 10 10 2 11 . 3 7 11 6 1 . 687 379 355 444 2 14 4 2 13 6 2 15 3 5 6 . 6 11 . 3 13 1 Appendix I. Subsidies to Foreign States, 1793-1801, 51 I. SUBSIDIES and LOANS to FOREIGN STATES, 1793 to 1806, from Parlia- mentary Paper y No. 466, of 1854, and therefore the latest Official Return on the subject. 1793. Hanover 492,000 Hesse Cassel 190, Sardinia 150, 832,000 1794. Prussia 1,226,000 Sardinia 200, Hesse Cassel 437, Hesse Darmstadt 102, Baden 25, Hanover ; 560, 2,550,000 1795. Germany, Imperial Loan (35 Geo. III. cap. 93) .... 4,600,000 Baden 2, Brunswick 98, Hesse Cassel 317, Hesse Darmstadt 80, Hanover 478, Sardinia WM 150, 5,725,000 1796. Hesse Darmstadt 20,000 Brunswick 13, 33,000 1797. Hesse Darmstadt 57,000 Brunswick 7, Germany, Imperial Loan (37 Geo. III. cap. 59) 1,620, 1,684,000 1798. Brunswick 7,000 Portugal 120, 127,000 1799. Prince of Orange 20,000 Hesse Darmstadt 5, Russia 825, 850,000 1800. Germany 1,066,000 German Princes 500, Bavaria 501, Russia 546, 2,613,000 1801. Portugal 200,000 Sardinia 40, Hesse Cassel 100, Germany 150, German Princes 200, 690,000 Total 1793 to 1801, or till the Peace of Amiens ^15,104,000 D 2 52 On the LOANS raised ly MR. PITT, 1793-1801. J. Statement of the TERMS of the LOANS raised ly FRANCE, 1815-1848. Dates. Sum Borrowed in Sterling. 25 Francs = 1. Fund. Negotiated at the Price per 100 Money of Rate of Interest to Lender. 1815 (May & June) 1,434,528 5 Per Cent. Per Cent. 51 23 s. d. 9 15 2 1816 & 1817 2,790,520 57-26 8 14 8 1817 316,961 59-16 1 890 1817 & 1818 13,802,600 average price J 57-51 1 average price' 8 13 11 1813 (19 May) .... 7,916,376 j 66-50 7 10 4 (9 Oct.) 6,600,000 67-00 793 1821 (June) 280,000 if 87-07 5 14 10 (9 Aug.) 8,564,732 85-55 5 16 11 1823 (10 July) ... 16,555,239 89-55 5 11 8 1830 (12 Jan.) ... 3,200,000 4 Per Cent. 102-07 3 18 4 1831 (19 Apl.) ... 4,800,000 5 per cent. 84-00 5 19 ,, 817,556 100-00 500 ,1832 .(8 Aug.) 6,000,000 4 per cent. 98-50 5 1 6 1835 (27 Aug.) .... 3,647,630 M 97-25 423 (29 Sept.) .... 992,704 tl 9780 4 1 10 1836 (SOMch.) .... 929,463 3 per cent. 81-25 3 13 10 (9 July) 592,272 ,, 80-40 3 14 8 1837 (25 Aug.) .... 3,753,239 4 per cent. 100-00 400 (12 Dec.) .... 339,408 tt 100-00 400 1815-37 1841 83,337,228 6,000,000 3 per cent. 78-5H 673* 3 16 6 1844 8,000,000 84-75 3 10 9 1847-49 10,000,000 >f ( 84-75 { to 3 10 9 to ( 75-25 3 19 9 1815-49 107,337,228 5 15 7f * Average rate of Interest at which .5,304,875 of Rentes were sold for 83,337,228. t Average rate at which 6,201,000 of rentes were sold for 107,337,000 capital. This statement (J) of the terms of the French Loans is intro- duced as an interesting collateral document. It will be seen that in spite of 5 per cent, being the prevailing description of rente, it was profitable towards the end of the period to negotiate the loan almost exclusively in 3 or 4 per cents. Appendix K.Mr. Pitt's Budgets, 1793-1801. 53 K. MR. PITT'S BUDGETS, 1793-1801. NEW TAXES Imposed, with the Estimated Produce when proposed to Parliament. In the following Paper I have arranged in order the principal items of Mr. Pitt's Budgets from 1793 to 1801, and I have classified as far as possible the several taxes under the general divisions of Customs, Excise, &c. A very interesting chapter might be written on the character of the taxes proposed in these successive budgets, but at present I can now do no more than present the facts. 1793 (Four Items.) (Budget introduced llth March, 1793.) Assessed Taxes. Ten per cent, additional 90,000 Game Duty 17,000 107,000 Stamps Bills and Receipts 68, Excise British Spirits 112, 287,000 1794 (Eight Items) (Budget introduced 5th February, 1794) Customs ....Foreign Brandy and Rum 136,000 Slate, Stone, & Marble carried coastwise 30, 166,000 Excise British Spirits 107,000 Bricks and Tiles v 70, Glass, Crown and Plate 52, Paper 63, 292, Stamps ....Solicitors Indentures' 25, Taxes Extra Taxes of 1791 continued 430, 913,000 1795 (Ten Items.) . (Budget introduced 23rd February, 1795.) Customs ....Wine Imported 500,000 Tea 180, Coffee and Cocoa 40, Fruits, Silk, Timber, and Coals 187, 907,000 Excise ... Home and Foreign Spirits 259,000 259, Stamps ....Marine Insurances 130,000 Life Insurances 30, Receipt and other Stamps 68, 228,000 Post Office. Limitations in franking 40, Assessed Taxes Hair Powder (21*. per head.) .... 210, '. i i - 1,644,000 54 On the LOANS raised by ME. PITT, 1798-1801, 1796 (Ten Items.) (Budget introduced 7th December, 1795) Legacy Duty on Real and Personal Estate 250,000 The proposal for the Legacy Duty on Real estate was defeated, and involved a reduction of 136, 114,000 Customs . ..Tobacco 170,000 Wines and Sweets 600, Sugar, drawback repealed 180, .. 950 Excise Salt 32,000 Hats 40, __________ 79 / ^, Assessed Taxes... .10 per cent, additional 140,000 Horse Duty additional 116, Horse Duty New rates 100, Dogs '. 100, 456, 1,592,000 1797 (Twenty-nine Items.) (Budget introduced 7th December, 1796, and a Supplementary Budget 26th April, 1797.) Customs ....Tea 240,000 Coffee and Cocoa 30, Sugar 280, Bar Iron 43,- Brimstone, Hemp, &c Ill, Coals, 5*. per chaldron 100, Sugar, drawbacks repealed 22, 826,000 Excise Auctions 40,000 Bricks 36, Spirits 220, Scots Distilleries 512, 808, Stamps ....Small Duties 30,000 Additions , 320, Conveyance Deeds 90, Copies of Deeds 50, Probates of Wills 40, Bills of Exchange 40, Advertisements 20, Newspaper Stamps .-.. 94, Allowance Certificates 15, Gold and Silver Plate 30, Fire Insurance 35, 764, Post Office Increased Rates 250, Assessed Taxes House Tax altered 290,000 Stage Coaches 60, Horses employed in Agriculture 180, Watches, Clocks, &c 200, Male Servants 34, Pleasure Horses 24, 788, 3,436,000 Appendix K.Mr. Pitt's Budgets, 1793-1801. 55 1798 (Seven Items.) ' (Budget introduced, 24th November, 1797.) Customs ....Convoy Tax on Imports and Exports.. 1,500,000 Tea Ill, 1,611,000 Excise Salt 502, Assessed Taxes.... Former assessments Trebled 4,500,000 Armorial Bearings 150, 4,650, Voluntary Contribution 1,500, 8,263,000 [Mr. Pitt's plan for the Redemption of the Land Tax was introduced 2nd April, 1798.] 1799. (Budget introduced, 3rd December, 1798.) Income Tcu\...Ten per cent, on all Incomes of 200/. and) above, with smaller graduated rates on Incomes > 7,500,000 of 60/. to 200/ J 1800. (Budget introduced, 24th February, 1800.) Customs ....Tea 130,000 Spirits, Home and Foreign 220, 350,000 1801 (Fourteen Items.) (Budget introduced, Vjth February, 1801.) Customs ....Tea 30,000 Calicoes, drawbacks repealed 155, Timber 95, Pepper 119, Sugar 166, Raisins 10, Lead 120, 695,000 Excise Paper 130,000 Various Duties 261, 391,000 Stamps ....Bills of Exchange 112,000 Marine Insurance 145, Conveyance Stamps 93, 350,000 Post Office.... Increased rates 150,000 Assessed Taxes.... Horses of all kinds 306,000 1,892,000 TOTAL OF TAXES IMPOSED IN THE EIGHT YEARS 25,877,000 56 On the LOANS raised by ME. PITT, 1793-1801. L. STATEMENT of the MOTIONS made in PARLIAMENT ly the Party in OPPOSITION to MR. PITT in order to DKFEAT the Prosecution of the WAR, from December, 1792, to May, 1797. In the following List only those Motions are included which were intended to raise, and which did raise formal discussions. If all the minor amendments and proceedings which had the same end in view had been included, the catalogue would have been unwieldly. A short statement is also given of the three abortive negotiations for Peace, which took place in 1796, 1797, and 1800. The List given in this Appendix, even when taken alone, is a very remarkable catalogue and may serve to suggest, although a't best but faintly, some idea of the inveterate and protracted nature of the opposition of the Whig party to the War, and to the Ministry by whom that War was carried on. It is true that Mr. Pitt maintained his numerical majority, but it is easy to understand that the anxiety and interruption occasioned by the constant necessity of meeting the attacks of Mr. Fox and his supporters must have been very great. The debates also had considerable eifect in increasing the difficulties of the Government cut of doors. Session 13th December, 1792, to 22st June, 1793. 1792. 15 Dec. Mr. Fox Motion for sending a Minister to Paris to treat with the Provisional Government of France. Negatived without a division. ,, 21 Dec. Marquis of Lansdowne (Lords) Motion to same effect. Nega- tived without a division. 1793. is Feb. Mr. Fox. Resolutions against the War with France. Negatived 270 to 44. ,, 21 Fob, Mr. Grey. Motion for an Address to restore Peace with France. Negatived without a division. 28 Feb. Mr. Sheridan. Motion for a Committee of the Whole House to inquire into the truth of the reports of Seditious Practices. Negatived without a division. ,, 17 June. Mr. Fox. Motion for Re-establishment of Peace with France. Negatived 187 to 47. Session 21st January, 1794, to llth July, 1794. 1794. 23 Jan. Earl Stanhope (Lords) Motion for acknowledging the French Republic. Negatived without a division. 17 Feb. Marquis of Lansdowne (Lords) Motion for Peace with France. Negatived 103 to 13. ,, 6 Mch. Mr. Whitbread. Motion for separate Peace with France. Negatived 138 to 26. ,, 4 April. Earl Stanhope (Lords) Motion against any interference with the internal Government of France. Negatived without a division. ,, 30 May. Mr. Fox. Motion for putting an end to the War with France. Negatived 208 to 55. ,, 30 May. Duke of Bedford (Lords) Motion in same terms. Negatived 113 to 13. Session 30th December, 1794, to 27th June, 1795. 1795. 5 Jan. Earl Stanhope (Lords) Motion against interfering in the internal state of France. Negatived 61 to 1. 26 Jan. Mr. Grey. Motion for Peace with France. Negatived 269 to 86. ,, 27 Jan. Duke of Bedford (Lords) Motion in same terms. Negatived 88 to 15. 24 Mch. Mr. Fox. Motion for a Committee on the State of the Nation. Negatived 219 to 63. UNIX Appendix L. Motions in. 7 Vm#i#fjfor Peace, 1792-.97 57 1795. 30 Mch. Earl of Guilford (Lords) Motion in same terms. Negatived 104 to 14. ,, 27 May. Mr. Wilberforce. Motion respecting Peace with France. Negatived 86 to 20. 5 June. Earl of Lauderdale (Lords) Motion in same terms. Negatived 53 to 8. Session 29th October, 1795, to 19th May, 1796. ,, 8 Dec. A Message from the King announced that " such an order of things had been established in France as had rendered him willing to meet any disposition to negotiation on the part of the enemy, with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect." 9 Dec. Mr. Sheridan. Amendment on the Address in reply to the King's Message. Negatived without a division. The Negotiation with Prance began in March, 1796, and after various delays, Lord Malmsbury was accredited to Paris on the 13th October, 1796, and the negotiation was finally and abruptly broken off by the French Directory on the 20th December, 1796, and its failure announced in the London Gazette 011 the 27th December, 1796. N 1796. 15 Feb. Mr. Grey. Motion respecting a Negotiation for Peace with France. Negatived 189 to 50. ,, 10 Mar. Mr. Grey. Motion for a Committee on the State of the Nation. Negatived 207 to 45. ,, 10 May. Mr. Fox. Motion respecting the conduct of the War with France. Negatived 216 to 42. Session 27th September, 1796, to 2Qth July, 1797. 1796. 30 Dec. Mr. Fox. Amendment on the Address relative to rupture of the Negotiation with France. Negatived 212 to 37. 1797. 23 Mch. Earl of Oxford (Lords) Motion for Peace with France. Negatived 52 to 16. 27 Mch. Earl of Suffolk (Lords) Motion for dismissing Mr. Pitt. Negatived 104 to 17. 10 April. Mr. Pollen. Motion for Peace with France. Negatived 291 to 85. ,, 10 May. Mr. Whitbread. Motion of Censure on Mr. Pitt, for his conduct with respect to the Seamen. Negatived 237 to 63. 19 May. Alderman Combe. Motion for dismissing the Ministers. Negatived 242 to 59. ;, 30 May. Duke of Bedford (Lords) Motion in same terms. Negatived 91 to 14. A Second Negotiation for Peace with France was originated by the English Government in an official note from Lord Grenville to the French Executive, dated 1st June, 1797, and in pursuance of arrangements arising out of that note, Lord Malmsbury, as British Plenipotentiary, met citizens Letourneur, Pleville de Pelley, and Maret, at Lisle, on the 6th July, 1797. The Negotiation was finally broken oif by France on the 6th October, 1797. Lord Malmsbury, by the orders of France, had quitted Lisle for London on the 22nd September, 1797. Session 2nd November, 1797, to 29th June, 1798. The systematic opposition to the War may be considered to have been terminated with the month of May, 1797. On the 26th of that 58 On the LOANS raised ly ME. PITT, 1793-1801. month, Mr. Grey moved for leave to introduce a Bill for effecting a Parliamentary Eeform, and was defeated by 256 votes to 91. The principal members of the Whig Party then seceded from the House, and persevered in their non-attendance for one or two Sessions. In the Session, therefore, which opened in November, 1797, Mr. Pitt was left comparatively free from attack : Mr. Tierney was active in opposition, but the violent warfare of party was, for the time, at an end. It may be added that a communication on the subject of a Peace was made by M. Talleyrand, minister for foreign affairs to Bona- parte, as First Consul, in the form of a note to Lord Grenville, dated Paris, 25th December, 1799. The overtures, however, made by France were of a nature which could not be accepted, and the cor- respondence was terminated by Lord Grenville in a note, dated 20th January, 1800. M. MARKET PRICES OF STOCKS, 1791-1800 (both inclusive), with the Market Prices of the SCRIP and OMNIUM of NEW LOANS, and also with Collateral Columns^ showing the EQUATKD PRICES of 3, 4, and 5 per Cent. Stocks, assuming the Price of the 3 per Cents, to be given. The following Tables for each year from 1791 to 1800, both in- clusive, have been obtained by examination of the returns given for each month in the Gentleman's Magazine. Those returns were fur- nished by the brokers whose names they bear, and give the highest and lowest price of each kind of stock, on each week day of each month : and of their accuracy, and sufficiency for the present pur- pose, there can be no question. In forming the following Tables the highest and lowest price in each month has been given, after a careful reference to the daily fluctuations so recorded. The quotations have been confined to 3 per Cent. Consols ; 4 per cent., and 5 per cent, stocks, and to Long Annuities, as sufficient for the object now in view. The columns appropriated to New Loans contain an abstract of all that is recorded under the heads of Scrip and Omnium, terms too familiar to require any explanation here. The three columns of Equated Prices are inserted in order that the eye may at once perceive the difference between the actual prices of the 4 and 5 per cents., and the price which they ought to have borne so as to yield only the same yearly interest as the 3 per cents. The following statement of the Due-Dates of the half-yearly Divi- dends of the several kinds of public stocks should be borne in mind in examining the tables of prices: 3 per cent. Consols ... 5th January and 5th July. 4 Annuities 5th April and 10th October. 5 ,, Annuities ditto. Long Annuities 1860 ditto. The Long Annuities have been granted at various periods, and principally as supplemental additions to Loans principally raised in permanent stocks. All the Long Annuities expire on 5th of January, 1860; and the quarter's annuity between the preceding half-yearly date of 10th October, 1859, and the day of expiry, will be paid on 5th January, 1860. They may be considered therefore as Annuities running to the end of the year 1859. Appendix M. Monthly Market Prices of Stocks, 1791-1800. 59 1791. Jan Feb ACTUAL PRICES IN MARKET. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. 3's. 4's. 5's. 133 135 133 130 135 136 136 141 150 147 145 147 80 -80* 80 -81* 76 -82 76 -81 80 -82 81-83 81 -82* 82 -89 88 -90 87 -89 89 -88 87*-90 101*-103* 102 -102* 102*-103* 97 -101 100 -102 101 -102 101 -104 104 -107 104 -105 104* 100*-101* 101*-103* 119 -121* 118*-119 115 -121 114*- 11 9* 119 -120* 120*-121 118 -120 116 -123 117 -118 115 -118 117*-1184 118 -119 Years' Purchase. 24 24 24 24 22 -23 23*-24 24 24 -26* 26* 25* 26 -27* 80 81 80 78 81 82 82 85 90 88 87 88 106 108 106 104 108 109 109 113 120 117 116 117 March April May June July Auff. Sept Oct Nov. Dec 1792. Jan ACTUAL PRICES IN MARKET. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. 3's. 4's. 5's. 90 -92 92 -96* 96 -97 92 -97 87 -95 91* 91 90 -92* 88*-91 89 -91 83 -90* 74 -83 102 -103* 103 -107 104 -105* 100 -105 97 -101 100 -101 100 -103 101 -103 100*-102 100* 95 -100 88-95 116* 116*-120 119 -120 118*-120 118 -119 119 -120 117-118 116 -118 116 -118* 113 -118* 104 -113^ Years' Purchase. 26 26 26 -28 28 26 26 -26* 26 26* 26 25* 23 -25* 21* -23 91 94 96 94 92 91 91 91 90 90 85 80 121 125 128 125 122 121 121 121 120 120 113 107 151 156 160 156 153 152 152: 152 150 isa 141 133 Feb March April May June July Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec 60 On the LOANS raised by ME. PITT, 1793-1801. 1793. Jan. , Feb. Actual Prices in Market. New Loans. Actual Prices. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. 3 per Cent. Scrip. 3's. 4's. 5's. 78 -73 74 -71 72 -77 77 -79 744-77 76 -77 794-77 78 -76 734-76 744-75 74 -75 74 -75 92 -89 89 89 -90 90 -91 91 -944 93 -94 92 -93 88"-89 88 -90 107 -104 104 -102 104 -111 107 -109 108 -107 108 -109 111 110 -1174 106 -105 1064 106 -108 109 Years' Purchase. 23 -22 214-22 22 22 224 224 22 21 214 14-2 Pm. 1 -14 Pm. 1 -14 Pm. 1 -1| Pm. 1 -14 Pm. 14-2 Pro. 14-2 Pm. 4 1 Pm. i Pm. 75 72 75 78 75 76 78 77 75 75 75 75 100 96 100 104 100 101 104 103 100 100 100 100 125 120 125 130 125 126 130 128 125 125 125 125 March April May June July August Sept Oct Nov. Dec 1794. Actual Prices in Market. New Loans. Actual Prices. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. 3 per Cent. Scrip. 4 per Cent. Scrip. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Years' Purchase. Jan 74 -68 89 -84 20* .... 72 96 100 Feb 67 -65 84 -83 ibi 20 66 88 110 March 68 -66 82 -83 101 20 2 Pm. 67 90 113 April 67 -71 85 101-106 204 H-2 Pm. 14-3 Pm. 2 -64 Pm. 69 92 115 May.... 70 -71 84 -85 103-104 20 2 -3 Pm. 3 -4 Pm. 6 -5 Pra. 70 93 117 June.... 71 -68 85 -83 103-104 20 4-14 Pm. 2 -3 Pm. 54-3 Pm. 70 93 117 July.... 67 -69 83 -85 20 1 -14 Pm. 2 -3 Pm. 4-3 Pm. 68 90 113 Aug 66 -68 84 -85 1014 20 1 -14 Pm. .1 -H Pm. 67 89 112 Sept. 67 -64| 85 102 20 1 -14 Pm. 1 -14 Pm. 1 Dis. 65 87 108 Oct 644-66 83 994-100 1 -14 Pm. 1 -14 Pm. 65 87 108 Nov 66 -68 85 -83 100-102 194-21 .... 67 8i) 112 Dec 69 -64 85 -80 103-100 20 -184 .... 65 87 108 Appendix M Monthly Market Prices of Stocks, 1791-1800. 61 1795. Actual Prices in Market. NEW LOANS. ACTUAL PRICES. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Ceut. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Years' Purchase. Jan 65 -61 81 -79 99 -96 19 -18 63 84 105 Feb. ... 63 -62 79 -80 97 -95 18* 63 84 105 March 62 -63 79 95 18* l*-2 Pm. 63 84 105 April .. 62 -65 78 95 -99 184 l*-5 Pm. 64 85 107 May... 65 -f>6 78 -79 99 -97 I8| 3 -6 Pm. 65 87 108 June.... 65 -67 79 -81 97*-98* m 6 -9 Pm. 66 88 110 July... 67 -70 81 -83 19 8 -11 Pm. 68 91 113 Aug.... 66 -68 82 -84 97 -99 19*- 20 12 Pm. 67 89 112 Sept... 67 -69 84 -86 98 -101 IH 68 91 113 Get 69 -67 84 -85 100-101 19 68 91 113 Nov 67 -68 83 -86 101-103 19 67 89 112 Dec 68 -70 83 -87 101-103 18*-20 7 -10 Pm. 69 92 115 1796. Actual Prices in Market. NEW LOANS. ACTUAL PKICKS. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. per Cents. Long Annuities. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Years' Purchase. Jan 71 -68* 84*-85* 104-101 19* 9 -10 Pm. 70 93 117 Feb 68|-67| 85*-84 100-101 19* 10-8 Pm. 67 89 113 March 67*-70 85 -85* 100 9 -11 Pm. 68 91 114 April .. 69 -66* 84 -82* 100-99 18* 11-6 Pm. 68 91 114 May.... 66*-62* 83 -80 99 -96 l*-17i 3* Pm. 64 85 107 June.... 62*-64* 81 -79 96 -94 17* 2 Pm. 63 84 105 July.... 64*-60* 80 -79 95 -89 18 -17* 6 -7 Dis. 62 83 103 Aug 60 -58* 79 -78 89 -88 16 -17 59 79 98 Sept. .. 58 -56 77 -74 88 -82 17 -16 57 76 95 Oct 60 -57 83 -89 58 77 97 Nov 60 -57 75-72 89 83* 16-16* Loyalty 58 77 97 Loan 57 76 95 Dec 58 -57* 7 2* -74 86 -88 16 *Pm.-*dis. 62 On the LOANS raised by MB. PITT, 1793-1801. 1797. Actual Prices in Market. New Loans. Actual Prices. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. Loyalty Loan. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Years' Purchase. Jan 55 -561 711-73 821-84 16 4 -5 dis. 55 73 92 Feb 56 -51 74 -66 83 -76 16 -151 7 -101 dis. 53 71 88 March 51 50 67 77 -72 15 11-151 dis. .... 50 67 83 April .. 51 -48 73 -76 50 67 83 May .... 48 62-60 76 -74 14 1-2 Pm. .... 48 65 81 June.... 47 -53 60 -64 75 -781 131-14 2-lllPm. 49 66 80 July.... 52 -55 64 -65 78 141-15 11- 4 Pm. 53 71 88 Aug 511-521 64 -651 75 -77 15 .... 10 Pm. 51 68 85 Sept.... 52 -48 61 -65 75 -72 u* 11-14 Pm. 50 67 83 Oct 48 -50 61 -59 71 -73 13^ 4 -2 Pm. 49 66 80 Nov 49 -48 59 -591 72 -71 131 48 65 81 Dec 48 -49 59 -60 72 13 -131 4 Pm. 48 65 81 1798. Actual Prices in Market. NEW LOANS. ACTUAL PKICES. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. per Cents. Long Annuities. 4- per Cent. Scrip. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Years' Purchase. Jan 49J-471 59 70 131 48 65 81 Feb 47 -50 60 -61 69 -71 131-14 .... 48 65 81 March 49 -51 61 -63 71 -73 14 50 67 83 April .. 48 -50 71 -74 13 49 66 82 May.... 48 -481 58-60 71 -75 131 .... 48 65 81 June.... 49 -491 61 -60 76 14 1 -2 Pm. 49 66 82 July... 49 -50 61 -63 74 .75 14 1 -2 Pm. 50 67 83 Aug 49 -50 64 -66 76 -78 14 -15 3 -7 Pm. 50 67 83 Sept 49 -51 65 77 -79 14 -15 5 -7 Pm. 50 67 83 Oct 51 -53 67 80 -82 7 -12 Pm. 52 69 87 Nov 53 -57 65 -70 82 -87 18-20 Pm. New Loan. 55 73 92 Dec 53 -55 65 -68 82 -83 151 1 Pm.par. 54 72 90 Appendix M.MontUy Market Prices of Stocks, 1791-1800. 63 1799. Actual Prices in Market. New Loans. Actual Prices. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Lonj* Annuities. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5'S. Purchase. Years' Jan 55 -53 66 -68 80 -82 15* 1 Dis. 54 72 90 Feb 52 -54 68 -70 81 -84 15|-16 * dis 1 Pm. 53 71 88 March 53 -54 70 -71 82 -84 16 53 71 88 April .. 53 -55 70 82 -85 16 54 72 90 May... 55 -56 69 -70 88 -86 16 .... 55 73 92 June.... 56 -62 70 -76 87 -88 16 -17 4 -8 Pm. 58 77 97 July... 61 -66 76 -83 90 -96 m-j9 6 -12 Pm. 63 84 105 Aug. .... 62 -68 81 -86 93 -99 19 9 -20 Pm. 65 87 108 Sept .. 69 -61 86 -83 94 -98 i9* 20-8 Pm. 67 89 112 Got 61 -58 76^-74 98 -88 17* 11-3 Pm. 60 80 100 Nov 59 -63 74 -77 91 -94 u* 5 -10 Pm. 61 81 101 Dec. ... 61 -62 76 -77 90 -92 18 10 Pm. 61 81 101 1800. Actual Prices in Market. New Loans. Actual Prices. Equated Prices of 4's and 5's to the Price of 3's. 3 per Cent. Consols. 4 per Cent. Consols. 5 per Cents. Long Annuities. Omnium. 3's. 4's. 5's. Jan Feb March April 60|-63i 60*-62* 62 -63 63 -64 63 -64 64 -64* 62 -65 63 -65 64^-65 63 -67 64 -63 64 -62* 76^-78 77^-80 80 -81 82 -83 81 -82 81 -82 81 -84 83 -85 84 -85 80 -84 80 -81 78 -80 91 92 -94 94 -95 96 -98 98 98 -99 96 -99 97 -99 98 -99 98 -99 99 -99 98 Years' Purchase. 18 18 18* 19 18* It* 19* 19* 19* 19 18 9-10 Pm. H-2 Pm. 1 -2 Pm. 2 -3 Pm. H-2 Pm. 1 Pm. 2 -4* Pm. 3 -5 Pm. 4*-6 Pm. 3*-4J Pm. 2 -4 Pm. -3 Pm. 61 61 62 63 63 64 63 64 65 65 64 63 81 81 83 84 83 85 83 85 87 87 85 83 101 101 103 105 103 107 103 107 108 108 107 103 May June July Auer. . Sept Oct Nov Dec 64 On the LOANS raised by ME. PITT, 1793-1802. N. DETAILED COMPUTATIONS of the Effect Produced during a Period of Years by the ANNUAL SAVING of INTEREST on Loans Contracted in Low RATE Stocks as compared with HIGH RATE Stocks. This Appendix refers to the Table which, at page 29 of the text, shows the comparative results of the Ten Largest Loans, (1793-1801,) as actually raised in Low-Rate Stocks, and as they would have been raised in Five per cents., carrying the computation to the 1st January, 1826, as a date which may be considered as a fair mean date. The two following detailed calculations, relating to the Loan of 4,500,0002, of llth March, 1793, and the Loan of 18,000,0007., of 23rd February, 1795, will sufficiently illustrate the mode in which the general result of 27,256,OOOZ., in favour of the Low-Rate Method (see page 29 ante) is arrived at. Similar calculations were made for the other Eight Cases, but it is not considered necessary to print more than the two following examples; and the detailed form in which the several steps of the process are explained in the computations pre- clude the necessity of further elucidation of that process here. As a matter of fact the 5 per cents, were reduced to 4 per cents., from 1st January, 1823 ; the 4 per cents, to 3| per cents., from 1st January, 1831 ; the 3 per cents, to 3^'s, from 1st January, 1845 ; and the 3^'s to 3 per cents., from 1st January, 1855. There were some fractional differences of date ; but for the present general pur- pose they may be disregarded. In truth, therefore, 5 per cents, created in, say, 1795 were not actually reduced to 3's till sixty years afterwards (1st January, 1855). Now to follow out the calculation through all the several stages of reduction of interest would, for the present object, be a needless refinement, and it seems to me that all substantial purposes will be served by taking the 1st January, 1826, as a Mean Date, on which to assume the reduction of the 5 per cents, to 3 per cents. It also seems to me that Six per cent, is a fair and proper rate of interest to assume in reckoning the accumulations. During the War money left in the pockets of the people was certainly worth 6 per cent, to the State. Some objections may be made to the rate of 80 as the price of stock assumed in the calculation ; and it may be said that the 1st January, 1826, was a period of great depression. My reply is that, taken as a whole, I believe that I have put the case fairly. It is quite open to any one to carry out the computation in all its details, but I do not think that his result would differ very much from mine. It will be seen by the prices given in Appendix M, and the Rates of Interest given in Appendix B, that the Long Annuities always bore a low relative price compared with Consols, and nearly always a low relative price as regards 4 per cents., and even 5 per cents ; and we are justified in assuming, even by the evidence contained in the present Paper, that it would have been impracticable, perhaps impos- sible, to have raised the Loans of 1793-1801 to a greater extent in Long Annuities than was actually accomplished. If this part of the case could be more fully investigated I am led to believe that the conclusion now suggested would be amply sustained. The Long Annuities answered very well as a supplemental element of the Fund- Appendix N. Detailed Computation of Annual Saving. 65 ing, but they could not have borne the weight of any considerable part of the operation. Asa matter of mere calculation a very plausi- ble case may be made in favour of Long Annuities as a practical mode of borrowing; but we cannot too constantly remember that, in nego- tiating public loans, there are contractors and stock-jobbers to be consulted as well as ingenious calculations to be made ; and, on this point, the passage from Mr. Huskisson's speech of 3rd March, 1813, on the state of the Finances and the Sinking Fund (quoted in the text at page 28 ante), should be borne in mind. LOAN 23 FEBRUARY, 1795 ..18,000,000. STOCK ACTUALLY CREATED. "'^rea^d Anmnty 3's. 4's. 5's. 3's. 4's. 5's. , s. d. ( for [4 16 2 18,000,000 6,000,000 nil. 540.000 240,000 nil. 85,500J 65 x , v I yrs. Totals... 24,000,000 Stock. 865,500 Interest. EstimatedAverage Rate at which the Loan could have been raised in 5 Per Cents, say 110 Stock ... 5 10 . 19,800,000 990,000 Differences 4,200,000 Stock. 124,500 Interest. Amount at 6 per cent, of 124.500/. per annum (1795-1825) for 31 years, = 10,558, OOO/. money, which con- verted into 3 per cent. Stock at 80 as on 1st Jan. 1826, gives 13,197,000 Difference 8,997,000 Stock. From which deduct 2,035,000 Leaves Net Difference AGAINST the! Five Per Cent. Method as on 1st) 6,962,000 Stock. Jan., 1826 ) Being the value at 3$ per cent, on 1st Jan., 1826, of 85,5001. per annum Long An- nuity, having34 years to run = 1 ,628, OOO/. money, which at 80 gives 3 Per Cent. Stock 2, 035, OOO/. 66 On the LOANS raised ly MR. PITT, 1793-1801. LOAN, 11 MARCH, 1793. 4,500,000. STOCK ACTUALLY CREATED. Interest on Stock created. Long Annuity. 3's. 4's. 5's. 3's. 4's. 5's. Average Rate ac- tually paid *.d. 434 6,250,000 nil. nil. 187,500 nil. ^ nil. nil. ,> Totals 6,250,000 Stock. 187.500 Interest. Estimated Average"\ Rate at which the Loan could have been raised in 5 550 = 4,725,000 ,, 236,250 Per Cents, say 105 Stock Differences - 1,525,000 Stock. Amount at 6 per cent, of 48,750J. per"] annum (1793-1825) for 33 years = I 5,931,000/. money, which converted \ 5,931 ,000 into 3 per cent. Stock at 80 as on I 1st Jan. 1826, gives J Net Difference AGAINST the Five Per) Cent. Method, as on 1st Jan. 1826 I oon ' uu + 48,750 Interest. (0.) SIMILAR COMPUTATIONS AS REGARDS THE LOAN FOR IRELAND, OF 8,000,000. 1 MARCH, 1847. Average rate of Interest. STOCK CHEATED. Annual Interest. 3's. Si's. 3's. Si's. As actually raised in 3 per cents., at)* 1* ' 111-7 Stock, per 100/. money f 3 8,938,000 268,156 8,938,000 Stock. 268,156 Interest. As estimated to he raised in 3 per) cents., at 107'5 Stock, per 100/. >3 15 3 = 8,602,000 ,, 301,072 money j 336,900 Stock. ,+ 32,916 Amount of 32,91 G/. per ann. in 15